Volume 14, Issue 2, Winter 2019

Vo l u m e 1 4 , I s s u e 2 , Wi n t e r 2 0 1 9

Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors Vol. 14, Issue 2 • Winter 2019 a

TABLE OF CONTENTS iv

EDITORIAL TEAM

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GENERAL INFORMATION

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LETTER FROM THE EDITOR

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AN ANALYSIS OF BLACK GREEK-LETTER ORGANIZATION PHILANTHROPY Garth Heutel, Georgia State University, Koren Hardy, Mackenzie Marti Slater, and Gregory S. Parks, Wake Forest University Philanthropy is a significant component of the mission of many fraternities and sororities, especially Black Greek-letter organizations.We examine the role of philanthropy in these organizations, employing an approach infrequently used — archival data collection combined with quantitative methods.We first document the history of philanthropic activity among the nine members of the National Pan-Hellenic Council.Then, we use data from IRS tax returns to document quantitative patterns in these organizations’ income and spending.

Though the analysis is merely exploratory, we find evidence that BGLOs have lower median revenues and expenditures than do other similar organizations, though a small number of outliers may fuel much of the difference in averages.

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JOINING IN, BLOWING THE WHISTLE, OR INTERVENING: EXAMINING THE EFFECTS OF SEVERITY AND ORGANIZATIONAL IDENTIFICATION ON FRATERNITY/SORORITY MEMBERS’ RESPONSES TO HAZING Brian K. Richardson, University of North Texas, Steve Rains, University of Arizona, and Camille Hall-Ortega, University of Texas at Austin Hazing, a form of organizational wrongdoing endemic to fraternities and sororities, persists on college campuses, often resulting in deleterious outcomes.To better understand organizational members’ responses to hazing, we considered the influence of members’ organizational identification and the severity of the hazing situation on three response options: participating, whistle-blowing, and intervening. Members of fraternities and sororities (N = 243) were randomly assigned to read one scenario in which hazing severity was manipulated and then asked to complete a questionnaire containing measures of organizational identification and hazing response options. Hazing severity influenced two of the three outcomes. As the hazing event became more severe, willingness to participate decreased and motivation to blow the whistle increased. Hazing severity also moderated relationships between organizational identification and the three response options.When severity was low, organizational identification was positively associated with willingness to participate and negatively associated with intentions to whistle-blow and motivation to stop the activity. The results are discussed in terms of reducing hazing through education, training, and culture change.

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HAZING DEFINITIONS OF STUDENTS AND ADMINISTRATORS AT TWO INSTITUTIONS USING A FOUR FRAME APPROACH Emily Feuer, University at Albany, State University of New York (SUNY) This study looks at how students affiliated with fraternities/sororities and administrators who work with these students define hazing at two institutions of higher education. These personal definitions are compared to institutional definitions and are examined using Bolman and Deal’s (2017) four-frame model: the Human Resource Frame, the Political Frame, the Structural Frame, and the Symbolic Frame.

This examination allows for an understanding of what frames are naturally used to define hazing and where areas for improvement may lie in terms of making changes to existing institutional polices and incorporating additional frames to better understand hazing and create effective hazing definitions (Bolman & Deal, 2017).

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CAREER SUSTAINING FACTORS FOR CAMPUS-BASED FRATERNITY/SORORITY ADVISING PROFESSIONALS: A GROUNDED THEORY STUDY Kate Steiner, Radford University The purpose of this study was to understand the process Fraternity/Sorority Advising (FSA) professionals utilize to sustain their careers beyond five years. Participants’ wellness practices and burnout experiences were explored through semi-structured interviews.This study included 26 participants who had sustained their career as a full-time, campus-based FSA for a minimum of five years. Through a grounded theory method, several themes were found, and a career sustainability and wellness model was generated. Career sustaining practices are defined, and applicable use of the model is presented.

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2019 EDITORIAL TEAM EDITOR James P. Barber, Ph.D. William & Mary

ASSISTANT EDITOR Kate Steiner, Ph.D. Radford University

EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Johann Ducharme William & Mary

ASSOCIATE EDITOR Donald “DJ” Mitchell, Ph.D. Bellarmine University

PEER REVIEW BOARD Cassie Barnhardt, Ph.D. University of Iowa

Steven M. Janosik, Ed.D. Virginia Tech

Tara Leigh Sands Lycoming College

J. Patrick Biddix, Ph.D. University of Tennessee

Matthew Johnson, Ph.D. Central Michigan University

Denny Bubrig, Ph.D. University of Southern Mississippi

S. Brian Joyce, Ph.D. Dartmouth College

Pietro Sasso, Ph.D. Southern Illinois University Edwardsville

Daniel Bureau, Ph.D. University of Memphis

John Wesley Lowery, Ph.D. Indiana University of Pennsylvania

Mari Ann Callais, Ph.D. Delta Delta Delta

Travis Martin Northwestern University

Trace Camacho, Ph.D. California State University, Long Beach

Malinda Matney, Ph.D. University of Michigan

Brandon Common, Ph.D. Illinois Wesleyan University Charles Eberly, Ph.D. Eastern Illinois University Michael Giacalone Rhode Island College David L. Grady, Ph.D. University of Alabama Dennis Gregory, Ed.D. Old Dominion University Jodi Jabs, Ed.D. Campbell University

Adam McCready, Ph.D. University of Connecticut Gentry McCreary, Ph.D. Dyad Strategies, LLC Kahlin McKeown University of Maryland Andy Morgan, Ph.D. Indiana State University Kimberly Nehls, Ph.D. University of Nevada, LasVegas

DIRECTOR OF MARKETING & COMMUNICATIONS Andrea Starks-Corbin Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors

Joshua Schutts, Ph.D. University of West Florida Michele D. Smith, Ph.D. Missouri State University Dianne Timm, Ph.D. Eastern Illinois University Teniell Trolian, Ph.D. University at Albany Anthony Vukusich Delta Tau Delta Educational Foundation Carolyn Whittier, Ph.D. Valparaiso University Viancca Williams University of South Florida Robert Wood, Ph.D. Joint Staff, Department of Defense

Eric Norman, Ed.D. Purdue University FortWayne

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GENERAL INFORMATION Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors advances the study of college fraternities and sororities through a peer reviewed academic journal promoting scholarly discourse among partners invested in the college fraternal movement. The vision of Oracle:The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors is to serve as the premier forum for academic discourse and scholarly inquiry regarding the college fraternity and sorority movement.

Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors is published biannually. Past issues of Oracle are available on the AFA website. The ISSN is 2165-785.

Copyright: Copyright Š 2019 Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors, Inc. (AFA). All material contained in this publication is the property of AFA. The opinions expressed in Oracle do not necessarily reflect those of AFA. Requests for permission to reprint should be sent to the AFA Central Office at info@ afa.1976.org or 970.797.4361.

Submissions: Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors accepts submissions focused on articulating research involving fraternity and sorority members at the collegiate, alumni, inter/ national organization, and volunteer advisory levels. Manuscripts should be written for the student affairs generalist who has broad responsibility for educational leadership, policy, staff development, and management. Articles on specialized topics should provide the generalist with an understanding of the importance of the program to student affairs overall and fraternity/sorority advising specifically.

Research articles for Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors should stress the underlying issues or problems that stimulated the research; treat the methodology concisely; and, most importantly, offer a full discussion of results, implications, and conclusions. In the belief that AFA readers have much to learn from one another, we also encourage the submission of thoughtful, documented essays or historical perspectives.

Visit www.afa1976.org for more detailed submission guidelines.

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LETTER FROM THE EDITOR James P. Barber, Editor

The publication of this issue of Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors comes on the heels of the 2019 AFA Annual Meeting, which saw fraternity/sorority research take a prominent role, thanks in large part to the efforts of the AFA Research Committee. This Annual Meeting included over 20 sessions with original research or methodology as a focus. Each programming block at the meeting included at least one research-based presentation. There was one dedicated research paper session this year, featuring three research presentations and critique by a discussant, a first for an AFA Annual Meeting. In addition, there was a roundtable session specifically for those members interested in research, and a presentation from the Oracle editors on the academic publishing process.

The authors in this issue of Oracle offer research on a wide variety of topics in fraternity/sorority life, including philanthropy, hazing, and career longevity. Garth Heutel, Koren Hardy, Mackenzie Marti Slater, and Gregory S. Parks analyzed Black Greek-Letter Organization philanthropy using archival data collection and quantitative methods. Kate Steiner studied the experiences of fraternity/ sorority advising professionals who have been in the field for at least five years to learn about the strategies they used to sustain their careers in the field. From her research, she developed a career sustainability and wellness model. Brian Richardson, Steve Rains, and Camille Hall-Ortega examined the relationships between organizational affiliation, hazing severity, and the willingness of members to intervene and report hazing incidents. Emily Feuer investigated how administrators and students defined hazing at two higher education institutions using Bolman and Deal’s (2017) four-frame model.

This issue features the first article that was written in part at the AFA Oracle Research Writers’ Retreat. Kate Steiner’s investigation of the resilience of fraternity/sorority professionals began with her Ph.D. dissertation research for Counselor Education and Supervision at the University of Wyoming (Steiner, 2017).1 She refined her work and finalized her manuscript at the 2018 and 2019 Oracle Retreats.The Oracle Retreat takes place over a week in July on the campus of William & Mary, the birthplace of Phi Beta Kappa, the first collegiate Greek-letter organization. The retreat offers an opportunity to come together with fellow researchers, programming each day related to academic writing and the fraternal experience, and most importantly time and a quiet space to write. We are grateful to the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors and the AFA Foundation for their generous support of the Oracle Retreat.

Finally, this issue brings transitions to the Oracle editorial board. Dr. DJ Mitchell is completing his term as associate editor. Oracle has benefitted greatly from DJ’s expertise and keen attention to detail.

Dr. Mitchell has been an asset to Oracle and the fraternity/sorority advising profession broadly during his time on the board, and I am grateful for his service over the past two years. Thank you for your contributions, and we wish you well!

1

Steiner, K. D. (2017). Anchor down: A grounded theory study of sustaining careers in the Fraternity/Sorority advising profession (Order No. 10685786).

Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (2035389295).

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AN ANALYSIS OF BLACK GREEK-LETTER ORGANIZATION PHILANTHROPY Garth Heutel, Georgia State University, Koren Hardy, Mackenzie Marti Slater, and Gregory S. Parks, Wake Forest University Philanthropy is a significant component of the mission of many fraternities and sororities, especially Black Greek-letter organizations.We examine the role of philanthropy in these organizations, employing an approach infrequently used — archival data collection combined with quantitative methods.We first document the history of philanthropic activity among the nine members of the National Pan-Hellenic Council.Then, we use data from IRS tax returns to document quantitative patterns in these organizations’ income and spending.Though the analysis is merely exploratory, we find evidence that BGLOs have lower median revenues and expenditures than do other similar organizations, though a small number of outliers may fuel much of the difference in averages.

In their work, Marybeth Gasman and Katherine Sedgwick argue that African American philanthropy developed and was shaped largely by the experience of slavery. Their premise, drawn from the work of Jayne R. Beilke (2005), suggests that “African American philanthropy developed differently than White benevolence due to Black American’s experience as an enslaved and oppressed group…Black philanthropy is both a response to and an outgrowth of the institution of slavery” (p. 10-11). It should be no surprise that the institution of slavery had a profound effect on African Americans, both those who were freed and their descendants. As a result of their oppression, African Americans responded by supporting each other: “Black philanthropy ranged from singular, spontaneous acts of charity…to philanthropy organized in and channeled through institutions. Institutionally, the development of Black welfare services was intimately connected to Black churches and schools” (Bielke, 2005, p. 11). Indeed, Beilke (2005) contends that the current mode of African American philanthropy, coming from within the African Americans’ community, and as a reaction to slavery, was crystallized in the nineteenth century. Among the institutions that served as the best exemplars of such self-determined philanthropy were African American institutions of higher education and membership-based

African American organizations like churches, benevolent and secret societies, and clubs.

African American Educational Institutions The idea of self-determination, or self-help, became a key component of African American philanthropy. African Americans, especially those living in the South, realized that most whites would not assist them after their emancipation, and knew that self-determination would dictate the path to a better life. While they accepted white philanthropy, their main source of support came from the African American community.

Furthermore, in many situations, white philanthropy did not benefit African Americans; instead, it perpetuated their second-class citizen status (Bielke, 2005). For instance, “Black colleges were favorite recipients of White philanthropy, but these donations were often contingent upon the colleges’ endorsement of the ‘HamptonTuskegee’ model of industrial education rather than a classical-liberal curriculum” (Bielke, 2005, p. 19). The Hampton-Tuskegee model was rejected by prominent leaders in the African American community because it did not meet the needs of students (Bielke, 2005). The model provided elementary education, then prepared students for industrial or rural work in high

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school. African American leaders correctly viewed this style of education as a means of keeping members of their community from achieving higher education and better jobs.

In the 1900s, men like John Hope were critical to the success of African American colleges.

John Hope was born in Augusta, Georgia, to a Scottish father and an African American mother.

He highly valued education and recognized the gap between African Americans and whites when it came to higher education in post-Antebellum South (Avery, 2013). John Hope was a huge influence on promoting the higher education of African Americans in the South. As Vida Avery notes, hope “shaped the course of higher education for blacks through his educational leadership and vision, as well as his social and racial activism…His sense of obligation and commitment was his motivation” (2013, p. 78).

Institutions established for educating African Americans were humble in the 1900s. Avery contends in her book Philanthropy in Black Higher Education: “Just as it had taken decades for the institutions to stabilize their curriculum and organization…so would it take additional decades to solidify the institutions’ continuing existence” (2013, p. 121). Without philanthropic support, the institutions may not have survived.

As Avery describes, “if philanthropists, John Hope, and others had not pooled their resources and energies together, it [the Atlanta University System] would not have materialized” (2013, p. 147). This same concept could be applied to other institutions.

There were several sources of philanthropy toward higher education for African Americans including northern white benevolent societies and black religious organizations, which were the first groups establishing colleges for blacks in the South. Philanthropy was especially important to the African American community because of de jure and de facto discrimination that prevented them from receiving the same educational opportunities as their white counterparts. As Avery (2013) describes in her book, African

Americans often educated themselves. African Americans during this period were in many cases economically destitute and without outside assistance would not have been able to provide education for their posterity. The Atlanta University System is an excellent example of “missionary societies creating educational opportunities for blacks in the South” (Avery, 2013, p. 31). It was constructed in the warruined city of Atlanta through funding by the American Missionary Association and the Freedmen’s Bureau. Granted, though Atlanta University was limited in its effectiveness, as it could only serve a set number of students, the mere fact that it existed was proof of the benefits of philanthropy activity for African Americans in the South (Avery, 2013).

Sophia Packard and Harriet Giles, both women from New England, traveled to the South and saw a lack of educational opportunities for African American women. The two women started the Atlanta Baptist Female Seminary in 1881, which was created and sustained through donations from local and northern churches.

Additionally, John D. Rockefeller donated to the Seminary and made a large impact on African American higher education in Atlanta.

After 1900, the need for missionary societies to set up new institutions had passed, and the new focus became improving the conditions of the schools and finding more competent instructors (Avery, 2013). Avery argues that this era became the “age of philanthropy,” in which industrial philanthropy, philanthropists, and educational foundations “emerged as the source that provided financial resources needed to sustain black colleges and universities” (2013, p. 45). Those involved in industrial philanthropy were wealthy individuals like Andrew Carnegie and J.P. Morgan, and secular foundations like the Daniel Hand Education Fund for Colored People, the Peabody Education Fund, the John Slater Fund, and many others (Avery, 2013).

For wealthy individuals, sharing their wealth and providing educational opportunities became

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very fashionable, and numerous higher education institutions benefitted from their generosity African American Membership Organizations Traditionally, the African American church has been the primary source of philanthropic activity in African American communities; however, civil rights, social, and fraternal organizations also play a role in charitable acts among African Americans (Smith, Bradford, Shue, Vest, & Villarreal, 1999). Both before and after the Civil War, African American churches contributed to the education of African Americans and civil rights programs (Smith et al., 1999). Numerous organizations outside the church formed to perform philanthropic acts in the African American community. Organizations including the Free African Society, the African Union Society, the New York Society, the Clarkson Society, and many others contributed to job training, education, and welfare for widows, children, and the elderly. Other entities such as the African Blood Brotherhood, the Knights of the Invisible Colored Kingdom, and countless other fraternal and secret societies formed to benefit the African American community.

African American collegiate fraternities and sororities gave back to their community through scholarship funds (Smith et al., 1999).

In her research, Anne M. Knupfer (1996) found evidence of numerous African American women with the intention of promoting the African American community. For instance, she found clubs: involved not only in kindergarten and mothering, but also in suffrage, antilynching laws, literary contests, political debates, embroidery, sewing, municipal reform, philosophy, youth activities, child welfare, care for the elderly, drama study, safe lodging for working women, health care, orphanages, home life, and rotating economic credit. (p. 1)

It is clear from this extensive list that African Americans were invested in promoting all aspects of life from culture to welfare. These women used orations, writings, and fundraising to support their community. Additionally, they used their gender to advocate for their community, evoking “multiple ideologies, discourses, motifs, and images of womanhood, motherhood, and home life� (Knupfer, 1996, p. 11). By evoking an image of motherhood, they were able to develop a philanthropic institution that pivoted around the idea of family. As families traditionally help one another out, the advantage of extending this metaphor of family across the entire African American community is apparent. It is important to note that women played an active role in promoting the African American community, as often women are ignored in history.

Black Greek-Letter Organization Philanthropy Among the numerous types of African American organizations that have played, and continue to play, a role in African American uplift, Black Greek-Letter Organizations (BGLO) have also done their part in promoting philanthropic activities in the African American community.

These organizations were founded at the turn of the twentieth century, during the period that noted African American historian, Rayford Logan (1954), described as the nadir of American race relations. Among these organizations, Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity emerged first at Cornell University in 1906. Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority (1908), Omega Psi Phi fraternity (1911), Delta Sigma Theta sorority (1913), Phi Beta Sigma fraternity (1914), and Zeta Phi Beta sorority (1920) were all founded at Howard University.

Kappa Alpha Psi fraternity (1911) and Sigma Gamma Rho sorority (1922) were both founded in the state of Indiana, at Indiana University and Butler University, respectively. In 1963, on the campus of Morgan State University in Baltimore, Maryland, Iota Phi Theta fraternity was founded

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(McKenzie, 2005). These nine organizations compose the National Pan-Hellenic Council (NPHC) and are referred to as the ‘Divine Nine.’ Collectively, these organizations have an impressive historical legacy in the areas of civil rights activism (Laybourn & Parks, 2016a; Parks & Neumann, 2016; Parks, Ray, & Patterson, 2015; Weems, 2011), shaping civil rights policy (Harris & Sewell, 2012; Parks et al., 2015), community service (Gasman, Louison, & Barnes, 2008; Parks & Neumann, 2016), and philanthropy (Gasman, 2011; Parks & Neumann, 2016).

With particular regard to philanthropy, these organizations’ efforts have been chronicled at least since the early twentieth century. Phi Beta Sigma conceptualized a scholarship fund (formerly called the Douglass Scholarship) at their 1920 Washington D.C. Grand Conclave.

The idea of a scholarship fund was to focus on deserving undergraduates who were struggling to finance their college education. Ultimately, Phi Beta Sigma implemented the fund in 1924 (Savage & Reddick, 1957). In 1922, Delta Sigma Theta similarly created and began funding two scholarships. The Scholarship Award Fund and the College Tuition Fund both intended to benefit young women seeking higher education (Hernandez & Parks, 2016). Not only did the national organizations engage in philanthropy, subunits—chapters—did as well. For example, as part of Alpha Phi Alpha’s Go to High School, Go to College campaign, its Mu chapter offered a scholarship equivalent to one-fourth the University of Minnesota’s tuition (The Sphinx, June 1923). Established in the 1920s, Alpha Phi Alpha’s first national program aimed at encouraging young African American men to attend college. Throughout the campaign, Alpha men underscored for the importance of education — in schools, churches, public transportation, and other public gatherings — for the future of the African American community. Myers and Gasman (2011) asserted that the program influenced many African American youths to

attend college. In 1922, Alpha Kappa Alpha’s Theta chapter hosted a Charity Ball with the Anti-Lynching Crusade Girls. The ball raised money for Christmas baskets for poor children in the community, and the event brought attention to the political climate that allowed the lynching of African Americans in the United States (The Ivy Leaf, 1922). In 1924, Lambda Omega chapter made dresses for needy children in their community (The Ivy Leaf, 1924).

Kappa Alpha Psi also awarded scholarships and grants to countless students throughout its history. During its early history, scholarships were primarily awarded as part of the Guide Right Program and meant to enable high school students to go to college. By 1925, the fraternity started the National Scholarship Fund because it fulfilled the same goals as the previous scholarship program while simultaneously developing the leadership skills of the undergraduate members. This fund’s success inspired the creation of the Research Loan Fund, which loaned undergraduate students money for post-graduate research (Bryson, 2003).

In addition to supporting the advancement of African Americans in the area of education, BGLOs sought to elevate their communities in other philanthropic ways. For example, Phi Beta Sigma helped finance the building of a hospital in Greensboro, North Carolina in 1927 (“Report of the 13th Annual Conclave,” 1927).

In the 1930s, BGLOs continued their philanthropic endeavors in a familiar area — education. In 1933, Phi Beta Sigma encouraged each of its chapters to start a local scholarship fund by a committee at the Chicago Conclave (Savage & Reddick, 1957). Five years later, the conclave in Winston-Salem, N.C. determined that every one of the fraternity’s regions would be obligated to grant at least one scholarship for students of Business Administration (Savage & Reddick, 1957). For Omega Psi Phi, after years of having a relatively modest and unorganized national scholarship program, an improved national scholarship program began to materialize

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from 1923 to 1938. In 1938, the materialization process came to fruition in the form of Omega Psi Phi’s Scholarship Commission. The Commission had to choose which undergraduates to grant scholarships, which graduate students to award fellowships, and what size each award should be.

Meanwhile, chapters often awarded scholarships of their own. National awards tended to range from $100 to $500 per person per year while chapter awards ranged from $200-$2,000 (Gill, 1977). At the local level, Alpha Phi Alpha’s Alpha Zeta chapter established its annual scholarship for the freshman with the highest academic performance (The Sphinx, August 1939).

During this period, the sororities found ways to provide direct resources—money and otherwise—to their respective communities. In 1934, Alpha Kappa Alpha’s Theta chapter hosted a contest to create a scholarship to assist a local girl in paying for a college education. They also donated money to other worthy projects in the community (The Ivy Leaf, 1934). Zeta Phi Beta provided financial resources to a summer school and other programs that promoted children’s art and music education during the late 1930s (Parks & Neumann, 2016). Because approximately two in three African American southerners did not have access to public library services, Delta Sigma Theta introduced their National Library Project in 1937 that provided books to rural southern African American communities (Hernandez & Parks, 2016). Each chapter was required to donate at least ten books. They were encouraged to donate books which focused on African American achievement and African American history to communicate a message of empowerment to young African Americans.

The Alabama, Georgia, and North Carolina state legislatures denied Delta Sigma Theta’s lobbying efforts for more funding for public libraries.

As a result, the sorority raised money to pay for “bookmobiles” which traveled around with librarians (Gasman et al., 2008).

In 1938, Zeta Phi Beta created its Project ZIP initiative. Project ZIP (Zeta Phi Betas Investing

in People) was intended to benefit African Americans in four aspects of life: “economic development and empowerment; health and human services; political empowerment; and prevention of substance abuse” (Parks & Neumann, 2016, p. 138). In 1939, Sigma Gamma Rho donated books to Wilberforce Institute in South Africa through their African Book Shower program. That same year, they created a traveling library in Florida called the Circulating Library on Wheels (Gasman et al., 2008). As the 1930s wound down, Alpha Phi Alpha and Zeta Phi Beta brought additional, necessary, resources to African American communities. In one community, in 1939, Alpha Phi Alpha brothers organized the Clinics onWheels program, in which dental care was provided in rural areas to lowincome African Americans (“Louisiana’s Health Program Includes These Clinics,” 1939).

Consistent with their legacy of being organizations founded with ‘scholarship’ as an underlying ideal, BGLOs continued their work in the area of education philanthropy in the 1940s.

Kappa Alpha Psi’s The Guide Right Commission started a program in 1940 that aided students in their search for scholarships, loans, and part-time jobs to finance their post-secondary education (Reynolds, 1940). Also, the Kappa Alpha Psi Foundation gave $1,500 to an undergraduate in every one of the fraternity’s provinces (Bryson, 2003). Much of Zeta Phi Beta’s philanthropic work related to education during the 1940s, including funding a Vacation School for young girls. During the same period, the sorority’s Eta Zeta chapter created a scholarship fund for Louisville residents (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

Sigma Gamma Rho awarded scholarships on the local, regional, and national level for ethical behavior and academic achievement. As early as 1944, Sigma Gamma Rho gave $500 to the United Negro College Fund (UNCF). The sorority awarded more than $25,000 in scholarships to students at the 33rd National Convention (Parks & Neumann, 2015). By 1944, Phi Beta Sigma went on record supporting the UNCF as

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well (Savage & Reddick, 1957). In 1947, Alpha Phi Alpha’s Alpha Alpha chapter held a musical contest to raise scholarship funds for the winner (“Wilberforce Student Wins Alpha Phi Alpha Scholarship Award,” 1947).

Black Greek-Letter Organizations contributed to the greater good in other ways during this decade. Zeta Phi Beta donated more than $1,700 for a community center and paid for an orphanage’s coats, mirrors, and telephone during the 1940s (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

Similarly, during the early 1940s, many of Zeta Phi Beta’s national projects involved providing poor individuals with the goods they needed.The Psi chapter of Zeta Phi Beta helped to provide poor children with glasses by donating more than $700 to the program, Blue Revue (Parks & Neumann, 2016). Alpha Phi Alpha’s Alpha Psi Lambda chapter donated money toward the construction of a new hospital for African Americans in their community (The Sphinx, May 1944). That same year, the NAACP received a $500 donation from Sigma Gamma Rho (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

Into the 1950s, BGLOs demonstrated that one of their chief causes was education. In 1950, Alpha Phi Alpha’s Beta Sigma Lambda chapter established a $500 scholarship fund (The Sphinx, February 1950). Similarly, its Chi chapter gave a $100 scholarship (The Sphinx, February 1950); its Iota chapter also provided a scholarship to a worthy high school student (The Sphinx, SpringSummer 1950). Alpha Phi Alpha’s Gamma Iota chapter created a scholarship for a male senior at a local high school, and they raised funds to show free movies for underprivileged children at their local community center (The Sphinx, SpringSummer 1950). The fraternity’s Zeta Lambda chapter helped its community by awarding a scholarship, purchasing uniforms for a local football team, and contributing to the community chest (The Sphinx, December 1950). Several years later, Alpha Phi Alpha’s Xi chapter not only held a symposium on education, but it also gave scholarships to high achieving students at a local

high school (The Sphinx, May 1954). That same year, 1954, the fraternity’s Beta Nu chapter gave a scholarship as a part of their Go to High School, Go to College campaign (The Sphinx, December 1954). Omega Psi Phi had begun awarding scholarships to qualified high school students every year since 1953 (Gasman et al., 2008).

By 1957, Sigma Gamma Rho awarded a total of $3,000 in scholarships to its members and a total of $25,000 in scholarships to non-members each year (Parks & Neumann, 2016). Even more, Zeta Phi Beta gave a donation of $1000 to the United Negro College Fund in 1958 (Gasman, 2011).

Zeta Phi Beta accepted an invitation to join the Committee to Salvage Talent one year later. The Committee provided advising and financial aid to African American students to urge them to enter post-secondary education. This was a vital service during a time when African Americans made up 10% of the U.S population yet only one percent of students in integrated colleges (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

The philanthropy of many BGLOs also emphasized helping young people reach their full potential by providing them with skills, guidance, positive role models, and wholesome fun. For example, in 1950, Alpha Sigma Lambda chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha gave $1000 to their local YMCA (The Sphinx, February 1950). In 1953, Alpha Phi Alpha’s Beta Alpha chapter sold Christmas seals, raised money for the March of Dimes, and hosted a program to promote the importance of higher education (The Sphinx, May 1953). In 1954, Sigma Gamma Rho provided $1000 per year, and numerous volunteers to a camp in Pennsylvania called “Camp Achievement” (Parks & Neumann, 2016). The work of these organizations extended to other areas like focusing on the elderly or more generally on civil rights. For example, Alpha Sigma chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha held a charity program that benefitted elderly and underprivileged in their community during the holiday season (The Sphinx, February 1950).

Between 1955 and 1959, Omega Psi Phi raised

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$36,000 from members’ lifetime membership fees and contributed the money to the NAACP. Also, during the integration of Little Rock Central High School in 1957, Delta Sigma Theta sisters in the Little Rock area held a fundraiser for the African American Little Rock students in the place of their annual Christmas party (Gasman, 2011).

During the tumultuous 1960s, organizations like Alpha Phi Alpha continued to employ various approaches to community uplift. In 1960, its Gamma Theta Lambda chapter donated uniforms to a local high school band, gave money for the building of a new school, gave money to a local chapter of the NAACP, and awarded scholarships to worthy candidates (The Sphinx, February 1960). Gamma Upsilon Lambda chapter gave its annual scholarship and as well as money to a local health center (The Sphinx, May 1960). In 1963, Epsilon Upsilon Lambda chapter gave $1000 to a scholarship fund (The Sphinx, May 1963); a year later, Alpha Sigma Lambda chapter recognized outstanding local students and gave over $1000 in scholarships in their effort to promote education (The Sphinx, December 1964). Later in the decade, chapters like Rho Lambda chapter gave $500 in scholarships and held a career day for local high school students (The Sphinx, May 1966). Similarly, Beta Alpha chapter awarded a scholarship to a local boy, held a Christmas party for underprivileged youth in their community, and began an Alpha Outreach program, with the intention of brothers acting as role models for local boys (The Sphinx, May 1968).

Sororities like Sigma Gamma Rho gave more than $10,000 in scholarships in 1961 alone. Three years later, Sigma Gamma Rho donated $500 to the UNCF, while the chapter in Houston, Texas awarded more than $2000 worth of local scholarships.Then, the Eta Sigma chapter awarded about $2,500 worth of scholarships in 1965 (Parks & Neumann, 2016). Delta Sigma Theta created a College Application Program in 1966, which fully or partially covered the cost of applying to college for low-income

individuals (Hernandez & Parks, 2016). In 1967, Sigma Gamma Rho introduced the Sigma DropIn, a program which aimed at improving the lives of young people and supporting scholastic achievement. Sigma Gamma Rho members tutored grade school students and collected donations for the Merriwether Home for children. Two children in elementary school got to the opportunity to study African American History in Atlanta because the Phi Sigma chapter of Sigma Gamma Rho sponsored it in the late 1960s (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

Black Greek-Letter Organizations’ philanthropy also extended to building their communities in other ways, including by addressing mental health and poverty. During 1964, the Gamma Alpha Sigma chapter of Sigma Gamma Rho not only gave $565 to the Kent County Mental Health Association, but it also donated over $1,600 to various causes related to mental health. The next year, the Gamma Alpha Sigma chapter donated $2,100 to a mental health initiative (Parks & Neumann, 2016). BGLOs have improved the infrastructure of African American communities through their programs and donations. Alpha Phi Alpha Building Foundation maintained, defended, and supported communities’ infrastructure by empowering them economically. In 1966, the members of the Eta Tau Lambda chapter created the housing development Alpha Phi Alpha Homes, Inc. to provide poor and elderly citizens in Akron, Ohio and beyond with inexpensive and quality housing (Myers & Gasman, 2011). On other fronts, Sigma Gamma Rho assisted in the recovery of the Detroit community after the riots in 1967. Sigma Gamma Rho aided the victims of the Detroit riots by contributing $2000 to the Detroit Emergency Relief Fund. What’s more, Sigma Gamma Rho not only gave $500 to the family of Willie Gibson, it adopted the family for a year. Such actions inspired individual chapters to adopt destitute families for specific periods as well (Parks & Neumann, 2016). Much like the Psi chapter of Zeta Phi Beta’s work in the 1940s,

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Sigma Gamma Rho’s Gamma Sigma chapter provided students at three different elementary schools with the eyeglasses they needed through their philanthropy program, Eye-Saver in 1969 (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

The philanthropic endeavors of various BGLOs addressed international needs and foreign policy.

In the early 1960s, Zeta Phi Beta requested that its chapters collect games, toys, scholarly works, and other reading materials for underprivileged people in Africa. One chapter, Eta Sigma, even gave 400 pounds of linen to the campaign, “Linen for Africa.” By 1963, the sorority introduced, Project Challenging Times, a sixpoint project which aided impoverished African communities. This project led to the opening of Monrovia, Libya’s Domestic Science Center and a community development program run by Zeta Phi Beta members (Parks & Neumann, 2016).

By the early 1970s, BGLOs continued to raise money for, and gave money to, varying causes.

Zeta Phi Beta established the National Education Foundation, which funded research, organized workshops, hosted seminars, and awarded scholarships without considering religion, race, or skin color (Parks & Neumann, 2016). In 1971, Alpha Phi Alpha’s Eta Tau Lambda chapter, in association with other alumni chapters and Alpha Phi Alpha Homes, Inc. broke ground for a new housing development in Akron, Ohio. They secured a commitment from Federal Housing to assist in the building, which ended up being a $10 million development (The Sphinx, 1971).

In 1976, the General President announced an initiative to raise one million over five years for the United Negro College Fund, the Urban League, and the NAACP (The Sphinx, 1976). In 1978, Alpha Kappa Alpha’s Kappa Tau Omega chapter held a spring fundraiser, proceeds to the NAACP, the United Negro College Fund, the Job Corps, the Black Culture Center, the Mental Health Association, and other organizations (The Ivy Leaf, 1978). Omega Psi Phi started a campaign supporting the United Negro College Fund in 1979. Not only did Omega Psi Phi pledge

to donate $50,000 in five years, but it also set its campaign goal at $250,000 (Gill, 1977). That same year, the fraternity made a $2,314 donation to the Detroit Afro-American Museum’s building fund (The Oracle, 1979).

These accounts provide only a snapshot of the philanthropic work that BGLOs have done from 1906 through the 1970s. The nine organizations have neither equally robust historical archives nor do they provide equal access to the general public. Moreover, their primary historical texts do not uniformly provide histories beyond the 1970s. However, Internal Revenue Service (IRS) data provide a contemporary snapshot of their work in this area.

Data Generation We gathered data on the financial performance of the nine NPHC organizations and affiliates based on their filings with the IRS. Nonprofit organizations are required to file with the IRS annually, and most tax-exempt organizations that satisfy certain criteria file a version of the IRS Form 990. These forms are publicly available and are intended to disclose the financial information of firms that are tax-exempt to the public. The National Center for Charitable Statistics (NCCS) collects these forms and digitizes them.

Methods We used two sets of NCCS data in our analysis.

First, we use the “Core” files, which contain records for all organizations that file either a Form 990, a Form 990PF, or a Form 990EZ. These include 501(c)3 charities as well as other types of charitable organizations (i.e., organizations classified as tax-exempt from another part of 501(c) other than 501(c)3). Furthermore, data on 501(c)3 charities are split across two data files: the Core for Public Charities (PC), and the Core for Private Foundations (PF). Generally, public charities directly provide charitable services, while private foundations provide funding for other organizations to do so. Thus, for each year

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there are three Core files: Core PC, Core PF, and Core Other.

The second set of data files we use are the Business Master Files (BMF). These data files include the organizations that are represented in the Core files but also many other organizations.

Charitable organizations that are not required to file one of the 990 forms, usually because their financial activity falls below a threshold value, appear in the BMF files but not the Core files.

There are two BMF datasets for each year: the BMF 501(c)3 data (which contains data on both public charities and private foundations), and the BMF other dataset.

While the BMF data contain more organizations than the Core, the number of variables per organization is higher in the Core files. This is because the Core files come from the 990 forms, which contain detailed financial data; while the BMF data usually contain no more than basic identifying information (e.g., name and address). Therefore, our analysis of the philanthropic efforts of these organizations must be limited to those organizations that we observe in the Core files rather than just the BMF.

Data are collected from 1989-2015.

Hundreds of thousands of organizations are included each year, but only a small fraction represents BGLOs or affiliates. To identify which organizations are BGLOs, we matched based on the organizations’ federal employee identification numbers (EIN). Using Guidestar (a website that provides information on nonprofits) during the summer of 2014, we identified a set of 2,302 EINs that belong to BGLOs associated with each of the nine NPHC organizations. We searched for those organizations within the Core files or the BMF files. Overall, there are many more organizations1 in the BMF than in the Core.

Thus, there are (usually) many more BGLOs in the BMF than in the Core.

Figure 1 presents the number of organizations found across the years, by data file. It includes the years 1995 through 2013, in which both BMF and Core data files are available. (Core data only are also available from 1989-1994, and BMF data only are available from 20142015.) The height of each bar represents the number of BGLOs found in the BMF files or the Core files. Organizations found in both files are

Figure 1 Count of BGLO Organizations by File Type and Year We use the term “organization” to refer to the individual units, e.g. chapters and alumni associations, within each of the nine NPHC fraternities and sororities.

1

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counted towards the Core file total. Each bar is comprised of five different colors, for the two sources of BMF organizations, the 501(c)3 file and the other file (not 501(c)3 organizations), and for the three sources of Core organizations, Core PC, Core PF, and Core Other.

The total number of BGLOs identified in the data range from about 1,000 per year to 2,000 per year for this period. The vast majority of organizations are found only in the BMF files, in particular in the BMF Other file. For these organizations, the data do not contain any financial information, only identifying information like name and organization type. Only in the Core data files do we have the financial information like total revenue and expenditures. The number of BGLOs identified in the Core data files ranges from 49 in 1997 to 181 in 2011.

To put the data from the BGLOs in context, we compare them to similar organizations based on their categorization from the National Taxonomy of Exempt Entities (NTEE).2 The NTEE assigns an alphanumeric code to each organization based on its purpose. We compare the BGLOs to organizations with an NTEE code B83: Student Sororities and Fraternities. (The major category B is for “Education,” and the subcategory B8 is for “Student Services.”) These organizations include fraternities and sororities that are not historically African American. We do not include any BGLOs that are classified as B83 in the B83 category. There are many more B83 organizations than there are BGLOs, by approximately an order of magnitude or more.

The purpose of this comparison is to view the financial performance of BGLOs relative to their most comparable other nonprofits, which we believe to be other fraternities and sororities besides BGLOs. The B83 NTEE code identifier is the only available way of identifying these comparable organizations.

2

Results Once the BGLOs were identified, we used the data to present summary statistics on their overall financial performance. Two useful summary measures are total revenues and total expenses because they provide a simple ‘snapshot’ of the magnitude of the philanthropic activity of an organization. More detailed data, like the categories and types of expenditures or the sources of revenues, are generally not available in the 990 data. These variables are only available in the Core files, not the BMF files.

Furthermore, they are not available in the Core Other files before 1997.

Figure 2 presents the median and mean of total revenues and total expenditures, in real 2013 dollars, by year separately for BGLOs and B83 organizations. It includes just the Core data years of 1989-2013, and for 1989-1996, the means and medians are calculated with just the Core PC and Core PF files and not the Core Other files (which explains the increased volatility in all measures in those years). Because there are so few BGLOs in the Core files, especially in the earlier years (see Figure 1), these values are volatile.

The picture that emerges from the crude analysis is that there is some evidence that the median BGLO has lower revenues and lower expenses than does the median B83 organizations in most years. The median B83 organization earns about $100,000-$125,000 in revenues per year, compared to about $50,000-$100,000 for the median BGLO. For expenses, the median B83 organization spends about the same as it earns in revenue, $100,000-$125,000 per year, while the median BGLO spends a bit less than its revenue, just about $60,000. There also appears to be a downward trend in median revenues and expenses over the period for BGLOs. Looking at mean values rather than medians, BGLOs have substantially higher mean expenses and revenues than do B83s. This is likely due to a very small

http://nccs.urban.org/classification/ntee.cfm

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number of outliers among the small number of BGLO organizations for which we have financial data.

Next, we separately examined the nine different members of the NPHC.Table 1 presents a count of BGLOs separated by year and by the nine NPHC fraternities and sororities from the BMF files, and Table 2 presents it from the Core files. (Core data are available from 1989-2013, and the BMF files are available from 1995-2015.)

As shown in Figure 1, there are about an order of magnitude more organizations present in the BMF than are in the Core. The largest number of organizations were found from the sorority Delta Sigma Theta (DST), which has 632 organization-year observations in the Core files and 12,992 in the BMF files. The next highest totals were for the Core are Sigma Gamma Rho (SGR, 465 observations), Omega Psi Phi (OPP, 450 observations), and Zeta Phi Beta (ZPB, 441 observations). The fewest observations in the

Core came from Iota Phi Theta (IPT), with just 23 observations.

With the caveat implied by the very small sample size for many of these organizations, we present summary statistics on revenues and expenses, separately for each of the nine NPHC organizations, in Figure 3. As in Figure 2, the left column presents revenues, the right column presents expenses, the top row is the medians, and the bottom row is the means. In Figure 3, the statistics are presented by fraternity/ sorority, rather than by year (for each fraternity/ sorority, all the data are averaged over all the years available). Figure 3 demonstrates that outliers drive much of this analysis, given the small number of observations for many of the organizations. In the top row, the outlier for both revenues and expenses is Phi Beta Sigma (PBS), which as Table 2 shows is represented by just one organization in the Core files for most years in the sample. Its median revenues and Expenses

(a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

Mean

Median

Revenues

Figure 2 Median and Mean Total Revenues and Expenses for BGLO and B83 Organizations by Year

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Table 1 Count of BGLO Organizations by Fraternity/Sorority andYear, BMF files Organization AKA

APA

DST

IPT

KAP

OPP

PBS

SGR

ZPB

Total

1995

3

17

465

1

99

67

0

145

148

945

1996

3

18

475

1

99

69

0

152

152

969

1997

1

20

478

1

102

73

0

177

168

1,020

1998

1

21

456

2

105

73

0

179

171

1,008

1999

1

25

483

1

110

75

0

189

178

1,062

2000

1

25

482

0

109

79

0

186

175

1,057

2001

9

24

459

0

198

78

2

194

177

1,141

2002

9

23

459

1

199

77

3

227

174

1,172

2003

10

28

657

1

202

76

3

244

175

1,396

2004

10

28

658

1

200

76

3

246

177

1,399

2005

9

28

682

1

204

75

3

242

174

1,418

2006

9

31

679

1

206

75

3

227

176

1,407

2007

6

35

689

0

209

76

3

219

214

1,451

2008

7

36

707

0

191

66

2

268

252

1,529

2009

7

38

715

0

225

60

4

344

247

1,640

2010

5

41

756

0

225

92

4

361

270

1,754

2011

5

40

738

0

199

167

3

401

250

1,803

2012

4

38

761

0

207

201

4

420

278

1,913

2013

3

39

761

0

225

248

4

433

327

2,040

2014

53

57

737

2

253

238

5

443

352

2,140

2015

52

57

695

2

245

189

6

430

325

2,001

Total

208

669

12,992

15

3,812

2,230

52

5,727

4,560

30,265

expenses are an order of magnitude higher than that for all of the other fraternities or sororities.

For the mean values, it is an outlier, along with Alpha Kappa Alpha (AKA), which also has very few observations, and Delta Sigma Theta (DST), which has the most observations.

The small number of observations obfuscates this analysis. So in Figure 4, we re-create these summary figures but lump the four fraternities and sororities with the fewest Core observations — AKA, APA, IPT, and PBS — into a single category titled “Other.” This figure provides a more balanced analysis. The top row shows a remarkable degree of consistency in the median values across fraternities and sororities. Median revenues and expenses were each about $50,000

to $60,000 per year per organization for all fraternities and sororities, except a bit higher for DST and a bit lower for ZPB. The lower half of Figure 4 shows that the mean values are much higher than the median values for all fraternities and sororities. However, this is much more pronounced for DST, whose mean revenues ($2 million) was about twenty times as high as its median revenues, and for the “Other” category, which includes the outliers AKA and PBS from Figure 3. The result from DST, though, was not due to small sample size, since DST has the largest number of observations of all fraternities and sororities. This indicates that there were some organizations affiliated with DST that have very high revenues and expenses.

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Table 2 Count of BGLO Organizations by Fraternity/Sorority andYear, Core files Organization AKA

APA

DST

IPT

KAP

OPP

PBS

SGR

ZPB

Total

1989

2

6

37

0

8

13

1

29

15

111

1990

3

7

25

0

6

11

1

49

11

113

1991

3

8

22

0

6

12

1

52

7

111

1992

3

7

19

0

5

14

1

54

3

106

1993

3

5

23

0

5

14

1

40

8

99

1994

3

6

43

0

3

9

1

35

23

123

1995

2

5

52

0

6

9

1

30

30

135

1996

2

8

35

0

7

8

1

27

26

114

1997

4

7

9

0

8

6

1

4

10

49

1998

4

8

13

0

7

8

1

6

8

55

1999

4

7

15

0

5

7

1

3

7

49

2000

4

8

15

2

6

7

1

5

11

59

2001

4

9

17

2

7

10

1

4

8

62

2002

5

11

18

1

7

14

1

6

13

76

2003

5

11

23

1

9

17

1

5

12

84

2004

6

13

24

1

11

19

1

4

13

92

2005

5

14

25

1

12

22

1

9

15

104

2006

6

15

24

1

13

21

1

11

14

106

2007

7

15

25

2

14

23

1

14

16

117

2008

7

14

25

2

15

22

1

16

20

122

2009

6

14

35

2

26

29

1

15

25

153

2010

8

14

30

2

33

35

1

16

31

170

2011

8

15

30

2

34

44

1

10

37

181

2012

9

18

25

2

34

37

2

10

43

180

2013

9

18

23

2

31

39

2

11

35

170

Total

122

263

632

23

318

450

27

465

441

2,741

Discussion Our analysis is exploratory, given the rather rudimentary nature of the data that are available to us. Nevertheless, our results yield some important findings that could be relevant to policymakers or scholars of BGLOs. First, it is interesting to note the difference in mean and median revenues as well as expenses between the organizations that we have identified as BGLOs and other college fraternities and sororities identified in the IRS data files. BGLOs have

lower median revenues and expenses, but higher mean revenues and expenses. The difference is driven by a small number of outliers, which is unsurprising given the relatively small number of BGLOs that we can identify. Given this, the more policy-relevant figure is probably the median values, which are lower than those for similar organizations.

Why is it the case that the median BGLO seems to be smaller, in terms of its revenues and expenses, than the median fraternity or sorority?

There are several possible explanations, most

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of which we are unable to examine thoroughly in this study. One obvious explanation is that BGLOs are smaller than other fraternities and sororities, either in terms of their current membership levels or their number of alumni.

The IRS data files do not contain this information.

It may also be possible that alumni and current members of BGLOs have on average lower incomes than do alumni and current members of other fraternities and sororities and are thus less able to give to their organizations. Or, it may be the case that potential BGLO donors choose to donate to other types of organizations besides BGLOs. However, given the large body of evidence presented earlier in the paper about the vital role that BGLOs play in African American philanthropy, this explanation may not be satisfactory.

The second major finding of the analysis involves the differences between the nine

different NPHC organizations. Here, we emphasize that the results should be interpreted with caution since the issues arising from the relatively small sample size are even more exacerbated at this scale. Nevertheless, we do find evidence that Delta Sigma Theta (DST), which has the most observations in our data set of any of the nine fraternities or sororities, contributes greatly to the mean values of revenues and expenses being much higher than the median values. This indicates that a small number of DST organizations may be outliers relative to the rest of the BGLOs. As for what could cause this pattern, there is nothing in our dataset that can address this. Perhaps alumni of DST are different in terms of income than alumni of the other eight, or perhaps the difference stems from DST’s central management.

Our analysis sheds new light on some of the findings of the previous literature, described Expenses

(a)

(b)

Mean

Median

Revenues

(c)

(d)

Figure 3 Median and Mean Total Revenues and Expenses for BGLO Organizations by Fraternity/Sorority

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Expenses

Median

Revenues

(b)

(c)

(d)

Mean

(a)

Figure 4 Median and Mean Total Revenues and Expenses for BGLO Organizations by Fraternity/Sorority, Grouped

earlier. Our previous section chronicling the history of BGLO philanthropic efforts focused on qualitative research, and it highlights specific philanthropic actions taken over the past 100-plus years on the part of individual organizations. For instance, Parks & Neumann (2016) list several instances in which African American sororities have made charitable efforts. Hernandez & Parks (2016) focus on the philanthropic efforts of one organization, Delta Sigma Theta. However, to the best of our knowledge, our paper is the first systematic analysis in regard to BGLO organizations and their financial performance.

Our results are potentially relevant for campus-based professionals and fraternity and sorority life advisors. Philanthropy is a major component of the mission of many Greek organizations, especially (as we documented earlier) for BGLOs. Having a systematic overview

of how BGLOs are performing financially, on average, may benefit advisors by giving them a benchmark for their individual organization’s performance. For example, if an advisor sees that her organization’s expenses or revenues differ considerably from the average for similar organizations, then it may be worth investigating the source of the divergence.

Conclusion We document the history of philanthropic activity conducted by the nine fraternities and sororities of the National Pan-Hellenic Conference (The Divine Nine). Using data from about 2,000 of these organizations’ publiclyavailable IRS forms, we provide summary measures of the magnitude of their philanthropy via each organization’s revenues and expenses.

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Although our analysis is limited by the relatively small number of organizations for which we have financial data from the IRS, we can draw some preliminary conclusions.

The median BGLO earns about $50,000 to $100,000 in revenues each year and spends about the same in expenses. There appears to be a slight downward trend in both of these averages over the past 20 years. When compared to other student fraternities and sororities (those classified with the NTEE code B83), the BGLOs’ median revenues and expenses are about one-half as large ($50,000 to $100,000 per year versus $100,000 to $150,00 per year for revenues, and about $60,000 per year versus $80,000 to $120,000 per year for expenses (see Figure 2, panels a and b). However, the mean values of revenues and expenses for BGLOs are about twice as high as the respective mean values for B83s (see Figure 2, panels c and d). This could be an artifact of the relatively small sample size.

When examining organizations separately by the nine NPHC fraternities and sororities, the issue of small sample size is exacerbated. Nonetheless, there is some evidence that Delta Sigma Theta is an outlier, insofar as having slightly higher median revenues and expenses than the other organizations.

Our analysis is very exploratory, and more research could be done along several dimensions.

First, by examining total revenues and total expenses by organization, other data available for analysis includes spending by category (for instance, spending on fundraising or salaries) and income by category (for instance, from donations or government grants). Second, we omit any analysis on organizations that are not found in the Core data files though it is possible that for some of these organizations, more financial information is available from another source.

Third, our analysis is purely comparative, and perhaps additional insight could be found through quantitative and qualitative analysis looking more closely at a small number of organizations.

Fourth, additional data sources may exist beyond

the IRS Form 990s available through the National Center for Charitable Statistics. For example, many nonprofit organizations release financial reports to the public, separately from their IRS reporting.

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Author Biographies Garth Heutel is an associate professor of economics at Georgia State University and a research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research. He studies environmental policy, behavioral economics, and the economics of nonprofit organizations. His research has appeared in Journal of Public Economics,The Economic Journal, American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, Journal of Environmental Economics and Management, Review of Economic Dynamics, and elsewhere. He earned his Ph.D. at the University of Texas at Austin.

Koren Hardy is a 2019 graduate of the Wake Forest University School of Law. While working on this article, she was an undergraduate at Wake Forest University. She graduated from Wake in 2016 with a Bachelor of Arts in history. She would like to thank Dr. Gregory Parks for the opportunity to work on this article, and she is very grateful for contributing to such an important topic.

Mackenzie Marti Slater graduated summa cum laude from Wake Forest University with a bachelor’s degree in sociology and a minor in history. She earned Distinction in Major and admittance to Phi Beta Kappa. Slater was a research assistant for Dr. Gregory Parks from 2014-2017 and Dr. Hana Brown in 2017. She presented her honors thesis at the Sixth Annual Student Research Symposium on Gender and Sexuality. In 2014, Slater was a member of Kappa Alpha Theta.

Gregory S. Parks is a professor of law at Wake Forest University School of Law. His scholarship has focused on the history, culture, and contemporary issues facing African American fraternities and sororities. He’s a Life Member of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Incorporated.

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JOINING IN, BLOWING THE WHISTLE, OR INTERVENING: EXAMINING THE EFFECTS OF SEVERITY AND ORGANIZATIONAL IDENTIFICATION ON FRATERNITY/ SORORITY MEMBERS’ RESPONSES TO HAZING Brian K. Richardson, University of North Texas, Steve Rains, University of Arizona, and Camille Hall-Ortega, University of Texas at Austin Hazing, a form of organizational wrongdoing endemic to fraternities and sororities, persists on college campuses, often resulting in deleterious outcomes. To better understand organizational members’ responses to hazing, we considered the influence of members’ organizational identification and the severity of the hazing situation on three response options: participating, whistle-blowing, and intervening. Members of fraternities and sororities (N = 243) were randomly assigned to read one scenario in which hazing severity was manipulated and then asked to complete a questionnaire containing measures of organizational identification and hazing response options. Hazing severity influenced two of the three outcomes. As the hazing event became more severe, willingness to participate decreased and motivation to blow the whistle increased. Hazing severity also moderated relationships between organizational identification and the three response options.When severity was low, organizational identification was positively associated with willingness to participate and negatively associated with intentions to whistle-blow and motivation to stop the activity. The results are discussed in terms of reducing hazing through education, training, and culture change.

Hazing is “any humiliating or dangerous activity expected of you to join a group, regardless of your willingness to participate” (Hoover, 1999, p. 8); hazing activities range from innocuous demands or requests of new members to extreme acts of aggression (Etzel, Watson, Visek, & Maniar, 2006). Hazing has endured on college campuses, often resulting in physical, psychological, and emotional abuse for victims (McCreary, Bray, Thoma, 2016; Montague, Zohra, Love, & McGee, 2008; Nuwer, 2018). Allan and Madden (2008) found that 55% of college students participating in university organizations have experienced hazing. Hazing is particularly endemic to fraternities and sororities, many of which are historically rooted in such traditions (Owen, Burke, & Vichesky, 2008). Indeed, 39 fraternity and sorority members were killed in hazing incidents from 2009-2019 (Nuwer, 2019). Despite official, mandated prohibitions to end hazing passed by legitimate authorities including universities, states, and (inter)national fraternity and sorority organizations, hazing and

the negative consequences associated with it persist (Montague et al., 2008).

Keating et al. (2005) argued hazing generates a number of important group-related outcomes, including enhanced group dependence, belonging, and identity, suggesting that both influences to engage in hazing and solutions to the fraternity/sorority hazing problem could be addressed within the group. However, fraternity/ sorority members’ high identification levels with their respective organizations create a significant obstacle to stopping hazing as such groups are typically very cohesive, which “can cause group members to prohibit fellow group members and even themselves from expressing sensible dissenting points of view” (Palmer, 2013, p.

16). Fraternity/sorority members who witness hazing may respond in a number of ways. They may engage in whistleblowing, by reporting what they have seen to someone who may be able to put an end to the unethical behavior (Near & Miceli, 1995).Whistleblowing is the most widely studied response to organizational wrongdoing, a

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focus which has led to a whistleblowing/silence dichotomy that does not consider other responses to such behavior (Teo & Casperesz, 2011). This near singular focus on whistleblowing has led us to ignore other, perhaps more common, ways of responding to organizational wrongdoing (Knapp, Faley, Ekeberg, & DuBois, 1997).

Such responses include participating in unethical behavior, or engaging in inaction, both of which would foster the continuance of wrongdoing (McLain & Keenan, 1999).

Considering the routine occurrence of hazing, this form of response is likely commonplace, especially among fraternities/sororities with favorable attitudes toward hazing (Owen et al., 2008). Fraternity/sorority members could also attempt to intervene in the hazing in an attempt to end it, though this action requires them to immediately and visibly oppose group norms (Keating et al., 2005). Finally, they could attempt indirect forms of bystander intervention, e.g. distraction, in order to divert the group’s attention away from a hazing activity (Oesterle, Orchowski, Moreno, & Berkowitz, 2018). Individuals witnessing hazing have each of these various response options at their disposal and the option they choose will perpetuate or help end the behavior.

Ellsworth (2006) proposed future research should explore “whether or not students would report or seek to intervene in (hazing) activities” (p. 57). In order to reduce hazing, we need to better understand how fraternity/sorority members respond to it, and factors influencing their choices. The purpose of this study was to examine two such factors, including perceived severity and organizational identification.

Through offering insights about the role of the hazing event and group-related factors such as organizational identification, the results of this project advance our understanding of how and why organizational members respond to wrongdoing. Findings of this study can also inform intervention strategies devised by universities, and national and local chapters, that seek to stop

hazing activities as they are being planned or are being carried out. Next, we review the literature addressing ways organizational members respond to wrongdoing, including hazing.

Responses to Organizational Wrongdoing Whistleblowing, defined as “the disclosure by organization members (former or current) of illegal, immoral, or illegitimate practices under the control of their employers, to persons or organizations that may be able to effect action” (Near & Miceli, 1985, p. 4), appears to be the most researched response to organizational wrongdoing.

Henik (2008) described whistleblowing as a sequenced, communicative act that is carried out over several stages. In the first stage, an individual witnesses a trigger event, an act of suspected organizational wrongdoing. The second stage is marked by the individual considering the act to be ‘wrong,’ and engaging in a decision-making process about how to respond. In the third stage, the individual either blows the whistle or remains silent. The fourth stage involves the accused organization or group reacting to the report. Finally, in the fifth and final stage, the whistle-blower considers the organization’s responses, which may include retaliation, and ponders whether and how to proceed. A preponderance of whistleblowing research has examined stage two, with a focus on factors influencing someone to blow the whistle or remain silent, and stage four, addressing what factors predict organizational retaliation against whistle-blowers (Mesmer-Magus & Viswesvaran, 2005). Mesmer-Magus and Viswesvaran’s (2005) meta-analysis of whistleblowing research revealed a number of factors correlated with whistleblowing intentions. These factors include individual characteristics such as age, role responsibility, and ethical judgment; situational characteristics, including threat of retaliation and supervisor support; and organizational factors, such as organizational climate. More recently,

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scholars have found the type of wrongdoing (Somers & Casal, 2011), a team climate, having supervisory status (Rothwell & Baldwin, 2006), and working in a participatory culture (Richardson, Wheeless, & Cunningham, 2008) influence reporting intentions.

Because the bulk of previous studies limit respondents’ options to either whistle-blow or not, questions remain about whether, if given the opportunity, respondents might choose another response. An emerging criticism of this line of research is its reliance on a whistleblowing/ silence dichotomy that ignores alternative member responses (Teo & Caspersz, 2011). In fact, a number of whistleblowing models and studies limit response options to reporting the wrongdoing or remaining silent (Henik, 2008; Miceli & Near, 1992; Rothwell & Baldwin, 2006; Trongmateerut & Sweeney, 2013). For example, in their critique of Miceli and Near’s (1992) whistleblowing model, Teo and Caspersz (2011) argued “Miceli and Near pose the choice for the individual as either to whistle-blow (publicly) or remain silent. Notably, the authors do not explore alternatives other than this public-level option of whistleblowing or retreating into the private sphere of silence” (p. 238).

While studies are limited, researchers have found that organizational members pursue a wide range of bystander intervention behaviors upon witnessing wrongdoing including using coded language, sarcasm, humor, gossip, informally communicating with peers, including the alleged wrongdoer, and intervening to end the wrongdoing (Orbe & King, 2000; Teo & Caspersz, 2011). Intervening is one response to organizational wrongdoing that this study addresses. Though both whistleblowing and intervening are attempts to end wrongdoing, they do so in very different ways. By intervening, an individual is very publicly and immediately attempting to end an act. Thus, they are at risk in the moment for going against group behavior (Bowes-Sperry & O’Leary-Kelly, 2005). Whistleblowing is typically done

after an observed violation; for example, the individual reports suspected wrongdoing to an official who is typically not on the scene. While whistleblowing could ultimately put an end to hazing practices, it would allow it to continue in the moment. Still, whistleblowing can be done in an anonymous or confidential fashion, offering the whistleblower protection from retaliation, while still bringing attention to wrongdoing.

While the research cited above expanded the response options of witnessed unethical behavior, they still neglect the possibility of organizational members choosing to participate in wrongdoing. Research indicates individuals will engage in behaviors that foster organizational wrongdoing, particularly in highly competitive situations, when they are highly identified with the organization, or when following directives from legitimate authorities (Bocchiaro, Zimbardo, & Van Lange, 2012; Ploeger & Bisel, 2013; Richardson et al., 2008). Further, McLain and Keenan (1999) asserted “many individuals respond to the observation of wrongdoing by participating,” (p. 264) which suggests this option should be considered in studies of responses to organizational wrongdoing. To summarize, individuals witnessing unethical behavior, including hazing, have a number of response options at their disposal. The present study addresses two response options in opposition to hazing, including whistleblowing and intervening, and one option, participating, that would allow hazing to continue. Next, we explore two variables expected to play a particularly important role in response options.

These include organizational identification, which is linked to verbally defending an organization’s illegitimate practices (Ploeger & Bisel, 2013), and severity of wrongdoing, a variable consistently linked to whistleblowing behaviors (Cassematis & Wortley, 2013).

Severity of Wrongdoing One factor expected to influence how organizational members respond to wrongdoing

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is its perceived severity or harmfulness. Severity has been operationalized as wrongdoing which could physically harm someone or is financially costly in nature (Richardson, Wang, & Hall, 2012; Miceli & Near, 1985; Singer, Mitchell, & Turner, 1998). Researchers have found perceived severity has both direct and moderating effects on whistleblowing intentions (King, 1997; Singer, Mitchell, & Turner, 1998). More specifically, research generally indicates that as perceived severity increases, so too do whistleblowing intentions (MesmerMagnus & Viswesvaran, 2005). Related to the present study, researchers have examined the influence of perceived severity of hazing acts on whistleblowing intentions. In their study of undergraduate college students, Campo and Poulos (2004) found perceived harm to victims was the strongest predictor of initiates and group members’ willingness to report hazing. Similarly, Richardson et al. (2012) found intentions of fraternity and sorority members who witnessed hazing increased in relation to the perceived severity of the wrongdoing. They conceptualized severity as physical harm that could affect hazing targets. While these studies demonstrate a link between severity and whistleblowing intentions, other response options were not considered.

Jones (1991) developed the term “moral intensity” to capture “the extent of issuerelated moral imperative in a situation” (p.

372). Dimensions of moral intensity include “magnitude of consequences,” or how many people could be harmed by an act, “probability of effect,” or the likelihood an act will cause harm, and “temporal immediacy,” the amount of time between an act and the onset of harm to others. Jones argued individuals are increasingly likely to intervene as situations increase in moral intensity. Considering Jones’ arguments and other research focused specifically on whistleblowing (King, 1997; Mesmer-Magnus & Viswesvaran, 2005; Richardson et al., 2012; Singer et al., 1998), we would expect hazing acts which possess the potential to cause immediate

and direct harm to many people would foster more intervention attempts and less intent to participate. Conversely, low severity hazing conditions might lead to respondents reporting they would participate and be less likely to intervene because the potential for the hazing target to be physically or psychologically harmed is lower. Thus, we offer the following hypothesis: Hypothesis 1: Hazing severity affects (a) willingness to participate, (b) motivation to stop, and (c) intention to whistle-blow about the activity such that greater levels of severity result in decreased participation, increased attempts to intervene, and greater intentions to engage in whistleblowing.

Organizational Identification Although characteristics of a hazing event such as severity should play an important role in determining member responses, within-group factors are also likely to be critical in fostering or impeding hazing activities. Organizational identification, which involves an individual’s perception of belongingness or oneness with an organization (Mael & Ashforth, 1992), might be particularly useful for understanding how fraternity/sorority members’ respond to witnessing hazing. Organizational identification has origins in social identity theory, which posits that people classify themselves and others into various social categories enabling them to identify or locate themselves in the social environment (Tajfel & Turner, 1985). This identification process leads to a sense of oneness between individuals and the particular groups to which they are identifying (Mael & Ashforth, 1992).

Individuals further perceive the group’s fate as intertwined with their own fate. Identification with the organization seems particularly salient for fraternity/sorority members, as they tend to possess high levels of attachment to their fraternities and sororities (Davis & Myers, 2012). As Williams and Connaughton (2012) argued, values are salient characteristics of social organizations such as fraternities and sororities,

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and identifications are often constructed around shared values between organizations and their members. Accordingly, organizational identification is likely a group-related factor that has implications for reporting wrongdoing.

Identification as a form of attachment can have great benefit for organizations and their members. For example, research has noted that individuals with higher identification levels are less likely to exit the organization (Apker, Propp, & Ford, 2009), engaged in more ethical behavior (Akaah, 1992) and were more team oriented (Croucher, Long, Meredith, Oommen, & Steele, 2009). These findings make sense, considering “an individual is said to identify with an organization when his membership in the organization is integrated into his personal identity” (Davis & Myers, 2012, p. 195). As individuals’ organizational identification levels increase, they will become increasingly attached to the organization and see things from its perspective (Ploeger & Bisel, 2013). However, this claim muddies the water with respect to communicative responses to organizational wrongdoing. Consider the case of organizational members who are highly identified with their organizations. Upon witnessing unethical behavior, their high identification levels may cause them to see things from the organization’s perspective, join in the wrongdoing, and/or allow it to continue. Conversely, upon witnessing wrongdoing, they may perceive that stopping it or blowing the whistle will ultimately protect the organization and restore it to its idealized state.

Research results offer tentative evidence that increased levels of organizational identification are linked with the former of these options: decreased whistleblowing and greater efforts to enable wrongdoing. For example, Grube, Piliavin, and Turner (2010) studied the influence of nurse role identity, or identification with one’s profession, and organizational role identity, or identification with one’s organization, on nurses’ reporting of unsafe practices. They

found nurse role identity was not predictive of reporting by itself, and that organizational role identity moderated the relationship between nurse role identity and reporting. Specifically, while nurses may be highly identified with their roles, their attachment to their employing organizations seems to take precedence as they consider whether to report unsafe practices.

This conclusion led Grube et al. (2010) to suggest “the highest probability of reporting occurs when organizational role identity is low and nurse role identity is low” (p. 161); so, lower organizational identification leads to reporting unethical behavior. In fact, the nurses may blow the whistle in order to harm the organization which they do not identity. Ploeger and Bisel (2013) found that highly identified members will defend their organizations against allegations of wrongdoing more intensely and more frequently than their less identified counterparts. Taken together, these findings suggest that, as organizational identification increases, attempts to stop unethical behavior should decrease. We offer the following hypotheses to test this notion: Hypothesis 2: Organizational identification is associated with (a) willingness to participate, (b) motivation to stop, and (c) intention to whistle-blow about hazing activity such that as organizational identification increases, participation increases, and intervention and whistleblowing decrease.

Finally, we sought to understand how hazing severity affected the various response options differently depending upon the participant’s level of organizational identification with their fraternity/sorority. We expected that level of severity would moderate the relationship between organizational identification and response options. When hazing is severe, there should be no relationship between organizational identification and the three response options.

Because the magnitude of consequences, proximity, and immediacy are great, individuals will take ethical action regardless of their

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organizational identification level. Conversely, when the hazing severity is low or moderate, organizational identification will be positively associated with participation and negatively associated with whistleblowing or attempts to stop the activity. If the harm to targets is either moderate or mild in terms of severity (Richardson et al., 2012), then the desire to be considered a “good” organizational member will override one’s motivation to behave ethically.

These possibilities are detailed in the following hypothesis: Hypothesis 3: Hazing severity moderates the relationships between organizational identification and (a) willingness to participate (b) motivation to stop, and (c) whistleblowing intentions. Organizational identification is positively associated with participation and negatively associated with intervention intentions and whistleblowing when the level of hazing severity is low and moderate; when hazing severity is high, the relationships between organizational identification and the three outcome variables are not statistically significant.

to complete the survey in exchange for extra credit. In order to recruit a participant, they provided the student’s name and email address.

We then sent the surveys to those respective addresses. Seventy-two participants were from University A and 171 were from University B. The mean age of participants was 20.6 years (SD = 1.41), and participants were more likely to be female (61.7%). Two-hundred and one participants described their race as Caucasian, 10 as Latina/Latino, 10 as African American, 12 as Asian American, five as Other, and five did not indicate their race. Participants reported being a member of their current fraternity or sorority for a mean of 3.9 semesters (SD = 2.12).

Methods

Design and Procedure Hazing severity (low/moderate/high) was the single manipulated variable in this study.

Participants were randomly assigned to read one scenario in which hazing severity was manipulated and then asked to complete the study questionnaire. At the conclusion of the study, participants were given information about local resources that could help with any questions or concerns they had about hazing on their campus.

Participants A total of 243 fraternity and sorority member participated in the study. In order to maintain consistency in the type of respondents composing our sample, we only recruited members of fraternities/sororities affiliated with the Collegiate Panhellenic Council, Multicultural Greek Council, Interfraternity Council, and National Pan-Hellenic Council, rather than those belonging to service or academic organizations. Participants were recruited from two large, public universities in the southwestern United States. Students in undergraduate communication courses completed the survey if they were in a sorority or fraternity; if they were not in a fraternity or sorority, they recruited such individuals

Materials Three brief scenarios, which were developed in previous research (Richardson et al., 2012), were used to manipulate hazing severity (see Appendix A for the scenarios). Scenario development occurred over three stages; first, fraternity and sorority members at a large Southwestern university were tasked with listing hazing acts they had heard about or witnessed, and asked to rate those acts as “not severe,” “moderately severe,” or “most severe.” Next, the researchers selected three hazing scenarios, one from each category. Finally, the Greek-life advisor and an advisor for a local sorority at the same university vetted these scenarios by ranking them from least to most severe. Their rankings corresponded with the researchers’

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initial rankings. In each scenario, participants were asked to imagine witnessing the hazing event being described. The low severity condition involved a situation in which a group of fraternity/sorority members were having dinner at a restaurant. Active members of the group instruct the pledges to retrieve napkins and water for the group after the restaurant wait staff neglects to do so. The moderate severity condition addressed an event in which all members were required to dress up in business attire. At the event, a group of active members begin pelting the pledges with water balloons.

The high severity condition involved an incident in which pledges were required to drink large quantities of alcohol. After they have become intoxicated, the pledges were then instructed to engage in physical exercise (e.g., lunges, running in place, etc.) that leads many of them to become physically ill. The scenarios were exactly the same for fraternity and sorority members, with one exception: the word “sorority” was used in place of the word “fraternity.”

Measures Variables related to responses to hazing were rated on a five-point scale while those related to organizational identification were rated on a seven-point scale. Scales were anchored with strongly disagree to strongly agree.

Responses to hazing. We created three measures for this study to evaluate participants’ responses to the hazing scenario. Three items were used to evaluate participants’ likelihood of participating in the hazing event described in the scenario.

Participants were asked to rate their agreement that they “would consider participating in this activity,” could see myself participating in this type of activity,” and “would never participate in an activity like this” (reverse scored).The mean of these items was computed to form the measure of willingness to participate in the hazing event (M = 2.31, SD = 1.14, α = .88).

We utilized three items to measure participants’ intervention efforts. Participants

rated their agreement that they would “try to put a stop to this activity,” “step in to put a stop to this type of activity,” and “allow this activity to continue” (reverse scored). The mean was computed to create the measure of motivation to stop the hazing event (M = 3.26, SD = 1.15, α = .92).

Finally, we used three items to evaluate participants’ intentions to engage in whistleblowing. Participants rated their agreement that they would “report the hazing incident to someone who could affect action,” “tell someone in power this occurred in order to put an end to it” and “not report the hazing incident to someone who could affect action” (reverse scored). The mean of these three items was computed to create the intention to whistleblow measure (M = 2.90, SD = 1.16, α = .85).

Organizational identification. Mael and Ashforth’s (1992) six-item measure of organizational identification was used to evaluate participants’ identification with their fraternity or sorority. Sample items include: “When someone criticizes my fraternity [sorority], it feels like a personal insult” and “When I talk about this fraternity [sorority], I usually say ‘we’ rather than ‘they.’” Items were rated on a sevenpoint scale with larger values indicating a greater level of identification. The mean was computed for these six items (M = 5.69, SD = 1.14, α = .86).

Manipulation check. We included a single-item measure to help evaluate the severity of the hazing scenario. Participants rated the degree to which they felt that the actions described in the scenario could have been harmful for pledges (M = 3.35, SD = 1.31). We expected the respondents would rate severity of the hazing scenarios in a manner consistent with the way they were devised, e.g. they would rate the low severity scenario lower than the other two.

Control variables.We used three control variables in the analyses to account for their influence and ensure that the results were not an artifact of these factors. Given potential differences in the

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cultures of the social organizations between the two universities, the university at which data were collected was included as a control variable in the analyses. Additionally, participants’ sex was included as a control variable to account for differences stemming from whether participants were members of a fraternity or sorority. Finally, participants’ length of membership in their fraternity or sorority was evaluated to account for any possible differences stemming from the amount of time participants had been a member of their fraternity or sorority. Descriptive information for these variables was included in describing the sample.

Results Preliminary Analyses We used confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to evaluate the measures of identification and responses to hazing. The items for willingness to participate, motivation to stop, and intentions to whistle-blow were evaluated in a three-factor model. The alternate fit indices demonstrate that this model adequately fit the sample data, χ2(df = 24) = 220.09, p < .01, CFI = .94, SRMR = .08. The model involving the measure of identification, χ2(df = 9) = 35.65, p < .01, CFI = .97, SRMR = .04, also fit the sample data.

We conducted a check to determine the efficacy of the hazing severity manipulation. The one-way ANOVA was statistically significant, F (2, 238) = 50.01, p < .01, η2 = .33. Posthoc pair-wise comparisons showed that the low severity (M = 2.43, SD = 1.10, n = 79), moderate severity (M = 3.32, SD = 1.25, n = 82), and high severity conditions (M = 4.28, SD = 0.86, n = 80) were all perceived to be significantly different from one another. The results indicate that the severity manipulation was effective.

Hazing Severity and Organizational Identification Hypotheses 1 and 2 predicted that hazing

severity and organizational identification were associated with (a) willingness to participate, (b) motivation to stop, and (c) intention to whistle-blow. Hypothesis 3 predicted that hazing severity moderated the relationship between organizational identification and the three outcome variables. Because organizational identification was a continuous variable, OLS regression was used to test the hypotheses.

Prior to conducting the analyses, we created two dummy-coded variables to evaluate the three hazing severity conditions. The low severity condition was used as the reference group; thus, positive relationships between the two dummycoded variables and other variables indicated that scores were greater in the moderate or high severity conditions.

We constructed three identical regression models, with the exception of the outcome variable, to test the hypotheses.The three control variables were entered in the first block. The two dummy-coded variables representing hazing severity were included in the second block, and the measure of organizational identification was entered in the third block. The interactions between identification and the two dummycoded variables were included in the fourth block. The variables in blocks two and three were mean-centered prior to constructing the interaction terms (Aiken & West, 1991).

The results, which are reported in Table 1, are mostly consistent with Hypotheses 1a and 1c. The change in variance associated with adding the second block to the model served as the test of the main effect for severity (Aiken & West, 1991). Adding the second block resulted in a statistically significant increase in variance explained for motivation to whistle-blow, ΔF (2, 230) = 4.19, p = .02, ΔR2 = .03. The p-value associated with the change in variance explained for willingness to participate approached the traditional criterion for statistical significance, ΔF (2, 230) = 2.98, p = .053, ΔR2 = .02. The beta coefficients for the dummy-coded variables were both statistically significant, indicating that

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Table 1 Results of the Regression Models Examining Hazing Severity and Organizational Identification as Predictors of Member Responses Willingness to participate

Motivation to stop

Intention to whistle-blow

β

β

β

β

β

β

β

β

β

β

β

β

Participant sex (0 = male)

-.28*

-.28*

-.28*

-.30*

.22*

.22*

.23*

.24*

.26*

.26*

.27*

.29*

University (0 = Withheld)

.18*

.17*

.19*

.19*

-.21*

-.20*

-.22*

-.21*

-.27*

-.26*

-.28*

-.28

Length of membership

.12

.13*

.13*

.10

.02

.01

.01

.04

-.01

-.03

-.03

.01

Mod. severity (dummy)

-.16*

-.16*

-.14*

.12

.12

.11

.18*

.18*

.16*

High severity (dummy)

-.15*

-.14*

-.14*

.07

.07

.06

.18*

.18*

.18*

.05

.30*

-.05

-.29*

-.05

-.29*

Block 1: Control variables

Block 2: Severity

Block 3: Identification Block 4: Interactions Mod. severity (dummy) × Identification

-.25*

.25*

.21*

High severity (dummy) × Identification

-.21*

.19*

.24*

ΔR2

.11*

.02

.003

.04*

.08

.01

.002

.04*

.12*

.03*

.002

.04*

R

.11*

.13*

.13*

.18*

.08*

.09*

.09*

.13*

.12*

.15*

.15*

.19*

2

* p < .05. Note. Mod. severity = Moderate severity. The variables Moderate severity and High severity were dummy coded so that the reference group consisted of the low severity condition; a positive beta coefficient for either of these variables indicates that scores for the outcome variable were larger among participants in the moderate or high severity conditions than participants in the low severity condition. VIF scores for individual predictor variables ranged from 1.002 to 2.664.

willingness to participate was significantly lower and motivation to whistle-blow was significantly higher in the medium and high severity conditions than the low severity condition.

Hypothesis 1b was not supported; there were no differences in intentions to stop the hazing across the three levels of severity. Hypotheses 2a, 2b, and 2c also were not supported. Organizational identification was not associated with any of the three outcome variables.

The tests of the interaction term showed statistically significant interaction effects that

were largely consistent with Hypotheses 3a, 3b, and 3c. The change in variance explained by adding the fourth block containing the interaction terms functioned as the test of significance for the interaction between hazing severity and organizational identification (Aiken & West, 1991). As can be seen in Table 1, adding the fourth block resulted in a statistically significant increase in variance explained for willingness to participate, ΔF (2, 227) = 5.67, p < .01, ΔR2 = .04, intention to stop, ΔF (2, 226) = 5.09, p = .01, ΔR2 = .04, and motivation to

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whistle-blow, ΔF (2, 227) = 5.62, p < .01, ΔR2 = .04. Finally, we should note that we evaluated the variance inflation factor (VIF) scores for all of the preceding models and the results offer evidence that multicollinearity among the predictor variables was not a problem. The range of VIF scores can be found in the note for Table 1.

The PROCESS macro for SPSS (Hayes, 2013) was used to decompose the significant interaction

between organizational identification and the dummy coded variables for all three dependent measures. The results, which are illustrated in Figures 1 through 3, consistently show statistically significant associations between organizational identification and the three outcomes when hazing severity was low. The unstandardized beta coefficients indicate that, when the severity of the hazing event was low, participants who were

Figure 1 Organizational Identification Moderates the Relationship between Severity of Hazing Incident and Willingness to Participate in Hazing

Figure 2 Organizational Identification Moderates the Relationship between Severity of Hazing Incident and Intention to Engage in Whistleblowing

Figure 3 Organizational Identification Moderates the Relationship between Severity of Hazing Incident and Motivation to Intervene

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more identified with their fraternity or sorority were less motivated to intervene, less likely to whistle blow, and more likely to participate in hazing. When the severity of the incident was high, organizational identification was not associated with any of the three outcomes. These two findings were consistent with the predictions made in Hypotheses 3a-3c. Although Hypotheses 3a-c also predicted a significant association between identification and the three outcomes at moderate levels of severity, the simple slopes were not statistically significant when severity was moderate.

Discussion While many studies examine organizational members’ responses to wrongdoing, most use a whistleblowing/silence dichotomy that may not reflect communicative options available (Teo & Caspersz, 2011). The purpose of this study was to investigate impacts of hazing severity and organizational identification levels on fraternity/sorority members’ use of several response options (participating, intervening, and whistleblowing) upon witnessing a hypothetical hazing situation. Results of this study indicate hazing severity influenced two of the three outcomes. As the hazing event became more severe, intentions to participate decreased and motivation to whistle-blow increased. Moreover, hazing severity moderated the relationships between organizational identification and the three outcomes. When severity was low, organizational identification was positively associated with willingness to participate and negatively associated with intentions to whistleblow and motivation to stop the activity. Each of these findings will be discussed next.

Hazing Severity, Organizational Identification, and Member Responses Though university policies and state laws are established to prevent hazing (Montague et al., 2008), this behavior persists within fraternities

and sororities (Owen et al., 2008). Palmer (2013) argues that, when members of highlycohesive groups see their co-workers behaving unethically, they are more likely to participate and less likely to dissent against the wrongdoing.

Our findings support this claim to a point. Hazing severity affected willingness to participate and whistleblowing intentions such that as severity increased, participation intentions decreased and whistleblowing intentions increased. These results have important implications for efforts to end hazing. It is promising that fraternity/ sorority members indicate being less likely to participate and more willing to blow the whistle against severe hazing, particularly considering harsh treatment during hazing can increase targets’ dependency upon the group (Keating et al., 2005). Our findings suggest this dependency may be difficult to attain if fraternity/sorority members are indeed more likely to report harsh hazing. Moreover, being strongly identified with a fraternity or sorority had no impact on respondents’ motivation to participate or attempt to report the wrongdoing when the severity of hazing was moderate or high.

Yet it is also concerning the results revealed members who were more identified with their fraternity or sorority reported being more likely to participate and less likely to intervene or whistle-blow when the severity of hazing was low. This finding suggests fraternity/ sorority members see some hazing as acceptable, and even indicate a willingness to join in its practice—when they strongly identify with their organization. It is possible that fraternity/ sorority members view low level hazing as a key cultural value of their organizations, making it difficult for them to see the problematic aspects of this behavior (Keating et al., 2005). In Owen et al.’s (2008) study, students recognized that having pledges run errands for active members (similar to our low severity condition) was a form of hazing; however, fraternity/sorority members in the present study may not see these behaviors as harmful, or even hazing, as they

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indicated the highest level of participation for this scenario.

The lack of change in respondents’ intentions to intervene across the severity conditions represents another problematic result.While it is admirable that fraternity/sorority members will increasingly whistle-blow as severity progresses, it is important to remember that whistleblowing is a process that takes time (Henik, 2008).

Whistle-blowers must identify the proper target and channel for reporting wrongdoing, and deliberation over these factors takes time. It is only through intervention that hazing can be stopped in the moment. However, based upon this study’s results, victims are at risk of harm if fraternity/sorority members are not willing to intervene in the moment to end hazing.

Additionally, it is worth noting that, by itself, organizational identification did not predict any of the three responses to wrongdoing.

When considering the question of whether organizational identification influences responses to unethical behavior, it appears the answer is “it depends” on the wrongdoing’s severity. This was particularly true when severity was low.

In this condition, a high level of organizational identification fostered participation, and served to undermine attempts to whistle-blow and intervene. However, these trends did not extend to the moderate and high severity conditions, supporting Jones’ (1991) notion of moral intensity. Jones asserts that as an event becomes increasingly likely to cause harm, particularly in a direct and immediate manner, individuals are more likely to respond in an ethical manner. In the present study, when severity was relatively great (i.e., more than low), organizational identification had no bearing on participation, intervention, or whistleblowing. It is possible that severe hazing produces an individuation effect for observers, freeing them from organizational identification bonds and enabling them to act in ways true to their individual values (Pearce & Giacalone, 2003).

The present study contributes to a line of

research examining interrelationships between organizational wrongdoing, responses, and organizational identification. Grube et al. (2010) found reporting against unsafe practices is highest when both organizational and role identities are low. Ploeger and Bisel (2013) found as members’ levels of organizational identification increases, so too did their propensity to defend their organizations’ unethical behavior.

Such results indicate a downside to fostering organizational identification, as organizational identification reduced employees’ willingness to speak out against unethical behavior. Likewise, the present study surfaced similar concerns.

We found fraternity/sorority members indicate an increasing willingness to participate in hazing in low severity conditions as their organizational identification increased. This finding demonstrates the double-edge sword that is organizational identification; while, it fosters increased intent-to-stay and other positive outcomes, it may distort members’ abilities to think critically and for themselves (Davis & Myers, 2012; Ploeger & Bisel, 2013).

This is especially important considering the high levels of attachment members have to their fraternities/sororities (Davis & Myers, 2012; Williams & Connaughton, 2012). Fortunately, the pattern did not hold true for the more severe conditions, suggesting organizational identification has its limits when threat of harm is close and immediate.

Implications for Practitioners This study’s results offer several practical implications related to fraternities and sororities, hazing, and efforts to end it. First, universities, fraternities, and sororities, need to do a better job educating fraternity/sorority members on what is hazing. Scholars have recognized it is problematic there is not a common, uniform definition of hazing (Ellsworth, 2006; Hollmann, 2002). Based upon this study’s findings, it is apparent that when a target may be injured by hazing, fraternity/sorority members are

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willing to speak out against it. However, they do not whistle-blow, and might even participate, when hazing is not health threatening. Similarly, in their study, Montague et al. (2008) found fraternity/sorority members “overwhelmingly saw a threshold past which hazing becomes inappropriate” (p. 268). Campus administrators could utilize on-campus campaigns and discussions with influential members/leaders to make sure fraternity/sorority members are able to readily identify what is hazing by legal definitions not by socially-accepted thresholds and norms.

The present study also raises questions about how to transform behavioral intent into actual behavior, particularly converting intentions to report hazing incidents to genuine interventions.

Research indicates the relationship between intent and actual behavior is not as strong and direct as previously thought (Webb & Sheeran, 2006). Scholars argued individuals who engage in an implemental phase, in which they plan when, where, and how to act, are more likely to perform the behavior in question (van Hooft, Born, Taris, der Flier, & Blonk, 2005). Thus, if university and fraternity/sorority organization leaders can foster members engaging in these sorts of planning behaviors, they might be able to enhance the relationship between intent to intervene or whistleblow into actual behaviors.

Role-playing provides one avenue to encourage planning behaviors. Specifically, facilitators could develop role-play scenarios depicting fraternity/ sorority members hazing pledges, while bystanders observed. The facilitator could ask observers: “When would be an appropriate time to intervene/blow the whistle?” “Where would you go to intervene/blow the whistle?” and “How would you intervene/blow the whistle?”

Then, the observers could act out the behaviors they have planned. This sort of training could instill appropriate planning behaviors to facilitate the intent-action link.

The study’s finding that low level hazing invites participation needs to be addressed by

practitioners. Research indicates exposure to low-level unethical behavior may desensitize individuals in ways that allow them to persist with more routine and harmful types of misconduct (Fida, Tramontano, Paciello, Ghezzi, & Barbaranelli, 2018). Case study evidence suggests when large numbers of individuals participate in relatively harmless unethical behavior they create a sense of conformity that enables increasingly severe unethical activity (Ashforth & Anand, 2003). Roosevelt (2018) recommended new member activities be guided by goals, or “engaging students on the basis of what they hope to accomplish with the activity” (p. 27). Thus, university and national fraternity/ sorority leaders might engage in dialogue with local chapters about what they hope to accomplish with their new member activities.

With those goals as starting points, the various stakeholders could map out the most appropriate activities, e.g. team-building, for reaching these goals. By including local chapter leaders in these conversations, they gain a sense of ownership and responsibility in designing new member activities that serve constructive purposes, rather than seemingly pointless hazing activities that serve no apparent agenda (Roosevelt, 2018).

Finally, we hope this study fosters discussion about the myriad ways individuals or small groups within hazing fraternities and sororities can positively effect change. While whistleblowing and direct intervention can reduce hazing, these acts may also invite retaliation against those who engage them. A more productive, long-term strategy involves fraternity/sorority members attempting to change the culture of their respective organizations. Methods of culture change include gaining leadership roles that facilitate culture change, creating informal coalitions with like-minded members who are against hazing, recruiting new members who share anti-hazing attitudes, and inviting alumni, university administrators, or faculty members to social events (Hassan, 2019; Westenfeld, 2019).

Research should identify successful examples of

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this sort of culture change so that a set of best practices can be initiated.

Limitations and Future Directions The results of this study must be weighed against its limitations. As mentioned above, we measured behavioral intentions rather than actual behaviors. It is impossible to know whether fraternity/sorority members would employ these behaviors in real-life situations. Future research should identify those who have actually witnessed hazing, collect their responses, and derive predicting factors from these experiences.

Next, the present study also failed to account for control variables, e.g. campus culture, studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; academic standing, or their self-esteem, which might influence the results. Future studies could take these and additional variables into account to test their effect on the relationships between organizational identification, harmfulness, and behavioral intentions. Another possible limitation stems from our use of a convenience sample. Self-selection and other forms of bias like non-response bias may have been an issue in that participants who were more highly identified with their organization may have been more motivated to participate. Two considerations, however, should serve to mitigate such concerns.

First, all respondents were awarded extracredit in exchange for their participation. This incentive should have encouraged all eligible respondents to complete the study. Second, the use of random assignment in the experiment should ensure that any existing bias was equally distributed across conditions and should not have unduly influenced the results.

Finally, the present study only examined organizational identification without failing to consider how salient this identification is during an occurrence of unethical behavior. Considering organizational identification is situational (Scott, Corman, & Cheney, 1998), it is possible that acts of hazing could either (a) increase organizational identification or (b) increase organizational disidentification in the moment. However, the

present study only captured participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; general organizational identification state. Future research must determine how hazing affects organizational identification in situ, and then examine its effects on response behaviors.

Conclusion The present study sought to continue research into responses to organizational wrongdoing, severity of wrongdoing, and organizational identification. On one hand, the findings are promising, suggesting as severity increases, so too do whistleblowing intentions. Still, work remains to be done in hazing education and prevention as evidenced by other findings.

Indeed, this study is unique in that it identifies a condition in which organizational members admit they would participate in unethical behavior. As long as there is no apparent harm to hazing targets, fraternity/sorority members appear to be willing to participate. Such findings suggest we have a long way to go in preventing injuries, psychological trauma, and even death attributed to hazing activities.

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Appendix Description of hazing scenarios.

Scenario 1 (not severe) A group from your sorority/fraternity goes out to eat one night. One of the actives discovers that the waitress neglected to bring her/his table napkins.You witness the active say to one of the pledges, “Hey pledge, go get some napkins for my table.” Later, when one of the actives runs out of water, you hear an active tell him, “Just send a pledge to get you some.”

Scenario 2 (moderately severe) Your sorority/fraternity has an event that requires all members to dress formally. After instructing a group of pledges to get dressed for this event, you witness a group of actives throwing water balloons at the pledges.

Scenario 3 (most severe) During a rush event, you witness a group of actives insisting that a group of pledges continue to drink heavily. It is evident that the pledges are already intoxicated. After the pledges have consumed the alcohol as requested by the actives, the actives ask the pledges to participate in a series of physical activities such as jogging in place, doing lunges across the floor, push-ups, and jumping-jacks. During this, many of the pledges become ill.

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Teo, H., & Caspersz, D. (2011). Dissenting discourse: Exploring alternatives to the whistleblowing/ silence dichotomy. Journal of Business Ethics, 104, 237-249. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-0110906-x

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Trongmateerut, P., & Sweeney, J. T. (2013). The influence of subjective norms on whistle-blowing: A cross-cultural investigation. Journal of Business Ethics, 112, 437-451. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s10551-012-1270-1 van Hooft, E. A. J., Born, M. P.,Taris,T.W., van der Flier, H., & Blonk, R.W. B. (2005). Bridging the gap between intentions and behavior: Implementation intentions, action, control, and procrastination.

Journal ofVocational Behavior, 66, 238-256. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2004.10.003 Webb, T. L., & Sheeran, P. (2006). Does changing behavioral intentions engender behavior change?

A meta-analysis of the experimental evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 132, 249-268. https://doi. org/10.1037/0033-2909.132.2.249 Westenfeld, A. (2019, Feb. 7). Are fraternities too toxic to save? One writer infiltrated the secretive to find out. Esquire. Retrieved on August 13, 2019 from https://www.esquire.com/entertainment/ books/a26142448/fraternity-book-alexandra-robbins-interview/.

Williams, E., & Connaughton, S. L. (2012). Expressions of identifications: The nature of talk and identity tensions among organizational members in a struggling organization. Communication Studies, 63(4), 457-481. https://doi.org/10.1080/10510974.2011.630439 Author Biographies Brian K. Richardson is a professor of communication studies at the University of North Texas. His research examines whistleblowing, disaster recovery, and stress/trauma in the workplace. He was a member of Sigma Phi Epsilon at Lamar University from 1988 to 1991.

Steve Rains is a professor of communication at the University of Arizona. His research examines health communication, communication and technology, and social influence.

Camille Hall-Ortega is a doctoral candidate at the University of Texas at Austin. She studies family communication and secrets.

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HAZING DEFINITIONS OF STUDENTS AND ADMINISTRATORS AT TWO INSTITUTIONS USING A FOUR FRAME APPROACH Emily Feuer, Ph.D., University at Albany, State University of New York (SUNY) This study looks at how students affiliated with fraternities/sororities and administrators who work with these students define hazing at two institutions of higher education. These personal definitions are compared to institutional definitions and are examined using Bolman and Dealâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2017) four-frame model: the Human Resource Frame, the Political Frame, the Structural Frame, and the Symbolic Frame. This examination allows for an understanding of what frames are naturally used to define hazing and where areas for improvement may lie in terms of making changes to existing institutional polices and incorporating additional frames to better understand hazing and create effective hazing definitions (Bolman & Deal, 2017). cies and educational programming lead to reduced consequences related to alcohol use.

Hazing is a significant area of concern on college campuses across the United States, with a focus especially on fraternities and sororities. Allan and Madden (2008) found that approximately 55% of college students who are involved on campus with any student organization, club, or team, and 73% of students involved with fraternities or sororities, have experience with hazing. In more recent years, there have been multiple fraternity/sorority hazing-related deaths with at least five deaths in 2017, five deaths in 2018, and three deaths thus far in 2019 (Nuwer, 2019).

To better understand the way fraternity/ sorority members and administrators who work with these students think about hazing may allow administrators to create more informed and effective hazing prevention strategies. One way of going about this is focusing on how students and administrators define hazing compared to their institutional hazing definitions. To analyze these personal definitions of hazing, the researcher applied a framework on how individuals frame incidents and processes. Bolman and Deal (2017) posit that individuals use one or multiple frames (e.g., Human Resource, Political, Structural, and Symbolic) to understand complex organizations and organizational issues. By applying this framework to hazing definitions, we can begin to understand what frames students and

administrators naturally use to define hazing, where gaps (and potentially interventions) may lie in these definitions, and where differences between the two sub-populations and institutions may present themselves. Knowing this may allow administrators to create stronger hazing prevention policies and strategies that allow us to prevent hazing and allow the fraternity/sorority community to positively impact their members and broader communities.

Review of Literature Defining Hazing While there is some literature on hazing perceptions of administrators and students, there is limited knowledge that incorporates university specific contexts, an important factor that may influence an individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s understanding of hazing.

Ellsworth (2004) looked at student definitions of hazing through the examination of specific activities. In his study, statistically significant differences related to hazing definitions were found based on student organization affiliation, especially between students affiliated with Reserve Officer Training Corp and sororities where sorority members were more likely to find physical activities hazing (Ellsworth, 2004).

This study also found significant differences between men and women (Ellsworth, 2004).

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In terms of general student perceptions about the purposes of hazing, the literature found purposes including increasing the relationships between new members, upholding tradition, and displaying commitment to the organization (Baier & Williams, 1983; Cokley et al., 2001; Alexander, 2018). While these general themes exist, the literature also highlights differences based on race, institution type, and gender (Goodner, 1992; Cokley & Wright, 1995; Drout & Corsoro, 2003; Meriwether, 2016).

In addition to focusing on student perceptions of hazing, there have also been studies on administrator perceptions of hazing. In one study of administrators who work at historically black institutions of higher education, it was found that there were no statistically significant differences in mean attitudes of hazing based on organizational affiliation, gender, nor institution type (Arnold, 2005). In another study, it was found that attitudes and beliefs of administrators about hazing law effectiveness is grounded in personal experiences, especially experiences related to times as an undergraduate student (Richardson, 2014).

Currently, hazing definitions vary by state, inter/national organization, and campus. For a student or administrator, these differences in definition may cause confusion. For example differences between campus and inter/national organization may conflict while an individual or organization may be responsible for adhering to both of these definitions. At present, there are two proposed federal legislation items, The REACH Act and The END ALL Hazing Act, that would provide a federal definition of hazing that may help clarify the term in the future, but no federal definition currently exists (Hinds, 2019).

While there are no universal definitions of hazing at this point, there are some widely accepted definitions. According to HazingPrevention.

Org, a non-profit organization focused on hazing prevention, hazing is defined as “any action taken or any situation created intentionally that causes embarrassment, harassment or ridicule and risks emotional and/or physical harm to members of

a group or team, whether new or not, regardless of the person’s willingness to participate” (n.d., para.1). According to this organization, hazing definitions have the common factors of including a difference in power, involving tradition, and a lack or presence of consent needed (HazingPrevention.Org, n.d.). A hazing definition from the Fraternity Executives Association that has been widely adapted by inter/national organizations and institutions of higher education stated, “any action taken or situation created intentionally, whether on or off fraternity premises, to produce mental or physical discomfort, embarrassment, harassment, or ridicule” (Nuwer, 2018, p. 26).

Another definition created by Cimino (2018), a researcher focused on an anthropological lens to research hazing declared, “the generation of costly induction experiences (i.e. some part of the sundry activities required to be recognized as a “legitimate” group member) that do not appear to be group-relevant assessments or preparations” (p. 214).

There is no universal definition of hazing.

Students and administrators may have different perceptions of hazing based on a variety of factors, but since there is no federal definition of hazing, where someone lives may especially impact their personal hazing definition. Because of the great variation that may exist in defining hazing at state, institutional, and personal levels, it may be useful to examine personal definitions of hazing based on a theory rooted in organizational leadership and process.

Four Frames Bolman and Deal (2017) theorized how individuals understand organizations and organizational processes using four frames: Structural, Human Resource, Political, and Symbolic.

The Human Resource Frame is based on the worker and theorized that workers are most successful when their needs are aligned with those of the organization and those needs are not only being met, but also nurtured by the

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organization. The Political Frame found that there will always be struggles over power within an organization and individuals will naturally form coalitions in an attempt to gain or retain power and scarce resources through the use of conflict and bargaining. The Structural Frame looked at organizational charts and individual roles as the basis for effective organizational productivity. Lastly, the Symbolic Frame examined the meaning behind organizational activities and elements rather than the activities and elements themselves to understand the true meaning and values of these organizations (Bolman & Deal, 2017).

In terms of hazing, individuals may use one or multiple frames when understanding and defining the concept. Bolman and Deal (2017) argued that for most situations, strategies and foundations are most effective when multiple frames are used to capture various aspects of the situation, but in some cases, some frames may be better suited than others.

an ‘extreme case’ with a recorded or presumed hazing deaths within the past 10 years to understand how a major hazing incident impacts institutional hazing definitions and to better account for a more full spectrum of cases (King, Keohane, & Verba, 1994).

Each interview lasted between 30-60 minutes and was conducted using an interview protocol adapted from Carlock (2013) and Perez (2009) who both developed interview guides using Bolman and Deal’s (2017) four frames.

Additional questions were added about hazing definitions to help qualify statements. In addition to the interviews, the researcher worked with the institutions to gain access to both public and private institutional documents pertaining to hazing. The researcher also conducted general internet searches to find news stories and pertinent information to related to hazing policies and incidents at the selected institutions.

Methods

Institution One Institution One is considered the ‘extreme case’ for the study as a hazing related death occurred at the institution within 10 years of the study being completed (King et al., 1994).

At Institution One, the student code of conduct provides a definition of hazing that includes activities that are affiliated with joining or maintaining membership within an organization, endangers physical or mental health, destroys or removes public property, involves alcohol, drug, or other substances in excess, or violates other university policies. In addition, the policy states that hazing can occur with or without consent of participants.

The researcher conducted nine interviews, three with administrators and six with students affiliated with a fraternity/sorority at Institution One. All but one participant seemed relatively familiar with the institution’s hazing definition.

When asked about personal definitions of hazing, the top frame utilized was the Political Frame with all participants mentioning some aspect

This research focuses on what frames students and administrators utilize to define hazing and how these definitions are impacted by university definitions and position (student versus administrator). This qualitative study is based on 17 phone interviews conducted at two institutions. To meet the participation requirements, the institutions had to have an active fraternity/sorority community, have at least three full-time administrators who work with fraternity/sorority members in some capacity, and have an annual enrollment over 10,000 students. In addition, to account for state legislation differences in terms of hazing and how that may impact institution-level policies and procedures in regard to hazing, the two institutions had to be located in the same state. Further, one institution was selected as a “common case” with no recorded or presumed hazing deaths within the past ten years impacting the campus and the other site was selected as

Results

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of a power dynamic being involved in hazing.

Students and administrators used phrases such as “subjugation,” “coercion,” and “tearing people down” in their definitions. Many participants discussed physical aspects of hazing either through examples or use of the word “physical.”

Two out of the three administrators, but only one student, referred to mental aspects of hazing.

In terms of utilizing aspects of Bolman and Deal’s (2017) other four frames, five participants, including all three administrators, described hazing as a process or “barrier to entry”, an element that could be related to the Structural Frame. Three students (no administrators) utilized the Human Resource Frame through

their use of talking about the intention of hazing to “build unity,” experience “bonding events,” and “create some sense of community.” When discussing their personal hazing definitions, no participants at Institution One discussed elements related to the Symbolic Frame.

Personal definitions included some, but not all elements of institutional definitions of hazing as shown in Table 1. Most participants discussed hazing as part of an organization, and as discussed above, all administrators and half of students discussed physical aspects of hazing while two administrators and only one student specifically mention mental aspects. One administrator and two students discussed substance abuse, all three

Table 1 Elements of Institutional Hazing DefinitionWithin Personal Definitions at Institution One Elements of Institutional Definition

Number of Administrator Participants Who Reference Element

Number of Student Participants Who Reference Element

(n = 3)

(n = 6)

Affiliation with Organization

3

4

Destroying/Removing Public Property

0

0

Endangering Physical Health

3

3

Endangering Mental Health

2

1

Substance Abuse (Alcohol, Drug, Other)

1

2

Violation of Other Policies

0

0

With or Without Consent

1

1

specifically mentioning alcohol. One student and one administrator discussed consent, but only the administrator’s comment aligns with the institutional definition.The student discussed the ability for anyone to say “no” at any time during a new member activity even though activities may be considered hazing even if all participants consent according to the institutional definition.

No students or administrators mentioned the institutional definition elements of destroying/ removing public property or violation of other policies. In general, administrators were more likely to mention elements of their institutional hazing policy in their personal definitions,

except for the categories of physical health and substance abuse where a higher percentage of students than administrators addressed these elements.

In addition to being asked about their familiarity with their institutional policy and their personal definition of hazing, student participants were also asked about their familiarity with their inter/national organization’s hazing policy. Student participants had general familiarity with their inter/national organization’s policy and three believed their institutional and inter/national organization’s policy were similar. Two participants believed

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that their institution’s policy was stricter than their inter/national organization’s policy. One of these students discussed how the university’s policy is “more stringent and less flexible” than his inter/national organization’s policy where there is less “consistency.”

Institution Two Institution Two is considered the common case, where a hazing incident had not occur within ten years of the study being completed (King et al., 1994). The institutional definition of hazing varied between the Code of Conduct and a webpage dedicated to fraternity/sorority life, but the researcher focused on the Code of Conduct hazing definition. The institution’s hazing definition provided in the Code of Conduct includes the elements of endangering physical or mental health, affiliation with an organization, and/or destroying/removing public property.

The researcher conducted interviews with three administrators and five students at Institution Two, for a total of eight interviews.

All administrators were familiar with their institutional policy, and three out of the five students stated they were familiar with the policy.

When asked about their personal definitions of hazing, all eight participants used statements related to the Political Frame with many including “forcing” or “making” a new member do something. Three participants, two students and one administrator, mentioned an element

of the Structural Frame as they discuss hazing as a process for “initiation” or “admission” into an organization. Another student also mentioned an element of the Structural Frame related to the role of hazing. In her definition, hazing is something that only one group has to do. As she stated, “I would just define it [hazing] as anything where there’s anything aimed toward only one group.” One participant, a student, discussed tradition, an element related to the Symbolic Frame, but talked about processes that are traditional that might be considered hazing to others isn’t considered hazing to her because of the traditional nature of the activities. As she stated, “There are things that are classified as hazing that I don’t think are hazing. I think they are part of the process of becoming a brother or sister, which is a traditional thing. I have different views than my own sisters. My own sisters don’t even agree with me sometimes.” No participants at Institution Two discussed elements related to the Human Resource Frame in their personal definitions of hazing.

When comparing personal definitions with the institutional definition of hazing as shown in Table 2, the category with the most overlap was affiliation with an organization as one administrator and five students mentioned this.

One administrator and three students mentioned physical health while the same administrator and two out of the same three students mentioned mental health. Neither administrators nor students mentioned the institutional hazing definition element of destroying or removing

Table 2 Elements of Institutional Hazing DefinitionWithin Personal Definitions at Institution Two Elements of Institutional Definition

Number of Administrator Participants Who Reference Element

Number of Student Participants Who Reference Element

(n = 3)

(n = 5)

Affiliation with Organization

1

5

Destroying/Removing Public Property

0

0

Endangering Physical Health

1

3

Endangering Mental Health

1

2

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public property.

Students at Institution Two were also asked about their familiarity with their inter/national organization’s hazing policy and how that policy compares to their institutional hazing policy.

Three out of the five students believed that their national organization was stricter in terms of hazing than their institution. As discussed by one participant, “I think my organization is more strict on what they count as hazing as opposed to my school’s policy [which is] a whole lot more broad. I think the school’s [policy] allows for more loopholes within it.”

Discussion and Recommendations Institutional Definitions Overall, the institutional definitions of hazing have similar components at Institution One and Institution Two, whereas Institution’s One definition having a few additional components.

Both institutions include affiliation with an organization, endangering physical and mental health, and destroying/removing public property in their definitions. Institution One also adds components related to substance abuse, violation of other institutional policies, and lack or presence of consent necessary for an activity to be considered hazing. Neither definition includes the common factor of a power differential discussed in HazingPrevention.Org’s (n.d.) common factors of hazing definitions.

At both institutions, the most frequently referenced element in personal definitions found within both institutional hazing definitions is affiliation with an organization, with a total of 13 participants referencing this element. The second most referenced element found within both institutional definitions is endangering physical health with ten participants referencing or providing an example of this element. Six participants reference mental health. Although at both institutions there is a reference to destroying or removing public property, this is not mentioned in any of the participant’s personal definitions of hazing. At Institution One,

where there are additional components within the institutional definition, three participants mention substance abuse, two participants mention consent, and no participants mention violation of other policies.

It is worth mentioning that both institutions have elements related to the damage/removal of property in their hazing definitions, but no participant at either institution have incorporated this element in their personal definitions of hazing. Because this focus on property removal/ damage is not resonating with personal definitions nor widely accepted definitions in the field, institutions may want to consider removing this aspect of the policy as it is detracting from the core of what hazing is and may just be one of many examples of a hazing activity.

It is also interesting to compare student’s thoughts about differences between their institutional policy and inter/national organization’s policy. Out of the students who found differences between the two policies, two students at Institution One found their institutional policy stricter and three students at Institution Two find their inter/national organization’s policy stricter. Noticing these differences may suggest that how hazing policies are explained and interpreted by students may matter and may impact how students navigate digesting their institutional and inter/national organization’s hazing definitions and policies.

Because these differences exist, administrators and institutions should address these differences and work with inter/national organization policies to provide clear expectations and ways of addressing discrepancies to their students.

In general, at both institutions, most participants were familiar with their institutional definition of hazing.With this said, three students did not feel they were familiar with their institutional hazing definition. While it can be assumed that many students are not familiar with all of their respective institution’s policies, all three of the students who were unfamiliar with their institutional hazing definition stated they were in leadership roles at some point within

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their fraternity/sorority. Since many campuses focus training initiatives on organizational leaders, one may assume that if all leaders are not aware of what their institution considers hazing, there are many more non-leaders who would be unfamiliar. As discussed by Hollmann (2002), hazing policies and procedures should be clear. To prevent hazing, an important first step is ensuring all stakeholders have a common understanding of what their campus defines as hazing. Because of this, institutions of higher education may want to ensure hazing policies and definitions are more widely and effectively available.

Frame Utilization At both institutions, the most utilized frame was the Political Frame with all 17 participants using power to distinguish hazing activities. It is interesting to note that the Political Frame is the most utilized by participants when describing hazing as these participants utilized the Human Resource Frame most frequently when thinking about why organizations may choose to include hazing as part of their new member activities (Feuer, 2019). It seems participants use power dynamics to identity what hazing is but think about relationship and skill building when thinking about the purpose of hazing.

As discussed by Bolman and Deal (2017), power conflicts and struggles are natural parts of organizations and should be expected rather than avoided. It is important for those working toward hazing prevention to acknowledge the natural power differences that may exist between current members and new members of fraternities and sororities, but work with current members to mitigate risk and manage this responsibility associated with their inherent power rather than avoiding acknowledging this increased power status. Further, as discussed above, neither institutional definition includes an element related to power, even though this is found to be a common factor in hazing definitions

by HazingPrevention.Org (n.d.). Institutions may way to consider adding a power component

to their institutional hazing definitions to not only address this important aspect of hazing, but to also better resonate with their students and administrators who may naturally think about this factor. One way of addressing power may be by thinking about power in terms of the other three frames. Within the Human Resource Frame, power can be thought of in terms of relationships with other members and within the Structural Frame, power in terms of the way fraternities/sororities are organized to accomplish group goals could be considered.

Finally, using the Symbolic Frame, stakeholders could examine symbolism and culture associated with themselves and their organization both internally and externally (Bolman & Deal, 2017).

After the Political Frame, the second most utilized frames in personal hazing definitions by all participants is the Structural Frame with nine participants mentioning an element of this frame. Eight of the nine participants discuss the Structural Frame in terms of hazing as a barrier to entry within an organization, but one student at Participant Two talks about the roles that are involved with hazing activities. It is interesting to note that when participants are thinking about why organizations haze, the Structural Frame is the least utilized frame.

No administrators discuss the Human Resource Frame or the Symbolic Frame at either institution in their personal definitions of hazing. Three students at Institution One (no students at Institution Two) discuss the Human Resource Frame by discussing hazing in terms of relationship building. One student participant at Institution Two (and none at Institution One) discuss the Symbolic Frame in terms of certain activities that may be considered hazing being traditional activities. It is interesting to note that no participants mention aspects of the Symbolic Frame even though symbolism may be a major aspect of hazing according to other definitions.

As discussed by Cimino (2018), hazing involves experiences that symbolize being a legitimate member that are not directly relevant to group goals or focus. Further, according to

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HazingPrevention.Org (n.d.), a factor involved in hazing definitions include tradition or initiation rites.

Overall, at both institutions and within both participant type (administrator and student), the element of power within the Political Frame is the most utilized in personal definitions of hazing followed by the Structural Frame. No administrator used either the Symbolic Frame or Human Resource Frame. Implications for fraternity and sorority professionals and related staff roles based on the findings of this study include revising institutional and organizational hazing definitions to make them available, concise and digestible, working with partners to understand and help students understand the other hazing definitions they are expected to abide by, and thinking about how hazing definitions can include elements of Bolman and Dealâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2017) four frames, especially the element of power within the Political Frame.

(Cokley & Wright, 1995; Drout & Corsoro, 2003; Ellsworth, 2004; Meriwether, 2016).

Further, there was a lack of variation with inter/ national organization affiliation and gender since all male participants are affiliated with the fraternity at Institution One and all females are associated with the same sorority at Institution Two. There was also a lack of representation in terms of race/ethnicity as most administrators identity as White. Race/ethnicity has also been found to be a significant variable when thinking about hazing perceptions (Cokley & Wright, 1995; Goodner, 1992; Meriwether, 2016).

Finally, there was a lack of representation in terms of experiences for students as all student participants have held an executive board position within their organizations. Nonetheless, this study still contributes to the literature on how students and administrators define hazing and how institutional definitions may impact these definitions.

Limitations

Conclusion

Based primarily on the initial design of the study and demographic characteristics of the participants of the study, there are limitations of the study that are considered. Only two institutions were studied and to protect the anonymity of these institutions, a full analysis of the context and policies of the institutions cannot be included. Based on the design of the study, perspectives of new members and students who may be involved with institutionally unrecognized fraternities/sororities were excluded. Further, the researcher intentionally left out questions about previous hazing experiences, but because of this, correlations between current thoughts and past experiences with hazing cannot be examined.

In addition to design limitations, there are also limitations related to demographics. At Institution Two, there was a lack of diversity in terms of gender, with most participants being female. When thinking about hazing perceptions, gender has been found to be a significant variable

This study found that students affiliated with fraternities/sororities and administrators who work with these students frame their personal hazing definitions primarily by using the Political and Structural Frames and consistently reference, and also exclude, some elements of their institutional hazing definition.

Opportunities exist at the institutional level to update hazing policies to make them more relevant and consistent with personal definitions and to incorporate the Political and Structural Frames. Opportunities also exist to continue to explore the use of the Human Resource and Symbolic Frames in terms of hazing definitions and applications, especially since there seems to be incongruence in how students and administrators frame hazing definitions and why hazing exists based on Bolman and Dealâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s four frames (2017).

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Cokley, K., Miller, K., Cunningham, D., Motoike, J., King, A., & Awad, G. (2001). Developing an instrument to assess college students’ attitudes toward pledging and hazing in Greek letter organizations. College Student Journal, 35(3), 451–457.

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Feuer, E. (2019). Understanding hazing perceptions of students and administrators using a four f r a m e approach (Doctoral Dissertation). University at Albany, State University of New York, Albany, NY. Goodner, J. (1992). Comparison of hazing attitudes of black and white fraternity members at colleges in the state of Alabama (Doctoral Dissertation). The University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, AL. HazingPrevention.Org. (n.d.). What hazing looks like. Retrieved from https://hazingprevention. org/home/hazing/facts-what-hazing-looks-like/ Hinds, T.L. (2019). Hazing prevention legislation in 2019. NASPA Blog. Retrieved from https://www. naspa.org/about/blog/hazing-prevention-legislation-in-2019 Hollmann, B. B. (2002). Hazing: Hidden campus crime. New Directions for Student Services, 2002(99), 11–24.

King, G., Keohane, R., & Verba, S. (1994). Designing social inquiry: Scientific inference in qualitative research. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Meriwether, J. L. (2016). The impact of hazing rituals on the intent to report: Examining the perceptions and beliefs of undergraduate students in Greek letter organizations (Doctoral Dissertation). Indiana State University, Terre Haute, IN. Nuwer, H. (2018). Hazing in Fraternities and Sororities: A Primer. In Nuwer H. (Ed.), Hazing: Destroying Young Lives (pp. 24-41). Bloomington, Indiana, USA: Indiana University Press.

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Nuwer, H. (2019). Hank Nuwer’s hazing clearinghouse. Retrieved October 16, 2019, from http://www.hanknuwer.com/hazing-deaths/ Perez, J. P. (2009). Proposition 209: A case study on the impact of race -based legislation on student affairs at the University of California (Doctoral Dissertation). University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA. Richardson, D. C. (2014). University officials’ perceptions about felony hazing laws (Doctoral Dissertation).

Barry University, Miami Shores, FL. Author Biography Dr. Emily Feuer is the assistant director for student affairs assessment and planning at the University at Albany, State University of New York (SUNY). She is also a part of RISE Partnerships consulting team. Emily is a member of Theta Alpha Lambda, a local sorority at SUNY Plattsburgh.

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CAREER SUSTAINING FACTORS FOR CAMPUS-BASED FRATERNITY/SORORITY ADVISING PROFESSIONALS: A GROUNDED THEORY STUDY Kate Steiner , Ph.D., Radford University The purpose of this study was to understand the process Fraternity/Sorority Advising (FSA) professionals utilize to sustain their careers beyond five years. Participants’ wellness practices and burnout experiences were explored through semi-structured interviews. This study included 26 participants who had sustained their career as a full-time, campus-based FSA for a minimum of five years. Through a grounded theory method, several themes were found, and a career sustainability and wellness model was generated. Career sustaining practices are defined, and applicable use of the model is presented.

Many Fraternity/Sorority Advising (FSA) professionals do not sustain a career in the field beyond five years, and their overall attrition rate is higher as compared to their colleagues in student affairs (Koepsell & Stillman, 2016). While there are a number of ideas as to why professionals choose to leave the field, little research has been conducted on what factors sustain professionals to stay in the field. Professional and personal life balance, wellness, and burnout in the work place are topics that are often addressed by student affairs supervisors, at conferences, work seminars, and in general conversations with family and friends. An assumption exists that these contexts may influence job attrition within the career field of FSAs; however, little research has been conducted to support this theory. While the topic has been researched in a global manner, Ramon (2005) argued that minimal research addressed student affairs professionals.

The purpose of this study was to understand the processes that FSA professionals employ to sustain careers beyond five years, through the generation of a grounded theory exploring the pathways linking the key factors together.

Employing a grounded theory approach, data were collected to gain an understanding of professionals’ experiences in sustaining a career in the field, as well as their experiences with wellness and burnout.This study was driven by the following research question how do Fraternity/

Sorority Advising professionals sustain a career in the field for more than five years? This question is supported by the following two sub-questions: (a) How do FSA professionals process their experiences with burnout during their career up to the point of the interview? (b) How do FSA professionals incorporate personal wellness into their career process? A two-tiered sampling method was used, consisting of participants in an initial convenience sample group followed by a theoretical sampling group. In addition to the semi-structured interviews, subjects were studied based on various demographics that include, age, number of years in the field, highest level of education, type of graduate program, percentage of time spent in a counselor-type role, average number of hours worked, size of fraternity/sorority community, salary, and gender.

Literature Review

When exploring the reasoning behind professionals’ decision to either stay in the field of Fraternity Sorority Advising (FSA) or leaving it (either for a different role in higher education/student affairs or leaving higher education all together), some themes have been presented in previous research within the context of higher education. In a recent white paper (authoritative report) distributed to the

This manuscript was written in part at the AFA Oracle Research Writers’ Retreat, funded by the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors and the AFA Foundation. Thank you to colleagues from AFA for their support of the Oracle Retreat and this resulting research article.

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membership of the Association of Fraternity/ Sorority Advisors, it was reported that 57% of members are professionals with less than five years of experience in the field; compared to an industry norm of 15-20% of those considered new professionals in the general student affairs population (Koespell & Stillman, 2016).

The average number of years reported in the profession by members was 3.33 with a low median age of 30 years old. (Koespell & Stillman, 2016).

Wellness and Burnout Models Burnout was initially used to refer to symptoms found in counselors and psychologists who were overworked. Since that time, it has been applied to a variety of professions including nursing, social services, legal services, law enforcement, and education (Maslach, 1982; Starrin, Larsson, & Styrborn, 1990; Dillon & Tanner, 1995).

Wellness practices have been extensively studied in both the counseling profession and regarding general work-life balance (Hettler, 1984; Myers, Sweeney, & Witmer, 2000; Myers, Mofley, & Booth, 2003; Yager & Tovar-Blank, 2007).

Wellness has been researched concerning college students; however, little has been found related to those who educate students by working in higher education (Beauchemin, 2014; Hermon & Davis, 2004). However, research specific to the profession of Fraternity/Sorority Advising has not been found.

While several models of burnout and wellness exist within the literature, no model was found that specifically combined the preventative practices that study participants employed to sustain their careers as Fraternity and Sorority Professionals. Wellness and burnout have been constant points of discussion and present in the professional development for FSA professionals in recent years. However, I was unable to find specific publish research linking wellness and burnout to the attrition of FSA professionals.

Attrition in the Student Affairs Profession Considering both wellness and burnout among FSAs, it is also important to account for how long professionals remain within the field. Attrition within the general student affairs profession appears in the research mainly as qualitative studies conducted with participants who have left the field. Marshall, Moore Gardner, Hughes, and Lowery (2016) reported that over the last 30 years, student affairs professionals have left the field because of overall job satisfaction, work environment issues, declining morale, and transition issues from graduate school to professional life. Mid-level administrators added additional concerns regarding role ambiguity, supervision, lack of professional development opportunities, and low pay and limited career advancement opportunities as conditions when considering leaving the field (Marshall, Moore Gardner, Hughes, & Lowery, 2016; Rosser & Javinar, 2003). Seven general themes were found as reasons for leaving the field of student affairs they that included: excessive hours and burnout, non-competitive salary, attractive career alternatives, work-life conflict, limited opportunities, role of the supervisor or institutional fit, and lack of challenge or loss of passion (Marshall, Moore Gardner, Hughes, & Lowery, 2016; Rosser & Javinar, 2003).

While the rate of attrition is of concern for the profession, not much research has been found specifically addressing why or how professionals stay in the field. Given the high turnover rate from new professionals in Fraternity/Sorority Advising (Koepsell & Stillman, 2016), additional research should be conducted to investigate what factors support individuals in the transition from new professionals to mid-level administrators.

When considering the attrition rate in student affairs it is important to consider how professionals enter the field given that there is not an undergraduate major or degree specific to the profession.

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Socialization into Student Affairs The way that a professional enters their role may have an impact on their attrition in that job or with that institution. The transition into a new role can be a challenging process as a person learns the social norms in that setting. Barr (1990) described five tasks that new professionals face when transitioning into a new job: obtaining and using information, developing expectations for performance, creating a practical understanding of theory, mapping out the environment, and continuing to grow professionally. Socialization into the profession and a specific position can speak to professional job fit. The role of a supervisor also impacts a new professional’s transition into the career field.

Supervision Supervision and professional relationships have been found to play a role in the attrition of professionals in student affairs. Supervision, defined as “any relationship where one person has the responsibility to provide leadership, direction, information, motivation or support for one or more persons” (Schuh & Carlise, 1991, p. 497), is a relationship that every employee in student affairs will encounter. Supervision includes specific skill sets such as, effective communication, listening, leadership ability, organization, adaptability, and demonstrated expertise. Supervision in student affairs is often conducted through a synergistic approach.

Winston and Creamer (1997) described synergistic supervision as the process by which the university can support team members as opposed to administering only harsh penalties for work that is unsatisfactory. Synergistic supervision is comprised of eight characteristics: dual focus, joint effort, two-way communication, focus of competence, goal setting, growth orientation, and a systemic and ongoing process.

The relationship between a supervisor and supervisee is built on trust and genuine respect for each other (Winston & Creamer, 1997).

Shupp and Arminio (2012) after noting a lack

of research regarding supervision practices in the student affairs profession; conducted a study the reinforced the idea that supervision has an impact on retention of new professionals. The study noted five barriers to supervision: lack of supervision/direction out of graduate school for new professionals, supervisor with lack of understanding of the student affairs profession, lack of communication, lack of focus on supervisee/lack of time spent with supervisee, and close-mindedness and lack of focus (Shupp & Arminio, 2012). Their recommendations were connected to a synergistic supervision approach.

This was a qualitative study with a small sample size all located in the same state. Continued research on supervision in student affairs would be a benefit in addressing job attrition and stress among professionals.

Job Attrition and Burnout Burnout among student affairs professionals has been researched mainly regarding job attrition within the field. Silver and Jakeman (2014) found that among five themes for reasons that student affairs professionals leave the field, three may also contribute to burnout: lack of fulfillment, student affairs as devalued work, and emotional burdens. Their study on Master’s students’ career plans showcases that attrition can occur even before students graduate from their program. This highlights the need for more research to be done in the field on how to avoid burnout both in graduate programs and as fulltime professionals in the field of Fraternity/ Sorority Advising, in addition to the global profession of student affairs.

Burnout has been correlated with absenteeism and job turnover. Maslach (1978) stated, “Often the response to burnout is to quit and to get out, to change jobs, to move into some sort of administrative work, even to leave the profession entirely” (p. 57). This is observed to be true for the profession of Fraternity/Sorority advising; however, no studies have been found specifically on the population of professionals working in

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Fraternity/Sorority Advising. When individuals believe that they are no longer able to adapt to life’s stressors, burnout may occur (Shaw, Bensky, & Dixon, 1981). Burnout is generally defined as a type of psychological stress that is exhibited by a lack of motivation, exhaustion, and depersonalization; this often occurs among professionals who work with people as a main component of their job (Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1996). Maslach, Jackson, and Leiter (1996) further referred to burnout as “a crisis in one’s relationship with work” (p. 202); this differs from depression, which is more pervasive and present in all parts of a person’s life.

Methods A grounded theory approach was used to conduct the study.The following question guided the study: How do Fraternity/Sorority Advising professionals sustain careers in the field for more than five years? This question was supported by the following two sub-questions: (a) How do FSA professionals process their experiences with burnout during their career up to the point of the interview? (b) How do FSA professionals incorporate personal wellness into their career process?

Grounded theory is a specific analytic technique that is fixed in symbolic interactionism and the belief the individual psychology and motivation are impacted by the social meanings that individuals derive from intersubjectivity (Charmaz, 2014). It is important to highlight that within grounded theory, the term “theory” refers to understanding processes and actions by humans. Individuals’ self-concepts and personal motivations are always evolving as they develop meaning based on their interactions with the outside world (Charmaz, 2014).

The research is broken into two phases: data collection and data analysis, which occur simultaneously within the grounded theory method (Charmaz, 2014). The first phase, data collection, included semi-structured video-

conference or face-to-face interviews that lasted between 30 and 90 minutes. Each participant was asked if they would like to review their interview transcript and asked to participate in a follow-up phone call. During this followup phone call participants were given the opportunity to provide any thoughts, feelings, or experiences that they had because of the initial interview. Interviews continued with participants until saturation was reached for the theory development. Participants’ interviews that occurred after the saturation point were included as the theoretical sample pool. Charmaz (2014) noted that “Categories are ‘saturated’ when gathering fresh data no longer sparks new theoretical insights, nor reveals new properties of these core theoretical categories” (p. 213).

For this study saturation was confidently reached at the 16th interview. Interview questions were adjusted, for the theoretical sample, to generate support for the developing theory.

Second interviews were conducted with a smaller sample who chose to participate once all the participants had been interviewed and preliminary data analyzed. The participants in the second interviews provided thoughts and reactions to a summary report of the themes that emerged from the data analysis.

The second phase of the research, data analysis, was conducted in conjunction with the data collection. Components of the data analysis included coding, memo writing, and refining interview questions (Charmaz, 2014). The data analyzed included video/audio recordings of the interviews, transcriptions, and a research journal recording my observations. I met regularly with a peer consultant to further explore my own biases, reactions, and experiences, addressing how they might have influenced the research.

I synthesized the participants’ experiences to examine patterns and relationships that emerge from the concepts regarding FSA professionals’ experiences that sustain their career for more than five years (Corbin & Strauss, 2008).

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Participant Demographics Each participant was recruited through a post made on the NASPA Fraternity and Sorority Knowledge Group on Facebook. Each was contacted by email to ensure that they met the study requirements, and then an initial call was used to review the informed consent and purpose of the study. Participant demographic information was provided through an openended questionnaire. During the initial phone call, many participants noted a concern of being identified through the research. To maintain the confidentiality of the participants the demographic questionnaires were anonymous and not tied to individuals. One participant did not complete the demographic survey, because they only participated in the second round of interviews. To ensure anonymity during this

study each participant was given the opportunity to select a pseudonym that was used throughout the study. Those participants who did not selfselect a pseudonym were assigned one for use throughout the study. All personally identifying information (such as names of specific places of work or volunteer roles within the field) were disguised.

A summary of the demographic information of the 25 participants from the initial interviews can be found below (see Table 1). A request from the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors (AFA) membership database (2017) shows that there are 222 members who maintain a campusbased professional membership in the association and have held that membership distinction for a minimum of five years. These members are those that were deemed eligible for the study based on

Table 1 Summary Report: Demographic of Participants in initial interviews Summary Report: Demographics of n = 25 participants in initial interviews.* Years in the Field Range

6 years to 27 years

Mean

13.12 years

Standard deviation

5.67

Reported Age Range

30 years – 58 years

Mean

37.8 years

Standard deviation

7.03

Gender Female

12 (48%)

Male

11 (44%)

Not Reported

2 (8%)

Highest Education Achieved Master’s Degree

16

With Doctoral Study

6

Doctoral Degree

3

Master’s Degree Type Higher Education/Student Affairs

19

Administrative College Counseling/Student Affairs

6

*26th participant did not submit a demographic questionnaire, 2nd interview only.

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the first two participant requirements (specific membership in AFA and years spent as a fulltime professional FSA). The 26 participants (25 initial interview participants and one additional expert) interviewed equate to 11.71% of the total number of members eligible.

Results Through a constant comparative analysis coding system, the data collected from the interviews and demographic survey discovered six sustaining factors that participants employed

Table 2 Themes, Codes, and Significant Statements Summary Themes

Codes

Significant Statements

Frequently feeling emotionally drained or exhausted

"When you are so emotionally and passionately drained by one thing and you can no longer give too much into it."

Feeling defeated

“I just do not want to do this anymore.”

Feeling overwhelmed

“We continue to have the same conversations over and over and still haven't found any answers”

No longer caring about the work

“When you can't find the motivation to do your job anymore, when you are stretched so far that you cannot find the meaning in your work. Not caring if things get done or are done well.”

No longer feeling present at work

“I would roll into the office 30 minutes late and did not care about anything that happened with the institution, but I still cared about the students.”

Unable to find joy in the work

“When you are approaching a job you've done before and you cannot find any joy and it becomes a burden.”

Feeling that the work is unmanageable

"There was an expectation of perfection and to be in the office until the work was done."

Feeling as though the work is a burden

"carrying more than the students I was serving."

Physical wellness

“I take dance classes, it helps to be physically fit but also allows for an escape from the rest of my life.”

Social interaction

“When you are feeling burnout you want to reach out during those times and I am fortunate to have friends and family.”

Spiritual connection

“Spirit... peace, calling, and feeling fulfilled."

Mental or emotional wellness

“... do things that make me happy”

An absence of stress

"...my body starts shutting down, when I get myself to that point where I've overwhelmed myself."

Social connections

"In current role, I was very intent on make friends outside of higher education.

I need to do things outside of my job so I am not focusing only on my work.”

Leaving work at work

“the work will still be there tomorrow”

Setting Boundaries

"...you are not going to get a break, if your down time is spent sitting around with colleagues gripping about work.You have to find that external thing, whatever that may be."

Positive Relationships

"Very lucky to have a supervisor who really modeled how to be an effective professional."

Negative Relationships

“I hated going to work, not because of the students but because of the culture of the office and the university, I dreaded going to work... I wasn't happy and I knew I wasn't happy and I knew that I needed to get out."

Important Work to be Done

If not me then who?

"Why am I continuing to do this?" "Came back to, if I'm not here to battle this, than who is."

Making an Impact

Student connections

"Getting a thank you from the students is still the biggest motivator even if it does not happen that often."

Community changes

"Realized that I was making a difference that were really impactful."

Burnout

Wellness

Outside Interests

Relationships Matter

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to remain active in the field. These six factors were further developed to inform a career sustainability and wellness model and a practice anchored in the process of self-reflection.

Themes Six main themes emerged from the data: burnout, wellness, outside interests, relationships matter, doing important work, and making an impact (Table 2). In addition, a process for sustaining a career as a FSA professional through wellness practices emerged from the data. The developed model includes the practice of the six themes discovered through the process of selfreflection.

Burnout. Evolving from the data within the participants’ interviews, burnout was generally defined as a loss of passion or purpose for the work as a FSA professional. Participants highlighted that the expectations of the FSA field set professionals up to experience burnout.

While participants discussed how the profession encourages burnout, especially for new professionals, they also noted that talking about experiences of burnout are not normal within the profession.

Some participants indicated that they had trusted relationships with colleagues in the profession with whom they had shared their feelings of burnout. However, other participants shared that the initial interview was the first time that they shared their experiences of burnout with anyone. Feelings of being alone in the field with burnout also seemed to impact feelings of worth in the profession. One participant, Gene, asked, “Am I in an abusive relationship with this profession?” This was a powerful statement and spoke to the norm that professionals in the field hold expectations that in order to be a ‘good advisor’ they must always be working to a level of burnout. Most participants reported that they questioned whether they went into the right profession during times of burnout.

Specific experiences of burnout also emerged from the data and further clarified the definition of burnout. Those experiences include: frequently

feeling emotionally drained or exhausted, feeling defeated, feeling overwhelmed, no longer caring about the work, no longer feeling present at work, unable to find joy in the work, feeling that the work is unmanageable, and feeling as though the work is a burden.

Frequently feeling emotionally drained or exhausted. Due to the nature of the work several participants reported that there are times throughout the academic year that cause feelings of being emotionally drained or exhausted. The Sorority formal recruitment process was given as an example since it is a time of the year where professionals can spend long days on campus for several days in a row. However, participants identified a difference between feeling drained (just tired) due to a campus event verses feeling drained (fatigue) due to experiencing burnout.

Feeling defeated. Participants described feelings of being defeated with expressions such as “I felt I am done.” “I’m not meant to do this.” and “I just don’t want to do this anymore.”

Other participants noted that they felt defeated because they did not have good role models or supervisors and they did not recognize that the work could look any different. Participants shared similar feelings in reaching a point that they just could not face their work, campus, office, or colleagues.

Feeling overwhelmed. Participants also described feelings of being overwhelmed with the work on a more global level. They highlighted national hazing deaths and high-risk alcohol situations.

Participants highlighted that the FSA profession continues to address and discuss these student issues and behaviors, but nothing seems to “move the needle” and create change on the national level with these organizations. One participant explained that external pressures to create change with Fraternity and Sorority Life communities come from campus administrators, media, and the national organizations.

No longer caring about the work. Participants shared that when they were feeling burnout out they cared less about their work because they

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were not committed to their work and no longer cared if it was done or if work was “sloppy”.When reflecting on her own experience, Adrienne described this feeling, “When you can’t find the motivation to do your job anymore, when you are stretched so far that you cannot find the meaning in your work. Not caring if things get done or are done well”. Several other participants shared times that they gave less to the job because they were lacking motivation.

No longer feeling present at work. In addition to not caring about the work, participants also reported times of feeling disengaged while at work. Ashley characterized it as a struggle to maintain perspective at work, “When feeling burnout... I was struggling to find perspective and see the bigger picture. It is harder when you do not have support.” Claudia noted that being present is an expectation for the FSA profession, “This is a profession where we ask people to be invested and stay present with people, so it is really hard to completely keep our personal selves separate from our professional selves.”

Considering this as an expectation of the role, the impact of not being present at work led some participants to feel guilty about their burnout.

Unable to find the joy in the work.Every participant reported a time when they realized that work they used to enjoy was no longer bringing them joy. For some this was due to specific expectations of their job, such as adjudicating or investigating student conduct cases. For other participants, this was a more encompassing feeling affecting all aspects of their life. They reported that their normal wellness activities no longer brought the same kind of relief. Participants who reported that their lack of joy in their work was due more to campus or office dynamics and environment left those roles to find a position at a campus that was more in line with their personal expectations and needs.

Feeling that the work is unmanageable. Feelings of the work being unmanageable arose around work or supervisor expectations. Vivianne described that in a previous position, “There was an

expectation of perfection and to be in the office until the work was done.” She reflected that she would stay in the office until nine pm every night, and she had no friends or outside life. It was when she transitioned into another position that she realized that it was possible to do the work and still have a life. Charlie noticed that there is a willingness in the field of student affairs to take on more work hours than others. When speaking about graduate students who have worked in his office he reflected, “I wonder why the Higher Ed students are less likely to be able to find some balance, willing to work over their hours.” It is hard to know if this is based on the expectation of the jobs or if individuals gravitate toward the profession because it is within their nature to equate number of hours worked to success.

Feeling as though the work is a burden. When asked how they defined burnout some participants specifically described times when they felt their work was a burden. This was often coupled with the loss of joy for the work. Claudia described a time when working with a student leader during a student conduct case and being disappointed in his direct involvement in providing alcohol to underage new members, after she had invested time in working with him. She referenced the emotional burden as “carrying more than the students I was serving.”

Wellness. To specifically address the subquestion, how FSA professionals incorporate personal wellness into their career process; two specific questions were included in the initial interviews. (1) Please share your personal definition of wellness and (2) What types of activity do you consider to be part of your personal wellness? Participants’ answers from these questions and additional stories shared during the interviews formed the foundation for a definition of wellness. All participants discussed wellness as a holistic practice, one that includes several life aspects. Participants viewed wellness as a spectrum identifying that the idea to achieve balance between the previously mentioned aspects essential for FSAs, was an

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unrealistic goal. These aspects addressed by participants were broken down into five codes under wellness that include: physical wellness, social interaction, spiritual connection, mental or emotional health, and an absence of stress.

Physical wellness. Physical wellness included exercise, diet, and sleep. Every participant described a physical connection regarding their wellness. For several, this physical aspect was grounded in exercise; those most listed were running, taking walks, and taking dance classes. Some participants connected their physical wellness to walking or hiking outside, highlighting the time spent in nature was also beneficial. Others connected the physical aspect mainly to food, including eating healthy, cooking, and “eating delicious things” as one participant noted. Several participants reported that their physical wellness activities also impacted the social, spiritual, and mental areas of wellness and helped to alleviate overall feelings of stress and anxiety.

Social interaction. Every participant discussed the importance of creating and maintaining social connections and relationships, including support both on their campus and from outside of their campus. Participants reported the positive impact that supervisors and colleagues could have on their wellness at work. When discussing social relationships outside of their campus participants also described how this reinforced the importance of setting boundaries.

Several participants reported that they learned that it was acceptable to take time away from the office to spend time with friends, participate in a sports league, attend a dance class, or spend time with family members. In addition, participants noted that they learned this aspect of wellness through an experience with burnout.

The importance of finding and maintaining social connections came up in nearly every participant interview when asked, “what advice would you give to yourself as a new professional?” Some participants noted a connection between their social and spiritual realms, highlighting that they

participated in activities that full-filled both, including attending services and other religious affiliated social gatherings.

Spiritual connection. Some participants specifically identified religious affiliations, while others spoke about the attention they pay to their mind and spirit/soul. This was identified in having a sense of purpose and a larger connection to the world. Spiritual connection was the aspect that more participants reflected on during the optional second interview. After seeing the summary report, several participants described their own spiritual connections even though it was not something they had mentioned during their initial interview.

Mental or emotional health. Participants shared experiences regarding the importance of expressing feelings of sadness, disappointment, and joy from work or life encounters.

Participants reported several different ways that they processed their emotions that were brought up by work. Several participants shared that they were external processors and they felt most supported when they could share their emotions with others through social connections. Other participants discussed the time they spent in reflection and paying attention to their emotions and mental health. A few participants described the ability to take a mental health day or plan for days off following a hectic time as an important piece to their wellness as a professional. Several participants highlighted reading to be a part of their mental wellness.

An absence of stress. In addition to paying attention to each of these areas every participant also noted that they recognized their wellness through the absence of stress. Several participants noted that they learned their definition of wellness based on experiences with stress and burnout. They discussed that negative impacts from stress were absent when they believed they were experiencing a greater level of wellness.

Some participants described experiencing stress in two ways. The first was when stress was productive, for instance a participant was

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under a deadline and the stress “helped as a motivator.” The second type of stress was when it was no longer productive but rather led the participants to feel the impacts of burnout.

Several participants reported that when there was too much stress in their work or life their sleep was impacted they either noticed that they would fall asleep as soon as they got home or would be kept up at night with thoughts. Several participants described times that they called in sick into work because they were overwhelmed from their level of stress.

Outside Interests. The theme of Outside Interests related closely to the Social Connections realm of wellness in this study. Participants noted that having an interest outside of higher education was one of the most important factors to sustaining a career in FSA. Examples from participants included: an outside interest or hobby, outside social group, or family connections. Also, within this theme was the importance of leaving work at the office and setting boundaries to avoid having work on the mind all the time. Charlie phrased it well when he started, “...you are not going to get a break, if your down time is spent sitting around with colleagues griping about work. You have to find that external thing, whatever that may be.” Many participants noted that “the work will still be there tomorrow” and “we are not curing cancer” specifically as a reminder to gain perspective on the global importance of the FSA professional’s role.

Relationships Matter. Every participant shared an experience where a professional relationship contributed towards his/her burnout or wellness.Those relationships most often included a direct supervisor. Those that described their supervision experience as micromanaged, lacking trust from the direct supervisor, or there was little to no support or contact with their supervisor, also reported that relationship as a factor into their feelings of burnout.

Participants who reported the influence from positive work relationships with colleagues and students described that they had an impact on

their wellness by helping to temper feelings of burnout. They described these relationships as supportive, having mutual respect, and caring.

Several participants explained their career shift to becoming a supervisor and how they have taken the lessons they have learn from their own experiences to incorporate into how they manage and support their staff members. More than half of the participants spoke about their career evolution; specifically, how their role changed when they were tasked to supervise others. A main concern that was reported was that supervision skills and models are not taught in graduate programs and are rarely addressed through professional development opportunities.

ImportantWork to be Done. Participants reported that one of the factors in sustaining their careers as FSA professionals even during times of burnout was a belief that there was still more work to be done in the field. Many expressed that they did not feel finished with the work.

A common statement from the interviews was “If not me, then who?” Participants described their careers as a “calling,” explaining that their commitment to the field feels natural, and they feel valued when they see that important changes are being made.

Participants also highlighted this as an opportunity for advocacy in the profession; that more needed to be done to address how FSA professionals are supported. Participants spoke to the work that they thought needed to be accomplished by professional associations.

Specially, doing more to advocate the elevation of status of FSA professionals on college campuses from entry level positions, to midlevel positions at a minimum. This theme related closely to the next theme because as participants often described knowing that the work was being accomplished because they “...were making an impact.”

Making an Impact. Participants noted that they felt most valued as a professional when they had an experience that confirmed that they were making an impact to the field and the fraternity/

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sorority student experience. The word “impact” was used in every interview, including the optional second interviews. During the second interview, several participants highlighted that they wished the study had found a way of measuring impact; however, most of the participants defined impact as “feeling valued” or “seeing change in my community.” Feeling as though they were not making an impact was brought up as an indicator of burnout. Many noted the relationships they had formed with students over the years, watching students develop, and having students thank them as being an important reason for why they have stayed in the field. These student messages reinforced that the professional was having an impact on their campus.

Participants also described experiences where they could witness the long-term change in the student communities that they worked with.

While participants described experiences with seeing community change on a local level at their own campuses, most also indicated that not enough of an impact was being made on a national level with these student organizations or in the FSA profession.

Steiner Self-Reflection Sustainability and Wellness Model This study generated a sustainability model that supports a long-term career through wellness and self-reflection in the FSA profession. The themes and codes identified from participants’ interviews were combined to create the model including the three phases for managing professional burnout and wellness.

The experiences with burnout reported by participants included feeling defeated, emotionally drained, and overwhelmed by the work, connected previously found research (Dillon & Tanner, 1995; Freudenberger, 1980; Maslach, 1982; Schaufeli, Leiter, & Maslach, 2008; Silver & Jakeman, 2014; Starrin, Larsson, & Styrborn, 1990). This model has

been developed to provide support to FSA professionals in sustaining their careers through experiences with burnout.

The Steiner Self-Reflection Sustainability and Wellness (SSRSW) Model (Figure 1) consists of three different phases: the Observation Phase, the Preparation Phase, and the Recovery Phase.

Each phase is connected to the others, but do not function in a linear pattern and more than one phase may be happening at the same time.

Each phase is anchored through the process of self-reflection and relationships connect the process to an individual’s career. The model may be used by individuals for personal reference and reflection or to offer support to others to recognize and address burnout.

The Observation Phase The Observation Phase requires selfreflection from an individual. During this phase people take note of what burnout looks like for them and times that burnout is more likely to occur. During the observation phase professionals are likely to experience the aspects of burnout identified in the three subscales in the Maslach Burnout Inventory: General Survey (MBI-GS); emotional exhaustion, cynicism, and professional efficacy (Maslach, Jackson & Leiter, 1997). Participants in the study often described their feelings of burnout as feeling drained or exhausted. Cynicism that “reflects indifference or a distant attitude toward work” (p.209) was also reported by participants when they shared a personal story of their own burnout in the field. Examples of the behaviors that participants reported both for themselves and when they overserved burnout in others included: loss of sleep, being more sarcastic (making snide comments, rolling eyes), feeling disengaged during meetings, being short-tempered, longer response time, not being present at work (both physically and mentally), keeping their office door closed more often, and having a sense that they are just going through the motions.

The following prompts may be used to assist

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professionals in their self-reflection process during this phase.

• Consider what you experience during a burn event, how do you feel, how do you interact with others, what have others shared with you regarding how they experience you during those times.

• Ask trusted friends/colleagues what they

notice about you when they think you are beginning to experience burnout.

• Pay attention to others, what behaviors do you see from them when you believe that they are experiencing feelings of burnout.

• Track your burn experiences: are there patterns with the timing, people, interactions, or events?

Figure 1 Steiner Self-Reflection Sustainability and Wellness Model Diagram

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Since several participants described this as a time where they felt alone with their experience it is important to normalize the experience of burnout in the profession as part of this phase.

The Preparation Phase The previous literature found addressing burnout and attrition in the profession of student affairs, is more focused on the recognition of burnout. Burnout is seen as something to be avoided rather than a process to prepare for by embracing it as a natural experience. This study found that several of the participants viewed burnout as an experience to prepare for; by highlighting key times of the academic year that they knew were busier than other times (expected burn events). The three times most often reported were sorority recruitment, the month of October, and the month of April. This phase encourages individuals to plan for the times that work will keep them on campus for longer hours. This again normalizes the experience of burnout found in the professions of FSA and student affairs. This phase is closely related to the recovery phase because individuals who are in preparation will need to include a plan on how they will recover specifically from this busy time.

The preparation phase also includes a day to day focus on an individual’s wellness practices.

Participants from the study described how a consistent focus on wellness better prepared them for unexpected burnout events (i.e. major student conduct case, student death, or major role transition).This experience has been verified by previous research in the field of counselor education (Hettler, 1984; Myers, Sweeney, & Witmer, 2000; Myers, Mobley, & Booth, 2003; Yager & Tovar-Blank, 2007), but none was found specific to the population in this study.

Professionals should spend time reflecting on how each aspect of wellness plays a role in their life. An example activity would be to create a thought map of each area; physical, social, spiritual, and emotional/mental, and how they include each into their daily life practices.

FSA professionals value ritual encouraging the

creation of a daily preparation ritual may assist them in the continuous reflection process.

This is also a time that professionals should consider including counseling as part of their wellness practices. Having a relationship based in unconditional positive regard before they have a need to recover will offer a strong foundation of support.

The Recovery Phase The recovery phase may occur following either an expected or unexpected burn event. This phase is most notable as a period of reflection and centering for an individual. Individuals will likely move quickly from this phase into either the observation phase of the preparation phase.

A key element to this phase is the practice of spending time away from work. This may include taking a vacation, using sick time, or using flextime. This time away may be planned in advanced or enacted when individuals feel that they are at a breaking point due to burn events.

Recovery occurs in different ways depending on the need of the individual and the event experienced. Professionals should reflect on recovery experiences and have a list of ways that they can recover. This can include having dinner with a friend, taking a quick walk on campus to reset after a challenging meeting, taking a day off from work, or enjoying good meal. Relationships are an important component to the recovery phase.

Self-Reflection and Relationships The SSRSW Model includes two areas that are present through each of the three phases; self-reflection and relationships. Each phase encourages self-reflection to identify an individual’s indicators of burnout, wellness practices, key busy times, and methods for recovery. Rose explained such as reflection process as asking herself the following questions: “What do I have control over, what do I have the opportunity to influence, what do I need to ask for and what do I need to let go?”These reflection

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questions would benefit individuals during the observation and recovery phases.

Each phase is also supported through social connections and relationships. This includes interests outside of the professional’s work environment and support and connections from supervisors and colleagues within their campus environment. Specific training in this phase needs to include an assessment of the supportive people in FSA professionals’ lives. Professionals should create a list of those who are supportive and those who present more of a challenge.

People on the supportive list should be utilized when professionals feel themselves in need of external processing. Professionals should address ways of working with or recovering from work with those that they find to be a challenge.

Self-reflection impacts all three phases, while relationships is the link between professionals and their career/work. These components support individuals in building a personalized process that will help them sustain through experiences with burnout. While previous wellness models (Hettler, 1984; Sweeney & Witmer, 1991; Witmer & Sweeney, 1992) support the data found here, this is a unique model not currently found in previously literature.

Implications This study was conducted through a grounded theory qualitative method generated a process that FSA professionals use to sustain their career following experiences with burnout. There a number of applications for the model that was developed through this research.

Fraternity/Sorority Advising Profession The FSA profession has a documented challenge in retaining workers in the field beyond five years. This attrition rate is higher for FSA professionals when compared to general student affairs professionals (Koepsell & Stillman, 2016).

This study was focused on professionals who have been able to sustain their career in the field

beyond the fifth year. While there are additional reasons why professionals leave the field, this study highlighted that experiences with burnout may be one cause. Implementing programming and education for professionals in the field will help them develop their own resiliency to burnout experiences. The SSRSW Model can be adapted to educate professionals at all levels of their career. Training can be introduced to students during their graduate program.

Supervisors training in the model will provide additional support to their staff members. This model could be used in one-on-one meetings between supervisors and employees by working through the model together. Working together to identify expected burn events and developing a recovery plan, is one example. The reflection questions can be used as agenda items during a staff meeting. Professional associations can offer additional reinforcement through programming in webinars and conference programming.

In addition to educational seminars being offered through professional associations, offering virtual reflection and processing meetings would be a benefit by providing a space for professionals to connect with one another. Several participants referred to their participation in the study as a therapeutic experience, stating that they wished that the field was more open to these discussions. Small group and mentoring sessions allow and encourage these discussions to occur between FSA professionals. This education, guided reflection time, and programming will help to normalize the experience of burnout and enhance professionals’ resiliency to remain in the field.Through the study several areas of advocacy needed in the field also arose.

Advocacy in the field. Participants in the study reported several areas that require advocacy in the field. While not specifically related to the data that generated the model, it is important to note the barriers that were brought to light during the interviews. Every participant highlighted staffing structures as a concern for the profession. Experiences with burnout for

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some came from staffing structures and support particularly, a large student/professional ratio, one-person offices, and being looked over for employment because years of experience was more than three years (positions listed as entry level). It would benefit the profession for those in the field of student affairs to consider, how to better promote the importance of the position of FSAs on college campuses.

Focused discussion with higher-level student affairs administrators and university presidents would be an important step. We see this work currently emerging through NAPSA. The topics of prevention education on hazing, alcohol, and sexual misconduct were discussed as those that weigh heavily on participants in the study.

Additional education and partnerships on these topic areas would be important for professionals who reported having to be knowledgeable in all areas.

Participants also discussed the importance for gatekeeping among professionals in the field.

A few specifically mentioned their concern for having long-term professionals who are not skilled in the work.AFA recently updated the core competencies to include a self-assessment, that may address some of those concerns. In addition, including the subject of professional impairment in association graduate student education, would provide an important foundation for addressing burnout and wellness in professional colleagues.

Supervisors must also be educated in their role as a gatekeeper for the profession (Muratori, 2001).

Addressing these concerns through advocacy for the FSA profession would also support the general profession of student affairs.

model in to the professional development of FSA professionals has the potential to reduce the attrition rate in the field. This model will help professionals sustain their career longer by increasing their overall wellness. Further, with additional development, the model has the potential to support professionals in student affairs and beyond.

The SSRSW Model brings together to concepts of wellness and burnout and anchors a cycle of addressing burnout in the process of selfreflection. By shifting the focus from avoiding burnout this model embraces burnout at part of the process and reviews how you observe, prepare, and recover from burn events. This is a developmental model, in that professionals who use the model will continue to evolve and change how they personally address career burn events as they occur. It is the hope of this author that with sufficient adoption of the model more FSA professionals will build additional resilience to stay in the field for a longer period of time.

Conclusion This study resulted in the development of an innovative sustainability and wellness model. Through the interviews provided by the participants, this model best represents the sustainable practices that they used in their career. The impact from incorporating this Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors Vol. 14, Issue 2 â&#x20AC;˘ Winter 2019 63

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The Jossey-Bass Higher and Adult Education Series, San Francisco, CA. Retrieved from https://searchproquest-com.libproxy.uwyo.edu/docview/62512186 Witmer, J. M., & Sweeney, T. J. (1992). A holistic model for wellness and prevention over the life span. Journal of Counseling and Development, 71, 140-148. Retrieved from http://search.proquest. com.libproxy.uwyo.edu/docview/219044215 Yager, G. G., & Tovar-Blank, Z. G. (2007). Wellness and Counselor Education. Journal of Humanistic Counseling, Education & Development, 46(2), 142-153. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-1939.2007. tb00032.x Author Biography Dr. Kate Steiner joined the Radford University campus in June 2018 as the director of fraternity and sorority life. She holds a Bachelor of Science degree in family consumer sciences from the University of Wyoming, a Master of Counseling degree from Idaho State University, and a Doctor of Philosophy degree in counselor education and supervision from the University of Wyoming. She has worked in the professions of student affairs and fraternity and sorority advising for 15 years. She currently serves as a lead facilitator for the Interactive Workshops division of CAMPUSPEAK. She holds a number of volunteer leadership positions most recently including the director of educational programming for the student leadership conferences for the Association of Fraternal Leadership & Values and as the assistant editor of the Oracle Research Journal for the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors.

She is an active volunteer for her own sorority, Kappa Kappa Gamma serving as an Every Member Educator and facilitator.

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Editors of Oracle:The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors Grahaeme Hesp, Ed.D. (Founding Editor, 2005-2006) Daniel Bureau, Ph.D. (Founding Associate Editor, 2005-2006) Eric Norman, Ph.D. (2007-2009) J. Patrick Biddix, Ph.D. (2010-2013) Georgianna L. Martin, Ph.D. (2014-2017) James P. Barber, Ph.D. (2018-Present)

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Oracle: The Research Journal of the Association of Fraternity/Sorority Advisors Vol. 14, Issue 2 â&#x20AC;˘ Winter 2019 67