Gay men and Gay spaces: Space Syntax Analysis of 'Gay Soho'.

RESEARCH

REPORT

GAY MEN AND GAY SPACES SPACE SYNTAX ANALYSIS OF ‘GAY SOHO’ - THE PHYSICAL EMBODIMENT OF IT'S GAY SPACE.

REPORT SUBMITTED BY,

ADITYA VINOD TERM II - PROJECT

SUPERVISOR

SAM GRIFFITHS MASTERS OF RESEARCH: SPACE SYNTAX: ARCHITECTURE AND CITIES 2017-2018 THE BARTLETT SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON, LONDON

2

TABLE OF CONTENTS FRONT MATTER

4

Keywords 4 Abstract 4 Terminology 4

INTRODUCTION

6

Map of Soho

8

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

9

LITERATURE REVIEW

10

Gay Spaces: The Physical and

Cultural Space 10 Spatial Theories and Gay Practises 12

METHODOLOGY

13

Formulating a Methodology 10 Land-use Analysis 15 Alleys, Courts and Broad Streets 17 Step Depth Analysis 20 Choice and Integration Analysis 23 Historical Evolution of

Old Compton Street 27

DISCUSSION 28 CONCLUSION 29 REFERENCES 30 Reference Images List Of Gay Establishments

31 32

3

FRONT MATTER

KEYWORDS Gay men, appropriation, gay space, space syntax, urban segregation

ABSTRACT The paper reports a three-month research

spaces. How are they positioned in the network?

on the evolution of gay spaces in Soho, City of

The research also explores gay practices and

Westminster - an area popularly dubbed as

identifies the spatiality of these practices. A

the ‘Gay Village of London’ (Collins, 2004). It

reference is made with space syntax theories

1

investigates how ideas such as ‘gay villages’

on segregation of cultures in urban areas and

represent the physical embodiment of gay

builds on studying gay community clustering

cultural identity and through spatial analysis

as a spatial phenomenon. In conclusion, shift

explores whether this identity emerged from

in attitude of gay men since the 19672 and the

space or was it imposed onto space. The

effect it has on shaping gay/queer spaces are

investigation begins by identifying spaces which

extrapolated from the findings of the research.

are/were gay spaces through three historical

An attempt is made to examine the role of space

periods selected upon certain principles and

in enabling appropriation by the sub-culture of

understanding on the study area and culture of

Gay men.

gay men. The exploratory phase of the research delves into literature on cultural identity and the ‘placeness’ of gay men to identify these gay/queer 1 Gay villages in cities are areas inhabited and/ or frequented and popular among non-heteronormative individuals. These areas are LGBT+ friendly and have high residential and/or commercial establishments for these individuals.

4

2 Year of partial decriminalization of Homosexuality in Britain.

TERMINOLOGY Due to the ambiguity regarding this topic, terms as interpreted in this study are explicitly stated here.

Gay

Gay meaning ‘homosexual’ which became established in the 1960s as the term preferred by homosexual men to describe themselves.

Gay Space

In this study, Gay space is the material/ physical space appropriated by gay males referring to spaces where gay men are present, engage with their ‘community’ and/ or socialize. These constitute gay bars, café’s, pubs, or even neighbourhoods, such as Gay Villages etc.

Queer

An umbrella term for individuals who are non-heteronormative.

5

INTRODUCTION

Soho is an area in the City of Westminster, towards the west end of Central London. It is approximately 2.6 square kilometre in area and is bounded by high streets such as Oxford Street, Regent Street, Shaftesbury Avenue and Charring Cross Road. This area is popularly dubbed as the ‘Gay Village of London’ (Collins, 2004). It has a large concentration of amenities advertised as gay friendly and/or for gay individuals and Queer community (LGBTQ+) specifically for Gay Men. This research explores the history to understand what made Soho and how it evolved. Throughout history the area has undergone a dynamic transformation since its occupation by the early immigrants mainly the French, but also Russians, Jews, Turkish and others from as early as 18th century. They appropriated various streets of Soho such as Poland Street, Greek street, Meard Street, and so on, spatially distributing but also in parts converging their use of space. Soho later became the music hub where young artists lived, worked and performed along Denmark street.

Following the arrival of early British youth fashion in the 1950’s along Carnaby Street, Soho become the symbol of modern fashion. (Speiser, 2017) When mapping the different cultures and sub-cultures of Soho, it reveals a spatial organisation where each group seem to have followed a certain spatial clustering. Before its cherished popularity as in the modern day, Soho was home to the immigrants, the discriminated and the poor. Their presence, although faint, are visible through the numerous businesses and shops that were established by them earlier. In brief the ‘anomalies’ that lived in Soho. A common place for the mischievous, the misfits and the irregulars. The transformation of its identity and the ability of space in enabling affordance for multi-cultural manifestation throughout history is the theme of this research in its broad context. In this study, however, gay spaces and appropriation by gay men on Soho will be investigated.

6

Image top

Map of Soho highlighting important streets.

Image centre

Map indicating Census Data on the percentage of Same-Sex Couple cohabiting or living as a couple in Soho area.

Image bottom

Collage showing adverts of Gay facilities - sweatbox gym(left), village pub (entertainment), Madame JoJo's (an establishment for gay community which recently shut down)

low

high

7

2018 Map of Soho obtained from Ordanance SurveryDigimaps/Edina accessed on 02.02.2018.

Study boundary of soho

Figure: The map of Soho highligting the study boundary.

It is to be noted that the statistical boundary of Soho and the study boundary are not the same.

8

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The study investigates to what extend do ideas like gay villages represent the material (physical) embodiment of the gay (Queer) cultural identity.

Did identity emerge from the space or was it imposed on the space? The research draws on three main questions: •

What can Soho, the famous Gay Village of London, tell us about Gay spaces? Do ‘Gay

spaces’ have a distinct spatial morphology?

•

What, if anything, can configurational analysis tell us about the relationship between

material world and gay pr actices?

•

Why does Old-Compton Street have large concentration of amenities for Gay Men?

What is the role of Old Compton Street in changing identity of Soho to the Gay Village of London?

9

LITERATURE REVIEW 1.1

Gay spaces: The physical and cultural space

This section is divided into two parts: ‘Gay spaces as physical and cultural spaces’ and a reflection of ‘Spatial theories and gay practises’.

At first, it is attempted to identify gay spaces. So where are these gay/queer spaces?

Gay (queer)1 spaces by definition are spaces appropriated by gay men. As cited in (Amaury and Ramirez, 2016), Aaron Betsky in Queer Space writes ‘The queer spaces of the modern era were the dark alleys, unlit corners and hidden rooms that queers found in the city. These spaces appeared where they were least expected. The interaction between people needn’t be made or encouraged but they just appeared exactly at the moment they were least expected.’

In the case of physical, urban spaces for gay men to congregate, such as gay bars, their physical locations would sometimes be difficult to find unless the visitor knew exactly where to look.

Finding another man to have a sexual encounter with was often an act contained and limited to these—as Michel de Certeau would label them in The Practice of Everyday Life (1988)- strategic spaces, through the sexual practice of ‘cottaging’—the British term for having casual gay sex in public toilets (de Certeau,.M. (1988) cited in Amaury and Ramirez, 2016).

As opposed to cottaging- which is linked to toilets- ‘cruising’ offers men the ability to engage in sporadic, intimate encounters with different men in the area, in multiple spaces in the city such as bars, alleys and parks. Both practices rely on the gaze and surveillance of other men located in the same strategic spaces (Amaury and Ramirez, 2016).

1 In this context, the author mentions queer or gay as in the literature in consideration (Amaury and Ramirez, 2016) the term queer denotes gay men 10

LITERATURE REVIEW 1.1

Gay spaces: The physical and cultural space Conversation with a 'Sohoite'1

Upon interviewing a gay man living in Soho: Interviewer

Why did you move to London?

Interviewee

Girl, Brazil is too ‘closed’ for me, you know what I mean. I need something more free and open. I like Brazil but I like here better.

Interviewer

Why Soho?

Interviewee

Where else would I be? Its Soho!

In conclusion it is understood that queer spaces are/were: The dark alleys, unlit corners, and hidden rooms that queers found in the city were the queer spaces.

These spaces were strategic locations to find men to have sexual encounter. Their physical locations would sometimes be difficult to find unless the visitor knew exactly where to look.

Bars, alleys and parks were possible Cruising spots.

Practices rely on location of other men in these spaces.

1 People living and/or working in Soho who have a sense of pride in being associated with Soho 11

LITERATURE REVIEW 1.2

Spatial theories and gay practises

From space syntax theories, we know space has an effect on clustering of individuals. Hillier (1984) demonstrates how that space influences society. But other scholars (Jerram, 2013) have opposing views about space-society relationship.

‘The city has a large collection of buildings linked by physical space, and a complex system of human activity linked by interaction- social space’ (Vaughan, 2007) ‘The patterning of physical space affects the patterning of social space’ (Hiller et al., 1984) ‘Some areas cluster or segregate certain cultures and sub-cultures making segregation a spatial urban phenomenon.’

(Vaughan, 2007) ‘The idea, though, that “space” can have a meaning in the sense we often use it is not helpful to effective spatial analysis. We talk of gay space, male space, sacred space, and so on; but a space cannot possess the quality of being gay, male, or sacred.’ (Jerram, 2013).

As Leif Jerram says ‘space cannot possess the quality of being gay male or sacred’ (Jerram, 2013).

Exploring gay practices such as Cruising-the practice of searching about a public place for partners to have a sexual encounter, Cottaging- sexual activity between men in places such as public toilets, PRIDE demonstrations raises the question whether aren’t these practises spatial in many senses?

Spatial configuration and spatial affordance enables these encounters and co-presence or coavoidance and it seems that the gays and the queers have found a way to manoeuvre in the cities and its built environment.

12

METHODOLOGY 2.1

Formulating a methodology

Further, a methodology is derivied in congruence with the findings from literature review.

Upon this understanding of queer spaces, a methodology was derived focusing on these spaces as the main area of investigation.

See Figure1: The diagram represents the methodology accepted .

The devised methodology tested the area of investigation against three parameters of spatial analysis•

2 Step Principle of Hillier and Hanson (Hiller et al., 2013)

•

Configurational Analysis

•

Spatial Analysis

13

METHODOLOGY

AREAS OF INVESTIGATION

TWO STEP PRINCIPLE OF HILLIER AND HANSON

CONFIGURATIONAL ANALYSIS

SPATIAL ANALYSIS

ALLEYS, OPEN SPACES BROAD STREETS

STEP DEPTH ANALYSIS YEAR:1970, 2018

CHOICE AND INTEGRATION YEAR:1970, 2018

LANDUSE DISTRIBUTION ANALYSIS

BARS, CAFES, CLUBS

FROM HIGH STREETS

AGENT BASED MODELLING YEAR:1970, 2018

DISTRIBUTION OF BARS FOR GAY MEN YEAR: 2018

STREET NETWORK AND CONNECTIVITY

FROM OLD COMPTON STREET

VISUAL GRAPH ANALYSIS

EVOLUTION OF OLD COMPTON STREET YEAR: 1763, 2018

Figure1: Representation of methodology followed. The maps of years 1870, 1970 and 2018 were used to investigate spatial changes over time.

14

METHODOLOGY 2.2

Landuse Analysis:

Landuse across the whole area is diverse but dominant uses are restaurants and retail spaces followed by offices.

The area has a large concentration of amenities for gay individuals especially gay men. In this study, a total of 41 different uses advertising as for gay community or gay friendly have been noted in Soho area. (Also refer Campkin and Marshall, 2017. This data set though not complete did support the study in validating the findings from field survey.) For details on the name, type and location of these establishment. It is to be noted that some of these establishments are not just for gay men and were advertised as for the LGBT+ community. These, nevertheless, were popularly known as ‘for gay men’. This accumulative data set has multiple sources such as Gay London Guide, (Campkin and Marshall, 2017), survey by the author and by interviewing gay men in Soho. Refer Table 1 List of establishments advertising as gay-friendly or for gay men in Soho area*.

15

Figure top

Landuse Map of Soho

Figure bottom

Landuse map of Soho highlighting Gay establishments

Parking Undefined Education Community Under Construction Parking Hotels Undefined Leisure

Education

Residential

Community

Services

Under Construction

Office

Hotels Retail Catering Leisure

Residential

Establishments catering to gay community are cncentrated along Old Compton Street. In the map Services Office above, the pink polygons indicate these establishments.

Retail

Catering

16

METHODOLOGY 2.3

Alleys, Courts and Broad Streets

The gay spaces, as classified upon literature review, were mapped for three different timeline- 1890, 1970 and 2018 These specific timelines were chosen as they were important with respect to the evolution of Old Compton Street and gay culture in London. Identified upon background study on the evolution and transformation in morphology of this area and other literature references.

Between 1880-1890 Shaftesbury Avenue Road was constructed, and in 1967 homosexuality was partially decriminalised. 2018 maps were used as it is the latest and depicts the current scenario.

This analysis helped reveal changes in space that were earlier appropriated by gays. The selection criteria as to which are alleys, courts and broad streets were upon definition, location and spatial character. Alleys were small and narrow lanes and usually just pedestrian paths. Some small yards and enclosed spaces that had plots/units opening into them with a single entry or in some cases multiple entry/exit points were also considered as alleys. Courts were the large open spaces such as parks, church yard, etc with unrestrict access for public. Broad streets were streets are wider than the others and usually many streets open on to a broad street. Street markets, street shops, streets with communal pump (famous Broad Street Pump from John Snow’s investigations) all render these streets a wider piazza sort of character.

Alleys

Courts

Broad Streets

A typical example is as shown in the figure above.

17

Figure top

1890 ALLEYS, COURTS AND BROAD STREETS Figure bottom

1970 ALLEYS, COURTS AND BROAD STREETS

Although numerically there are differences in the total number of gay spaces, important for this study is how these spaces earlier appropriated by gays have shifted from segregated, known only if you need to know basis, to more integrated spaces. This will be further discussed in later chapters.

18

Figure top

2018 ALLEYS, COURTS AND BROAD STREETS Photo top left

GRAPHICAL COMPARISON OF TOTAL NO. OF ALLEYS, COURTS AND BROAD STREETS 5

242

4

5 4

3

3

123

56 1890

•

1970

Alleys reduced

2018

1890

•

1970

2018

Courts reduced and shifted

1890

•

1970

2018

Broad streets reduced and shifted

This analysis shows that although in number courts and a broad streets have remainded constant, there has been a shift in location. Some courts are inaccessibile while others have opened up to the public. In Broad streets - Berwick Street has lost its initial role as an open market and gathering space. Alleys have reduced in number significantly over the years.

19

METHODOLOGY 2.4

Step Depth Analysis:

Step depth analysis to identify the ease with which one can reach the streets in Soho from any high street in the surrounding. can one reach these gay spaces from streets with high The Hiller and Hanson, (1984) Two-step principle was applied to in analysis of the step depth of these gay spaces from high streets. The minimum step depth was measured based on the axial map. Old Compton street is one step away from any high street in the surrounding. The alleys and broad streets were one and two steps away from any high streets as well (Refer Figure ). These measures were then compared with the Integration values INT R800 to identify the hierarchy of such gay spaces within itselft. Highstreets have high values in both Choice and Integration analysis at global and local scale. The position of Old Compton Street is shown in the figure below.

Figure top

2018 Hierarchy of streets upon their Integration values for Radii 800m Figure bottom

2018 Hierarchy of streets upon their Integration values for Radii 2000m

20

Figure top

1970 Step Depth Analysis from all highstreets in the surrounding Photo top left

2018 Step Depth Analysis from all highstreets in the surrounding

Alleys, Courts and Broad Streets were within two steps from any high street, although not easily visible or identifiable from any high streets its exact location.

21

Figure top

1970 Step Depth Analysis from Old Compton Street Figure bottom

2018 Step Depth Analysis from Old Compton Street

Alleys, Courts and Broad Streets were mostly within one to three steps from old compton street.

22

METHODOLOGY 2.5

Choice and integration Analysis

A comparison of Choice and Integration analysis for year 1970 and 2018 were carried out. It was noted that between the year 1970 and 2018, the Old Compton Street experienced a massive change that divided the street into Old and New Compton Street by the construction of a building which absorbed part of the street. This abruption has had an impact in the position and connectivity of Old Compton Street within the street network.

Upon further investigation on the historical evolution of Old Compton Street since the 1768, it was noted that before the construction of Shaftesbury avenue road, Old Compton street had a much superior position in terms of its potential as a highly accessibile street. When the Italians inhabited this street in the early 1800’s it was an equivalent to any other high street in the surrounding (Oxford Street, Picadilly Road, etc). This thoroughfare effectively connected High Holborn to Bond Street which is now fulfilled by Shaftesbury Avenue Road.

23

New Compton Street

Streets connected

Old Compton Street

Figure top

1970 NACH R800

Figure bottom

1970 NAIN R800

24

New Compton Street

Streets disconnected

Old Compton Street

Figure top

2018 NACH R800

Figure bottom

2018 NAIN R800

Choice (to-movement) and Integration (through-movement) analysis reveal that the streets of Soho has higher value along North South direction and East West streets were lesser

25

New Compton Street

Old Compton Street

Image top Aerial View of Old and New Compton Street and the building that split this street

Image bottom View of building from Old Compton Street

When Old and New Compton streets were still connected, there was a link until High Holborn.

This building split Compton Street in to two. Area behind this building is barren, disconnected and a spot for anti-social activity. Street life and the liveliness that is present in its surrounding is absent on the other side of the building.

26

METHODOLOGY 2.6

Historical evolution of Old Compton Street

This map of City of London shows how old Compton street as a main street connecting High Holborn to Pall Mall street. But after the construction of Shaftesbury Avenue Road, Old Compton resided to its secondary position as Shaftebury Avenue road now fulfilled this role of connectivity.

Shaftesbury Avenue road old compton street connecting High holborn and Pall Mall which was the only through connection before shaftesbury avenue Photo top left

Map of London - 1763

Photo top left

Clearance map showing demolition for construction of Shaftesbury avenue road 27

DISCUSSION A documentation of gay practices over the years

spaces such as bars, cafÊ’s, etc. Further pattern

revealed a pattern about its spatial culture. This

of movement of gay men was not possible to

study attempted to trace this sub-culture and

trace within the short duration of this project as

its pattern of appropriation which revealed a

this would require significant time to assemble a

physical manifestation. A shift in position of gay

sample or conduct an interview. Other limitation

spaces from less integrated (alleys, courts and

is in identifying gay men. Queer identities are

broad streets) to high integrated spaces where

vast. Identifying individuals as gay, bisexual, etc

more people were present (Old compton streets)

has a sensitivity and often is not an approachable

was observed in Soho over time. These patterns

question to ask individuals.

reinforce that idea that gay sub-culture like any other culture has a spatial manifestation.

This study narrates how this shift can be mapped through spatial studies. The gay spaces of yester years were a secret of this sub-culture.

A good example of such a bar is the famous 'City of Quebec' a little off Soho. It is one of the early gay bars which is located one angular step away from the Oxford Street but its visibility from the high street is very low and impossible to identify if one did not know where to look for.

Limitations of this research: A method to trace movement of Gay men could not be developed. Though census data appeals to provide information on registered same-sex couple living in London it does not necessarily reveal the actual pattern on ground as most gay couple do not necessarily register their relationship. Study is reliant on information from advertisements of establishments and a rather small sample of individuals to identify gay 28

CONCLUSION ‘What is really going on, is that the gay scene is adapting to meet the needs of a generation who are more ‘out’ than their predecessors—an increasingly confident generation of lesbians and gay men whose sense of Pride means that they want to be visible and not ignored.’

Short 1993:16 as cited in Bell and Valentine (1995) Space is not regarded as meaningful and

development of Gay villages are also required

relative to identities of individuals by some

to effectively analyse if such a phenomenon is in

scholars (Jerram, 2013). There have also been

actual an aspect of social clustering enabled by

other research on 'gay villages' and its physical

spatial patterning.

embodiment (Sibalis:2004, Mcneil et al.,(2018).

But not, as described in this paper, as a spatial phenomena. This study opens a opportunity for future work to explore spatial culture of queer identities as also an aspect of space and its configuration.

The shift in queer spaces from less integrated spaces like alleys to more integrated areas such as old Compton street shows the evolution and shift in attitude of Gay men.

It also reflects how an identity sub-culture have acquired space and a relationship between space and gay men was observed.

The answer to 'Why Soho' although has become more clear, much research on Soho and its surroundings are required to provide a definitive answer.

Parallel investigations on socio-economic factors, policies in place and their effect on 29

REFERENCES Amaury, R., Ramirez, R., 2016. Spatial Practices / Digital Traces : University College London, London.

Bell, D., Valentine, G. (Eds.), 1995. Mapping

Sibalis, M., 2004. Urban space and homosexuality: The example of the Marais, Paris’ “Gay ghetto.” Urban

Routledge, London.

Studies 41, 1739–1758.

Short, B., 1993. ‘Up Queer Street’, in Lesbian

sex Desire. New York: William Morrow,

and Gay Pride—Official Souvenir

1997. 141

Programme: 16–19.

Campkin, B., Marshall, L., 2017. LGBTQ+ Cultural Infrastructure in London: Night Venues, 2006–present.

Collins, A., 2004. Sexual dissidence, enterprise and assimilation: Bedfellows in urban regeneration. In: Urban Studies. pp.

1789–1806.

Gay London Guide [WWW Document], n.d. URL https://www.gaybuddy.net/ (accessed 2.2.18).

Hillier, B., Hanson, J., 1984. The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge University Press.

Hillier. B., Vaughan, L., 2007. The spatial syntax of urban segregation. Progress in Planning. 67, 205–294.

Jerram, L., 2013. Space: A useless category for historical analysis? Hist. Theory 52, 400–419.

Ordanance Survey, 2018. Digimap. URL https:// digimap.edina.ac.uk/roam/os (accessed 1.23.17).

Mcneil, E., E. Wermers, J., O. Lunn, J., 2018.

30

Palgrave Macmillian.

Desire: Geographies of Sexualities.

Betsky, A., Queer Space: Architecture and Same-

MAPPING QUEER SPACE ( S ) OF PRAXIS.

Speiser, P., 2017. Soho: The Heart of Bohemian London. British Library Publishing, London., 192

SITE IMAGES

Images in order from left to right and top to bottom:

Example of an Alley Tisbury Court

An alley on Brewer Street Walkers Court

The Yard - Gay Bar on Rupert Street

Soho Square - Considered as a cruising spot of the past.

St. James Church Yard

Meard Street - A pedestrian walkway connecting Wardour and Dean Street vandalised Park on New Compton Street a site for anti-social acitivity.

Synringes were found discarded on the street.

Alleyways connecting Soho to St. James Church

31

ADDITIONAL INFORMTATION

ID

VENUE NAME

ADDRESS

AREA

CLOSED/ NO LONGER AN LGBTQI+ VENUE

1

79CXR

79 Charing Cross Road

Soho

1

2

Admiral Duncan

54 Old Compton Street

Soho

3

Bar Aquda

13-14 Maiden Lane

Covent Garden

1

4

Bar Titania

75 Charing Cross Road

Soho

1

Bar

5

Barcode

3-4 Archer Street

Soho

1

Bar

6

Candy Bar

4 Carlisle Street

Soho

1

Bar

7

Circa

62 Frith Street

Soho

1

Bar

8

City of Quebec, The

12 Old Quebec Street

Marylebone

1

Bar

9

Comptons of Soho

51-53 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Bar

10

Duke of Wellington

77 Wardour Street

Soho

1

Bar

11

Edge, The

11 Soho Square

Soho

1

Bar

12

Enclave

25-27 Brewer Street

Soho

1

Bar

13

Escape

10 Brewer Street

Soho

1

14

Eve Club, The

3 New Burlington Street

15

Free Willy

62 Frith Street

Soho

16

Freedom

60-66 Wardour Street

Soho

1

Bar

17

G-A-Y Bar

30 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Bar

18

G-A-Y Late

5 Goslett Yard

Soho

1

Bar

19

Ghetto

5-6 Falconberg Court; (58 Old Street, London, EC1V 9AJ)

Soho

20

The Green Carnation

4-5 Greek Street

Soho

1

Bar

21

Halfway to Heaven

7 Duncannon Street

Trafalgar Square

1

Bar

22

Heaven

11 The Arches

Embankment

1

Bar

23

King’s Arms, The

23 Poland Street

Soho

1

Bar

24

Ku Bar

75 Charing Cross Road

Soho

25

Ku Leicester Sq/ Klub

30 Lisle Street

Soho

REMAINS OPEN IN 2018

Bar 1

Bar

1

Bar

1

Bar

1

Bar

1

Bar

1

Bar

1

Bar 1

TABLE 1: LIST OF ESTABLISHMENTS ADVERTISING AS GAY FRIENDLY OR FOR GAY COMMUNITY

32

TYPE

Bar

CLOSED/ NO LONGER AN LGBTQI+ VENUE

REMAINS OPEN IN 2018

TYPE

1

Bar

ID

VENUE NAME

ADDRESS

AREA

26

Ku Soho

25 Frith Street

Soho

27

Kudos

10 Adelaide Street

Charing Cross

1

Bar

28

Lo Profile

84-86 Wardour Street

Soho

1

Bar

29

Madame JoJos

8-10 Brewer Street

Soho

1

Bar

30

Manbar (Man Bar)

79 Charing Cross Road

Tottenham Court Road

1

Bar

31

Molly Moggs/Comptons of Soho

2 Old Compton Street

Soho

32

Muse Soho

23 Frith Street

Soho

33

Pheonix, The

37 Cavendish Square

Oxford Circus

1

Bar

34

Profile

56-57 Frith Street

Soho

1

Bar

35

Retro Bar

2 George Court

Strand

1

Bar

36

Rupert Street

50 Rupert Street

Soho

1

Bar

37

Shadow Lounge

5 Brewer Street

Soho

38

She Bar

23a Old Compton Street

Soho

39

Soho Revue Bar

11-12 Walkers Court

40

The Stag

15 Bressenden Place

41

Star at Night (London Gin Club)

22 Great Chapel Street

42

Too2Much

11 Walkers Court

43

Trash Palace

11 Wardour Street (Also 58 Old Street, London, EC1V 9AJ)

1

Bar

1

Bar

1

Bar 1

Bar

1

Bar

Victoria

1

Bar

Soho

1

Bar

1 Soho/Old Street

1

1

Bar Bar

44

Village

81 Wardour Street

Soho

45

West Central

30 Lisle Street

Soho

46

The Yard

57 Rupert Street

Soho

1

Bar

47

Ku Club

23 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Bar

48

Friendly Society

79 Wardour St

Soho

1

Bar

49

Café Nero

43 Frifth Street

Soho

1

Bar

50

Balans Society Soho café

34 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Café

51

Balans Soho

60-62 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Café

1 1

Bar Bar

TABLE 1: LIST OF ESTABLISHMENTS ADVERTISING AS GAY FRIENDLY OR FOR GAY COMMUNITY

33

CLOSED/ NO LONGER AN LGBTQI+ VENUE

REMAINS OPEN IN 2018

TYPE

Soho

1

HairDresser

23-25 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Bar

Sweat Box

1-2 Ramilies Street

Soho

1

Gym

55

The Light Lounge

New Port Place

Soho

1

Lounge

56

Fifty & Dean

50 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Mens Wear

57

The O Bar

80-85 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Bar

58

The Stable

22 Endell Street

Covent Garden

1

Sauna

ID

VENUE NAME

ADDRESS

AREA

52

Blade

26 Frifth Street

53

Bar Soho

54

59

Prowler

5-7 Brewer Street

Soho

1

Adult Entertainment Store

60

Village

Brewer Street

Soho

1

Bar

61

Clonezone

35 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Adult Entertainment Store

62

The Vault

3 Greek Court

Soho

1

Cruising Bar-Undeground

63

Club Room Service

49 Greek Street

Soho

1

Cruising Bar-Undeground

64

The Shadow Lounge

5 Brewer Street

Soho

1

Lounge

65

Compton Cross

2 Old Compton Street

Soho

1

Bar

66

Solar Station

10-11 Archer Street

Soho

1

Grooming Salon

68

Boyzilians

5a Carlisle St

Soho

1

HairDresser

TOTAL

25

45

TABLE 1: LIST OF ESTABLISHMENTS ADVERTISING AS GAY FRIENDLY OR FOR GAY COMMUNITY

34

Thank You