THE SUB-URBANISATION OF NEW TOWNS THE INFLUENCE OF JOB-HOUSING IMBALANCE ON LOW-INCOME GROUPS’ JOB OPPORTUNITIES IN TIN SHUI WAI, HONG KONG

Lin Shuiyang Jeroen van Ameijde

Introduction

The development of cities worldwide shows a similar pattern of transformation towards multiple sub-centres, decentralised manufacturing, and employment in service industries. Suburbanization leads to imbalance between work and housing. As a result of the migration of employment opportunities and housing, people in need of low-cost housing are often isolated from their workplaces (Gobillon et al., 2007).

Hong Kong’s first New Towns were constructed in the 1960s and 70s in response to the city’s rapid economic growth and population influx. They were also conceived as a necessary means and strategy to solve urban social problems. Initially, many new towns were successful in decentralising Hong Kong’s urban structure, accommodating factory workers near existing and new industrial sites through large proportions of public housing. In the 1980s, as manufacturing moved to Shenzhen, Hong Kong’s economy transformed to an economic system dominated by high-tech industry and high value-added services. As these businesses are mainly concentrated in urban areas, much of the investments in improvement of urban environment and infrastructure construction were focused on the central urban areas, leaving the new towns behind in development (Hu, 2009).

Although the development of new towns has effectively alleviated population expansion in central urban areas caused by rapid economic growth, the lack of employment opportunities in new towns has often given rise to commuter cities, resulting in the separation of jobs and housing, and associated problems. Generally speaking, commuter towns can be understood as cities with jobs-housing imbalance, which mainly supply housing and are relatively lacking in industries and jobs (Capitanio, 2018).

Job-housing imbalance has become a key urban issue around the world, especially in large cities, where job-housing imbalance often leads to an increase in commuting distance and time, a decline in residents’ quality of life, increased income inequality, traffic congestion, air pollution, and reduced upward mobility (Cervero & Day, 2008; Ewing et al., 2016; Gobillon et al., 2007). If a sufficient number and diversity of jobs are available in new town, residents will be more willing to work locally. Strategically providing adequate community facilities and jobs to meet the daily needs of residents can help mitigate job-housing separation and achieve a balanced community (Nakamura & Avner, 2021). Therefore, in new towns that experience suburbanisation, it is essential to study how local enterprises can create different employment opportunities, alleviate the problem of jobs-housing imbalance, and improve the quality of living for local residents.

Hong Kong has a series of commuter towns, similar to other large metropolitan areas across the world. The population of the new towns reached 3.44 million in 2016, accounting for 46.9% of the total population in Hong Kong (Census and Statistics Department, 2016). Most of these residents came from low-income families (Census and Statistics Department, 2016). As of 2016, 43.6 per cent of the working population living in the new towns were employed in other new towns. For example, Tin Shui Wai residents now commute to nearby Tuen Mun for employment opportunities (Census and Statistics Department, 2016).

The problem of poverty and unemployment in Tin Shui Wai New Town has come to public attention. Literature and official reports indicate that the inability of new towns to be selfsufficient and the spatial mismatch between housing and employment are the main reasons for the social problems faced by employed residents in the area (Chan,2009; Law et al., 2009). However, as employment opportunities have shifted from urban areas to sub-centres in the New Territories, the long journey for Tin Shui Wai residents to work is not the only obstacle to employment opportunities. In the process of suburbanisation, the lack of local employment opportunities has affected the employment channels of low-income employed residents in Tin Shui Wai (Chan, 2007; Social Welfare Department, 2004; Tong & Wong, 2007; Transport Department, 1999).

Therefore, the main objectives of this study are to explore the impact of employment creation by local enterprises on the improvement of the jobs-housing imbalance, explore which types of employment are more successful in the development of new towns in Hong Kong, and how they can be distributed to promote the overall ecosystem and vibrancy of the local economy.

This structure of this paper follows five stages of research. First, we summarize the impact of jobs-housing imbalance on the life of lowincome residents from the academic literature. Secondly, we explore the relationship between job creation and remediation of the jobs-housing imbalance. Thirdly, we study the evaluation indicators of the impact of local employment opportunities on improving the jobs-housing balance in Tin Shui Wai, the jobs-housing ratio, and the preferences and employment characteristics of low-income groups. Fourth, several case studies for creating employment conditions for low-income people and for promoting local economies are reviewed. Lastly, the insights from the previous stages are synthesized and applied to the new town planning policy in Tin Shui Wai, to implement specific strategies for the creation of local employment and increased community vibrancy.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON JOB-HOUSING BALANCE

The rapid expansion and renewal of cities, together with the drastic changes in urban industry and land use structures, have resulted in the widespread trend of long-distance commuting and the spatial mismatch of residences and employment in urban areas worldwide (Arthson & Jacobs, 2004). Against the background this increasing spatial differentiation directed by capital driven processes, the imbalance of jobs and housing spaces is considered one of the main reasons for increased unemployment amongst low-income people with low mobility (Weitz, 2007). These “social islands”, where low-income groups are concentrated include suburbanised new towns, declining senior communities, slums on the edge of cities, and other low-income housing communities at separated or remote locations.

Employment opportunities refer to the ability of workers to overcome socioeconomic and geographical barriers and seize employment opportunities (Cervero, 1996). The suburbanisation of new towns leads to a reduction of employment opportunities in two ways: the long commuting distance makes potential jobs inaccessible and unaffordable, and the lack of local employment opportunities further isolates residents. As a result, the population in the new towns have less disposable income to spend locally, which results in the decline of the local economy, which lead to the further concentration of poverty.

The understand local employment opportunities, a variety of quantitative indicators can be measured such as the jobs-housing ratio, the job-residence-housing ratio, the local labour force ratio, the employment-population ratio, and the job-residential labour force ratio. However, the jobs-housing ratio (JHR) is the most widely used measure. Cervero originally proposed the concept of JHR, referring to the ratio of employment positions to resident population in a region. The calculation formula is:

Jobs-housing ratio (JHR) = Employment positions/Employed population.

Among them, “Employment Positions” refers to the amount of labour that can be accommodated in different industrial buildings; “Employable Population” refers to the current or planned number of workers in a region (Cervero, 1989). If this ratio is between 0.8 and 1.2, it is considered that the jobs-housing relationship in the area is balanced (Cervero, 1989, 1991). There is an assumption that only one person in each family works. As a result, changing urban function mixes by creating a diversity of local employment options and improving job opportunities has become an essential topic of discussion on work-housing balance and one of the necessary principles for achieving sustainable urban development.

Precedent Studies

Vallingby, Stockholm

The planning of Stockholm’s new towns began in 1945. At the very beginning, the concept of “ABC Town” was put forward, that is, to build a new city with employment, housing and a centre. The construction of the new towns was guided by Sven Markelius’s “half and half” principle, in which half the working inhabitants would commute out of the city to nearby new towns and half the labour force would be drawn in from other nearby new towns. Vallingby is a typical example of this planning principle.

The new town of Vallingby, built between 1950 and 1954, was the first new town built in Stockholm after World War II. It covers an area of 170 hectares and is built on a hill. It is located 13 km west of the city centre and is connected to the city centre by metro. The designers had two expectations: first, the new town would increase local employment and reduce cross-regional traffic through a reasonable distribution of employment and housing space and become a self-balanced community. Second, the new city should have a convenient public transportation system to link with the central urban area (Xiao, 2005).

When Vallingby New Town was planned, its central services district was built around a metro station, surrounded by residential buildings. The centre has about 125 commercial retail outlets, 7,000 square meters of community service space, more than 30 restaurants and entertainment venues, dozens of retail providers, and more than 10,000 square meters of office space. The planning of these commercial facilities has attracted a large number of people to the new town, enhancing the vitality of the community and providing a balance between employment opportunities and housing.

Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines

Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines is a New Town located about 30 kilometres west of Paris. The initial master plan for the new town created a specific system of public roads and residential areas with extensive facilities to provide a new “way of life” (Ostrowetsky, 1983), which translated into abundant green spaces, leisure activity and community spaces. The town was structured as a group of separate ‘urban units’, connected to a central urban hub. Each of the urban units were designed to unite several residential areas around a small subcentre. Each urban unit is designed to achieve a degree of self-sufficiency, through accommodating local shops, schools and sporting facilities (Schäbitz, 2020). The spacious and attractive environmental qualities, affordable housing and high levels of services have resulted in a large number of companies to establish themselves in Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, promoting an effective balance between local economic activity, employment and housing.

In 2018, the town initiated a process of renewal, as it was found that the sense of isolation and lack of cultural vibrancy reduced its attraction to younger and higher educated professionals. Its comprehensive development plan revolves around “sustainable innovation, the ecological and environmental transition, and economic development” (Gardrat and Theulé, 2020, p.122).

Bristol Pound

Bristol, which positions itself as one of the most sustainable cities in England. The idea for the ‘Bristol Pound’ arose during the 20082012 economic crisis, when banks and money came to be seen as “unforgiving systems”. Analysis had shown how 80% of the money spent in large multinational stores was flowing out of the area, causing a drain on the local economy. This inspired the movement

Tin Shui Wai (Law et al.,2009). The lack of a significant local market mechanism is a critical factor in the town's limited employment situation.

3. Distribution of low-income population (Source: Author).

Figure 1. Distribution of low-income population

4.2 Local employment and housing

As there is a mismatch between employment and housing locations for Tin Shui Wai residents, many of them have to travel to work by public transport. Surveys revealed that high transportation costs and long travel times were the main barriers to taking up jobs at distant locations (Law et al., 2009). Although the MTR Corporation, who operates the commuter rail line that connects Tin Shui Wai to other areas of Hong Kong, offers a discount on monthly tickets, people spend significant amounts of extra time changing to other forms of local transportation.

to develop a solid local monetary system. The Bristol Pound aimed to bring residents and local businesses together, creating a mutually supportive local trade network (LM3 Online, 2017). This local network supported for instance to allows restaurants to buy organic food produced by local farmers and attract and retain local residents as customers. The Bristol pound was approved by the local city council, and local companies were able to pay tax in the currency. By 2015, one million Bristol Pounds had been issued in local currency, of which about £700,000 has been in active circulation, facilitating 5 million pounds in sales (Bristol Pound, 2015). While the use of the Bristol Pound has declined over time, the currency was converted to an electronic payment system with the original aims of supporting local economic sustainability and social justice.

Figure 4 visualises the spatial distribution of employment and housing in Tin Shui Wai. It can be seen that the employment distribution tends to cluster around communities, commercial centres at all levels and public space areas. As most of the jobs in Tin Shui Wai are in the retail and construction industries, the working community in Tin Shui Wai is highly dependent on these sectors, not only in terms of spatial distribution but also on the employability of the majority of the population in Tin Shui Wai.

Figure 5 shows how the employment/housing ratio in most Tin Shui Wai districts is unbalanced, especially in the Tin Shui Wai Southern District. Yat Chai, a community on the north side of Tin Shui Wai, has a relatively balanced jobs-housing ratio. Most of the jobs in this area are in shopping malls and medical facilities.

Summarising these three case studies, it can be seen how Vallingby, a New Town near Stock-

Faced with accessibility barriers such as spatial mismatch, job-housing imbalance and inadequate public transport services, long-term unemployment among low-income workers in Tin Shui Wai has gradually developed into a self-perpetuating vicious cycle. A large proportion of residents become or remain unemployed and use welfare services. In 2007, the number of CSSA (welfare) recipients in Yuen Long and Tin Shui Wai accounted holm, emphasizes that a mixed urban land use structure and a large and vibrant urban centre are conducive to promoting the spatial matching of housing and employment opportunities. Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines near Paris focuses on improving quality of life through self-contained urban units with housing, shopping and offices, attracting local enterprises and large companies and achieving a win-win situation. The ‘Bristol Pound’ in the UK showcases how local community vibrancy and quality employment options can be stimulated by promoting resident to support and take part in the local economy.

Each of the case studies represents planning and management strategies that create employment conditions for residents and balance jobs and housing. Hong Kong has similar New Town urban planning principles to Vallingby and Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, yet is lacking similar initiatives to promote local economic and community development.

CASE STUDY ANALYSIS: TIN SHUI WAI, HONG KONG

Demographics and local economy

The development of Tin Shui Wai was primarily driven by a massive demand for affordable housing. This, combined with the housing policy changes at the time, resulted in a community dominated by low-income families. The conversion of 13,200 flats for sale to rental use in the Tin Shui Wai New Town between

1998 and 2001, the cessation of the production and sale of HOS flats in 2003, and the termination of the Private Sector Participation Scheme (PSPS) have radically changed the community structure of Tin Shui Wai.

Statistics show that a typical family in Tin Shui Wai is a family of three with a monthly household income of about HK $14,000. In terms of education and workforce, they are likely to reach a maximum education level of middle school or high school equivalent. They are more likely to be employees in lower-end jobs who commute to Yuen Long or Tuen Mun for work (Law et al., 2009). Among them, the concentration of low-income people is more intensive in Tin Shui Wai North and Tin Shui Wai South (Figure 1). Statistics show that in 2016, 46% of residents in Yuet Yan Estate in Tin Shui Wai North earned less than two-thirds of the average monthly income in Hong Kong. In addition, over 41% of the residents living in Tin Yau Estate in Tin Shui Wai South are low-income workers (Census and Statistics Department, 2016). The low purchasing power of low-income people leads to low spending in commercial and retail businesses and local economic vitality. The lack of dynamism in the local economy means limited competition, and a small number of large retail operators has created a partial monopoly, which has led to higher prices. Surveys amongst residents have shown that for 13% of the total number of unemployed households, ranking first among the 18 districts in Hong Kong (Social Welfare Department, 2009).

Figure 2. Jobs and housing space distribution

4.3 Streets and public spaces devoid of life

The original idea for Tin Shui Wai was to create a relatively independent community consisting of self-contained estates, without a singular town centre. Although there are large parks, open spaces and sports facilities, there are few street-level shops in Tin Shui Wai, resulting in a lack of opportunities for occasional social interaction among residents. While locally owned shops could create employment conditions for residents and promote local economic development, they also form an important part of the daily social rituals that promote mental health and well-being for vulnerable residents (Brian et al., 2014).

they prefer to go food shopping in neighbouring areas such as Yuen Long city centre, and they blame the price increase on the monopoly control of retail outlets in Tin Shui Wai’s malls.

Residents also believe that the monopolies have resulted in a limitation of the types of food available and, in some cases, that the quality of fresh food has been affected (Law et al., 2009). The relatively high cost of daily expenses in Tin Shui Wai, including high travel and consumer goods costs, is complemented by a lack of economic dynamism (Law et al.,2009), the proper functioning of markets and adjustment of supply to demand. Instead of lowering prices, the large-scale retail malls and lack of local shops have resulted in price rises, which has further affected the local population’s purchasing power. The resulting reduction in local economic vibrancy exacerbates the lack of employment opportunities in Tin Shui Wai (Law et al.,2009). The lack of a significant local market mechanism is a critical factor in the town’s limited employment situation.

With its wide carriageways and lack of retail and pedestrian activity on the sidewalks, Tin Shui Wai gives the impression of being ‘empty’, especially in the northern area. The modular design of Tin Shui Wai North creates more inward-looking blocks, due to the selfcontained and non-contextual design of the housing estates. A large number of main roads also creates barriers, limiting the walkability of the areas and further isolating the estates from each other. Coupled with a light rail system designed on separate, fenced off rail lines, Tin Shui Wai’s overall street layout has caused local division and impedes social interaction.

Figure 5 Jobs and housing ratio distribution (Source: Author).

Figure 3. Jobs and housing ratio distribution

A focus group interview with Tin Shui Wai residents showed that most did not have a clear opinion on whether they preferred high street stores or indoor shopping centres. Although residents do not seem to have a particular preference for the location of shops, they did regard Tin Shui Wai as a purely residential area with not much opportunity for community interaction (Law et al.,2009) .

5. Discussion

Local employment and housing

As there is a mismatch between employment and housing locations for Tin Shui Wai residents, many of them have to travel to work by public transport. Surveys revealed that high transportation costs and long travel times were the main barriers to taking up jobs at distant locations (Law et al., 2009).

This paper has outlined some of the key issues relating to the lack of employment opportunities of low-income workers in Tin Shui Wai, covering its locational aspects, urban planning, and economic and community dynamics relating to its urban layout and public spaces. In the next sections, we discuss each of these underlying causes that have led to the suburbanisation and jobs-housing imbalance in this new town, and suggest strategies for improvement of these conditions.

a discount on monthly tickets, people spend significant amounts of extra time changing to other forms of local transportation.

Local mobility and local businesses

Firstly, although large amounts of money have been invested in West Rail and Light Rail projects to shorten the commuting times to places of work (Transport Department, 1999), studies have shown that many residents still encounter significant difficulties in obtaining employment opportunities. Therefore, consideration should be given to shifting the focus from improving travel time for work travel to improving the affordability of travel, and to the creation of jobs closer to the residential locations (Metz, 2008). Other forms of transport could be supported to improve mobility, such as new types of cycling and ridesharing services.

Although the MTR Corporation, who operates the commuter rail line that connects Tin Shui Wai to other areas of Hong Kong, offers

Figure 2 visualises the spatial distribution of employment and housing in Tin Shui Wai. It can be seen that the employment distribution tends to cluster around communities, commercial centres at all levels and public space areas. As most of the jobs in Tin Shui Wai are in the retail and construction industries, the working community in Tin Shui Wai is highly dependent on these sectors, not only in terms of spatial distribution but also on the employability of the majority of the population in Tin Shui Wai. Figure 3 shows how the employment/housing ratio in most Tin Shui Wai districts is unbalanced, especially in the Tin Shui Wai Southern District. Yat Chai, a community on the north side of Tin Shui Wai, has a relatively balanced jobs-housing ratio. Most of the jobs in this area are in shopping malls and medical facilities.

Faced with accessibility barriers such as spatial mismatch, job-housing imbalance and inadequate public transport services, long-term unemployment among low-income workers in Tin Shui Wai has gradually developed into a self-perpetuating vicious cycle. A large proportion of residents become or remain unemployed and use welfare services. In 2007, the number of CSSA (welfare) recipients in Yuen Long and Tin Shui Wai accounted for 13% of the total number of unemployed households, ranking first among the 18 districts in Hong Kong (Social Welfare Department, 2009). Streets and public spaces devoid of life

The original idea for Tin Shui Wai was to create a relatively independent community consisting of self-contained estates, without a singular town centre. Although there are large parks, open spaces and sports facilities, there are few street-level shops in Tin Shui Wai, resulting in a lack of opportunities for occasional social interaction among residents. While lo- cally owned shops could create employment conditions for residents and promote local economic development, they also form an important part of the daily social rituals that promote mental health and well-being for vulnerable residents (Brian et al., 2014).

With its wide carriageways and lack of retail and pedestrian activity on the sidewalks, Tin Shui Wai gives the impression of being ‘empty’, especially in the northern area. The modular design of Tin Shui Wai North creates more inward-looking blocks, due to the selfcontained and non-contextual design of the housing estates. A large number of main roads also creates barriers, limiting the walkability of the areas and further isolating the estates from each other. Coupled with a light rail system designed on separate, fenced off rail lines, Tin Shui Wai’s overall street layout has caused local division and impedes social interaction. A focus group interview with Tin Shui Wai residents showed that most did not have a clear opinion on whether they preferred high street stores or indoor shopping centres. Although residents do not seem to have a particular preference for the location of shops, they did regard Tin Shui Wai as a purely residential area with not much opportunity for community interaction (Law et al.,2009).

Discussion

This paper has outlined some of the key is- sues relating to the lack of employment opportunities of low-income workers in Tin Shui Wai, covering its locational aspects, urban planning, and economic and community dynamics relating to its urban layout and public spaces. In the next sections, we discuss each of these underlying causes that have led to the suburbanisation and jobs-housing imbalance in this new town, and suggest strategies for improvement of these conditions.

Local mobility and local businesses

Firstly, although large amounts of money have been invested in West Rail and Light Rail projects to shorten the commuting times to places of work (Transport Department, 1999), studies have shown that many residents still encounter significant difficulties in obtaining employment opportunities. Therefore, consideration should be given to shifting the focus from improving travel time for work travel to improving the affordability of travel, and to the creation of jobs closer to the residential locations (Metz, 2008). Other forms of transport could be supported to improve mobility, such as new types of cycling and ride-sharing services.

To address the severe mismatch between jobs and housing in Tin Shui Wai, there are several strategies that can be envisioned to help solve this problem. Government bodies can be mobilised to provide financial assistance and land space for unemployed workers in Tin Shui Wai to develop social enterprises and create local employment. For example, large community food courts with public spaces could be developed through NGOs to sell different kinds of local cuisine, increasing the interaction between neighbours, and creating more job opportunities in line with the skills and preference of local residents. In addition, with the rapid development of e-commerce platforms, a model of integrated employment and housing can be implemented to improve socio-economic conditions and urban spaces comprehensively. For example, takeaway restaurants can be located in residential areas and rely on a critical mass of people who work or live nearby; fashion design studios can be allowed to operate in empty warehouses, promoting their brands to a global market online. In both cases, local small businesses are free to choose a location with affordable space, supported by new technologies to organise supply and delivery chains. The types of transformation would require redevelopment by investors and neighbourhoods in a self-organising manner, using flexibility in planning regulation and subsidies if necessary. Industry and urban spaces could come together to help transform neighbourhoods and enhance the urban vitality of communities.

Strategic regional collaborations

Secondly, Tin Shui Wai could take advantage of its geographical location close to Shenzhen. Increased interaction and opening up of the border crossing close to the town could create additional employment opportunities. A main highway connecting Hong Kong and Shenzhen via Shenzhen Bay Bridge is currently passing by Tin Shui Wai. Extension of the road network and public transport connections could help bring tourists from Shenzhen to Tin Shui Wai, in tandem with the creation of shopping, dining or other tourist attractions, which would in turn create new jobs. The planned New Development Area of Hung Shui Kiu, directly west of Tin Shui Wai, offers key opportunities to increase the economic platform to support local investment in attractions and infrastructure for tourism and local businesses, which could focus on the industries and lifestyle interests of the rapidly developing economy of Shenzhen.

Balancing the population

Learning from the planning principles of Vallingby, Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines and other precedents, policies could be formulated to gradually increase the proportion of higherincome families in the Tin Shui Wai and Hung Shui Kiu new towns, to make the composition of the community more diverse and increase local spending power. An appropriate ratio of private housing should be provided in Hung Shui Kiu, coupled with high liveability, facilities and services that can attract middle-income families to settle there. The urban design of the New Development Area can take advantage of the locational advantages such as ac- cess to country parks, seaside recreation and other aspects contributing to a healthy living environment. This form of social planning will help balance Tin Shui Wai’s demographic structure and can attract businesses to invest in the area, which will have a positive impact on the provision of employment opportunities and the stimulation of local consumption.

If the local economy of Tin Shui Wai can be transformed towards diversified retail, street facing commercial and cultural functions and vibrant public spaces, the self-reinforcing effects of a truly self-sufficient community could be established (Jacobs, 1961). When shopping centres are complemented by markets and street-facing shops, the increased variety of facilities would provide residents with a wider range of lifestyle choices. The additional locations of commercial facilities and their adjoining public spaces help facilitate communication between residents and promote community development.

Conclusions

The lack of economic and social opportunities faced by low-income residents in Tin Shui Wai due to the lack of local employment opportunities shares similarities with segregated neighbourhoods and suburban districts around the world. In many of these locations, social conditions have been gradually improved through the increase in dynamism in the lo- cal economies, through socioeconomic or urban structural means, thereby increasing employment opportunities for their residents.

Research has revealed that Tin Shui Wai is experienced as an isolated new town. Low-income residents experience accessibility issues to employment opportunities arising from the time and cost associated with reaching work at great travel distances, and due to the lack of local work. When residents originally moved to the area, they were disconnected from mainstream society and from the social networks of the areas where they came from. The urban planning and public spaces of Tin Shui Wai are not conducive to forming new social networks that stimulate social mobility, as the self-contained estates are isolated from each other, and monopolised retail centres fail to facilitate a sense of community or promote societal integration.

In recent years, with the adjustment of Hong Kong’s economic and spatial structure, Hong Kong’s economy has shifted from manufacturing exports to producer and financial services (Tao and Wong, 2002). Due to the nature of the land use, low-skilled or otherwise less employable people are more likely to live in areas with fewer employment opportunities (Houston, 2005). Although Hong Kong’s new town planning principles are similar to those of Vallingby and SaintQuentin-en-Yvelines, in terms of employment targets, Tin Shui Wai, for example, should give greater consideration to the social complexity caused by concentrated poverty and the social characteristics of low-skilled workers. In addition, due to the shortage of land in Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, and the complex land ownership issues in the suburbs and countryside of the New Territories left over from history, it is difficult to realize the traditional new town development mode. Mixed-land urban renewal may also face difficulties in the coordination of multi-party land ownership. As the city expands, the corresponding development strategy should change to adapt to the current situation, including complex ownership, the growing needs of the people and environmental issues. Suburban development remains an important way to provide urban land, and the government and urban planners will face more challenges.

This article has suggested a number of strategies to remedy the lack of local employment, economic and community vibrancy, operating at the regional, regulatory, and local dimensions. Better and new forms of transport can be introduced to improve access to employment in the region, as besides the travel time, cost and convenience should be considered in understanding the impact of commuting on residents’ quality of life. Regional opportunities, such as closer collaboration with Shenzhen and the future neighbouring new town of Hung Shui Kiu, can be capitalised upon to connect regional landscapes, people, and economies, to expand Tin Shui Wai’s economy, demographics, and employment opportunities. Local economies can be stimulated by opening up planning policies, retail operations and public spaces to introduce mixeduse, street facing town and neighbourhood facilities that promote social engagement and evolve with the aspirations of the community.

Important lessons from the challenging development history of Tin Shui Wai can be applied to the planning of future new towns in Hong Kong and elsewhere, in particular around the integration of jobs and housing. Local employment opportunities do not need to arise only from top-down planned industrial zones, but can emerge from the creation of attractive, mixed, and flexible neighbourhoods which feature good regional and local connectivity, public spaces and an urban fabric that is open to new and mixed forms of living and working.

References

Arthurson K, Jacobs K.(2004). A critique of the concept of social exclusion and its utility for Australian social housing policy. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 25-40. Brian Eccles, Nathan Ford, Austin Holliday, Jonathan Wu. (2014). The Effect of Urban Design on the Community and Society in Hong Kong’s New Towns: A Study of Sha Tin and Tin Shui Wai. Capitanio, M. (2018). The Role of Urban Design in Tokyo Surrounding Areas:

The Case of Tama New Town. International Journal of Architectural Studies: Archnet-IJAR , 12 (1), 112.

Census and Statistics Department. (2016). Hong Kong 2016 population by-census: Population and Household Statistics Analysed by District Council District. HKSAR.

Census and Statistics Department. (2016). Hong Kong 2016 population by-census: Main tables. HKSAR.

Cervero, R. (1989). “Jobs-housing balancing and regional mobility.” Journal of the American Planning Association 55(2): 136-150.

Cervero, R. (1996). “Jobs-housing balance revisited: trends and impacts in the San Francisco Bay Area.” Journal of the American Planning Association 62(4): 492-511.

Cervero, R., & Day, J. (2008). Sub-urbanization and transit-oriented development in China. Transport Policy, 15(5), 315–323.

Cervero,R. (1991). Job-housing balance as public policy. Urban land, 4-10.

Chan,Sik Chee (2009). Voices of 12 Tin Shui Wai Women, Hong Kong confederation of trade unions. Hong Kong SAR.

Ewing, R. , Hamidi, S. , Grace, J. B. , & Wei, Y. D. (2016). Does urban sprawl hold down upward mobility? Landscape and Urban Planning, 148, 80–88.

Gardrat, D., & Theulé, F. (2020). Saint-Quentinen-Yvelines: Lessons Learned from the Years 1965–2019. In Lessons from British and French New Towns: Paradise

Lost? Emerald Publishing Limited. Gobillon, L., Selod, H., & Zenou, Y. (2007). The mechanisms of spatial mismatch. Urban Studies, 44(12), 2401–2427. Houston, D., (2005). Employability, Skills Mismatch and Spatial Mismatch in Metropolitan Labour Markets. Urban Studies 42 (2), 221–243.

Hu Yujiao. (2009). The “Three Generations” change of Hong Kong New Town. Development Research, 53-59.

Jacobs, J. (1961). The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Random House, New York.

Law, Chi-kwong, Wong, Yu-cheung, ErnestChui, Lee, Kar-mut,Pong, Yuen-yee, Rose Yu,Vincent Lee.(2009). A Study on Tin Shui Wai New Town. The University of Hong Kong.

LM3 Online, 2017. About LM3. Impact Measurement Ltd. [Online] [Accessed on 31/01/17]. https://www.lm3online.com/about.

Metz, D. (2008). The myth of travel time saving. Transport Reviews, 28(3), 321–336.

Nakamura, S. & Avner, P. (2021). The spatial distribution of work accessibility, housing rents and poverty.Journal of Housing Economics , 51.

Ostrowetsky, S. (1983). L’Imaginaire bâtisseur. Les villes nouvelles en France. Paris: Librairie des Méridiens.

Schäbitz, S.C. (2020), “A Controversial Heritage: New Towns and the Problematic Legacy of Modernism”, Fée, D., Colenutt, B. and Schäbitz, S.C. (Ed.) Lessons from British and

French New Towns: Paradise Lost?, Emerald Publishing Limited, Bingley, pp. 197-213. Social Welfare Department. (2004). Report of review panel on family service in Tin Shui Wai. Hong Kong: SAR. Social Welfare Department. (2009). District information: CSSA cases by geographical district: December 2007. Hong Kong: SAR. Website. http://www.swd.gov.hk/doc/ en/yl_eng_2008.xls. Accessed 22.01.09. Tong, R. & Wong, H. (2007). The poverty and working situation of women in remote areas. Civic Party. Hong Kong: SAR. Tao, Z., Wong, R.Y.C., (2002). Hong Kong: From an Industrialized City to a Centre of Manufacturing-related Services. Urban Studies 39 (12), 2345–2358. Transport Department. (1999). Third comprehensive transport study: Technical report– Appendices volume 1. Hong Kong SAR: Wilbur Smith Associates Limited. Weitz, J. (2007). Jobs-housing balance. American Planning Association, 4-39. Xiao Yizuo. (2005). Planning and Reality: A Study on the Experience of New Town Movement in Foreign Countries. Beijing is planned and built. 135-138.