agendaNi issue 106 by bmf business services

...informing Northern Ireland’s decision-makers

A step-change in waste RiverRidge CEO Brett Ross Northern Ireland Assembly’s Susie Brown on effective communication

UUP leader Doug Beattie MLA discusses his vision for the party and confident unionism

Infrastructure Minister Nichola Mallon MLA on investment in waste and water infrastructure

Issue issue106 8 Dec/Jan Aug/Sep 2021/22 11

COP26 climate Waste and water Health • Public Carbon Tax •• Special Reports: • affairs ICT

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Delivering on an ambitious vision for a prosperous future bespoke tourism strategy; and • create a compelling tourism and economic proposition by developing and investing in our unique heritage and assets. Chief Executive of Mid and East Antrim Borough Council, Anne Donaghy, says: “Over the next four years we will continue investing in a wide range of strategic initiatives to ensure we maintain our long-earned reputation, locally and internationally, as a proud, vibrant and ambitious place which collaborates, encourages, and supports economic and tourism growth and prosperity.”

A local council with a national mindset

Mid and East Antrim Borough Council has strong ambitions for economic and tourism growth in the area in the coming years, and has just launched its second Corporate Plan, described as a “blueprint for creating a better future for all”. Elected members set the vision for a plan for 2019-2023 which outlines the Council’s key initiatives and areas for investment, all aimed at realising its vision to be “a strong, vibrant, safe and inclusive community where people work together to improve the quality of life for all”. Among the five strategic themes within the plan is sustainable jobs and tourism, under which the Council has set five key objectives for 2019-2023:

Mid and East Antrim Borough Council has fostered strong working relationships with key stakeholders and partners across the UK since the body’s inception, and the correlation between local government and Westminster has never been more important. With Brexit, Belfast Region City Deal, global investments and Heathrow Hub expansion plans all in the pipeline, these relationships ensure Mid and East Antrim is a key player in decisions affecting Northern Ireland as a whole.

• enable entrepreneurs to deliver economic growth through partnership and other supports;

The Belfast Region City Deal will see £1 billion invested in the region over the next 15 years, with around £80 million of investment earmarked to deliver significant economic benefits to the Mid and East Antrim borough through major projects at the former St Patrick's Barracks site in Ballymena, The Gobbins and Carrickfergus. This deal will also support digital development and tourismled regeneration, underpinned by infrastructure developments and investment in skills to connect people to jobs and services.

• attract more visitors to stay longer and spend more through the delivery of a

Mid and East Antrim Borough Council and its partners have identified the digital

• grow, support and sustain new and existing businesses through Council and other initiatives; • position Mid and East Antrim as a dynamic and outward-looking region that welcomes and supports inward investment;

innovation sector as crucial to plans to deliver significant future economic growth in the borough. The City Deal funded project will house a range of business incubation spaces, laboratory and maker space, digitally enabled Grade A office accommodation and a series of co-working and collaborative spaces hosting a number of innovation and enterprise programmes with a Northern Ireland-wide reach. As the engine room of Northern Ireland advanced manufacturing it was a natural step that the borough compete for the biggest UK infrastructure contract, bidding for one of four Heathrow Logistics Hubs as part of the airport’s expansion. The Council is proud the bid it initially led up, before the Graham Group took up the reins remains in the final stages of the competition, with Mid and East Antrim having been selected as one of the last 18 sites out of an original 127, and just one of two remaining bids in Northern Ireland. This ambition is only possible when the public and private sector work side by side to support a joined up vision, and, if successful, this bid would result in an investment of up to £5 billion locally and the creation of 5,000 jobs. Heathrow will be the first major infrastructure project in the UK to pioneer the large-scale use of hubs.

A catalyst for change A dedicated innovation centre which is home to pioneering global companies has been hailed as the first step towards the creation of a Northern Ireland innovation district. The Innovation Centre at Ecos was recently launched by the Council, in partnership with Catalyst. The facility offers 20,000 square feet of digitally-enabled Grade A office space and has already attracted 94 knowledgeeconomy jobs of the 125 posts initially targeted by 2022. Mid and East Antrim Borough Council invested £1.7 million in the project in order to redevelop the existing building into an innovation hub supporting local businesses with high-growth potential. It is also an ideal venue for conferences and social enterprises, such as Usel, which has just taken over the catering facilities on site. Tenants include PlotBox, which has digitally transformed the mapping of cemeteries in America,

Europe and the Middle East, and Clarke Facades, a firm which designs, fabricates and installs major construction projects across the UK and Ireland. Council Chief Executive Anne Donaghy continues: “Council made a multi-millionpound investment to make the Ecos building into an Innovation Hub in order to create 125 knowledge-economy jobs. We have been overwhelmed by the level of knowledge-economy companies that have based themselves here in the heart of Mid and East Antrim.” The Council is currently working with its partners on the delivery of a £26 million i4C innovation centre at the former St Patrick’s Barracks site, which is adjacent to the existing Innovation Centre at Ecos, and funded through City Deal. The innovation district will be SMARTenabled and integrate several new buildings planned for the former barracks site, including social housing, a leisure centre and civic centre buildings, as well as a Northern Regional College campus, delivering an economic boost for Ballymena of £150 million.

Building bridges Mid and East Antrim Borough Council has also been rekindling relations with its counterparts in Scotland, particularly Dumfries and Galloway Council. The councils are part of the North Channel Partnership Group, a partnership launched in 2019. They are exploring opportunities for greater joined up working on a number of key issues, including improved infrastructure and connectivity. Statistics show how similar both councils are, with many shared challenges and opportunities. They are working together to firmly establish a virtual bridge across the North Channel, which both areas are confident will boost economic activity through business and tourism in the years ahead.

Welcoming the world Few areas of Northern Ireland can boast a world-class coastline, castles and country parks that offer a feast for the senses, like Mid and East Antrim. The Council has prioritised maximising the potential of the attractions on its doorstep to fully deliver on the borough’s tourism offering. The award-winning #MEAdventures campaign, which highlights the spectacular natural and built environment, continues to inspire local residents, and grow and attract audiences from across Northern Ireland, while our dedicated Shaped by Sea and Stone tourism campaign showcases our assets to the world. With over £51 million spent by visitors to the borough last year, the figures speak for themselves. Holidaying in Mid and East Antrim is firmly on the rise, according to recent figures released by the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency. The area has seen a 17 per cent increase in tourism revenue in the area and an 11 per cent increase in jobs in the tourism sector from 2015 to 2017. The encouraging upward trend in both visitor nights, spend and contribution to the Mid and East Antrim economy highlights how the Council’s plan to be customer-focused and responsive to demand is working, with the worldrenowned Causeway Coastal Route the jewel in the area’s tourism crown.

T: 0300 124 5000 E: enquiries@midandeastantrim.gov.uk W: www.midandeastantrim.gov.uk

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Digital

Events

10 04

Contents

Matters arising

Waste and water report 58

Issues

Infrastructure Minister Nichola Mallon MLA on waste and water investment

Budget 2022-2025

Single-use plastics

Cover story: RiverRidge CEO Brett Ross on

Delivering a reduction in landfill

delivering a step change in waste infrastructure 16

UUP leader Doug Beattie MLA discusses confident unionism

Public affairs 68

Living with tinnitus

Communications Susie Brown 74

COP26 Climate report 38

Northern Ireland Assembly Head of

Former deputy First Minister Mark Durkan on rebooting the St Andrews algorithm

Environment Minister Edwin Poots MLA discusses

Political Platform: Deborah Erskine MLA

Green Growth delivery

Back page: Friends of the Earth’s James Orr on

The Glasgow Climate Pact

Round table discussion: The Power of Water 50

Northern Ireland Environment Strategy

Mary Robinson on taking the climate crisis personally

delivering a climate act

COP climate report sponsored by

Roundtable discussion hosted by

Northern Ireland Planning Conference 2022 Sponsored by

Date for your diary!

Wednesday 2nd March 2022 • Europa Hotel, Belfast agendaNi is organising its annual Northern Ireland Planning Conference, which has become well established as the major annual event for all those with an interest or role in planning and development in Northern Ireland. As with previous years, it will have a genuine, in-depth understanding of the key issues via a high-level panel of local and visiting speakers. The conference is an important date in the diary of planning professionals across the region. 2022 discussion topics 4 Planning policy for recovery and growth 4 Reimagining towns and cities: Local

Development Plans to shape the next decade

4 Redesigning planning for the digital age 4 Reviewing the effectiveness of the planning

system in Northern Ireland

4 Planning and transport: Ensuring women-led

design at every stage of the placemaking process

4 Putting Net Zero at the heart of the planning

system

4 Tactical Urbanism: Rethinking public spaces

post-Covid

4 Planning case law update 4 Community engagement in planning projects 4 Planning for the future development of Northern

Ireland

4 Best practice case studies

le soon! More information availab

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Exhibition opportunities There are a limited number of available exhibition opportunities at this conference which will be of interest to companies and organisations with products or services they wish to promote. For further information and to learn how your organisation can benefit, contact Olivia Ross on 028 9261 9933 or email olivia.ross@agendani.com.

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agendaNi Issue 106 Dec/Jan 2021/22 Digital

Events

Print Editorial

A shared set of priorities…

Owen McQuade, Managing Editor owen.mcquade@agendani.com

COP26 provided fresh impetus on the extensive measures that

David Whelan, Editor david.whelan@agendani.com

must be expediated if irreversible damage to the Earth’s environment is to be limited. For Northern Ireland, the conference represented an opportunity to showcase its crosscutting Green Growth Strategy and, specifically, launch a new

Fiona McCarthy fiona.mccarthy@agendani.com Ciarán Galway ciaran.galway@agendani.com

draft Environment Strategy.

Odrán Waldron odran.waldron@agendani.com

Undoubtedly, tackling the climate crisis is a priority for the

Circulation and Marketing

Executive, but so too is addressing the health and waiting list crisis, implementing the energy strategy, recovering from the

Lynda Millar lynda.millar@agendani.com

Covid-19 pandemic, and addressing the infrastructure deficit.

Events

On the face of it, an increase in day-to-day spending for Northern Ireland outlined in the UK Chancellor’s budget, allied to

Olivia Ross olivia.ross@agendani.com

the return of multiyear budgeting represents a positive step in

Advertising

addressing some of the region’s long-standing challenges but it

Leanne Brannigan leanne.brannigan@agendani.com

also presents challenges in requiring the Executive to establish a shared set of priorities, reflected in the draft and final budgets.

Design

The reality is that once the Executive has decided how much of

Gareth Duffy, Head of Design gareth.duffy@agendani.com

the additional resources will be devoted to health, the balance for remaining priorities will be spread thin. An impending election

Paul Rooney, Graphic Design paul.rooney@agendani.com

will only exacerbate this challenge.

Subscriptions

Government is not the sole driver of change and this edition’s

Sharon Morrison Email: subscriptions@agendani.com Online: www.agendani.com

cover focuses on the delivery of a step-change in the waste industry in Northern Ireland. RiverRidge CEO Brett Ross discusses how innovation in his organisation can help reshape how Northern Ireland manages its resources. Similarly, NI Water has hosted a round table discussion around the role of organisations and collaboration in driving forward decarbonisation. In our reports, we discuss some of the key outcomes of COP26 and the implications for Northern Ireland, while also looking at

agendaNi bmf Business Services 19a Maghaberry Road Maghaberry, Co Antrim, BT67 0JE Tel: +44 (0) 28 9261 9933 Twitter: @agendani Web: www.agendani.com Printed by: GPS Colour Graphics

the role of our waste and water infrastructure in reaching net zero. David Whelan

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matters arising

ECONOMY

Furlough end impact yet to be reflected in labour market A slight increase in the number of payrolled workers in Northern Ireland’s labour market following the end of the furlough support scheme is masking a rise in unemployment over the course of the pandemic. Despite a 0.5 per cent increase in the number of payrolled workers in October 2021, the month after the UK’s support scheme ended, NISRA’s Labour Force Survey indicates a jump in unemployment from 2.5 per cent at the outset of the pandemic to 4.1 per cent during July-September 2021. In September 2021, the last month of furlough

support, 26,000 workers were still being paid through the scheme. While figures are not directly relatable to individual roles, the latest figures would suggest that many jobs deemed unviable, were removed from the labour market earlier in the pandemic. A two-year outlook from July–September 2019 to the same period for 2021 shows that alongside a rise in unemployment, the economic inactivity rate in all persons aged above 16 has risen from 39 per cent to 39.8 per cent and the employment rate has fallen from 59.5 per cent to 57.7 per cent.

E D U C AT I O N

Flexibility to Northern Ireland’s early school starting age A move to introduce flexibility into the compulsory school starting age in Northern Ireland, currently one of the youngest in Europe, has been taken up by the new Education Minister Michelle McIlveen MLA. Uncertainty existed as to whether the issue, identified by former Education Minister Peter Weir MLA as a legislative priority for his department, would be adopted by Michelle McIlveen MLA, who replaced her party colleague in June 2021. Children in Northern Ireland can begin school from as young as four years and two months, depending on when their birthday falls once they have reached the age of four but parents do not have the option of applying to defer their child’s entry to primary school in Northern Ireland. Importantly, a child who does not seek to take up a P1 place is not entitled to any funded pre-school

agenda matters

education and parents are responsible for any educational costs incurred as a result of their child’s delayed entry. Northern Ireland’s compulsory starting age is one of the youngest across Europe. It has been suggested that this adversely affects the younger, summerborn children, causing poorer educational and social outcomes, which can persist over the course of their education. In England, Scotland, and Wales most pupils enter reception classes at four but the compulsory starting age for primary school is five years old. Six is the common starting age in most countries across Europe. The Department of Education has now launched a public consultation seeking views on deferring the school starting age, with proposed changes to allow flexibility for younger children born between 1 April and 1 July to defer starting primary school for one year being considered.

matters arising

P U B L I C A F FA I R S

Assembly under pressure to handle volume of bills The Northern Ireland Assembly has just months to progress more than double the amount of legislation than has been approved since the beginning of the current mandate in 2017. At the end of November 2021, 30 bills, both Executive and non-Executive, were progressing through the various stages of Assembly scrutiny, with over two-thirds of bills currently at committee stage (21). In October, the volume of live legislation prompted Speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly Alex Maskey MLA to warn MLAs that some bills may not complete their passage by the end of the current mandate, with the election planned for May 2022.

The potential exists for further bills to be introduced to the Assembly before the end of the year. Since the beginning of the 2017 mandate, 14 bills have received royal assent and passed to acts. The majority of these bills were introduced by Executive ministers and received accelerated passage, meaning a reduction in scrutiny time. The current backlog of primary legislation has been attributed to Stormont’s three year absence and the impact of the pandemic. If the Assembly is to pass all bills currently in the system, it would require 16 Executive bills and 14 non-Executive bills to progress in the next five months.

AG R I B U S I N E S S

Agriculture: ‘serious threat’ to farmers A post-Brexit trade deal between the UK and New Zealand has been described as “very serious threat” to farmers in Northern Ireland by DUP Agriculture Minister Edwin Poots MLA. The deal, which is being finalised, looks set to remove tariffs and trade taxes from New Zealand’s exports of lamb, beef and butter to the UK on a phased basis. The Northern Ireland Protocol ensures that New Zealand’s food exports would likely still face tariffs entering Northern Ireland but tariff-free access to the rest of the UK would increase competition for Northern Ireland’s exports of similar goods to Great Britain.

Poots said that as well as impacting on farm incomes and viability, the Free Trade Agreement would be a “disaster” for producers and rural communities “and cause serious issues for food security at times when global supply chains are disrupted”. Calling for a rethink of the approach adopted to agricultural market access by the UK, the Minister expressed his disappointment at the level of involvement of the devolved authorities in the negotiations, given that agriculture is a devolved matter.

agenda matters

issues agenda

Budget 2022-25: The inflation factor Northern Ireland’s first multiannual budget in almost a decade is expected to be published in March 2022 but Finance Minister Conor Murphy MLA has criticised the allocation for “a flat budget over the period”. In his Autumn Budget and Spending Review, UK Chancellor Rishi Sunak outlined an allocation which he described as the largest annual funding settlement for devolved governments since 1998. However, an extra £1.6 billion per year for public services in Northern Ireland outlined by Sunak was quickly challenged by Murphy, who said that the reality was an additional £1.9 billion over three years, something he described as “nowhere near enough”. The Department of Finance’s estimation is for a day-to-day increase of £450 million in year one, £670 million in year two and £866 million in year three, when compared to the Executive’s 2021/22 budget.

agenda issues

While the Finance Minister welcomed the increase in cash, he said that it represented a “flat budget” by 2024/25 when factoring in inflation. “This Spending Review was the opportunity to deliver a budget which would have enabled the Executive to rebuild public services and spur economic recovery. However, it provides a marginal real terms increase in funding next year which will be far outweighed by increased demands on public services, particularly in light of the ongoing pandemic,” said Murphy. In contrast, the Treasury says that the 2.1 per cent real term increase in day-to-day spending and 2.5 per cent a year increase in infrastructure spending out to

issues agenda

Source: Department of Finance

Non-ring-fenced DEL

Capital

FTC

2021-22

£12.485 billion

£1.611 billion

£74 million

2022/23

£12.936 billion

£1.686 billion

£163 million

2023/24

£13.155 billion

£1.784 billion

£66 million

2024/25

£13.351 billion

£1.759 billion

£62 million

“It provides a marginal real terms increase in funding next year which will be far outweighed by increased demands on public services, particularly in light of the ongoing pandemic.” Finance Minister Conor Murphy MLA

2025 gives the Executive “sufficient funding certainty” to plan in-year spending and to provide additional future investments in areas such as health, social care, and education.

Multiyear budget The New Decade, New Approach agreement committed the Executive and the UK Treasury to multiyear budgets for Northern Ireland. Signed in January 2020, the emergence of the pandemic has been blamed on a delay to date. Since 2008, two multiyear budgets (2008-11 and 2011/15) and two singleyear budgets (2015/16 and 2016/17) have been set. Following the collapse of the Assembly, the Secretary of State set three single-year budgets, followed by a further 2020/21 budget set by the restored Executive. The absence of multiyear budgets to enable long-term planning for transformative change across Northern Ireland’s has pressurised sectors and workforce planning.

In June 2021, a report by Northern Ireland’s Audit Office (NIAO) examining Northern Ireland’s budget process identified the challenges, stating: “The short-term nature of annual budgets creates difficulties for future planning and innovation across the public sector. The absence of a medium-term dimension to financial planning and prioritisation has been the subject of significant criticism…” The Northern Ireland Executive has agreed that health is its priority. The portfolio currently receives around half (£6.5 billion) of the annual day-to-day spending budget for Northern Ireland. During the pandemic, significant additional funding has had to be allocated to health to help meet the needs of Covid-19 and there are concerns that much of the extra £1.6 billion a year for public services announced in the UK’s Autumn Budget will be needed just for services to stand still. In June 2021, Health Minister Robin Swann MLA launched a roadmap for tackling Northern Ireland’s waiting list crisis. The plan, which has yet to have

agenda issues

4 7

issues agenda

Ireland’s block grant, a risk which raised some objection. However, Sunak’s decision to set a new domestic band of APD at £6.50 to all flights between airports in England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland from April 2023, negates a specific approach for the region.

The 11 successful Levelling Up Fund projects announced for Northern Ireland were: 1

upgrading the electric vehicle charging network across Northern Ireland;

the redevelopment of the derelict Ministry of Defence site in Derry into an urban community farm;

creating a new bioscience research centre at Ulster University;

redeveloping Portrush Recreation Grounds;

redeveloping the Dundonald International Ice Bowl;

replacing a former police station in Glengormley with a new business hub;

extending Antrim’s boardwalk into the town centre;

regenerating Daisyfield Community Sports Hub;

regenerating Omagh Health Centre;

extending cycle routes across the Belfast City Region; and

providing new and upgraded sports facilities in Castlederg.

funding agreed, would itself require £700 million over five years. Such a figure does not factor in investment in wider necessary health transformation and looks set to squeeze allocations for other departmental commitments included in New Decade, New Approach such as investment in education, delivering an energy strategy and Northern Ireland’s environmental priorities. Outlining the Executive’s priorities, Murphy said: “The Executive has agreed to prioritise health. There is also consensus that additional resources should be diverted to support economic development including skills, the transition to net zero and tackling inequality. Departments have been asked to submit proposals against these priorities. It will be challenging to deliver on all of these given the limited funding

agenda issues

available to us. The task for the Executive now is to make the best possible use of the resources available.”

Air Passenger Duty A move also partially welcomed by the Finance Minister during Autumn’s Budget was the decision to cut Air Passenger Duty (APD) by half on internal UK flights. The call for APD to be removed in Northern Ireland by businesses and politicians in Northern Ireland has been long-standing for over a decade. Those in favour believe that a reduction in the cost of air travel would boost connectivity for the region, increasing trade, tourism and making it more attractive for inward investment. Previously, EU law has meant that a Northern Ireland specific change to APD would come at a cost to Northern

“Airports are a crucial part of our economic infrastructure and are key to regional connectivity. The fact that APD does not apply in the South creates an uneven playing field across the island. While it is disappointing that the Chancellor has not abolished APD it is welcome that it has been lowered. However, I would have preferred to have seen this reduction applied sooner than April 2023,” said Finance Minister Murphy.

Levelling Up Fund Outside of the Budget, Northern Ireland also received £50 million from the UK Government’s Levelling Up Fund, billed as a programme to invest in infrastructure that improves everyday life across the UK. The scheme has been criticised as lacking depth in long-term planning for those areas of the UK that are economically struggling, instead appearing to be project specific. The Chancellor announced which projects had been successful in the first round of bids for the scheme, which is set to total £4.8 billion over four years. Of a total of 105 successful funding bids announced (£1.7 billion), 76 successful projects were announced for England, 11 for Northern Ireland, 10 for Wales and eight for Scotland. Financial allocation of the scheme is not subject to the Barnett Formula. In total, for the devolved regions, £170 million was allocated to Scotland, £120 million for Wales and £50 million for Northern Ireland. The Finance Minister now faces a tight timeline to produce a budget for Northern Ireland before the end of the financial year in April 2021. Given that the budget requires a three-month consultation process, it is expected that a draft Budget will be published before the end of 2021.

New meeting space opens in the heart of Belfast Space at Law Society House reflects our commitment to investing in the future by providing state of the art facilities to support the legal profession. “We are delighted that the Justice Minister, Naomi Long MLA and the new Lady Chief Justice of Northern Ireland, the Honourable Dame Siobhan Keegan, have taken time out of their busy schedules to join us at the official opening.” Justice Minster, Naomi Long MLA said: “I welcome the opening of these state-ofthe-art facilities and the additional capacity the space will provide for mediations which, in appropriate cases, can enhance access to justice and improve outcomes.

In an era of constant activity and noise, having a suitable place to talk through any issue is invaluable. The Meeting Space at Law Society House is a state-of-the-art multifunction facility that provides room to think and act with clarity and care. Offering both formal and informal areas, with flexibility in size and layout, the Meeting Space delivers the privacy and convenience that effective engagement demands. Mediation, a venue for business gatherings, or a place where you can bring clients: the Meeting Space is a calm, quiet and friendly place to talk. Located in the heart of Belfast’s Legal Quarter, with spacious plenary and meeting rooms, break out areas and coffee docks, it is the perfect city centre base for solicitors and also an excellent choice for seminars, presentations and gatherings for any business sector. Close to the courts, restaurants, and shopping areas, with ample nearby parking and easy access to motorways and rail links, you will be hosted by a professional team dedicated to ensuring your event is a success. We all know that face-to-face communication is hard to beat. However, virtual and hybrid meetings have become a way of life and therefore every room is equipped with the highest specification audio-visual facilities, high-

speed connectivity, and wide-screen video conferencing. Our five meeting rooms seat up to eight people boardroom style, while the three plenary rooms each accommodate double that number. The seminar room can comfortably accommodate up to 40 people for larger events and meetings, seminars or tribunals. The new facilities were officially opened by the Justice Minister, Naomi Long MLA, on Wednesday 29 September 2021 at an event attended by Northern Ireland’s new Lady Chief Justice and invited guests. Speaking at the opening, the President of the Law Society, Rowan White, said: “As the Law Society approaches its centenary next year, the new Meeting

“I have prioritised action on Alternative Dispute Resolution in plans being taken forward for the modernisation of the civil justice system, with the aim of making the system more accessible as well as fairer, more proportionate and more responsive. “I recognise enhancing the use of ADR can go a long way to achieving those objectives and I am delighted to see the continued steps being taken by the Law Society to further support its use.”

W: www.themeetingspaceni.co.uk

cover story

Vision for a step-change in the waste industry RiverRidge CEO Brett Ross discusses the prominent role of the waste industry in tackling the climate crisis and the need to move beyond Northern Ireland’s “addiction” to landfill. As CEO of Northern Ireland’s leading waste management company, Ross has overseen a decade of innovation, which has enabled RiverRidge to play a critical role in the substantial reduction of residual waste being sent to landfill and the deployment of technology to alter the destination for residual waste streams. Ross acknowledges the substantial

cover story

reduction in the landfill of waste which has taken place across Northern Ireland in recent years, but stresses that more needs to be done to ensure that the practice of sending untreated waste to landfill is eradicated. Increasing diversion from landfill is just one element of Ross’s vision for a stepchange in the waste management

cover story

industry, shifting Northern Ireland’s waste management sector from a laggard to a leader in climate action. Originating from the acquisition of a small skip hire and landfilling company with 24 employees in 2011, RiverRidge has transitioned into Northern Ireland’s leading waste management company, managing over 400,000 tonnes of residual waste each year, and directly employing 280 staff. From an initial investment in its first waste recycling facility, which facilitated a 60 per cent diversion from landfill rate for the then Coleraine Borough Council, RiverRidge’s landfill diversion solution extended to a number of additional local authorities thereafter. In 2018, the company completed construction of Northern Ireland’s only large-scale waste to energy facility, Full Circle Generation (FCG). The highly complex project secured funding of £107 million from a consortium of infrastructure funds as well as RiverRidge itself. The company is currently progressing a number of innovative projects which includes their ground-breaking vehicle fuel synthesising project. The £25 million project is expected to create a compressed biogas fuel which will decarbonise a large proportion of its vehicle fleet. Speaking in the context of the emergence of Northern Ireland’s first potential climate act and following on

“As pressure to reduce carbon throughout the economy becomes more acute and regulated, scope three suppliers like ourselves are going to emerge as key changers in providing support.” from the fresh global climate commitments of COP26, Ross explains that the waste industry is a critical part of Northern Ireland’s decarbonisation journey. “As an industry, we are a unique element of the supply chain providing a service to every business entity across the region. We consider ourselves a utility and therefore, action taken within our industry has an exponential impact,” he states. “It is our responsibility to ensure that waste is collected and treated in the most carbon efficient manner as well as finding the most environmentally sensitive final destination.”

Education Ross pinpoints two critical functions of the industry to ensure the reduction of carbon in waste management in Northern Ireland. The first is as a collector of data, better informing stakeholders of the levels of waste being produced, the composition of produced waste and the carbon cost of that waste. The second, a role that RiverRidge is seeking to excel in, is the exploration of ways in which the carbon intensity of waste management can be reduced through the development of circular economy solutions.

Emphasising that the appreciation of carbon in most commercial and public organisations is still in its infancy, Ross says: “As a downstream service provider in the supply chain, we fall under scope three of the Streamlined Energy and Carbon Reporting (SECR), so we are partially hidden in an organisation’s overall carbon footprint. However, as pressure to reduce carbon throughout the economy becomes more acute and regulated, scope three suppliers like ourselves are going to emerge as key changers in providing support.”

Carbon literacy The CEO aspires to see individuals, households, businesses, and local authorities place similar emphasis on carbon accounting, as currently given to financial accounting. Highlighting the challenging nature of achieving this change of mindset, Ross believes that this cultural change will be driven by big business, as they come under more pressure to publish and implement environmental, social and governance (ESG) strategies. To this end, RiverRidge is leading by example and is in the process of finalising its own ESG strategy. Perhaps, most importantly, the organisation plans to make its ESG strategy and subsequent performance reports publicly available documents, allowing

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stakeholders to evaluate its environmental and social credentials. The CEO explains his vision that the evolution of the strategy will see RiverRidge’s suppliers, eventually, being required to adopt similar principles, creating a convergence which cannot be ignored by government, businesses, or individuals.

Divergence Fundamental to the creation of new uses for residual waste streams in Northern Ireland, according to Ross, is a move away from an “addiction” to landfill and a predilection for energy recovery as a source of landfill diversion. “Over the course of the past 15 years, the UK has moved from landfilling up to 70 per cent of its waste to a rate of only 28 per cent, and by doing so, has realised a significant reduction in greenhouse gas production. It is a remarkable achievement but all we have done is

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move off the bottom tier of the waste hierarchy to the second lowest tier, which is waste recovery. “The realm of waste recovery is not particularly environmentally sensitive and doesn’t fully exploit the value trapped in what is essentially a collection of valuable resources. In particular, the combustion of plastic is nearly as harmful as combusting traditional fossil fuels and, in some circumstances, even more harmful.” In this regard, Ross admits that RiverRidge as an organisation has taken onboard learnings and become much more carbon aware over time. The FCG waste-to-energy facility, uses a feedstock made predominantly from household residual waste. However, the gasification technology used within the facility enables the waste to be extensively treated prior to final combustion, allowing for a large proportion of the recyclable components to be extracted.

While Ross admits that waste-to-energy is not a long-term solution, he does believe it has a place in the industry for the next 10 to 15 years as other treatment solutions begin to emerge. “Waste-toenergy is a better alternative to landfill. However, in 2021, four councils in Northern Ireland still send 100 per cent of their residual household waste to landfill without any treatment and I think that illustrates the lack of any real urgency to find an immediate and more carbon sensitive solution.” RiverRidge has evaluated a number of different waste treatment alternatives and has invested significant sums to explore their viability. For instance, Ross explains that the company is on the cusp of developing treatment solutions which will divert more plastic away from energy recovery and avoid combustion of such a valuable resource. He believes that waste treatment solutions should be based on the

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evaluation of carbon intensity and may include a number of end destinations including recovery, recycling and possibly even landfill where there is no existing treatment solution in place. Describing a clear overlap in the provision of recovery and recycling, he points to the far-less carbon intensive process of biological recovery as a prime example of not only the creation of recyclable products as an output, but also the creation of landbased products that can actively sequester carbon from the atmosphere. It was this understanding that has led RiverRidge to progress the development of a fully integrated mechanical and biological treatment process, the first stage of which has seen the commissioning of a waste washing facility at their Craigmore site, which can extract the organic waste trapped within the household residual waste that they currently treat. The next stage of the project will enable the extraction of methane gas and CO2 from the organic fraction created in the wash facility and the creation of circular economy products such as bioCNG, soil improvers and bioCO2. Ross credits the innovation of his staff in ensuring RiverRidge has a long pipeline of potential projects in the years ahead. He emphasises that the potential for innovation in the waste sector and the move away from historic management of waste, has opened the sector up as an attractive area of work for a diverse range of skills not previously associated with the industry. “We have a big pipeline of projects thanks to an number of innovative employees. RiverRidge prides itself on fostering that disruption mentality, emphasising that things do not always need to be done as they always were. It is an exciting time for the industry and an exciting sector to work in.”

Collaboration Interestingly, Ross believes that unlike many other sectors of the economy, the transformation can be spearheaded by the waste industry itself, with little public investment necessary. However, he emphasises that the public sector still has a role in fostering and engaging in better collaboration.

“In 2021, four councils in Northern Ireland still send 100 per cent of their residual household waste to landfill without any treatment and I think that illustrates the lack of any real urgency to find an immediate and more carbon sensitive solution.” “Emerging climate legislation will set the targets of where we need to be from an environmental point of view but in order for us to get there and get there quickly, there must be much more openness around what the private sector can provide and what the public sector activities are.

“The collaboration should be an open

“In relation to waste, the public sector engages in the collection of waste from the household, and I believe that it should remain as a well-established service and source of employment. However, when it comes to the technical aspects of recovering and recycling that waste, the private sector has moved way beyond what the public sector can provide.”

unique way. A holistic approach, and

To date, companies like RiverRidge have had to take enormous risk in building future-technology infrastructure, without the confidence that the supply of waste will always be there to support the infrastructure.

waste to landfill must be ended. In the

and honest discussion around how we can bring the two sectors together to benefit each other. Individual strategies have no place because we are not a big enough region to have council-by-council strategies where waste is dealt with in a perhaps, an all-island approach, is where we are going under the forthcoming environmental bill.” Concluding, Ross says that he strives to see a closer relationship between the public and private waste sector over the next 12 months, stressing that the practice of sending untreated residual longer term, he has an ambition to see RiverRidge reduce its carbon footprint by 50 per cent by 2030, delivering and following a strategy which clearly defines a pathway to net zero by 2050.

Profile: Brett Ross Brett Ross is the CEO of RiverRidge Holdings and a director of Full Circle Generation Limited. Originally from Zimbabwe, he is a graduate of Rhodes University. He began his career at Coopers and Lybrand in Harare, before joining the Crest Breeders International Group in 1994. In 2003, Brett and his family relocated to Ireland where Brett joined the London-based derivatives trading company, CTC Traders Limited. He spent a number of years trading short-term interest rate futures before acquiring Coleraine Skip Hire and Recycling Limited (later to be renamed RiverRidge Holdings Limited) in 2011. Brett is married to Marie-Louise and they have three children.

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Transformation expectation: A prime time And the mindsets and behaviours of people as we recover from the pandemic provides a further opportunity. We are in a wholly different environment from the one we were in two years ago: the world of work is evolving with organisations adapting to hybrid working and flexible approaches; and innovative opportunities are being created by the post-Covid-19 build-back with a focus on a green recovery. To seize the spoils, we need to develop new skills and create an agile workforce that is supported in ways never done before. We need to deliver more for less, driving automation and repurposing resources for the more value-adding activities that deliver for the public.

The pandemic has presented the perfect opportunity to embed a culture of transformation, which is responsive to customer needs, writes PwC’s Director of National Government Services, Conor McColgan. There’s always a choice. Either we do, or we don’t. But there’ll never be a time to get it right like we have now. I’m talking about the juncture at which we find ourselves, and by ‘we’ I mean all of our communities in Northern Ireland.

change, they’ve become more digitally-

When I think about it, I picture a burning platform. We could stick where we are and hope for the best or we could grasp the seriousness of the situation and take action. Not reforming risks underdelivering to the general public.

foundations, the need for transformation,

Let’s be clear, transformation is no longer a choice. The public expects us to

the chance to think differently, to opt for

savvy, and expect to be able to interact with public services in the same way they do with banks, their friends and family and so on. The question is: Why wouldn't we do it now? We have the perfect the appetite for change and the resources. When the Chancellor announced an extra £1.6 billion for Northern Ireland’s public sector in his Autumn Statement he was handing us more radical choices.

As we emerge from the pandemic, we know that we can handle tremendous change. As a client of ours summed up recently: “Before Covid, people could believe tech wouldn’t make things easier. But because of Covid and the lockdowns, people had to find different ways to manage their everyday needs, in the ways we work and socialise even. So, people who would have been the most resistant to increasing the role of tech in their professional lives are now using it in their personal lives and that has been a major shift.” Let’s clear one thing up. Technology is the golden thread that connects all of this. But, in and of itself, it is not the answer. It is an enabler. It is what you do with it that matters. Technology, existing and new, feeds into your strategy and enables your team to deliver the goals that are set out at the beginning of the journey. We should learn from others who have been successful with large-scale transformations. For example, over the last few years the HM Courts and Tribunals Service (HMCTS) in England and Wales has embarked on one of the most ambitious digital transformation

projects in the UK government, which has broken new ground globally in justice. The vision was to modernise and upgrade the system so that it works better for everyone, from judges and legal professionals to witnesses, litigants and the vulnerable victims of crime. It is costing £1 billon over multiple years, but delivering annual savings of millions. The scope of the action has been vast, from strategy and planning, designing new customer services, new technology, business architecture, people and cultural transformation, and property portfolio management. The impact for the public is huge: HMCTS now has online services for appealing immigration and asylum decisions, disputing benefits decisions and for local authorities to apply to take children into care. All of this helps some of the most vulnerable people facing difficult situations get access to justice as quickly as possible and supports litigants who do not have legal representation. HMCTS’s single justice procedure deals with simple, non-imprisonable cases out of court. For anyone pleading guilty to an offence, it means they don’t have to attend court and their case is likely to be dealt with faster and more efficiently. There are many more examples, and of course there are organisational benefits and efficiencies too. There is much that Northern Ireland’s public sector organisations can learn from this venture and from similar examples of public sector transformation globally. At PwC here’s how we break down the transformation challenge on this scale:

“We need to deliver more for less, driving automation and repurposing resources for the more value-adding activities that deliver for the public.” Firstly, set the direction, define the strategy and consider what programmes or projects will help move it forward. From this, you can design the organisation’s future shape, driven by the needs and desired experience of your customers. Secondly, develop the approach and highlight the phases of the transformation journey. Key to this stage is balancing change with sustaining the operational demands of business-as-usual activities. But you must also keep in mind the importance of bringing staff and customers with you. Clear, consistent and responsive communications must be a part of this plan. And then finally, plan and implement. Understand that successful transition involves upskilling staff to embrace new roles and responsibilities and supporting them to adopt new technologies and related ways of working. Getting this right is challenging because there is so much to balance, between business as usual activities and helping people to not only see the benefits of the change, but also maintaining a desire to continuously change and improve.

Digitisation is critical and we need to move outdated tech onto the cloud. This will help drive better efficiency through streamlined and automated processes, and make better use of the data that is collected. When we do that, employees, managers and leaders are empowered to draw insights and make decisions based on carefully structured data and accurate information which is securely stored in one place and kept up to date in realtime. A single source of truth enables agile and rapid decision-making than traditionally enabled by multiple sources. Digitisation will provide tools for improved collaboration and allow a better interface amongst customers, staff and third parties. So, what’s the prize? We have the opportunity to create organisations that are fit for the future in terms of the services they provide and the skills, structures and technologies that enable these services. Organisations ready to address the changing expectations of the public, focusing resources on delivering the most value to customers and staff. The goal should be to not just deliver a transformation programme or defined set of outcomes, but to embed a culture of transformation and change that looks to drive continual improvement and ongoing adaptation to the ever-changing expectations and demands of the public they serve; not always on a grand scale, but incremental and iterative, seeking opportunities to make a positive impact wherever they exist. We have a chance to capitalise on the opportunity of the hard-earned learnings of the last 18 months. This is the moment we either do, or we don’t. Conor McColgan is a Director in PwC’s National Government Services team and specialises in delivering tech enabled transformation in the public sector.

T: 028 9024 5454 E: Conor.McColgan@pwc.com W: www.pwc.co.uk

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Canvassing with confidence Ahead of May’s Assembly election, new UUP leader Doug Beattie MLA discusses his vision for confident unionism, a desire to be First Minister and his rejection of electoral pacts. “Life comes at you fast,” quips Beattie, when asked why he opted to take up the party’s top post in May 2021, having twice before rejected calls to put himself forward.

learning was also a factor in his decision not to contest for the party leadership again in 2019, as too was a will not to trigger a leadership contest at a time of Brexit uncertainty.

The former soldier points to his desire to serve his “apprenticeship” as an MLA as the deciding factor in not putting himself forward to replace Mike Nesbitt, the man who brought him into the party, in 2017.

“I thought Steve [Aiken] was best placed at that time,” he admits candidly.

Beattie is aware that he is not from political stock and only entered the political arena as a local councillor for Portadown in 2014, joining the Assembly two years later. His desire to continue

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How long of an apprenticeship Beattie hoped to serve is unclear however, because Aiken’s resignation as leader, believing he had taken the party as far as it could go, saw Beattie emerge uncontested to take up the role. As the party’s fifth leader in just nine

years, he is faced with the daunting prospect of turning around the fortunes of a party that has just 10 MLAs and no MPs with less than a year before the next Assembly election. Interestingly, the Upper Bann MLA appears set on defining his era by a change of manner, rather than a policy shift. Characterised as a liberal unionist, Beattie’s open support for abortion reform and same-sex marriage grated with some conservative unionists, including within his own party, however he has no desire to drastically reform the party or shift from its core values.

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Instead, he says he believes he can utilise the trend of “personality-driven politics” which has drifted into the UK, to better communicate the party’s vision for Northern Ireland. “I don’t have a huge political background, but I have spent a lot of time in leadership roles,” says Beattie, alluding to his decorated military career. “I understand leadership, both transactional and visionary leadership, and I understand how you change and how you motivate. “I have had a broad upbringing around the world and have learnt first-hand that confidence promotes strength. We hadn’t found that confidence in the UUP in the last number of years. We have good policies; we have good people but we are not confidently projecting that.

“

unprecedented internal party strife within the DUP and coupled with the ongoing challenges of the Northern Ireland Protocol, poor polling by unionism’s largest party has, to many, presented a huge opportunity to the UUP to improve its representation at Stormont. The UUP leader, however, is adamant that the party’s progress is of its own making: “We’ve seen change on a number of fronts. Internally, we have seen hundreds of new members join the party in recent months, where previously numbers had been much smaller. We are also seeing members who had previously allowed their membership to lapse buying back in because people like our vision and are willing to re-engage. “Externally, I have engaged with people outside of Northern Ireland and many of

of the DUP. However, such a policy failed to materialise, with individual representatives, members and voters openly contesting the party’s decision to oppose Brexit. Beattie admits that the Brexit argument was “deeply damaging” for the party. Highlighting that senior party figures such as Mike Nesbitt MLA and former MEP Jim Nicholson warned of the potential of an Irish sea border and checkpoints at ports prior to the referendum, Beattie believes that following the referendum outcome the party was left with no choice but to accept the democratic vote. However, he emphasises that acceptance of the outcome of the vote did not prevent the party working hard to warn of the consequences of the

“We have good policies; we have good people but we’re not confidently projecting that.” “I feel that I have the personality to promote that confidence and lift the morale of the people around me.” Beattie views his unique position of leading three former leaders within his party’s Assembly team as an advantage rather than a hinderance. Highlighting the personal friendship he shares with Mike Nesbitt, Robin Swann, and Steve Aiken, he says that those who have stood in his shoes appreciate and understand the difficulty that comes with decisionmaking, leading to a supportive environment.

Union of people In October, Beattie presided over his first annual party conference, promoting a ‘union of people’ as the party’s vision. The vision was well received by those in attendance, with many pointing to the “Beattie bounce” as underpinning a noticeably upbeat and optimistic mood among party members. The term is not one Beattie himself favours, potentially because it insinuates that changing fortunes may only be short-term. His arrival as leader coincided with

them are telling me that they our hearing our vision that they are hearing confident unionism for the first time in a long time after many years of negative and pessimistic unionism.”

Brexit In the past the UUP has suffered from an inability to put clear blue water between itself and the DUP in the minds of the electorate, come election time. Calls to protect wider unionism have seen the party seem the less attractive option for unionist voters when faced with the prospect of a split unionist vote. Selling the party’s vision has not been helped by electoral pacts with the DUP. Beattie is adamant that the party will not engage in pacts while he is at the helm. “Pacts do not work for the long term,” he states. “They do not improve your standing or your vision for the future. When you stand on your own two feet, people will say, ‘that is the confident unionism I want to see’.” For some, Brexit presented a prime opportunity for the UUP to offer a clear alternative to the pro-Brexit campaigning

Protocol and currently, putting forward potential solutions to current frictions. The leader believes that Brexit has had a detrimental impact on electoral politics in Northern Ireland, stating that politics has “doubled down on being sectarian”. Describing an ‘us against them’ mentality to the 2017 Assembly election and 2019 Westminster election within the electorate, both of which saw the UUP lose electoral ground, he believes the “sensible voice” is being drowned out. That sensible voice, he states, is stressing that some form of compromise will need to emerge between the EU and UK Government, which in turn will affect Northern Ireland. “We always have been and always will be something apart from the rest,” he states. However, he emphasises that the Protocol in its current form is not working and points to areas such as “inbuilt instability” in the consent mechanism which will periodically ask for Assembly consent to the trading arrangements in articles 5–10 of the Protocol and the democratic deficit created by the absence of Northern Ireland

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Wellbeing is a digital balancing act the workplace through respecting people’s time: openness and respect; smart meetings and emails; respecting rest periods; and mindful delegation. We encourage employees to respect the preferred communication method for their colleagues, and to plan ahead for meetings and provide regular feedback. We ask them to be mindful of who’s on email trails and encourage employees to add their working hours to email footers and consider whether emails should be delayed until someone is back at their desk. If they must be sent outside of someone’s hours, we ask colleagues to make it clear in the subject line whether it needs to be read immediately. Dial-in details are added by default to meeting invitations so people working away from the office always have a way to join, and managers are expected to set an example by not being on call when on leave.

In an evolving digital workplace, employers must make employee wellbeing a priority, says Katharine Kimber, location head for TLT in Northern Ireland, signatories of the Mindful Business Charter. At TLT, we love our office on High Street in Belfast but we also know that we achieve our best results by allowing people to find the place that works for them, their team and their clients. As a result of changes accelerated by the pandemic, we all now recognise the considerable benefits of remote and hybrid working patterns, which free up travel time, increase the geographical area from which we can draw talent and increase the potential of a diverse workforce who might not be at their most efficient in a formal office all of the time. In 2021, we formally acknowledged this by announcing a fully flexible working approach, which means everyone in the firm can choose where, when, and how they work on any given day. We’re also investing in a multi-million-pound programme over the next two years to deliver a digital and physical workplace to support choice, inclusion, and sustainability. This means that our workforce is distributed, and more than ever, digital communication is a big part of our working day. Tools such as Microsoft

Teams are designed to keep people’s attention, almost making a compelling game of staying on top of messages from work. This keeps employees’ eyes on the screen but can lead to stress and distraction. For team leaders, the temptation to quickly hop on a call can be huge, but each interruption adds to the overall load we place on our colleagues. On the other hand, too little communication with workers who are based elsewhere can lead to feelings of isolation, a lack of support and a ‘them and us’ culture, not to mention missed opportunities for learning and development. The best work comes when everyone feels that they are part of the team. Especially considering the strain of the pandemic, the risk of burnout in a hybrid working world is too high to ignore. Any employer wishing to avoid the risk of employee churn must put their best efforts behind the mental wellbeing of the engine of the business: their staff. We are proud signatories of the Mindful Business Charter, a set of principles designed to reduce unnecessary stress in

In working towards these principles, we aim to live more comfortably with technology and reduce unnecessary sources of stress, which in turn is good for business. As sharing best practice is another business positive for us, we are keen to discuss our experiences so that we can promote better digital working habits and encourage other businesses to sign up to the Mindful Business Charter. Get in touch to see how we put it all in place and have a conversation about what you can do in your company. More can be found on the Mindful Business Charter at mindfulbusinesscharter.com

Katharine Kimber Partner, TLT T: 0333 006 0014 E: katharine.kimber@tltsolicitors.com W: www.tltsolicitors.com

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representation at the negotiating table, as needing to be addressed. “What we need and what business needs is stability,” he emphasises. Beattie is aware that the party has suffered from the absence of representation at Westminster. In 2017, the party lost its two MPs and in 2019, Beattie himself was among candidates who failed to regain a seat. He believes the DUP’s conduct in Westminster, utilising the holding of the balance of power to “put their hand out and ask for money”, reduced Northern Ireland down in the estimations of neighbouring regions and failed to grasp the opportunity to secure safeguards for Northern Ireland’s place in the UK. He concedes, however, that without representation the UUP’s criticism of how the DUP acted in Westminster is somewhat toothless.

Opposition In 2016, then leader Mike Nesbitt took a bold decision to lead the UUP into Stormont’s first official opposition, alongside the SDLP. In the subsequent election, the UUP lost a number of key seats and figures, largely attributed to Nesbitt’s statement that he would give the SDLP his second preference vote. However, yet to be determined is

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whether opposition is viable. Beattie says that the prospect of the party entering opposition is “always on the table”. In fact, the leader admits that he had advocated for the party to enter opposition following New Decade, New Approach while justice spokesperson for the party, believing that “opposition promotes good governance”. He admits that the decision by the party to enter the Executive has proven a good one, allowing former leader Robin Swann MLA to lead on the health portfolio but adds: “I still believe a properly funded and properly structured opposition is fundamental to good government. As party leader, if I decide to enter opposition then it will be up to me to sell that to the party but it is not a decision I have made yet.” Beattie laments the unique nature of governance in Northern Ireland which sees parties rush to form a government and subsequently draft a Programme for Government (PfG).

anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement to give the institutions an MOT. Is it producing good government? What has changed in society and what do we need to reflect on that basis?” Describing the St Andrews Agreement as a contributor to “sectarianising politics” in Northern Ireland, Beattie suggests a return to the Good Friday Agreement’s “factory settings”. However, he is adamant that any change must be done not only with Northern Ireland’s political parties but also through engagement with wider civic society. Concluding, Beattie continues to push his message of confidence, outlining a post-election ambition to be First Minister. It is for this reason he refuses to be drawn into how the party would react to, as could happen, Sinn Féin becoming Northern Ireland’s largest party.

“There is a case to be made that following an election, prior to government formation, you have your PfG ready to go, and government nominations are based on the PfG.”

Offering his vision for the year ahead he says: “I want to continue improving the UUP, improving our membership, our status in Northern Ireland and our standings in the Assembly. We are reaching out to the US and across Europe to spread our message of unionism.

On the topic of governance, Beattie advocates further change to ensure Stormont’s future is long lasting, stating: “We have an opportunity in the 25th

“I would like to look back in a year and see a confident UUP taking centre stage and where people want to hear our message.”

Child Poverty: Why it must be a key focus for all parties both now and in the next Assembly mandate One-in-four children across Northern Ireland are growing up in poverty. Ahead of May 2022’s Assembly election and before the next mandate, key voluntary service providers, dealing with child poverty, have collaborated in extensive research, carried out to inform and urge policy makers of the need to take preventative action.

Growing up without enough money means that children miss out on opportunities and this widens existing inequalities, writes Action for Children NI’s Sheena McMullen. Behind the statistics, families are facing hardship and stress each day. The cost of living is increasing and whilst discussions about winter hardship funds are necessary, we risk perpetuating a harmful habit that prioritises crisishandling rather than prevention. As we try to recover from an extremely difficult context in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic as well as instability within our institutions, it is crucial that infants, children and young people are consistently prioritised both now and in the coming mandate. This means ensuring a safe and stable socio-political environment and a heightened commitment to long-term planning that views poverty prevention as the most important form of early intervention. Without it, our collective wellbeing outcomes will always fall short. Throughout the pandemic, commitment to collaborative approaches to maximise our ability to reach both those who need support and to inform those with decision-making responsibilities has been encouraging. Cooperative action across services and policy work has proved possible and effective; and we believe this momentum must not be lost.

this creates across all our key services. Family Support Hubs are helping people access Emergency support and witnessing the strain experienced by families each day. It is not sustainable. We need the Executive to be fully committed to addressing the barriers facing too many families and to ensure that every child has the best start in life and the opportunity to thrive. As parties begin to prepare for an election year, we are calling all members and organisations to continue working to ensure better policy in poverty prevention for the people of Northern Ireland. The research is clear, without making important policy choices to prevent and end poverty, we will keep seeing the waiting lists grow, basic needs go unmet and too many infants, children and young

“It is clear that failures to address the loopholes in the social security system have left too many families vulnerable, forcing them to make impossible choices.” Sheena McMullen, Action for Children NI

For many in the voluntary and community sector, that focus must include meaningfully addressing child poverty. We believe that success or failure to do that will largely determine whether or not many infants, children and young people can find a path, not only to recovery, but to reach beyond that and flourish. Recently at Action for Children, we have launched a campaign called ‘A Star in Every Child’, referring to their boundless energy, their curiosity, personality, imagination and potential to thrive. We want to emphasise the connection between decisions made at the Executive and all other levels of public life in creating the right conditions for every child and young person to shine. But in reality, it is hard to grow, learn and shine when you’re hungry, cold, scared or alone. It is clear that failures to address the loopholes in the social security system have left too many families vulnerable, forcing them to make impossible choices. We cannot accept this as normal or ignore the scale of the challenges

people facing avoidable emergencies and inequalities. Action for Children is asking specifically for the twochild limit to be permanently removed and for a new Northern Irish Child Payment to be introduced as two priority actions that will have considerable impact for families at risk.

Sheena McMullen, Action for Children NI, Campaigns, Advocacy and Policy Advisor Sheena.mcmullen@actionforchildren.org.uk Twitter: @mcmullen_sheena @Actn4ChildrenNI

Money matters We haven’t seen enough progress on reducing child poverty in Northern Ireland, writes Save the Children Northern Ireland’s Jerome Finnegan. In 2009/10, one-in-four children (26 per cent) were growing up in poverty, by 2019/20, little had changed, with one-in-four children (24 per cent) still growing up in poverty. Money matters. Growing up without enough money means that children miss out on opportunities that others have and creates huge stress at home. It has a direct impact on children’s early development, education, health, and their wellbeing.

“If we don’t fix our social security system, the risk is that business as usual will see child poverty rise in the next five years, leading to worse outcomes for children, increasing stress for families, and putting more pressure on our services.” Jerome Finnegan, Save the Children Northern Ireland

That is why poverty is often the root cause of many of the challenges our public services are facing today. We need to do more to tackle poverty in childhood if we want to release the pressure on stretched public services like our health system. It can be done. Evidence from all around the world shows that a strong social security system, quality support for parents to find jobs, and investing in key services like childcare and early education can lead to substantial reductions in poverty. But right now, we’re not making enough progress in these areas, with our social security system in particular seeing substantial cuts in the last several years. In the UK as a whole we spend 25 per cent less per child in social security spending than a decade ago.

support for the first two children in their family, which has serious consequences for their incomes. It has plunged 6,000 children into poverty, and will see 11,000 children in poverty by 2024/25. Lifting the two-child limit would free up much needed financial support for children and their families, and help prevent a rise in child poverty in the coming years. But, after years of cuts, we need to see an increase in core financial support for children: Key payments like child benefit are now worth less in real terms than at any point in the last two decades. We just cannot solve child poverty unless we fix this. That is why we are urging the Executive to follow the lead of the Scottish Government and introduce a Northern Irish Child Payment for all children in families eligible for means tested benefits. A £20 payment would lift 27,000 children out of poverty. This would be a historic reduction in child poverty, unseen in the almost two decades’ worth of data that we have for Northern Ireland. But more than that, it would make a profound difference in the lives of children and families in Northern Ireland. Reducing child poverty will improve educational, health and wellbeing outcomes for children, and lift tremendous stress from the shoulders of parents. This will cost money, but if we do not fix our social security system, the risk is that business as usual will see child poverty rise in the next five years, leading to worse outcomes for children, increasing stress for families, and putting more pressure on our services. We know what can solve child poverty, what we need to do now is choose to make the investment in children’s futures.

That is not a recipe for solving child poverty.

Jerome Finnegan, Policy and Practice Impact Advisor, Save the Children UK

There is an urgent need to invest in our social security system in Northern Ireland. There are two steps that the Executive could take to make historic gains for children: Lift the two-child limit and introduce a Northern Irish Child Payment.

Tel: 028 9043 1123

The two-child limit affects 10,000 families. It means that they only receive

Children deserve to live free from poverty 24 per cent of children in Northern Ireland are living in poverty, highlights strategic Director for the National Children’s Bureau, Celine McStravick. Growing up in poverty restricts a child’s outcomes, from affecting their wellbeing to their educational attainment and future life chances. The coronavirus crisis has no doubt exacerbated these impacts of child poverty, pushing many families to breaking point. All children have the right to thrive and the pandemic has shone a light on deeply entrenched inequalities.

“All children have the right to thrive and the pandemic has shone a light on deeply entrenched inequalities.”

We want to see proactive policies to address the growing inequalities. Every day we hear more about the cost of living increasing and yet Universal Credit payments were reduced. The voluntary sector always step up, often providing a vital lifeline to many families with a range of services such as food banks, debt advice, mental health and family support but children deserve more. Government support is often piecemeal and short term.

Celine McStravick, National Children’s Bureau

impact on child poverty including the cost of education, housing and childcare; •

all local government community plans to include actions to support children and families living in poverty and clear measurement and reporting of those actions; and

•

the development of an anti-poverty commission that can provide leadership and oversee the implementation of the strategy.

Children and families deserve long term systemic support to have a fighting chance. We have no shortage of promises and strategies in Northern Ireland. The draft Programme for Government talks about children having the best start in life and thriving not just surviving. The 10-year strategy for children sets out aspirations for children with cross departmental outcomes. The Anti-Poverty Strategy is also being drafted and due for release in 2022. Meanwhile, many local councils are also being clear about the impact of poverty on their communities. Poverty needs to be tackled but the solutions are few and far between. Rising insecurity, debt, homelessness and hunger is not the context in which plans to level up disadvantaged communities can succeed. At NCB we are calling for; •

the Executive to make a clear pledge to end child poverty, with commitments to measure the impact of policies on levels of child poverty;

•

the immediate launch of an ambitious and comprehensive cross departmental anti-poverty strategy, including policy interventions that increase and make more secure family and household incomes and strengthening welfare mitigations;

•

immediate policy development that responds to longstanding factors that

We know what a good childhood looks like. It is one in which children have enough to eat, somewhere safe and comfortable to sleep, with the chance to fully participate in society and pursue the things they love. Northern Ireland should be the best place for a child to grow up. Families should not be living from dayto-day and barely managing to keep heads above water. We owe all of our children a brighter future and we have no time to waste.

Celine McStravick , Strategic Director NCB E: cmcstravick@ncb.org.uk

issues agenda

Executive backs Mother and baby home public inquiry REcommendation The Executive has agreed to back all recommendations from an expert panel, including the establishment of an integrated truth investigation and a public inquiry, into the operations of historic mother and baby institutions in Northern Ireland. In November 2021, the Executive agreed all recommendations of the Truth Recovery Panel’s report aimed at delivering truth, acknowledgment and accountability for victims and survivors. Published in October 2021, the panel recommended an integrated process, whereby an independent panel works in parallel with a statutory public inquiry. The report suggests that an independent panel should be appointed within a maximum of six months but also acknowledges that complexities of the

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work mean that a main report will probably take a further two years. With a public inquiry expected to take much longer. The Executive fell short of ordering a public inquiry in March 2021, following the publication of research undertaken by Queen’s University Belfast and Ulster University in January of the same year into eight mother and baby homes, a number of former workhouses and four Magdalene laundries run by the Catholic and Protestant churches between 1922 and 1990.

The research, which conservatively estimated that over 10,500 women went through mother and baby homes in Northern Ireland and 3,000 were admitted into Magdalene laundries, was initially commissioned by the Department of Health in 2018 and was initially expected to take only 12 months. When the research was published, it highlighted that the number of women in the institutions, used to house women and girls who became pregnant outside of marriage, including girls as young as 12 years-old, peaked in the late 1960s

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and early 1970s but that some institutions continued to be active up until 1990. Amongst its other harrowing findings were that women were required to carry out tough chores late into their pregnancy and were given little preparation for childbirth. In the majority of testimony gathered for the research trauma and, often, mental health issues as outcomes of birth mothers’ experiences around their pregnancy, were identified. The report also noted the need for a more detailed overview of the mortality rates for babies born in mother and baby homes through scrutiny of records for those baby homes to which an estimated 32 per cent of infants were sent following separation from their birth mothers, which were not on the list of institutions under assessment. Records for only one such home were assessed, and information suggests that at one point during the 1920s, death rates may have been as high as 50 per cent for those admitted. Despite the findings, the Executive opted against ordering a full public enquiry at the time and instead ordered an independent investigation to be codesigned and victims centred. The decision came shortly after the conclusion of the Republic’s Commission of Investigation, established in 2015, into Ireland’s mother and baby homes. Despite such a long wait, many survivors were left disappointed and rejected some of the findings, not least that no evidence was found that women were forced into the homes by Church or state authorities and “very little evidence” of forced adoptions. The independent Truth Recovery Design Panel was established in March 2021 and its report, published in October 2021, recommends an integrated investigation by an independent panel and statutory public inquiry. Included in the support measures recommended by the panel, co-designed by victims and survivors, is the immediate implementation of measures to ensure access to records, including a statutory preservation requirement, data protection law implementation guidance

and a legislation to establish an independent truth telling archive. Additionally, the panel has recommended measures to secure redress, reparation and compensation, including automatic redress payments, assistance to access the courts, health and wellbeing services and memorialisation and apologies. Within its five core areas of recommendation, the panel states: “An Independent Panel should be established without delay, bearing in mind the advanced age of many victims-survivors and relatives. Its appointment and operation is not dependent upon dedicated legislation. However, legislation will be required to establish the public inquiry including its Rules of Procedure and this should be progressed urgently.” The panel offered a variety of reasons

why an integrated process is necessary, highlighting that an independent panel will feed in to educating the public inquiry and help secure victims and survivors access to records. However, it also recognises that such a body will lack the statutory powers to compel evidence production, which given the “extent and diversity” of involvement of state and non-state actors, it states “will be necessary”. Finally, the report stated that a financial redress scheme “should be prioritised” and has called for all those “complicit in the processes of institutionalisation and forced labour, family separation and adoption” to act “without delay in issuing unqualified apologies”. A spokesperson for the Executive Office confirmed that the programme of work is to be led by the Department.

Key recommendations to the Executive •

An integrated truth investigation should be prioritised, comprising an expert Independent Panel and a statutory Public Inquiry. An Independent Panel should be established without delay, bearing in mind the advanced age of many victims-survivors and relatives;

•

a financial redress scheme should be prioritised, comprising an automatic standardised payment and the entitlement to a further individually assessed payment;

•

the Executive Office should take responsibility to ensure the implementation and sustainable funding of all of the Panel’s recommendations;

•

the Executive Office should cooperate with the Government of Ireland to achieve maximum possible access to information regarding the operation of cross-border practices: to vindicate victims-survivors’ rights to identity and accountability, and to facilitate future investigations;

•

an integrated truth investigation should be prioritised, comprising an expert Independent Panel and a statutory Public Inquiry;

•

the Executive Office should take responsibility for overseeing the development of a statutory form of guidance binding all personal data controllers regarding the administration of historical institutional and adoption records;

•

the Victims and Survivors Service should be adequately resourced to fund comprehensive services as recommended by victims/survivors and relatives, for the duration of the truth investigation and the longer-term;

•

citizenship should be granted to those who lost their entitlement due to removal from Northern Ireland as a child; and

•

state authorities in collaboration with the churches and other involved institutions should establish a prominent memorial, following a dedicated consultation.

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As hybrid working models increasingly appear set to become the norm, IT specialists b4b Group and Fortinet examine how cyber security has never been more important as a result. The world of work is unrecognisable now compared to just 18 months ago, with unprecedented numbers of people working from home where their job enables them. For many, it has required a new level of understanding around how to use technology to ensure continued collaboration and that productivity levels are maintained. It has also meant an exponential rise in demand for services from leading managed IT firm b4b Group and cybersecurity partner Fortinet, to a growing customer base including household names in the private and public sectors across the UK and Ireland. Thomas O’Hagan, Managing Director, b4b Group explains the nature of that demand has developed over the period.

“If we cast our minds back to the very first lockdown in spring 2020, the initial period of remote working was nothing like what we now consider normal,” he says. “In the beginning, networks and systems were simply not in place, compounded by the lack of availability of even basic technology such as laptops, so there was a huge amount of work with clients enabling them to operate as close to normal as possible.” Fortinet adds: “More than 18 months on from those days however, organisations have of course adapted to the new way of working with many moving, either in part or in full, to remote working models on a permanent basis. “This means instituting software that supports and facilitates remote work,

allowing applications to operate seamlessly while also limiting the exposure of confidential data.” It is that potential exposure of data that has placed a renewed focus on building robust cyber secure solutions into the IT infrastructure of organisations whether to facilitate work in the office or remotely. The cost of cyber attacks on businesses across the UK every year is around £34 billion, according to research by the CEBR (Centre of Economics and Business Research) and it was revealed last year that thousands of breaches had occurred across 17 UK Government departments between 2019 and 2020 Meanwhile, in the Republic of Ireland, a breach of HSE (Health Service Executive) systems earlier this year saw

criminals demanding $20 million, claiming they’d accessed thousands of files containing sensitive patient and other confidential data. O’Hagan says the costs associated with such breaches are huge “but it’s not just about cash”. “The damage to your organisation’s reputation, longer-term harm to internal productivity and morale, theft of intellectual property and potential legal consequences must all be considered,” he explains. “At every level, a zero trust approach to external communications must be taken. If there is any doubt about the source of an email or interaction from outside the organisation, it should be ignored. Leaders within organisations should also be empowered to challenge staff, making sure only known sources are trusted.” Certainly, the requirement of teams to continue to collaborate with each other and external parties and stakeholders while still working from home can clearly make the sharing of data riskier. “Office spaces have been organised and structured with technology in mind and that includes making them secure from a cyber point of view,” Fortinet says. “However, the same, by and large, is not true for our homes or indeed anywhere outside the office where you may wish to work. “Traditionally, the go to solution would have been putting together a complex system using VPNs (Virtual Private Networks) providing remote logins. “In this scenario however, you may still be left relying on the devices themselves being well protected. “Instead, organisations are now establishing Zero Trust Networks that require higher levels of verification to use, such as two-factor verification which many may already be familiar with from signing in to applications like Facebook or Amazon.” While many businesses are realising the benefits in using Zero Trust Network Access (ZTNA) to connect those working from home, it has advantages beyond that, O’Hagan adds. “Being able to access corporate networks remotely is not just those working from home. “It also enables seamless collaboration between teams working across multiple sites, whether in the same company or across numerous locations and departments in large public sector organisations. “The key is restricting access to data only to those that require access, safeguarding sometimes sensitive, commercial or personal information, while allowing operations to run smoothly. Fail to take a zero-trust approach, and organisations could be left to pay the penalty.” b4b Group is a leading provider of integrated managed IT and telecommunications services covering all aspects of IT, telecoms and IoT (Internet of Things). Fortinet is a global leader in cyber security solutions from firewalls to anti-virus software and beyond.

For more information or to discuss how b4b Group and Fortinet may assist your organisation, contact 028 9074 8844 or sales@b4bgroup.ie.

issues agenda

Living with tinnitus Aoife McGlinchey talks to Owen McQuade about how being diagnosed with tinnitus during her undergraduate music degree changed her career direction and her role as a tinnitus support officer with the Royal National Institute for Deaf People (RNID). Aoife McGlinchey was just about to enter the final year of her music degree at Ulster University Magee, Derry when she was diagnosed with tinnitus. “I had just come back from Australia two weeks before the start of term and it came on suddenly one evening. I didn’t even have a name for it just this unknown noise blaring at me. “I couldn’t see it, feel it and no one else could hear it. I thought it was probably an issue with from the long-haul flight and hoped that it would go away – it had to,” she explains. It was not until a diagnosis was made that McGlinchey was able to put a name to the noise: tinnitus. Tinnitus is the perception of

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noises in the head and/or ear which have no external source, it is often described as buzzing or ringing in the ears. Recalling her initial reaction to the diagnosis, she says: “It was one of shock and concern about how I was going to finish my degree,” adding: “I doubted my own capabilities in performing music and it affected all aspects of my life.” A part-time job in a café became increasingly difficult as the noise of the coffee machines compounded her condition. Used to studying in silence, she now had to introduce an alternative noise to mask the tinnitus. Similarly, adapting socially was particularly difficult.

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“The initial shock and anxiety gave me a constant feeling of burn out. I felt that I was always fighting something and that doesn’t leave you with a lot of energy. “I really believed that tinnitus was going to ruin my life. At one point I thought I was going to go deaf, and it became all consuming,” she recounts. Now McGlinchey is more reflective of her experience and believes that tinnitus has, in some ways, changed things for the better. Today, she delivers tinnitus support services for the RNID and plans to study to become a counsellor. In her current role as a tinnitus support officer, she assists people with tinnitus by providing one-to-one intervention and delivering tinnitus awareness events and management courses. “We try to give a positive message; people need to know there is support out there and tinnitus can be managed,” she emphasises, adding: “A

tinnitus during the pandemic. Not only has this been a result of the stressful situation of lockdown but we are seeing increasing reports of people who have been infected with Covid reporting tinnitus.” A study by audiologists at the University of Manchester found that 6.6 per cent of patients reported developing tinnitus after hospitalisation for Covid-19 and tinnitus has now been recognised as one of several side effects of long-Covid. This increased prevalence is occurring in the context of low levels of funding for research into the condition. Although there is no clear data for tinnitus specifically, the level of funding for hearing loss is low. One study indicates that just £0.83 is spent on ear research per person affected compared to £193 per person living with cancer, £21 per person living with cardiovascular disease and £16 person living with sight loss.

“Many people are told by their GP they have to ‘learn to live’ with tinnitus and are not directed to support." Aoife McGlinchey

big element of our work is peer support; sharing stories, struggles, and winning the small battles are very important. It is so easy to complain and get stuck in the negative it takes practice and time to shift our perspective and learn something from it.” RNID also organises awareness training for GPs as surveys show that eight-in-10 patients in the UK are unhappy with the treatment they receive for tinnitus. “Many people are told by their GP they have to ‘learn to live’ with tinnitus and are not directed to support. To raise awareness of their support services, RNID had an online webinar for GPs and health professionals in February 2021 which was presented by a GP,” McGlinchey explains. Highlighting the evidence that the Covid-19 pandemic has led to increased prevalence of tinnitus, she asserts: “Many people have reported that their tinnitus has become worse, or they have noticed an onset of

Tinnitus has had a life-altering effect on Aoife, forcing a new trajectory for her career: “I had always thought of a career in the arts but with tinnitus I have changed direction. I now have a role helping others.” This personal experience has greatly assisted in undertaking her current role: “Peer support is important. Before I took on my current role, I hadn’t met anyone with tinnitus. Although my experience is helpful, I have learned that there is no one-size-fitsall model.” At the same time, she is cognisant that stress makes the condition worse and reemphasises the impact of the Covid pandemic. Describing her use of mindfulness to manage her stress levels, she concludes: “I know my limits, although there will be bad days, noisy days but there will also be good days and you have to celebrate those.”

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Health Impact Assessment (HIA): How new HIA Guidance can help to build healthier communities It is designed to help community organisations, local authorities, and other policy- and decision-makers at national, regional or local level to build healthier communities and reduce health inequalities. Incorporating the latest international and European developments and best practice in the field, the Minister for Health in Northern Ireland, Robin Swann MLA, and the Minister of State for Public Health, Well Being, and National Drugs Strategy in Ireland, Frank Feighan TD, both welcomed the suite of updated guidance documents launched in November.

Public Health Development Officer with the Institute of Public Health, Dr Joanna Purdy, shares some insights into new Health Impact Assessment Guidance and how it can help policy- and decision-makers to ‘health proof’ new laws, policies or programmes. As the world emerges from the Covid-19 pandemic and responds to the many challenges posed by climate change, there is an opportunity to build healthier communities. One tool that can help to do that is Health Impact Assessment (HIA), a process that can ensure that proposals are more inclusive, more equitable, and more sustainable for everyone.

promoting health and wellbeing, improving health equity, and reducing health inequalities throughout the life course and this is a central theme of the suite of updated HIA Guidance documents. A Health Impact Assessment can be conducted on a new policy, plan or programme, otherwise known as a strategic level HIA but can also be conducted at project level.

The Institute of Public Health (IPH) recently published the fourth edition of HIA Guidance for Ireland and Northern Ireland, the first major update of this allisland guidance since 2009.

This new HIA Guidance can assist policy- and decision-makers to assess the potential impact of a new proposal and how it might affect the health of the community or population before it is implemented.

The work of the Institute centres on

At its core, HIA seeks to inform and enhance the decision-making process in favour of health and health equity while underpinning a whole-of-government ‘Health in All Policies’ (HiAP) approach to improving population health. Making Life Better, the public health framework in Northern Ireland, acknowledges that health is influenced by factors outside the health sector, such as housing, transport, social protection, employment and environment. HIA can play a central role in national and local decision-making to help ensure that policies and planning in these sectors have a positive impact on health and mitigate any potential negative health outcomes. Based on the guiding principles of equity and equality, participation, sustainability, a comprehensive approach to health and ethical use of evidence, HIA also provides a unique opportunity to give communities a voice and say on proposed laws, plans, policies or programmes that may affect their health. Whilst the guidance has been developed specifically within the policy and legislative contexts of Ireland and

CASE STUDY: Strategic level HIA by Public Health Agency In 2011 the Public Health Agency (PHA) undertook a HIA to test and improve the effects of implementing the Cardiovascular Service Framework (CVSFW) on health inequities and inequalities in Northern Ireland. This is an example of a strategic level HIA. As a result of the HIA, the Public Health Agency highlighted a range of areas for consideration, including coordinating brief intervention training for all health and social care (HSC) staff to support behaviour change and self-management for patients; supporting collaboration between HSC organisations, communities and local government in creating healthier environments; and creating synergy between communities, voluntary organisations and HSC providers, including pharmacies and primary care providers.

What is Health Impact Assessment? •

Health Impact Assessment (HIA) can be used to help understand how a new law, policy, programme, or project might affect the health of the population or local communities before being implemented;

•

HIA ensures that new proposals are more inclusive, more equitable, and more sustainable for everyone. For example, it can assess how people with less money, children, older people, or people with a disability might be affected by a new law or policy; and

•

HIA can be carried out by a wide range of decision- and policy-makers in sectors such as health, transport, environment, housing, planning, education and employment. Examples of organisations that can use HIA include central government departments and their statutory agencies, local councils, health and social care services, community and voluntary sector organisations, planning authorities and private developers.

This graphic outlines the seven stages involved in the HIA process.

Northern Ireland, it is also transferable to the UK and Europe. Health Impact Assessment is not conducted in isolation and the new guidance sets out how HIA interfaces with both statutory and non-statutory impact assessments. When a new piece of legislation, policy, or programme is being developed, it is often subject to a number of statutory impact assessments, such as human rights and equality impact assessment. HIA practitioners and those working in a range of sectors can conduct a standalone HIA or include health within environmental assessment, such as Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) or Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), which follow the same principles, process and approach. There can be statutory, policy, and voluntary drivers for HIA, which will determine how the health impacts of a proposal are reported, either in a standalone HIA or as health within environmental assessment. There is no legal requirement to conduct a HIA in Ireland or Northern Ireland but this tool has the capacity to ‘health proof’ new laws, policies, programmes or projects and support better integration of health and health equity in decisionmaking. The HIA process underpins the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals to reduce health inequalities and improve health equity. At a time when climate, health, and sustainability are in the spotlight, there is now a unique opportunity within our grasp to use the HIA process and this new Guidance to

build healthier and more sustainable communities.

A suite of updated HIA Guidance documents has been developed for different audiences, including the general public, commissioners, policymakers and impact assessment practitioners. The Technical Guidance document provides practical tools for each stage of the HIA process. The HIA Guidance has been endorsed by the European Public Health Association and the International Association for Impact Assessment. For more information about this new HIA Guidance please visit www.publichealth.ie/hia. To discuss HIA or the Guidance documents, you can contact the Institute of Public Health by emailing hia@publichealth.ie.

Benefits of HIA •

HIA aims to ensure potential positive health impacts and prevent potential negative health impacts of a proposal;

•

HIA can support people from different backgrounds to work together to ensure that decision-making for health is fairer and more inclusive;

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HIA can be used at strategic or policy level as well a national, regional and local level to ‘health proof’ new and future programmes or projects;

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HIA provides evidence-based conclusions and recommendations; and

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HIA can complement or inform other impact assessments such as poverty, human rights, or equality impact assessments.

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‘Significant and fundamental’ gaps in official mental health data There is no accurate regional picture of mental health in Northern Ireland, the UK’s statistics regulator has said. “Significant issues hindering the development of statistics” identified by the Office for Statistics Regulation (OSR) risk undermining a newly published 10-year strategy geared at setting the future direction of mental health services in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has the highest prevalence of mental ill-health across the UK, with many services operating at capacity even prior to the pandemic. An expected spike in demand post-pandemic prompted the publishing of a Mental Health Action Plan in May 2020, followed by the new Mental Health Strategy (2021-2031). However, funding has yet to be secured for almost all of the over £1.2 billion needed over the strategies lifetime. Tasked with exploring the public value of mental health statistics in the United Kingdom, the OSR’s focus on Northern Ireland found that mental health statistics in Northern Ireland are currently not fully serving the public good and enabling statistics users. As a result, the OSR says that a wide range of individuals and organisations are not having their analytical needs fully met. Included in the findings is a scarcity of robust mental health data in Northern Ireland, leading to “significant and fundamental” data gaps. The OSR highlights that it is difficult to evaluate the delivery of mental health services and understand the outcomes for individuals because current statistics “cannot tell us how many people are accessing mental health services in Northern Ireland and whether their needs are being met”. The OSR also highlights that the absence of official statistics has meant that academic research and studies are having to fill some of the gaps. Strikingly, the report says that a practice of siloed mental health data collection by each of Northern Ireland’s five health and social care trusts has led to poor data comparability and therefore, there is no accurate regional picture of mental health in Northern Ireland. Subsequently, there is no single point of access to official statistics on mental health, meaning that users find in difficult to locate official statistics and data “across a dispersed landscape”. The OSR has recommended that the Department of Health builds upon the report’s findings to improve the availability of official data on mental health through the Mental Health Strategy 2021–2031.

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ALMA: Northern Ireland NEETs to miss out on EU job scheme Northern Ireland is set to be excluded from a new multi-million euro scheme aimed at young people not in any kind of employment, education, or training across Europe because of Brexit. The Erasmus-like ALMA project (Aim, Learn, Master, Achieve), with an estimated investment of €15 million in its first year alone, was unveiled by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in her 2021 State of the Union address. The scheme is aimed at helping young people find their way into the job market through education, vocational training, or employment in their home country, as well as a work placement in another EU country. However, eligible candidates in Northern Ireland will not avail of the scheme because the UK Government has signalled its intention not to participate in the relevant new round of EU structural funds. This is despite Northern Ireland having a significantly higher ratio of young people aged 16 to 24 years not in education, employment, or training (NEETs) than any region of the UK. Latest figures show that Northern Ireland has an estimated 24,000 NEETs, a 12.2 per cent portion of all those aged 16 to 24 years. By comparison, the overall proportion of young people who were NEET in the UK was 8.9 per cent. Emerging labour market trends in Northern Ireland indicate a reducing employment rate, rising unemployment, higher levels of economic inactivity and a legacy of underinvestment in skills by both the public and private sectors have been attributed to persistent and long-standing challenges of a low productivity rate when compared to the rest of the UK, highest levels of economic inactivity of any UK region and a mid-level skills gap. In 2020, the OECD compiled an extensive report on skills in Northern Ireland to inform the Department for the Economy’s forthcoming Skills Strategy. The report highlighted that skill levels of adults in Northern Ireland are below those of many other OECD countries, reasoning that the challenges were “rooted in poor governance arrangements across policy areas and levels of government”.

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Additional sub-regional research indicated that each of Northern Ireland’s five sub-regions contained a “missing middle” – a lack of those with qualifications between National Qualification Framework (NQF) levels 3–5, forecast to enter the labour market in the decade from 2017 to 2027. The ALMA project will form part of the EU’s European Social Fund+ (ESF+), the EU’s main instrument for investing in people, with a budget of almost €99.3 billion for 2021 to 2027. The UK Government opted not to take on the option of associate membership of the new round of structural funds. As a member state of the EU, the UK had been eligible for financial support from the European Regional Development Fund (EDRF) and the European Social Fund (ESF). Between 2014 and 2020 the UK drew down €5.1 billion through the ESF. Projects eligible for funding did not have to be completed by 2020 and under the terms of the UK-EU Withdrawal Agreement, the UK is eligible for its full allocation of funds from the 2014-2020 budget cycle and funding claims can be submitted until the end of 2023. However, the UK cannot apply for any further funds in future years. A spokesperson for the Department for the Economy confirmed that this will also apply to Northern Ireland: “Following the UK’s exit from the EU in January 2020, while existing programmes such as the ESF Programme continue here until their normal closure (in 2023), the UK will not take part in the new round of structural funds. “ALMA, which was announced by the EU in September, is part of the ESF successor programme to be known as ESF+, which the UK will not be involved in.

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“The UK Government previously announced that the UK Shared Prosperity Fund would be its successor to EU structural funds. Further details on priorities and eligibility are expected from the UK Government in late October 2021.”

Erasmus + The ALMA scheme is the latest consequence of Brexit to impact on young people in Northern Ireland. In March 2021, the Irish Government was forced to step in and fund the continued involvement of students from Northern Ireland in the Erasmus+ programme after UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson took the “tough decision” not to participate in the new scheme. The long-established EU programme funds students’ study across member states and in 2019 alone, almost 650 students and staff from Northern Ireland took part. In its place, the UK has launched the Turing Scheme, which will seek to be more expansive in its opportunities for students by including universities beyond Europe. However, critics have highlighted that it will not fund inward studies.

“ALMA, which was announced by the EU in September, is part of the ESF successor programme to be known as ESF+, which the UK will not be involved in.” Horizon Europe Unlike with the EU’s structural funds, the UK did opt for associate membership of the forthcoming Horizon Europe project within the EU exit deal, however, its inclusion has still not been ratified almost a year after the scheme was launched. Horizon 2020 was the biggest EU research and innovation programme ever and provided almost €80 billion of funding over seven years from 2014 to 2020. The scheme, which funds ground-breaking work in areas such as cancer research and climate change, was utilised by almost 300 Northern Ireland participants and almost €100 million had been drawn down by October 2020. The programme has been refreshed as Horizon Europe for the years 2021 to 2027 with a budget of almost €100 billion. The UK has agreed in principle to participate in the programme under the terms of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement with a “fair and appropriate financial contribution”. However, association is subject to ratification. At the end of October, the UK’s Brexit negotiator David Frost announced the Government was “quite concerned” that the EU had still not ratified the UK’s associate membership of Horizon Europe. Stating that failure to deliver on the obligation would be a breach of the treaty, Frost said: “Every day's delay is a further day UK entities can not participate.” The EU Commission has published the main work programme of Horizon Europe for the period 2021/2022, which outlines the objectives and specific topic areas that will receive a total of €14.7 billion. Despite the absence of ratification of involvement, the Department for the Economy is encouraging businesses and researchers to prepare to bid into Horizon Europe.

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Let’s Power Change Together

Climate COP26 report

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Let’s Power Change Together

Green Growth: Tackling the climate crisis Climate change is the defining crisis of our time on a global and national scale and Northern Ireland is not immune, writes Minister for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, Edwin Poots MLA. “Agriculture is one of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases in Northern Ireland and whilst this presents many challenges, I believe it also presents many opportunities.”

We have seen first-hand how climate change can lead to more frequent severe weather events and we face numerous other challenges aside, including improving our air quality, tackling plastic pollution, achieving zero waste and the development of a circular economy. We simply cannot continue with a ‘business as usual’ approach, we must act now before it is too late with a shared vision of the future and a plan to make it a reality. I recently attended the 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP) in Glasgow. COP26 brought together signatory parties to the Convention from across the globe with the aim of accelerating action towards the goals of the Paris Agreement,

realising this vision of a cleaner, more sustainable world must be a priority. Failing to do so would be irresponsible and the consequences unthinkable. My department has recently, on behalf of the Northern Ireland Executive, launched a public consultation on a Green Growth Strategy for Northern Ireland. This cross-cutting multi-decade Strategy will set out the long-term vision and a solid framework for tackling the climate crisis by balancing climate action with a clean environment and the economy. It provides us with an important opportunity to embed wider climate change, a green economy and environmental considerations, into

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“The next decade must be one of urgent action and we must all play our part.” decision making. This would ensure that new policies and programmes align with the need to address climate change, develop green jobs and address biodiversity commitments. This strategy represents a significant step forward for Northern Ireland as we move from a high to a low emissions society and as we balance climate action with environmental and economic considerations. I believe that this Green Growth approach is right for Northern Ireland; a Northern Ireland where we can all enjoy the longer term economic, social, health and environmental benefits that this brings.

one of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases in Northern Ireland and whilst this presents many challenges, I believe it also presents many opportunities. I recently published the Future Agricultural Policy Framework Portfolio for Northern Ireland which is set around four key outcomes: increased productivity; environmental sustainability; improved resilience; and a responsive supply chain. Higher productivity growth in our agri-industry, through science and innovation, must be achieved in a way that is compatible with improving environmental sustainability.

My draft Climate Change Bill has now passed Second Stage in the Assembly and I am confident that, through this Bill, we can achieve the right balance between safeguarding the environment, the economy and society. It is steeped in science, is evidence-based and takes a common sense and realistic approach to what is an extremely complex issue that can only be addressed successfully by bringing those who can make the change along with us.

The next decade must be one of urgent action and we must all play our part. Continuing to meet consumption by traditional methods is damaging our environment and we must address this to restore and protect the natural assets we rely on, whilst supporting their sustainable use. We must create green jobs, end our reliance on fossil fuels and provide opportunities through investment in innovation to help us develop new ways of working.

Agriculture

Collectively we can lay the foundations for a more sustainable society, which can rejuvenate our economy following the Covid-19 crisis, before irreparable damage is done.

Northern Ireland will play its important part in reaching UK net zero by 2050, if not before. At this time, agriculture is

Let’s Power Change Together

climate COP26 report

Showing leadership on climate change

From left: Martin Pibworth, SSE's Group Energy and Commercial Director, joins Northern Ireland First Minister Paul Givan MLA, An Taoiseach Micheál Martin TD, and Northern Ireland deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill MLA at a pre-COP26 event, Let’s Power Change Together.

Martin Pibworth, SSE plc’s Group Energy and Commercial Director, outlines how we need to seize the opportunity of COP26 to power change together across the island of Ireland. In early October at Belfast’s W5 and SSE Arena, the three most senior political representatives on the island of Ireland came together under one roof to examine and discuss the most pressing issue of our time: climate change. The event, Let’s Power Change Together, was organised by the Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce and Chambers Ireland ahead of the COP26, the UN’s Climate Change Conference. It afforded an important opportunity for Northern Ireland First Minister Paul Givan, Northern Ireland deputy First Minister

Michelle O’Neill, and An Taoiseach Micheál Martin to come together for the first time to discuss how we can adopt an all-island approach to net zero. On behalf of SSE, I was proud to be able to join our chamber partners in welcoming our most senior political representatives to this unique and vital gathering. As I arrived it was fantastic to see the SSE Arena which has served a crucial recent role as a vaccination centre. Our collective response to Covid and our

“Commitment to collaboration is the cornerstone of the NI Executive strategic response to climate change.” First Minister Paul Givan MLA 40

resilience is yet another proof point of how adaptive society can be when the need arises. And we do have another need. It’s not new. We are all equally affected. We talk about it often, but now, it is more urgent than ever. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report on climate change published in August was sobering but it also offered hope; we can still limit the worst impacts of climate change, but only if there are immediate, rapid, and largescale reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. The challenge is clear. This need for urgency is why SSE, as a Scottish-headquartered company, became a principal partner to Glasgow’s COP26 last November. A successful COP26 will bring together the policy, capital, and technology to ensure the accelerated delivery of climate action measures. At SSE we’re excited to be playing our part in helping take action to combat climate change, by providing expertise, commitment, and action through the delivery of greener energy. As an energy utility we have a crucial role to play on behalf of our customers and communities and we’re getting on with it.

Let’s Power Change Together

So, what does getting on with it mean?

But we’re also continuing to develop new sites so we can accelerate net zero ambitions to help tackle the climate crisis. We have ambitious plans for a 4.1GW super-project development in the North Sea which could become one of the largest offshore wind opportunities in the world. Beyond Britain and Ireland, we’re exploring how we can develop new offshore wind farms in countries such as Denmark, Japan, Poland, Portugal, Spain, and the United States so we can help the globe go net zero. We’re 100 per cent ready to deliver Ireland’s emerging offshore wind ambitions. The island of Ireland has an enviable offshore wind resource that could make a significant contribution to decarbonisation here. The direction of public discourse across Ireland, north and south, and emerging energy policy in both jurisdictions all signal a new era for energy policy. The Irish Government recently increased its renewable electricity target to 80 per cent by 2030, underpinned by a 5GW target for offshore wind by 2030. SSE stands ready to deliver via our 520MW Arklow Bank Phase 2 Project and we are energised by the prospect of doing so. However, the project does require decisive Government action to enable its early delivery including consenting, grid, and route to market solutions; with these interventions we could have the project delivered by 2025. That can help secure Ireland’s energy future, reduce carbon emissions, and create local jobs, and in the here and now.

“There is no more significant common concern on this island than meeting the climate challenge.” An Taoiseach, Micheál Martin TD

to seeing the Executive’s new Energy Strategy targeting at least 70 per cent renewable electricity supply by 2030 which will set us on a similarly ambitious course for decarbonisation. Investment from companies such as SSE can accelerate the green recovery, but they will require government support. At SSE we’re ready to play our part by providing our technical expertise and multi-billion-pound investment in renewable projects. In addition to a massive expansion of renewables we are finding clean solutions for those periods when the wind doesn’t blow and the sun doesn’t shine by pioneering new carbon capture and hydrogen technologies. Critically, we are also ensuring our customers have the access they need to low carbon energy solutions from clean energy supply to building retrofits to tech solutions such as solar. We are doing all these things because there is no single answer. The solution will ultimately be the collective contribution of all of these different innovations. Over recent weeks the energy sector has attracted much media commentary due to the sudden spike in gas prices. Times like these are concerning both for us and for our customers. However, it does further emphasise the need to insulate

climate COP26 report

At this moment SSE is building more offshore wind than any other company in the world. This includes constructing the largest offshore wind farm on the planet at Dogger Bank off the coast of England and constructing what will be the world’s deepest fixed bottom offshore wind farm at Seagreen off the coast of Scotland. We’re also building new onshore wind in Shetland where our in-construction Viking Energy Wind Farm is on track to become one of the most productive onshore wind farms in Europe when operational.

society and the markets from the volatility of fossil fuel commodity prices. Development of renewables is an economically cost-efficient way to achieve this for the long-term. The prize will be a sustainable energy system that increases the attractiveness of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland to international investment. Inaction, on the other hand, risks us getting left behind. There are many hard questions to answer and we know the road ahead will throw up difficult challenges, but there are two certainties to consider: firstly, science tells us we can still mitigate the worst effects of climate change. Secondly, there are solutions ready today, like our Arklow Bank offshore wind project which is primed and ready to deliver by 2025; and technological solutions ahead such as hydrogen. We need decisive action now with the private sector and government policy fully aligned, and we need to seize the opportunity of COP26 to show strong leadership on climate change so we ensure we are all powering change together, across the island of Ireland, and across the globe.

W: www.sse.com

“Climate doesn't recognise any borders. We're going to be more effective if we work together. We must play our part in the global response... by taking action.” Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill MLA

In Northern Ireland, we’re looking forward 41

COP26: The Glasgow Climate Pact Alok Sharma MP, President of the 26th United Nations Climate Conference (COP26) hosts the 26th UN Climate Change Conference in Glasgow.

While many will celebrate the inclusion of tackling coal and fossil fuels for the first time in a COP final decision, others have pointed to the stark reality that COP26 did little to change the trajectory of expected global warming of 2.4ºC by 2030. Current national plans to cut emissions, if implemented, fall short of ambitions to ‘limit global warming to “well below 2ºC, ideally 1.5ºC, since pre-industrial times”. Despite a heightened awareness of the need to address climate change globally, only one of the world’s major emitters, India, produced new Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) at the conference, with the emphasis for enhanced national ambitions seemingly pushed for following years. Under the guidelines of the Paris Agreement, nations are only required to set new NDCs every five years. An original roadmap set out a vision that this would occur in 2025, with the focus at that time being on actions beyond 2030. However, estimations are that current NDCs will be inadequate to limit

global warming to the required level, with a 2.4ºC rise predicted by 2030 on the current trajectory. While calls for fresh NDCs to be produced in Glasgow were largely ignored, some progress was achieved in ensuring that NDCs have been put on the agenda for COP27 in Egypt and COP28 in 2023. Importantly, there now appears to be a greater unison between leading nations on what the global temperature rise limiting target should be. Some nations had argued that an aim of 1.5ºC would be a rewrite of the Paris Agreement’s actual commitment. At COP26, however, nations such as the US and the UK emphasised that the “well below 2ºC” target must be sought, an ambition largely agreed by participating nations.

Credit: UK Government.

climate COP26 report

Let’s Power Change Together

Let’s Power Change Together Coal

Climate reparation Much like the issue of revised national targets, also pushed on to COP27 was a mechanism to help fund nations to deal with loss or damage associated with climate change. It has long been argued that unpreventable or unmanageable climate events, such as hurricanes and flooding have a direct effect on the resources of developing countries, forcing them to spend budgets on repairing damage rather than proactively mitigating climate change. Richer nations have, for a long time, sought to oppose a financing mechanism which could be viewed as a compensation or reparation scheme, recognising the potential costs associated with legal liability for climate damage. COP25 produced some progress on the issue, including the establishment the Santiago Network, a reporting and database system, however no funding mechanism was discussed at COP26.

Climate finance Pre-COP26, a lot had been made of a failure by richer countries to honour a pledge to aid poorer countries to cut emissions through public and private financing. In 2009, it was agreed that $100 billion would be raised annually, however in 2019, the most recent data available, only $80 billion had been allocated. Richer countries reacted to

“While not as ambitious as most would have hoped, the inclusion of a phase down commitment still represents significant progress.” anger from developing countries at COP26 by pledging to increase finance to ensure $500 billion will be available for the next five years.

climate COP26 report

Coal took centre stage as both the biggest achievement and potentially biggest disappointment of COP26. The Glasgow Climate Pact looked set to include a historic pledge by all nations to phase out coal-fired generation but opposition from some of the world’s largest users forced a retreat in ambition, with the final text including a pledge to ‘phase down’ use. The International Energy Agency estimates that some 40 per cent of the world’s existing coal-fired power plants will need to be closed by 2030 if global warming is to be limited to 1.5ºC but to date, fossil fuel-producing companies and heavy consumers of oil and coal have been successful in keeping the phasing out of fossil fuels off the COP agenda. While not as ambitious as most would have hoped, the inclusion of a phase down commitment still represents significant progress.

and struggle to obtain investment. The success of the Glasgow Climate Pact will rest on whether nations are prepared to transmit their pledges at

Crucially, the Glasgow Climate Pact has introduced a shift to where that finance will be directed. The text agreed to double the proportion of climate finance going to adaption. The agreement falls short of the UN recommendation for an even split, recognising current topheavy investment in emissions-cutting projects because of their viability to return a profit. However, the move is seen as progress for those poorer countries who face extreme weather

COP26 into legally binding ambitions nationally. The Glasgow Pact is not legally binding, meaning that domestic responsibility will play a huge role in limiting global warming to acceptable levels. Outside of the inclusion of fossilfuels as an issue which needs addressed at COP26, it appears that next year’s pledges expected by nations, could be a defining moment in the climate crises.

Key pledges Coal and fossil fuel: To “accelerate efforts towards” phasing down “unabated coal power” and to bring about an end to “inefficient” fossil fuel subsidies.

Loss and damage: Beginning of a “dialogue” on funding a new organisation to support countries affected by climate change.

Climate finance: Increase in climate finance for poorer nations to at least meet the previously set out $100 billion target per year, through to 2025. Rich nations will double their support for adaptation measures to help developing countries.

Carbon markets: The rules will create a market for units representing emissions reductions that countries can trade, under so-called Article 6.

Trees: Over 100 nations pledged to end deforestation by 2030. Methane: Large methane emitters including Russia, China and India did not join in pledging to a scheme to cut 30 per cent of methane emissions by 2030.

roundtable discussion

The power of water NI Water hosted a round table discussion with key stakeholders in energy and environment about the role of water in creating an affordable, low carbon economy for Northern Ireland. What is the role of individual organisations in pursuing a net zero, sustainable future?

stakeholders aware of them, for the benefit of all customers.

Sara Venning

Every organisation and individual has a role to play in the decarbonisation agenda. While the role of the individual organisation is important, there are massive opportunities for organisations, particularly those large organisations who are collaborating and demonstrating leadership, to be market makers. When you look at areas such as hydrogen, and the innovation already occurring in that space, or low carbon heating solutions being piloted by the Housing Executive, it is evident that collaborative working can present huge opportunities.

At the outset, organisations tended to focus on themselves and mitigating their own carbon footprint, but that outlook has broadened. At NI Water, we came to realise that through working with others, our decarbonisation impact could be much bigger and often, better value. We see our role as setting out the opportunities that exist and while we know it is unlikely that we will be the organisation that brings all of those opportunities to life, we are engaging in making

Kevin Hegarty

Round table discussion hosted by

Edward Kerr In trying to create a market for new renewable generation, whether that be hydrogen or biomethane etc, we also recognise that the technology has to develop alongside the market. Yes, government has a role in relation to pilot level projects and seed funding to develop technology in line with demand but a lot of the disruptive technology we may rely on over the next 20 to 30 years to get us to 2050 is still in development. Individual organisations deploying pilot projects at various scales, through various mediums and in various sectors give us the greatest scope to assess how technology settles and how it can be developed. We share a lot of industry with the rest of the UK but at a much smaller scale, so we have an agility that allows us to transition technology more easily. Jonathan Killiner Individual organisations have largely been focused on mitigating their own carbon footprint, but I believe more and more, there are now questions being asked of organisations externally. The

The participants John French John became Chief Executive of the Utility Regulator in November 2020, having previously held roles as Chief Executive of the Consumer Council, as Director of Regulation and Pricing at firmus energy and Regulatory Reporting Manager at NIE Networks, amongst others. He is a Chartered Director, Chartered Manager, and a Fellow of the Institute of Directors. He has a master’s degree in Accountancy, and an honours degree in Accountancy and Business Finance, both from the University of Dundee. Kevin Hegarty Kevin is the Director of Green Growth and Climate Action within the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. He joined the team early in 2021 from the Strategic Investment Board where he was Head of the Energy Management Unit and a Strategic Adviser on Energy to the NI Civil Service. Prior to that he was Acquisitions, Development and Policy Manager for ESB. Kevin has held senior roles with Airtricity as Head of Onshore Development and with E-ON North America as Chief Development Officer. He holds a BSc in Environmental Planning from Queen’s University Belfast and an MSc in Rural Development also from QUB.

roundtable discussion

“Beyond demonstration of the power of collaboration there is also an onus on ensuring it happens and assessing how we can establish a framework in Northern Ireland that either compels us to collaborate or holds us to account for failure to do so.” Sara Venning

Edward Kerr Edward is the Head of Hydrogen and Advance Technologies Branch for the Energy Strategy Division in the Department for the Economy.

ecosystem of sustainability is developing rapidly and whether it is in relation to funding, clients or other elements of the business, organisations are now being asked about their own green credentials. We are already seeing banking facilities being predicated on an organisation’s sustainability response and it is interesting to see, in terms of the Power of Water report and a call to arms for organisations around their carbon footprint, how that collaboration might be part of the solution.

Jonathan Killiner Jonathan is an Associate Director for Markets and Business Development at EY. He has had a career with EY for over 20 years and focuses on the power and utilities sector across Ireland. He has held roles with Barclays plc and Caterpillar Inc in Spain and the UK.

Paul Stapleton NIE Networks is investing £150 million per annum in infrastructure in Northern Ireland, most of which is to enable a sustainable energy system so that clean energy sources can connect and so that customers can avail of the use of clean energy. Organisations have a huge role to play, particularly in relation to leadership. There are challenges. The COP26 conference highlighted the challenge in nations moving in tandem and at the same pace in relation to decarbonisation and locally, producing enabling policy and legislation, has taken time. However, there is a need and an opportunity for organisations to show what is possible and to inspire employees, customers, and society to make the transition.

Paul Stapleton Paul joined NIE Networks as Managing Director in May 2018. He is a committee member of the Institute of Directors in Northern Ireland and a director of the UK Energy Networks Association and of E.DSO (European Distribution System Operators). He joined ESB in 1991 and held a number of senior management positions including General Manager of Electric Ireland, ESB Group Treasurer and Financial Controller of ESB Networks Limited. He is a member of the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants.

John French

Sara Venning Sara Venning has been CEO of NI Water since 2014. Sara graduated from Queen’s University Belfast with a Master of Electrical and Electronic Engineering after which she joined NIE as Customer Operations Manager. In 2010 she joined NI Water as Director of Customer Service Delivery before becoming CEO. Sara is also President of the Institute of Water, the UK water sector industry body and President of the NI WaterAid Committee, part of the national WaterAid charity.

NI Water’s Power of Water report is a good example of the role organisations have in setting out ambitions and pushing forward as we pursue net zero goals. However, we need the foundations to support those organisations in achieving those goals. I am looking forward to seeing what the new Energy Strategy sets out and the targets within it. The Utility Regulator, as a statutory body, is very clear that good regulation is based around a solid statutory base. We need that statutory base to reflect the net zero future so that we can support organisations in pursuing the net zero goal.

4 45

Sara Venning Flexibility is very important. While we are excited about emerging technologies and the role we can play in piloting and deploying those technologies, using the publicly owned assets we manage, we are also aware that as a very large user of power, we must show agility in using that power. We have worked closely with EY around harnessing and using our existing data so that, alongside the network provider, we can make use of a load bank to free up capacity for other clean technologies being deployed. I think the Utility Regulator has a big role in regulating how that is done and also incentivising and rewarding agility.

roundtable discussion

“There is a lot of hype surrounding certain technologies, but their value has to be proven and we must ensure that domestic and business consumers can afford this new future.” John French

However, we are also aware that there are high levels of curtailment currently and technologies like storage and hydrogen electrolysis are geared towards ensuring that the variability gap is narrowed. How we kickstart and rollout those technologies is something we need to address now if we are to decarbonise energy successfully. John French

Outline the critical technologies to enable organisations to be part of the climate solution and address the variability gap?

working towards 100 per cent green power, or as close as possible, must be the standard. Paul Stapleton The technology required can be viewed

Edward Kerr Moving beyond the established technologies such as onshore wind, solar photovoltaics (PV) and combined heat and power (CHP), we are focusing on things like hydrogen via electrolysis or steam-methane reforming, linked to carbon capture. Our approach to carbon capture solutions will be different than elsewhere across the UK, for example, where we have seen carbon clusters in Liverpool or Teesside. The reality is we are going to have to utilise different carbon capture techniques and technologies because of the nature of our dispersed industry. It comes back to collaboration; we need to assess what companies are viewing as waste and then examine how that can be utilised elsewhere for increased efficiency. That approach is also going to be key for another potential technology, anaerobic digestion (AD). Above all, however,

in three broad categories. Firstly, the technology to produce clean energy. These are familiar technologies used to harness the natural resources such as onshore and offshore wind, solar PV, sea power and hydrogen electrolysis. Secondly, we need to focus on technologies that will enable customers to use that clean energy. For example, EV and EV charging infrastructure, heat pumps for domestic homes, smart metering, and the automation of control systems to optimise power use. Thirdly, we need technology to balance the

This year has highlighted the importance of policy leavers when the wind does not blow, and the sun does not shine. We have had the lowest levels of wind since 1961 and the most amber alerts in relation to security of supply in any one year over the last decade. As we contemplate what the back-up generation is going to be in a net zero future, we need to be clear about the evidence and analysis around it. There is a lot of hype surrounding certain technologies, but their value has to be proven and we must ensure that domestic and business consumers can afford this new future. How we ensure the lights stay on when the wind does not blow, and the sun does not shine in a net zero future is a question that has yet to be fully answered. Kevin Hegarty

system and to make sure that we have clean energy available when the sun is not shining, and the wind is not blowing. This includes storage and interconnection, in all their various forms and smart demand-response solutions to enable and support consumers to change their energy demands depending on supply.

There is no silver bullet but something I always stress is that strategy, consultation, and engagement has to be translated into action if we are to save even one MT of carbon. The obvious starting point is focusing on those areas with the greatest carbon emissions, for example agriculture (27 per cent) and transport (20 per cent).

Additionally, I think it is important that we use this decade to ensure that as assets come forward for replacement, a net zero choice is available. While 2050 is not that far away, we still have enough time to get policies, supply chains and regulatory regimes right to support those decisions. The draft Energy Strategy is set to include a 70 per cent electricity from renewables target by 2030 and it is worth remembering that not that long ago, the prospect of 5 per cent renewable penetration was deemed impossible by some in the energy industry. 70 per cent will be a massive technical and economic challenge and there will be the need for financial investments to deliver this. That is why the right regulation regime and incentivisation of the private sector will be so important in delivering this transition.

As a technology, I believe hydrogen as a storage medium will be critical, however, I also believe there is work to be done outside of technology. COP26 served as an example of a disconnect between those inside the room and those outside of the room. If we are going to bring society with us on the decarbonisation journey then we must increase efforts in communication, engagement, and persuasion.

How can collaboration transform how we store and generate power? Paul Stapleton Collaboration is essential. If you look at the range of ingredients needed for a clean energy project, from source, demand, and site, through to finance, technical capability, and licensing/permitting, no one organisation has all the elements and so we need collaboration to bring these together. The case studies within the NI Water Power of Water report demonstrate well how we can achieve more collectively than we will do individually. Northern Ireland has one Utility Regulator, one water company, one electricity network company, and behind that it has a strong academic and research sector and an indigenous ICT base. Our size and our agility present an abundance of opportunity.

All the players are here and if we can collaborate together then we can achieve a huge amount. Sara Venning The Power of Water report demonstrates that if we are to achieve a lowest cost, sustainable energy future then the system and network operators have a role to play, policymakers have a role to play, there is a need for financers, innovators, and end users etc. There are so many interconnected but previously siloed organisations that need to come together. Beyond demonstration of the power of collaboration there is also an onus on ensuring it happens and assessing how we can establish a framework in Northern Ireland that either compels us to collaborate or holds us to account for failure to do so. Edward Kerr The Energy Strategy work recognises that there is no single solution and that we will need a multifaceted societal consumer led approach across multiple sectors, whilst deploying a diverse range of technologies at varying levels of maturity. That is a challenge, but it is not necessarily a problem. Diversity in energy supplies will assist us in getting

roundtable discussion

Jonathan Killiner

“How we create a market that is attractive to investors but also enables them to trade on when they have appreciated value is something we need to put our minds to.” Jonathan Killiner to a point where we are a resilient, indigenous clean energy generating region and ultimately break the chain of the price pressures we have seen recently. We will have the benefit of being an open, more collaborative market, leading to a better energy future. Jonathan Killiner In the current markets, there has been an extraordinary amount of money raised and focused on renewables to support the transition. If we are creating a market and wish to entice that investment, to ensure that the cost does not lie solely on the public purse and ultimately, individuals, then we need to ensure there are defined and tradeable opportunities. How we create a market that is attractive to investors but also enables them to trade on when they have appreciated value is something we need to put our minds to. Kevin Hegarty It is worth saying that collaboration is something that needs to be worked very hard at and an appetite to collaborate does not mean it will always happen. In delivering the Green Growth Strategy, there is no doubt that

On price, our modelling suggests that the electricity network will require investment of some £1 billion in the next decade, however, the network component of the cost of electricity does not need to be higher than it is today. That is because we are shifting the system away from one where there is a big variable component in fossil fuel cost to one that is more about infrastructure and fixed cost. For the consumer, the focus has to be on total energy costs. I have no doubt my electricity bill will increase but I also expect to make savings in not paying for petrol/diesel or fossil-fuelled heating solutions. Kevin Hegarty

“Our size and our agility present an abundance

Cost is key. How you decarbonise impacts on price and with every solution we deliver, we must have an eye as to whether people can afford it.

The Climate Change Committee has told us that Northern Ireland’s contribution to the UK Sixth Carbon Budget involves a large, sustained increase in investment in Northern Ireland, adding around £1.3 billion annually by 2030. While that has yet to be quantified on a sectoral basis, the OBR estimates a 75/25 per cent private/public split, meaning a cost to the public purse of around £300-400 million. Given that we have current headroom of about £1.2 billion per year in terms of a capital budget, there are some very difficult decisions ahead for policymakers. However, on the flip side, we cannot afford not to do this because the cost will be greater in the long term. An interesting concept is around how we monetise the critical elements of a better environment to enable inclusion in the business cases we are producing. Also generally, we use GDP as a metric but taking New Zealand as an example, they have recently decided to parallel monitor their economy based on the “Happiness and Wellbeing Index”. Our current system, largely centred on net present monetary costs, is a difficult one but when you start including other variables such as air quality etc.

Paul Stapleton

Edward Kerr

Undoubtedly there will be key challenges of transition in relation to security of supply. However, three key ingredients – greater interconnection, storage and demand-response capability – can give us a secure and reliable energy system. It is a 20 to 30-year journey and on that journey, we need to be conscious of price and affordability for vulnerable consumers.

Beyond cost, there are the practicalities of a more diverse energy mix to consider such as skill capacity and the levels of reskilling which will be required. Part of this change will be about tempering the potential economic shock associated with such a fundamental transition and price to the consumer will be a big part of the process and delivery.

roundtable discussion

of opportunity. All the players are here and if we can collaborate together then we can achieve a huge amount.”

Paul Stapleton

the process would have been easier had it been taken forward by a single department and launched by a single minister. However, Minister Poots and the Green Growth team felt very strongly that this needed an Executivewide approach. It has added challenges, such as increased delivery time and managing the drafting process, but the collaborative impact far outweighs those challenges. John French The size and scale of Northern Ireland means collaboration between the private and public sector is essential to deliver those net zero technologies. Within that, we also need evidence and data to incentivise the right technology. Our geographical location and our natural resources mean that we need to have a greater emphasis on reliable net zero technologies to support the security of supply.

What challenges are posed to utility security and consumer protection while creating a low carbon economy? John French Analysis carried out by the Utility Regulator in 2021 shows that a focus 48

on onshore renewables, given their intermittent nature, carries with it risks that by 2030 you could have doubled the cost of energy, increased security of supply problems and failed to make sufficient carbon savings because of the dual system that would be needed for backup load. The policy responses delivered must makes sense in order to avoid such a scenario. We tend to focus on a just transition by 2050 but we have also got to make sure that business and domestic customers can afford the cost of energy from now until then and that we do not inadvertently make energy a luxury good. Sara Venning

decision-making. In devising our climate policy, we recognised that unless the decarbonisation agenda is at the core of the Programme for Government and the Budget, there is a huge challenge. We propose in the draft Green Growth Strategy that all policy and all legislation, including all budgetary allocations, be tested on whether or not they will speed up or slow the decarbonisation agenda. If it is slower, then in theory that project should get deprioritised. Sara Venning

What policy drivers would best accelerate climate action?

plant has a big role to play in reducing carbon emissions whilst other technology matures.

Paul Stapleton

Kevin Hegarty

The most immediate driver for our sector is the Energy Strategy and with that, the broadening of the statutory base of the Utility Regulator to adapt to a net zero target.

Putting climate action at the heart of

The Energy Strategy and the Green Growth Strategy will be massive drivers of change because they set out the ambition and offer that impetus for change which will drive tangible actions.

roundtable discussion

“Diversity in energy supplies will assist us in getting to a point where we are a resilient, indigenous clean energy generating region and ultimately break the chain of the price pressures we have seen recently.” Edward Kerr

John French We need clear evidenced-based targets that we can all hang our hats on, and we need to adopt a ruthless focus on reducing carbon emissions. In doing so, we need to ensure we are bringing the public along on the journey, monitoring our progress so that we can outline that the journey is worthwhile and making a difference.

Jonathan Killiner The key policy drivers will be those that are most acceptable to the public. Effective policy for decarbonisation needs to be socialised if it is to be effective. I would also suggest that we need a standard around the carbon footprint. To date, no one has devised a standard whereby organisations can be assessed on their credentials. Given Northern Ireland’s position, why can we not develop one and take the lead? Edward Kerr Generation of hydrogen, as a green gas, can assist in a variety of areas from transport to aviation and storage. There are opportunities for companies in the supply chain of hydrogen generation, given the diversity of the field. However, we are in a transition and therefore, we need transitionary options. There is potential for synthetic fuels, which can be used in existing infrastructure, transport mediums and

“While the role of the individual organisation is important, there are massive opportunities for organisations, particularly those large organisations who are collaborating and demonstrating leadership, to be market makers.” Kevin Hegarty 49

As part of the Executive’s wider multi-decade Green Growth Strategy, Northern Ireland is to have its first ever Environment Strategy. The Green Growth Strategy sets out the Executive’s long-term vision for tackling the climate crisis, incorporating wide ranging measures that span the environment and the economy. Central to the strategy is the setting out of Northern Ireland’s environmental priorities over the next decade. Environment Minister Edwin Poots MLA used the COP26 conference in Glasgow to launch the opening of a consultation on Northern Ireland’s first Environment Strategy. If approved by the Northern Ireland Assembly, Northern Ireland’s first ‘Environmental Improvement Plan’ will be a statutory requirement under the UK Environment Act, putting in place a requirement to monitor environmental progress against the strategy on an annual basis. In January 2020, the New Decade, New Approach agreement included a commitment to establish an independent environmental protection agency (IEPA). While the draft Environment Strategy does not fully commit to an IEPA, it does indicate that

consideration will be given to appropriate options for Northern Ireland and that an IEPA could be included in a future Programme for Government. In the absence of an IEPA, Northern Ireland Executive departments will have to give regard to the environmental principles of a new Office of Environmental Protection (OEP), set to be established under the forthcoming UK Environment Act. The OEP’s Environmental Improvement Plan will require DAERA to set out the steps Executive departments intend to take to improve the environment. The first EIP is expected within 12 months of the requirements becoming law and will require DAERA to publish annual progress reports, which will be reviewed and reported on by the OEP within six months.

Credit: Tourism NI.

climate COP26 report

First Environment Strategy comes forward

The Strategy sets out six Strategic Environmental Outcomes (SEOs), encompassing the main environmental challenges set to be faced in the coming decades and is set to be supported by a series of action plans and targets. Below is a summary of some of the key ambitions within each of the outcomes:

• • • • • • • • •

First Clean Air Strategy is to be published in 2022 alongside new SMART targets and actions An ammonia strategy A final River Basin Management Plan by 2022 70 per cent of waterbodies at good status by 2027 Implementation of UK Marine Strategy Implementation of Flood Risk Management Plan 2021-27 Northern Ireland’s first Litter Strategy by 2024 Deposit return scheme for drinks containers in 2024 Introduction of a Dilapidation Bill to the Assembly by 2023

Sustainable production & consumption on land and at sea

• • • • • • • •

• • •

30 per cent of land and water protected for nature by 2030 Increase woodland cover to 8.8 per cent by 2030 Peatland Strategy and Implementation Plan by 2022 Northern Ireland Natural Capital Asset Register by 2022

• • • • •

• •

Circularity Gap Report by 2021 and Circular Economy Strategic Framework by 2022 New Waste Management Strategy by 2023 10 per cent of waste to landfill by 2035

Publish and update management and action plans for Areas of Outstanding Beauty and World Heritage sites A new 10-year sport and physical activity strategy 160,000 pupils and students actively engaged in ecoschools by 2025 Security of the long-term future of the Housing Executive’s social housing stock A culture, arts and heritage strategy

Fair Contribution to UK net zero greenhouse gas emissions and improved climate resilience and adaptability

Zero waste and highly developed circular economy

•

Action Plan to identify actions to deliver a forthcoming Energy Strategy by end of 2021 Marine Plan for Northern Ireland in 2022 Joint Fisheries Statement by 2022 Increase recycling of packaging from 60 per cent to 78 per cent by 2030 Increase recycling of drinks containers from 70 per cent to 90 per cent by 2028 Increase carrier bag levy to £0.25 per day Chemicals Strategy by 2022 Consultation on policy proposals for a new environmental permitting regime during 2022

Healthy and accessible environment and landscapes everyone can connect with and enjoy

Thriving, resilient & connected nature and wildlife

•

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Excellent air, water, land and neighbourhood quality

• • • •

Northern Ireland Climate Change Bill Enforce legislative amendments to UK ETS by 2024 Delivery of carbon budgets Consultation on UK ETS cap review in late 2021

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SSE Renewables: Power to progress

Maria Ryan, Director of Development at SSE Renewables, outlines the opportunities and challenges for renewable energy in Northern Ireland. Is Northern Ireland maximising its potential when it comes to sourcing energy from renewable sources? The recent discussions around energy policy in Northern Ireland and indeed globally, alongside the need to urgently address the climate emergency, illustrate that all of us can be doing more as individuals, communities and society to reduce carbon emissions and increase the use of renewable energy sources. We now have more than 45 per cent of the electricity consumed in Northern Ireland produced from renewable sources but like elsewhere we could and should be doing so much more. To achieve at least 70 per cent renewable electricity by 2030 and get to 80 per cent which is what we believe the aim should be, onshore wind will need to be the main driver. That is one reason why the new Energy Strategy coming from the Executive is so important and we really want to see ambitious targets for renewable energy levels.

What needs to happen politically to support the renewable sector locally? The Energy Strategy, when it is published, needs to be supported by all Executive departments and not just the Department for the Economy, which has led on policy development to date. Northern Ireland really needs a joined-up approach so that agreed high level targets are matched with clear actions across all departments and local councils. The planning system has been too slow and cumbersome for too long, and that is why we welcome the upcoming review of energy-related planning policy from the Department for Infrastructure. Planning is currently a barrier for investment in major infrastructure projects, particularly because of the length of time it takes to achieve planning in comparison with other jurisdictions. The energy grid also requires significant investment. This will be critical to ensure that we can optimise the performance of existing sites and ensure future projects can be brought forward competitively.

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We need politicians to take strategic decisions in relation to renewable infrastructure projects. There is very little point in supporting 70 per cent renewable energy, or indeed 80 per cent as has been recently committed to in the Republic of Ireland, and not granting planning consent to projects which will support the delivery of that target. Those two positions are not mutually exclusive however, and hopefully the discussions and outcome of COP26 and the realisation of what is needed globally and locally will lead to a new political and durable approach.

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What is the potential for offshore wind in Ireland, north and south? The development of offshore renewable energy across the island presents an exciting and important opportunity. It is still an evolving industry with the potential to contribute to fighting the climate crisis and creating thousands of jobs. Offshore wind offers a scale of generation which goes beyond what is deliverable onshore. SSE Renewables is already active in this sector through our Arklow Bank Wind Park Phase 2 off the County Wicklow coast which has the potential to be operational by 2025. The project will require an investment of between approximately £1–£2 billion to deliver and really can kickstart a green economic revolution while positioning the island as a global player in the offshore renewable market.

Maria Ryan (right) being interviewed at Arklow Bank, giveing an insight into how offshore wind can help fight climate change, create jobs, and support local communities.

Indeed, offshore wind presents an exciting opportunity for Northern Ireland, but projects take at least 10 years to plan and deliver in our experience. We expect it will be after 2030 before an offshore wind project could become operational in Northern Ireland. To enable projects to come on stream, preparations in relation to grid, consenting and route to market need to commence now, and to clearly indicate that Northern Ireland is serious about delivering decarbonisation at significant scale.

What other ‘green’ technologies can help power a green energy supply? While we seek to expand our onshore and offshore wind projects we are also finding clean solutions for those times when the wind doesn’t blow, by pioneering new carbon capture and hydrogen technologies. Our colleagues in SSE Airtricity are also ensuring our customers have the access they need to low carbon energy solutions from clean energy supply to building retrofits and solar panels. It is so important that we move forward in a multitude of directions because there is no single answer to the climate change challenge. The solution will ultimately be the collective contribution of all of these different innovations.

Are you optimistic or pessimistic on the future of renewable energy in Northern Ireland? Oh, I am hugely optimistic! While COP26 may not have delivered as fully as we would have liked there is no doubt that the global direction of travel is towards zero emissions and towards maximising renewable output. Northern Ireland is a small region globally but why should we not, as an island, north and south, lead the way in developing new technologies and harnessing renewable energy? The prize for getting this right will be a sustainable energy system that increases the attractiveness of Northern Ireland to international investment so the benefits can be measured in prosperity for future generations as well as a sustainable environment. Inaction, on the other hand, risks us getting left behind.

www.sserenewables.com

Credit Michael Wuertenberg

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Let’s Power Change Together

Taking the climate crisis personally Former President of Ireland and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, speaks with Ciarán Galway about how recognition of climate injustice can help make the climate crisis personal.

Robinson believes that the climate crisis must be made personal for governments and major corporations. The Chair of the Elders emphasises scientists’ repeated warnings that the crisis has not been taken seriously enough until now.

that climate change has a

“I think the way to make both governments and corporations take it personally, is to look through the lens of justice and see the injustice of the impacts of climate change,” says Robinson, who has identified five layers of injustice.

The second is that women are more

Setting these out, the former President says that the first injustice is evidence

floods to make their communities more

disproportionate impact in the poorest countries, poorest communities and among the indigenous people of the most vulnerable parts of the world, despite little responsibility for the scale of emissions.

greatly impacted because of gender stratification. “Women often do not have the same power, the same access to credit and in many countries, they might not have the same rights, and yet they have to go further in drought and resilient,” she states.

The third layer of injustice applies to young people, who are cognisant the errors of their predecessors and in studying the science are conscious of the precarity of the future, Robinson asserts, before paying tribute to the youth movement for its persistent demand for change. The fourth, Robinson explains, is a subtle point but one that is important for a country like Ireland, which has built its economy using fossil fuels, and is now in need for a just transition. As a former Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Climate Change, Robinson says that she recognised a

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promise from the developing countries to go as green as possible, providing they were supported with investment, training, and skills. “We have not shown that solidarity and in the interim, developing countries have continued to find oil and gas,” she says, adding: “The reality is that they are given little option but to go down the dirty route, meaning they will use up the carbon budget and will be affected first as the most vulnerable. However, we will all be affected and therefore, it makes common sense for us to share the technology for the whole world to go green very rapidly.” The fifth and final layer identified by Robinson is the injustice to nature itself. “The loss of biodiversity and the extinction of species means that we need not only to cut emissions but to restore biodiversity. We need to make that feel personal and not some big scientific idea. That is the importance of climate justice,” she explains.

Individual responsibility On individual responsibility, Robinson says that the Covid-19 pandemic has presented a lesson that collective human behaviour matters. Setting out the importance of individual behavioural change to contribute to collective efforts, Robinson says that the first stage of collective change is personal responsibility. The second stage is anger at those who have the greatest responsibility but are not taking sufficient action. As such, Robinson says that personal choice to use votes, voices and join organisations involved in climate conservation and advocacy, as individuals, will in turn become collective behaviour. However, most

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“The next decade is probably the most important decade in the history of humanity because it will determine whether we have a future.” importantly for Robinson is the ability to imagine “the healthier world we are hurrying towards”. “If we can imagine this future together, we will want to get there and we will urge governments to get there. We need that impulse of real energy to get a world of staying below 1.5ºC,” she says.

COP26 Concluding, Robinson says that realising a world of climate justice and sustainability before it is too late is a very real challenge. The former President says that she is alarmed by a recent report by the International Energy Agency which highlights a rise in emissions as countries shore up their economies post-Covid crisis. “What we need is all governments, corporations and cities to commit to be net zero emissions by 2050 and then work backwards to 2030 for the commitments they will make this year. The UN Conference on Biodiversity in China and the COP26 conference in Glasgow represent an opportunity to commit to protecting 30 per cent of our land and 30 per cent of our oceans as part of restoring biodiversity. “We need to commit to nationally determined contributions that cut emissions by more than 50 per cent for industrialised countries by 2030. “The next decade is probably the most important decade in the history of humanity because it will determine whether we have a future. Unless we can make it personal, in a sense of understanding the layers of injustice, understanding the importance of doing it collectively and of meeting the challenge, we will not have a future.”

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Code red for humanity As the leaders of the world convened in Glasgow to address the challenge of battling climate change, the words of UN Secretary-General António Guterres set the context. “Code red for humanity”, was how the Secretary-General greeted the publication of the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report. “The alarm bells are deafening, and the evidence is irrefutable: greenhouse gas emissions from fossil-fuel burning and deforestation are choking our planet and putting billions of people at immediate risk,” Guterres said in a statement that accompanied the release of the report. “Global heating is affecting every region on Earth, with many of the changes becoming irreversible.” It is against the backdrop of this alarming IPCC report that the world’s leaders met and attempted to mitigate and minimise the future damage that would be wrought on the Earth if nothing were to be done. The report has found that the agreed upon limit to temperature rise, 1.5ºC, is “perilously close” as things stand, with the earth “already at 1.2ºC and counting” and at “imminent risk of hitting 1.5ºC in the near term”.

rate in 3,000 years over the last century, with the world’s oceans rising at a level of roughly four millimetres per year in the last decade (1.5 inches per decade). The two main reasons for this escalation are that water expands as it grows warmer, and the melting of glaciers and ice sheets is adding to the level; •

•

Key among the findings in the report are: •

sea levels have risen at their fastest

•

global heating means that the type of heat waves that would to occur once every 10 years are now happening more than twice as often, with extreme heat waves likely to happen once every 50 years now almost five times more likely, occurring roughly once a decade. If the world reaches 2ºC of warming, these severe heat waves could be 14 times as likely to occur as they were in pre-industrial times; extreme droughts that would occur once a decade are now occurring 70 per cent more frequently; and heavy rains have become about 30

per cent more frequent, and they contain about 7 per cent more water on average. The number of severe hurricanes and typhoons has also likely increased since the 1970s due to the climate crisis. With the limiting of global heating to 1.5ºC, heavy rain is still projected to increase in Europe, North America, and most of Africa and Asia. Under the Paris Agreement, almost all of the world’s nations agreed to limit temperature rises to 2ºC and aim for a limit of 1.5ºC; a UNFCCC report on national climate action plans published on the heels of the IPCC report found that current measures would only bring global heating down to a level of 2.7ºC. “It is unequivocal that human influence has warmed the atmosphere, ocean and land,” the report says. “Widespread and rapid changes in the atmosphere, ocean, cryosphere and biosphere have occurred.”

Waste and water report

waste and water report

Waste and water infrastructure

Infrastructure Minister Nichola Mallon MLA shines a spotlight on why investment in our water and sewerage systems is critical for our future. Water is an essential part of our daily lives. Turning on the tap is one of the first things we do in the morning and one of the last things at night, with our wastewater continuously being removed in unseen pipes running beneath our feet. There are 27,000 kilometres of water mains and 16,000 kilometres of sewers in Northern Ireland. On most occasions these underground pipes all work seamlessly beneath the surface but pressure is mounting on our ageing drainage and wastewater infrastructure following years of underinvestment. Combined with the impacts of climate change this is literally creating the perfect storm with potentially devastating consequences. The record high temperatures and prolonged dry spells this summer and the resultant pressure on our water system demonstrate that security of our water cannot be taken for granted. Already over 100 areas across the North are operating near or above intended design capacity either at the wastewater treatment works or within the sewer network. This means that future connections for developments may not be accepted by NI Water. This could constrain economic growth and halt building much needed new homes as well as causing likely increased pollution and damage to the environment and greater risk to the population’s health and wellbeing. No one organisation or government department has the whole answer. In November I published Living with Water in Belfast: An Integrated Plan for Drainage and Wastewater Management in Greater Belfast. Part of my commitment to climate action, this plan is a result of partnership working to deliver a 21st century drainage and wastewater system initially for Belfast and which will hopefully be rolled out to other areas across the North. At £1.4 billion over 12 years it is not a quick or inexpensive fix but this plan sets out how we can achieve a thriving and resilient Belfast which is better protected and prepared for the future. The right infrastructure will improve people’s lives and I am continuing to fight for long-term investment to secure the future of water and waste water infrastructure. This financial year I allocated a combined capital and resource budget of £344.5 million to NI Water for 2021/22 from my department’s budget. This is the first year in a long time that NI Water has been fully funded.

In May 2021, the Utility Regulator published its Final Determination that NI Water will require investment of around £2 billion in water and wastewater services over the six year price control period. Sustained and secure levels of investment over multiple price controls will be required if we are to recover from the historic underinvestment in our water and sewerage services that has created the current situation of capacity constraint across the North. If NI Water is fully funded for PC21, it plans to remove 49 of the 100 areas from constraint where the wastewater treatment works are operating near or above design capacity. However, NI Water has indicated that a further 30 economically constrained areas may emerge during PC21.

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NI Water also has an important role to play in addressing the effects of climate change. Allocation of this funding will enable NI Water to improve the efficiency of its service delivery, reduce its carbon impact and strive for net zero ambitions. Just ahead of my attendance at COP26, NI Water published its Power of Water report which demonstrated that, whilst the technology is constantly evolving, we already have the elements to help us change the way we use, store and generate energy right across the utilities, whether it is in the water industry, electricity or transport. My department, alongside other departments, has done much to help NI Water take the first step towards greater sustainability, for example by supporting the installation of solar farms and through the early adoption of hydrogen electrolysis using wastewater. This is collaborative partnership and proof that we can lead the way in the circular economy and not wait for answers from elsewhere.

Flood risk Infrastructure Minister Nichola Mallon MLA at Stranmillis Weir

In addition to the provision of having clean safe drinking water and having an effective system to deal with wastewater, there is also a need to successfully manage flood risk particularly due to increased risks associated with climate change. This year, I have allocated over £19 million for development of flood alleviation projects and I recognise the need for sustained and increased investment in this area of work for years to come. I remain committed to the delivery of flood alleviation projects such as the Shimna and Belfast Tidal Flood Alleviation Schemes. The Belfast Tidal Flood Alleviation Scheme involves the detailed design and construction of over five miles (approximately 8.5km) of flood defences along the tidal River Lagan covering the area from Belfast Harbour to Stranmillis Weir. The scheme has not only been designed to integrate with the surrounding landscapes and streetscapes but also takes into account the latest projections on climate change. My department will also soon publish the second cycle of the Flood Risk Management Plans, outlining the objectives and measures to manage flood risk that will benefit citizens across all of Northern Ireland. Planning also has a key role to play and my department is working closely with key stakeholders to ensure sound, realistic and evidence-based local development plans (LDPs) that take into account the availability of necessary supporting infrastructure, including wastewater treatment and sewerage network capacity. These should focus on growth in sustainable locations where there is existing capacity and maximise the use of existing infrastructure. This involves close liaison with infrastructure providers like NI Water to ensure proposals can be supported by investment and working with councils where capacity constraints are identified to establish if these can be overcome. In planning policy terms, I also want to ensure my department’s planning policy remains up to date, robust and fit for purpose which is why I have announced reviews of the strategic planning policy for renewable and low carbon energy as well as oil and gas development including development involving fracking. These are all important for working together to help to tackle climate change. What is important now is that we seek to build on all of this work. We must work together with urgency to meet our climate change ambitions, grow our economy, address regional imbalance, improve wellbeing and support a thriving region where people want to live, work, visit and invest.

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Natural World Products: Look after our soils and the earth will look after itself

Colm Warren, Chief Executive of Ireland’s leading organics recycler Natural World Products highlights the importance of returning organic matter to heavily farmed soils to not only complete a local bio-circular economy and protect growing sustainability but to make a hugely positive carbon capture impact in the global fight against climate change. The recent staging of the COP26 climate conference in Glasgow has placed a renewed focus on environmental and sustainability issues, and rightly so. Now, more than ever, businesses, public bodies and governments are asking themselves ‘how can we do things better?’ and it is not before time. Described by Prince Charles as the “last chance saloon” to save the planet, the significance of the summit could not be overstated. There is a growing awareness that drastic action is needed.

Working with local authorities across Northern Ireland and some of the largest waste collectors in the Republic, NWP manages around 300,000 tonnes of household food and garden waste a year, delivering over 50 per cent of all household recycling in Northern Ireland.

By converting the organics we receive into quality peat-free compost, we produce a strategically useful product that can flow into our agri-growing sector, horticulture and back to the very communities from which it was originally received.

The results in terms of diverting high volumes of material from landfill and incineration are obvious but increasingly, the hugely significant contribution our recycled product can make to soil health and carbon capture is starting to be properly appreciated.

Whether it is retailers, farmers, landscape gardeners, schools, men’s sheds or greenkeepers, it is hard to imagine a more immediately tangible example of what a local circular economy should look like.

Accordingly, policy-makers and politicians in the areas of environment, energy and “waste management” have to be aware of the impacts of their decision-making beyond the potentially easiest-to-grasp soundbites of “landfill diversion” or “renewable energy”.

These have allowed poorly conceived projects to completely distort markets and hold back genuine attempts to improve our situation. In some cases, literally millions of pounds of taxpayers’ money have been squandered attempting to get over-hyped and fanciful projects off the ground or kept on life support. And the taxpayer pays again in the end, both financially and environmentally, as these inevitably fall over or stutter along inefficiently.

Overworked In Northern Ireland, years of intensive farming practices mean that much of the ground beneath our feet has been left overworked and stripped of organic matter. A nitrate vulnerable zone, we remain over reliant on synthetic fertilisation and, with Sir Peter Kendall due to issue a report on local farming’s future imminently, it is beyond doubt that how we support farmers to manage our land, soils and growing resources must change. When changing weather patterns (wetter winters and hotter, drier summers) and increased risks around global food supply in the wake of Covid are added to the mix, it is clear we need to do all we can to protect and restore the health of our soils and give our land the nourishment it requires for the benefit of ourselves and future generations. Full of organic matter and releasing key nutrients slowly over time, organic soil conditioner is now widely viewed as playing a vitally important role in the restoration of a healthy soils eco-system, rich as it is in plant available nutrients with an alkaline pH vital to the high carbon exchange rate that represents a

Building up organic content helps reduce the requirement to add lime and other chemicals to the earth. It can reverse the trends of declining earthworm populations, poor soil structure, address friability and compaction issues, help with moisture retention and run-off, produce better crop yields over time and lower fuel bills for farmers. An increase in organic matter in soil by just 1 per cent will improve water retention capacity by 25,000 litres per acre. Perhaps even more significant is the ability of organic compost to trap carbon in the earth. A single tonne of organic compost applied to soil equates to around 375kg of CO2 kept out of the atmosphere, rising to around 900kg of CO2 saved where compost is a substitute for peat in horticulture. There is no quick fix and there is no

Such practices require ‘out of the box’ thinking but clearly could have a major impact in a place like Northern Ireland where we know carbon neutrality will be a real challenge due to our heavy reliance on a traditionally methanecentred agri sector. The Executive’s recently launched Green Growth Strategy consultation, combined with the Department for the Economy’s 10x, are welcome opportunities to discuss how we might support a new generation of jobs in a local circular bioeconomy, where Northern Ireland can lead the way in new agri-tech while also protecting our environment and propelling ourselves towards the noble goal of genuine carbon neutrality.

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Over my time in this sector, too many poor decisions, encouraged by the slickest of lobbies (often funded by financiers with little understanding of our bespoke circumstances), have been made around, for example, hugely generous taxpayer subsidies for ill thought-through technologies and schemes.

plant’s ability to absorb these whilst counteracting the damage of high acidity chemical fertilisers.

Soil health is not a choice. It needs support from government through the introduction of policy initiatives that encourage the agriculture sector to transition to new methods of working the land. Acting now, on a cross-departmental

“There is no quick fix and there is no doubt adjusting from traditional practices cannot and should not be done overnight. However, we have to look at ways of assisting that transition.” doubt adjusting from traditional practices cannot and should not be done overnight. However, we have to look at ways of assisting that transition. What could bring substantial long-term gains, protecting the future sustainability of our local agri-economy and contributing to the global fight against the climate crisis, can only be realised through sensible and well thought-through strategic investment in the medium-term.

basis, to make the big decisions on the shape of policy over the next decade that could safeguard our land resources and ensure growing sustainability locally for generations to come is a must.

A new generation of ‘carbon farmers’ are already ploughing ahead, if you’ll pardon the pun! They are intentionally minimising soil cultivation and disturbance in order to prevent the release of CO2. In addition to applying organic compost, planting crops such as grasses and cereals pulls in more carbon which over time is sequestered in the earth.

Massive challenges no doubt, but what an opportunity.

By certifying the amount of stored carbon, landowners can then sell these as credits to corporations wishing to offset their emissions.

We must avoid the pitfalls of the narrow and isolated thinking, focused only on set goals at one end of a broad spectrum, that has distorted markets and held us back historically.

Colm Warren is Chief Executive of Natural World Products, Ireland’s leading organics recycling company.

T: 028 9060 0145 E: colm.warren@nwp-recycle.com W: www.naturalworldproducts.com

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Ending the use of single-use plastics in government offices New Decade, New Approach pledged the ending of plastic pollution in Northern Ireland. In response, an action plan published in 2020 also committed to ending the use of single-use plastics in Civil Service procurement by October 2021. Progress towards the ending of plastic pollution in Northern Ireland since the pledge made in the New Decade, New Approach agreement has not been particularly quick; while Northern Ireland's recycling has enhanced significantly in recent years, the practice of landfilling remains too common. In efforts to reduce Northern Ireland's levels of landfill to a targeted 10 per cent by 2030, treatment and reduction of plastic waste will be essential. The publication of the Single-Use Plastic Reduction Action Plan for the NICS Government Estate by the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA) and the Department of Finance (DoF) has signalled the public sector’s intent to move away from the use of single-use plastics. The Plan notes that “plastic can literally contribute to saving lives in our health service. Plastic has many beneficial properties, such as prolonging the life of food thus reducing harmful carbon emissions from food waste” and states that “we must be careful not to demonise all plastic”. Instead, the plan focuses on single-use plastic items such as bottles, cups, straws, stirrers, containers, cotton buds, disposable cutlery and plastic bags. The plan provides guidance and instruction on the removal of single-use plastics from the central government estate offices. These instructions will be carried out by all core government departments and Executive agencies and non-departmental public bodies are also invited to establish similar initiatives. The action plan was introduced from October 2020 as an attempt on the Executive’s behalf to “lead the way and set a positive example to others by getting its own house in order”, with the aim of allowing departments and supply chains to phase in alternatives to single-use plastics in time for a blanket ban on them coming into effect on 1 October 2021. A complete list of the items to be removed from government offices under the plan is provided within the document, such as single-use sachets for sauce, coffee, etc, takeaway cutlery; and single-use containers for hand soap or cleaning products. Operational single-use plastics, such as clothing or equipment used for medical or health and safety reasons and toner cartridges, are not included within the scope of the plan.

The actions under the action plan are grouped into two areas: raising awareness and changing behaviour across the Northern Ireland Civil Service, with an objective of changing internal practices in order to eliminate single-use plastics and increase recycling rates across the government estate; and working with government suppliers and contractors to bring forward proposals on the implementation of green public procurement to eliminate single-use plastic in government supplies, services and works and to find sustainable replacements where appropriate.

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Despite stating that “a number of departments are looking to move faster”, DAERA and the DoF recommended a target date of October 2021 for the removal of all single-use plastics from central government offices, “to give all departments adequate time to adjust relevant contracts”. The implementation of the plan was split into two distinct phases: phase one, the voluntary phase out scheme from October 2020 to September 2021; and the outright ban from October 2021 onwards. The plan instructed departments to work with their suppliers in order to replace existing single-use plastics and to replace their single-use plastic items with sustainable alternatives, with measures to be “cost-neutral, either directly, or as a result of saving elsewhere in the supply chain or in the waste management process”. DAERA and the DoF also advised the departments: “In some circumstances, if unavoidable, it may be necessary to run down existing stock of single-use plastic products held by a department or a supplier on their behalf, before replacement nonsingle-use plastic items are introduced. Such situations must be agreed in advance between suppliers and departmental customers, and the practice should not continue beyond Phase 1.”

“DAERA, in partnership with Department of Finance, has removed all unnecessary single-use plastic from the Government estate within the target date of October 2021. A voluntary ban on the use of single-use plastics was introduced across the Northern Ireland Civil Service estate is now in place from 1 October 2021.” A network of ‘environment champions’ will be appointed to lead within their own departments. DAERA will also “share information gathered from supplier progress statements and enable further progress and collaboration through cross-departmental forums, such as the NICS Environmental Working Group”. In a statement to agendaNi, DAERA said: “DAERA, in partnership with Department of Finance, has removed all unnecessary single-use plastic from the Government estate within the target date of October 2021. A voluntary ban on the use of single-use plastics was introduced across the Northern Ireland Civil Service estate is now in place from 1 October 2021… Arm’s Length Bodies were invited to set up a similar scheme in June 2021 and we are currently working with them to establish work achieved or planned, offering support and guidance if required. Data is being collated from all Departments to help inform an annual report on the implementation of the plan. This report will be published in due course.” The Department also noted that it is currently consulting on the reduction of single-use plastic beverage cups and food containers and is seeking public responses, and that it has provided over £600,000 in funding for the Tackling Plastic project led by Keep Northern Ireland Beautiful. Construction and Procurement Delivery carried out a six-monthly review session with the relevant suppliers in order to determine the progress achieved and to agree next steps. Government departments and participating public bodies were also required to provide reports to their respective ministers on the actions being taken to enable DAERA to assess progress. Lastly, DAERA will carry out an annual review of the action plan in order to update the actions within accordingly.

waste and water report

Why innovation is the future for Northern Ireland’s waste Since 2004, Re-Gen has been collecting household waste from throughout the province before sorting and recycling as much as possible at its Newry plant. It has developed into one of Europe’s most advanced materials recovery facility (MRF) installations using best-in-class waste processing technologies to ensure the highest European standards are not only met, but regularly exceeded. Re-Gen uses a combination of computer-controlled, mechanical and manual sorting processes to ensure it fully extracts all the recyclable commodities with minimal contamination. “At Re-Gen, our vision since inception has been continual improvement in recycling across the UK and Ireland,” explains Joseph Doherty, Managing Director at Re-Gen Waste. “Our aim is to bring customers closer to zero landfill from residual waste. Our business is recycling and since 2004, we have diverted 1.8 million tons of waste from landfill. In addition, there are still recyclable materials finding their way into the residual waste stream and we want to address that.”

The COP26 conference in Glasgow has woken the world up to the importance of sustainability.

Crucially, the company’s focus is on continuous engineering development, driven by reinvestment of its profits driving innovation in its businesses.

It has brought a sense of urgency to our need to act on climate change, to reduce carbon emissions and to ultimately arrest global warming so we have a chance of leaving the earth in a better place for the next generation.

That innovation, and indeed the adoption of new processes and techniques emerging from companies throughout the global waste sector, means each year Re-Gen is able to reduce the small fraction of waste which it isn’t able to recycle.

It stands to reason that the waste sector provides a good place to enact change which will help us achieve those goals.

Whilst society continues to produce ever greater volumes of waste, the waste industry continues to find ways of reusing, recycling and recovering value from the waste produced. Re-Gen Waste knows that first-hand, having been at the forefront of the drive to boost recycling here in Northern Ireland.

At present, that final fraction is sent for incineration to energy plants in Northern Europe, producing not just electricity, but

also heat, supplied to homes and businesses via district heating systems, a much less carbon intensive process than building a waste incinerator in Northern Ireland where the excess heat from the process could not be economically used as we have no heat networks in our towns and cities.

Homegrown solutions In fact, many of those technologies are already in existence, such as fully automated picking systems, optic sorters and robotics to maximise recovery and reduce contamination. Other exciting technologies are being developed to provide on shore recovery of valuable chemicals and, while not yet economically viable, it is expected that in the next few years innovation from ReGen and others will deliver homegrown solutions to homegrown waste issues. As the technology progresses, Re-Gen will send less and less waste for energy recovery and aims to reuse all

Re-Gen Waste is continually growing its business with plans to invest £20 million in developing products made from recycled wastepaper and glass, in a project which will create 120 jobs. It is also on track to develop a Circular Economy Resource Park near its Carnbane Business Park base in Newry, a move which will include manufacturing facilities for producing solid recovered fuel from waste and which will create 130 jobs and reduce the need for the energy recovery of waste materials.

There is, however, a concern that reaching that goal may be pushed out of reach if an alternative proposal for handling the future of Northern Ireland’s waste is given the green light. Arc21, a group of six councils, is proposing the construction of a £240 million incinerator near Mallusk as a solution to handle the province’s waste. However, using existing waste-to-energy technology, of the type proposed by

“Each week we are seeing new technologies emerge which are helping companies like us to recycle more and more.” recoverable fractions of the waste it handles here in Northern Ireland. Policy will see an increase in and a redistribution of funding for the industry. “The waste sector doesn’t stand still,” Doherty says. “Each week we are seeing new technologies emerge which are helping companies like us to recycle more and more. “That is hugely exciting for us and for Northern Ireland because it means we are getting closer and closer to our end goal of being able to recycle all our waste. That will be a boost for Northern Ireland’s sustainability credentials and will speed us on the journey to net zero carbon and beyond.”

arc21, requires a high-volume, guaranteed waste stream for at least 25 years to make them economically viable, potentially creating a mandate to prioritise the demands of the facility over the need to recycle. In essence, as more materials are recycled, reducing the volumes in our black bins there is a strong likelihood that waste would have to be imported to Northern Ireland in the future to ensure the incinerator was fed. The proposal would also stifle innovation in the sector. “Our research indicates that this public sector proposal to provide a £240 million investment in a waste incinerator for the

waste and water report

Export provides the most environmentally friendly method of managing the non-recyclable part of Northern Ireland’s waste at present, but it will only be used as a short-term solution, one which will be phased out as future advancements in the technology used to recycle waste are developed.

next 25 years, will tie the province into technologies that are already antiquated,” Doherty explains. “This stymies the chances of making meaningful reductions and could add to carbon emissions leaving the province, and ratepayers in the six council areas in the arc21 region, burdened with an expensive solution.” Doherty believes arc21’s proposal will make Northern Ireland a laggard, not just in terms of its waste sector, but in its sustainability credentials. “The choice is clear. Northern Ireland can opt for an already-outdated solution which will act as a drag on our ambitions to reach net zero carbon, snuff out any chance of innovation in the sector and necessitate the importation of waste, or we can opt for the future solutions which will accelerate the province’s route to net zero and beyond, encourage innovation and quickly allow us to recycle all Northern Ireland’s waste,” he adds. In the wake of COP26, Re-Gen’s solution fits perfectly with the global movement towards an environmentally friendly, intelligent and workable way to handle waste in the future.

T: +44(0)28 3026 5432 E: info@regenwaste.com W: www.regenwaste.com

waste and water report

New Waste Management Strategy to be delivered in 2023 Northern Ireland is to set a target to ensure that no more than 10 per cent of its waste goes to landfill by 2035. As part of the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA) draft Environment Strategy announced by Minister Edwin Poots MLA at the COP26 conference in Glasgow, a new Waste Management Strategy is set to be published in 2023, including the new landfill target.

In addition, it will introduce a new UK-wide Extended Producer Responsibility Scheme for packaging and introduce a Deposit Return Scheme for Drink Containers in 2024/2025.

Northern Ireland’s current Waste Management Strategy was put in place as a provisional measure in 2019 in anticipation of the development of a new Waste Management Strategy, because of the absence of functioning government at the time.

•

a low carbon, resource efficient society in which resources are valued and reused, putting them back into the economy and waste is prevented;

•

increased recycling rates with targets set to support this;

•

changed consumer attitudes to reuse and repair and waste prevention;

•

no biodegradable waste to landfill;

•

increased food redistribution; and

•

all in society aware of the problem of food waste and take active steps to reduce this.

Northern Ireland has experienced a dramatic decline in levels of waste going to landfill, mostly due to an increase in recycling driven by a European Union Directive target and the Northern Ireland Landfill Allowance Scheme, a tax escalator which has created a strong incentive to divert waste from landfill. Since 2010, local councils have reduced the amount of waste they send to landfill by about 40 per cent. Latest figures for municipal waste collected by councils show a recycling rate for household waste of 52 per cent and a landfill rate of 21.5 per cent (a fall from 70.9 per cent in 2006). DAERA has said that in publishing its new Waste Management Strategy in 2023 it intends to bring forward all of the actions set out in its Waste Prevention Plan 2019, while also introducing legislation to reduce the consumption of single use plastic items and setting a target of bringing no more than 10 per cent of waste to landfill by 2035. 66

Setting out its future vision, the Department says it wants:

Critical to the planned reduction in landfill rates in Northern Ireland will be the development of a circular economy. The Department for the Economy (DfE) is currently developing a Circular Economy Strategic Framework (CESF) for Northern Ireland, but the framework is set to be progressed with officials across all government departments, recognising the cross-cutting nature of the ambition. A Northern Ireland Circularity Gap report is expected in 2021 before the publication of the Circular Economy Strategic Framework by 2022.

conference report

Social Media Belfast Conference Speakers: Paul McGarrity, Octave Digital; Michelle Baird, Ulster Orchestra; Mark Quinn, Guide Dogs NI; Aoife McGuigan, Suntory Beverage & Food Ireland and Chris Barnes, Public Health Agency.

The seventh annual Social Media Belfast Conference recently took place as a hybrid event in September 2021. The event is Northern Ireland’s leading social media event and brought together an excellent line up of social media experts both local and visiting to share their knowledge and examples of successful campaigns. A massive thank you to all speakers and delegates who joined us, both in the Europa Hotel, Belfast and virtually, who helped bring #SMBelfast to life across all social media channels and made the conference a huge success! We have already started brainstorming for 2022! If you are interested in sponsoring, exhibiting or sharing your experiences as a speaker please do get in touch with the event director Fiona McCarthy, Fiona.McCarthy@agendani.com. Follow us on Twitter @agendani for all the latest information.

Andrew McFarline and Kristian Ross, Northern Ireland Housing Executive.

Speakers: Susie Brown, Northern Ireland Assembly; Paul McGarrity, Octave Digital and Steven O’Riordan, Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage.

Dylan Burke, Honeycomb Jobs with Emma Sharkey, Mash Direct Ltd.

Speaker: John Hart, Sport Northern Ireland.

Francesca Woodman and Colleen Rainey, Power NI.

The 2021 Social Media Belfast crowd. 67

public affairs agenda

Assembly business: Communications Head of Communications for the Northern Ireland Assembly, Susie Brown, discusses the Assembly’s new communications strategy, including the role of social media in informing and engaging audiences. Setting the context of a high-profile organisation under constant political and media scrutiny, Brown emphasises the critical nature of transparency and accountability in the Assembly’s communications.

“The benefits to our users are that they only receive high quality content, it is trustworthy, it is user-centred and it well help them to become champions to amplify our content,” she explains.

Brown’s team has recently embarked on a strategy to embed a more planned approach to its what it publishes, how content is published and the creation of content.

Brown outlines the core objectives of the Assembly’s communications strategy in supporting and demonstrating effective scrutiny and debate; helping to explain Assembly business and proceedings; and inspiring meaningful engagement and participation.

“A strategy allows us to focus and give structure to our efforts,” explains Brown. “We can be very specific about what it is we want to achieve, with governance in place so that we know who is responsible for what and we have a workflow that helps us get from concept to publication, with structure.” Outlining the benefits to the new approach, the Head of Communications says that efficiencies are achieved not only through enhanced role identification in the content production process, backed up with data and intelligence to support quick and efficient decisions, but also through the building of team empowerment.

public affairs agenda

To this end, social media has been a valuable tool. The Assembly uses YouTube, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram as its core channels. Outlining a number of core objectives, Brown explains that around scrutiny and debate, the Assembly seeks to amplify its own accurate, timely and accessible content in the form of what is happening in the chamber and in committees, supported by experts across the Assembly. Explanation of business and proceedings evolves around the sharing of text, video and audio content, showcasing activity and engaging in discussion with

public affairs agenda

audiences. This engagement is part of the wider participation objective, which sees the Assembly facilitate meaningful engagement and signpost areas of possible participation such as visiting, campaign support and the influence of the Assembly’s work on peoples’ lives. Discussing the implementation of these objectives, Brown explains that central to any ambitions is user need, with the Assembly utilising research and data to inform everything that it publishes. In particular, she points to moves to address misinformation, which requires educational and informative content. “We focus on our core work and we use a small number of channels and we do them well, rather than spread ourselves too thinly,” she says, outlining that these channels are selected on the basis of where the Assembly’s audiences are. “By providing content where our audiences are, it minimises our need to divert them to other sources which is important to build trust,” says Brown. “Equally important in this respect is that we have continuous iteration, meaning that my team keeps up to date with social media trends and keeps improving our content and our strategies. If something is not working, then we change it.” Discussing the challenge of achieving unity without uniformity with content tailored for different audiences across different channels, Brown says: “We have a real collaboration culture at the Assembly, internally and externally. We generate ideas using the strength of all of our skills but we work with teams across the Assembly on joint projects and have an awareness of what others are doing. “We are open in terms of what we share in terms of data, learning and we regularly meet with other teams to understand their needs and goals, identifying how we can help from a communications and a social media perspective.” Describing the structure of content, Brown points to a range of content pillars which underpin the Assembly’s objectives. “Each of our six pillars has content which supports the delivery of each objective. In creating topics, we then look to see if the content exists and if it does, if we can use it or if it needs tailored. If it doesn’t exist, we look to see if we or a colleague can create it, what links we have to existing content and what we can re-use.”

Governance Explaining that as a public body, governance is at the heart of all that the Assembly does and very important in relation to communications, Brown points to challenges in delivering at speed. Providing agility, the Assembly’s communications team has autonomy to create and publish content. “We work in an environment of trust, professionalism and integrity,” she states. “Our model is that the author will go through a period of discovery, they will work with a subject matter expert and create that content with appropriate research. We then get expert review prior to publication and postpublication, we review that content based on user experience, adding iterations where necessary.” On the topic of measuring success, Brown points to a range of overarching key performance indicators (KPIs) used across all content but stresses the use of additional targets and metrics where necessary, on different objectives. Things like audience growth rate, amplification rate and social share of voice are all tools used by the Assembly to gauge success of content. Brown is pleased to highlight results that showcase progression including 1.62 million Facebook impressions in the last year and 13.6 per cent increase in Twitter followers since September 2020. However, she is aware of the stark difference between followers and an engaged audience and places greater weight on the impressive 9.6 per cent engagement rate for Facebook and 7.3 per cent rate for Twitter held by the Assembly over the past 12 months. Brown admits that not all engagement with the Assembly is positive and so, her team has a strategy in place to deal with negativity which involves firstly, understanding the complaint or problem and its motivation, secondly, offering a quick, accurate and impartial response and thirdly, if necessary, passing the complaint on to the relevant body. Brown adds the stipulation: “We never respond to threats, abusive communications or communication that includes swearing. Our tone is helpful and calm. Always.” Concluding, Brown paid tribute to her team who continue to stay right up to date with the digital landscape and are never afraid to try new things to increase awareness of and participation with the Assembly.

public affairs agenda

Union or unity: What does public opinion say?

Jon Tonge of University of Liverpool assesses whether there is evidence of a post-Brexit shift in opinion towards support for a united Ireland. Since the June 2016 Brexit referendum, there have been 24 opinion polls and surveys asking respondents their views on the constitutional question. What are they saying and how much do such studies matter? Polls and surveys provide a lot of noise, usually from those liking or disliking the result. For such people, the poll’s validity tends to rest on whether they agree with the headline result, even if their knowledge of weighted quotas, or stratified or random sampling, or indeed any polling methodology whatsoever, is non-existent. Yet polls and the discussion surrounding them cannot be dismissed as froth. They have the potential to shape constitutional outcomes. The 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) declares:

public affairs agenda

“The Secretary of State shall exercise the power [to call a referendum] … if at any time it appears likely to him (sic) that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland.” There remains a lack of clarity over what evidence the Secretary of State will use to form such a judgement. Attempts to provide any such clarification have fallen on stony ground. Summarising his High Court rejection of such efforts, Mr Justice Girvan insisted: “The precise circumstances and the political context of a decision are variable and highly political. Decision-making in this area requires a political assessment on the part of the Secretary of State and in this case political flexibility and judgement

public affairs agenda

are called for… I am wholly unpersuaded that the Secretary of State is bound to be bound by a policy detailing the way in which that flexible and politically sensitive power is bound to be exercised. In essence it must be for the Secretary of State to decide what matters should be taken into account on the political question of the appropriateness of a poll.” Subsequently, the UK Supreme Court refused to hear a case attempting to force the UK Government to publish the criteria. Yet it is difficult to see how anything other than studies of public opinion can be used to provide such criteria. Here though, there are significant differences according to the type of survey conducted. Of the 24 studies since the Brexit referendum, four have shown more support for a united Ireland than for Northern Ireland remaining in the UK. One, conducted by OFCOC/Deltapoll in September 2018, even gave a united Ireland overall majority support, at 52 per cent compared to 39 per cent for the status quo. Polls conducted by LucidTalk in December 2017 (48 per cent to 45 per cent) and October 2020 (35 per cent to 34 per cent) and a Lord Ashcroft poll in September 2019 (46 per cent to 45 per cent) have indicated a slight favouring for unity but without an overall majority for either constitutional option. All other studies show more support for Northern Ireland remaining in the UK than for a united Ireland. However, the range is considerable. The highest figure in favour of the constitutional status quo was 63 per cent (Ipsos Mori) in September 2016. From 2016 until 2020 there appeared to be a steady ebbing of support for the union, as the Table 1 annual poll of polls indicates, but this was reversed in 2021. Support for a united Ireland leapt in 2017 but has been steady since. Much caution is needed though as the number of annual polls varies and there are methodological controversies. The polls have not been bereft of controversy. Support for a united Ireland is invariably higher in online polls than it is in face-to-face surveys. Support for Northern Ireland remaining in the UK is not hugely different between online and face-to-face methods: the difference lies in the figure for support for a united Ireland.

electorate, including the one-third of the population who do not normally vote in elections. They find far more ‘don’t knows’ than do online polls, where participants tend to be the already politically committed. The vast bulk of online poll respondents have a firm view on the constitutional future. The united Ireland figure is lower among face-to-face respondents as it is an unknown: many therefore respond ‘don’t know’ although it is a moot point whether they will be converted to the unity project. Online polls might be criticised as less capable of checking the bona fides of respondents. Face-to-face surveys might inhibit certain responses, including that of support for Irish unity, in front of a stranger from a survey company. Regardless, what matters most is accurate sampling. The Northern Ireland Life and Times face-toface surveys have been criticised for hugely under-reporting the Sinn Féin vote and as such almost certainly underreporting support for a united Ireland. Its 2020 survey had the following improbable figures for party support: Alliance 24 per cent, DUP 18 per cent, SDLP 12 per cent, Sinn Féin 10 per cent, UUP 10 per cent. The near absence of non-voters in online polls is problematic, as some will probably vote in a referendum. Turnout in the GFA referendum, at 81 per cent, was 18 per cent above the general election mean. According to our University of Liverpool study, 31 per cent of non-voters at the 2019 General Election are ‘don’t knows’ on the united Ireland versus UK question, compared to only 7 per cent of voters. Those ‘don’t knows’ are one set of

Table 1: Average % support for Northern Ireland remaining in the UK across opinion polls, 2016-21

potential swing voters. Others might be some Alliance voters, 58 per cent of whom said in the 2019 election study that they wanted Northern Ireland to remain in the UK. Some 20 per cent of SDLP voters indicated they would vote for Northern Ireland to remain in the UK, although some were non-natural, tactical voters for the party in 2019. Controversies over polls and surveys may continue but it is difficult to envisage alternative measures of public opinion beyond elections and the size of support for unionist and nationalist blocs. Since the Good Friday Agreement, they show a decline in support for the unionist bloc (that is, the combined percentage vote share won by unionist parties) from 51 per cent at the last pre-GFA general election in 1997 to 43 per cent in 2019. However, this has not been accompanied by a growth in the nationalist bloc vote, which has remained largely static, at 39 per cent in 2019, compared to 40 per cent in 1997. In conclusion, the overall picture from polls and surveys is that Northern Ireland remaining in the UK continues to command more support than a united Ireland. In that respect there is no pressure on the Secretary of State to call a border poll. Nonetheless, the prospect of Sinn Féin topping the poll at the looming Assembly election, alongside evidence from the polls that Northern Ireland’s position in the UK merits a bare overall majority of the electorate, means that debates over a border poll – and the significance and veracity of studies of public opinion – will not subside.

Table 2: Average % support for a United Ireland across opinion polls, 2016-21

2016

2017

2018

2019

2020

2021 (at Oct)

Face-to-face surveys cover the entire

public affairs agenda

Boundary Commission proposals published The Boundary Commission for Northern Ireland has published its initial proposals for the new UK parliamentary boundaries in Northern Ireland. The proposals would see the boundaries of all 18 Westminster constituencies altered. The Boundary Commission for Northern Ireland (BCNI) proposals have been made as part of a review across the UK and represents an attempt to align Northern Ireland with the Parliamentary Constituencies Act 1986, which states that all constituencies should be made up of electorates between 69,000 and 77,000 people. Only seven of Northern Ireland’s 18 constituencies currently meet this requirement.

public affairs agenda

Two new constituencies will also be created, with areas of South Down moving into the Belfast South and Strangford constituencies in order to create the new constituencies of Belfast South and Mid Down and Strangford and Quoile. The proposed Belfast South and Mid Down constituency would be a borough constituency with an electorate of 71,978,

as compared to the current Belfast South electorate of 70,134. The ward of Falls, which is currently split between Belfast South and Belfast West, would be placed entirely within Belfast West in this situation, with Cregagh, Hillfoot, Merok and Woodstock, which had all been split between Belfast East and Belfast South, going fully to Belfast East. Wards that had been partially located in Belfast South such as Belvoir, Blackstaff, Carryduff

public affairs agenda

East, Central and Knockbracken have all been added fully to the new Belfast South and Mid Down constituency. The ward of Drumbo will also be transferred from Lagan Valley to the new constituency to satisfy population demands.

Constituency changes under BCNI proposals Electorate

Proposed constituency

Proposed electorate

Belfast East

66,273

Belfast East

70,076

Belfast North

72,332

Belfast North

70,361

To create the county constituency of Strangford and Quoile, which will have an electorate of 71,286, the Strangford constituency, which at 66,990 voters is under the statutory requirement, will have wards transferred to it from South Down, which is over the statutory requirement with 79,295 voters. The South Down wards Cathedral, Knocknashinna, Lecale, Strangford, and Quoile (Downpatrick and its surrounds), would be transferred to the new constituency in this scenario, and the currently split wards of Crossgar and Killyleagh, Derryboy and Glen would also be aligned fully with Strangford and Quoile.

Belfast South

70,134

Belfast South and Mid Down

71,978

Belfast West

65,761

Belfast West

71,921

East Antrim

64,907

East Antrim

70,947

East Derry

69,359

East Derry

72,213

Fermanagh and South Tyrone

72,945

Fermanagh and South Tyrone

71,255

Foyle

74,431

Foyle

72,474

Lagan Valley

75,884

Lagan Valley

73,564

Mid Ulster

70,501

Mid Ulster

73,833

Newry and Armagh

81,329

Newry and Armagh

74,585

North Antrim

77,156

North Antrim

71,165

North Down

67,109

North Down

70,412

South Antrim

71,915

South Antrim

71,646

Overall, 56 wards split by the 2008 parliamentary constituency boundaries would have their constituencies altered; only two of these will still be split under these proposals: Carrowdore would go from being split between Strangford and North Down to being spit by Strangford and Quoile and North Down, as would Loughries.

South Down

79,295

South Down

72,352

Strangford

66,990

Strangford and Quoile

71,286

Upper Bann

83,028

Upper Bann

74,979

West Tyrone

66,339

West Tyrone

70,641

BCNI is required to review the parliamentary constituency boundaries in Northern Ireland in accordance with the Parliamentary Constituencies Act 2020; these proposals were open to an eightweek public consultation, ending on 15 December 2021. BCNI is required to submit its final report with recommendations before 1 July 2023. Upon the completion of the consultation period, all representations will be published. BCNI’s lead is High Court judge Michael Humphreys, who serves as deputy Chairman, with the Speaker of the House of Commons the Chairman. Its other two members are Sarah Havlin, a solicitor who has served various commission roles in the past, and Vilma Patterson, a construction industry veteran and former Chair of the Probation Board for Northern Ireland. The final changes that arise from the review will be the first major changes to constituencies in Northern Ireland since

Current constituency

2008. Previous attempts to update the constituencies failed following legal challenges. The plans to reduce the number of parliamentary seats in Northern Ireland from 18 to 17 and from 650 to 600 overall were eventually scrapped. The proposals have not been particularly well received across the spectrum, with Sinn Féin stating that they will challenge the moving of parts of Lurgan, and the entirety of Aghagallon and Magheralin to the Lagan Valley constituency in their submission to the consultation. Party Group Leader in Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon Council Liam Mackle said: “We will do everything we can to ensure the Commission change their proposals. These areas are a natural part of the Lurgan area and should remain as part of the wider Upper Bann constituency where they have been since that constituency was created. The Commission need to think again.” The DUP’s Fermanagh and South Tyrone MLA Deborah Erskine branded the plans for her area “farcical”, criticising the “nonsensical” proposed movement of

wards in the Dungannon area to the Mid Ulster constituency. “Areas such as Killyman and Moygashel have a natural affinity with South Tyrone and therefore these proposals, geographically, are odd,” she said. UUP MLA Rosemary Barton also stated that she was sceptical of the proposed changes, which she described as “change for the sake of change”. The SDLP’s MLA Mark H Durkan also spoke of local criticism in his constituency regarding plans to remove Eglinton and Claudy from the Foyle constituency. “Having spoken with individuals impacted by this restructuring it’s clear that many have concerns about the implications and have expressed their desire to remain within the Foyle constituency,” he stated. The proposals do as they intended; they create 18 constituencies with electorates of the statutorily required size. What they do not take into account, however, is the political ramifications of the changes. It remains to be seen which concern will win out as the parties and civil society argue their cases.

public affairs agenda

Time to reboot the St Andrews Act algorithm Recent frets and threats about an “unthinkable” prospect of a Sinn Féin First Minister ignore current realities of office. They also show the DUP is now confounded by the exclusive nomination formula for First Minister posts which they secured at St Andrews, writes former SDLP deputy First Minister Mark Durkan. Like issues stemming from Brexit, faced with a predicament largely of their making, some unionist politicians are resorting to dubious claims about the Belfast Agreement (GFA), including that the 1998 terms reserved the post of First Minister to a MLA from the largest designation (unionist/nationalist/other). The GFA and 1998 Act provided joint and

equal posts of First Minister and deputy First Minister, to be jointly nominated in the Assembly, open to any two MLAs, allowing alternative joint nominations and subject to endorsement by crosscommunity vote (specifically “parallel consent”).

filling suggested First and Second

While debating D’Hondt for departmental ministries, negotiators ruled that out for

Presiding Officer to the third – was

Minister posts. Alliance’s earmarking idea – reserving First Minister (crossgovernment coordination) to the largest designation, Second Minister (external relations) to the second largest and

declined.

public affairs agenda

Andrews Act algorithm. (Its perverse permutations, in light of recent polling, should not be ignored!).

This should include abolishing the vestigial “deputy” prefix, as many parties have advocated, including Sinn Féin. Others may now realise the sense of this. Instead, we agreed the joint office of consubstantial First Ministers, whose joint election by the Assembly was partly to mark that “The Assembly…will be the prime source of authority in respect of all devolved responsibilities”. The UUP insisted on a nominal differential of “deputy” as the price of accepting the joint and equal office, shared functions and combined Assembly mandate. St Andrews abolished that election to privatise nominations to parties according to seat and designation ranking. This was demanded to avoid DUP MLAs being in the lobby with Sinn Féin MLAs to vote for joint nominees. It also suited the DUP to tribalise Assembly elections into ‘first-past-the-post’ for First Minister. Prowess in that vein has perhaps waned over misguided Brexit stances. The time has come, under GFA review mechanisms, for a reset to joint election.

The threshold for restored joint election, however, should not be confined to “parallel consent”. The alternative GFA measure of a qualified weighted majority of 60 per cent etc should also be available. So too should an additional option, not tied to designation, also reflecting wide cross-party and community support. The 1998 Act empowered “two-thirds of MLAs” (without reference to designation) to dissolve an Assembly out of schedule. New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) legislation convolutedly touches on this Assembly power in the context of failure to fill First Ministerial vacancies. Why not take that agreed logic further as part of overcoming the possible stalemate and “ransom politics” of which the DUP and Sinn Féin accuse each other and other parties complain? Other parties could no longer just blame “the two parties” privileged by the St

Such a renewal and reform reboot would: i) re-empower the Assembly; ii) enable more demonstrably collective responsibility; iii) provide an alternative to a vista of rollover stalemates inherent in NDNA scenarios; and iv) offer a democratic graduation beyond the straits of designation. Not trying to preclude designationrelated options in current circumstances pre-empts likely accusations about “moving the goalposts” given unionist arguments around the Protocol and “consent” or concern about a disproportionate veto falling unavoidably to a small party if two-thirds became the sole threshold. The need is not just for a new fix for or among all parties. An increasingly frustrated or cynical public wants institutions which address our collective pressing problems, not default to divisive crises. It is in our collective democratic interests that we avert the compound uncertainty and potential demolition derby of precious Strands of the Agreement which are clearly augured if we do not remove the St Andrews malware and install updated, more democratic GFA-compatible apps.

public affairs agenda

conference report

Digital Government Conference Speakers: Ronan Laffan, Version 1; Anita Holmes, HM Revenue & Customs; Alan Dooley, Limerick City and County Council; Ignatius O’Doherty, NICS Enterprise Shared Services and Bill McCluggage, Laganview Associates.

The annual Digital Government Conference recently took place as a hybrid event in October 2021. The event brought together key stakeholders and those in attendance gained an insight into the government’s objectives for digital transformation and heard directly from those responsible for driving this forward. Expert speakers included, Ignatius O’Doherty, NICS Enterprise Shared Services; Anita Holmes, HM Revenue & Customs; Dan West, Department of Health and Pauline Yau, Zoom UK. A massive thank you to our conference sponsors Version 1, AWS and Expleo, our conference exhibitors and to all speakers and delegates who joined us, both in the Europa Hotel and virtually, and made the 2021 Digital Government Conference a huge success!

Noel Brady, Consult Nb1 with Lorna McAdoo, Version 1.

James O’Neill, Expleo.

Richard Hands, Sopra Steria Group with Aaron Taggart and Philip McLaughlin, ESRI Ireland.

Bill McCluggage, Laganview Associates visits Jen Curran and Claire Connolly, MCS Group, at their exhibition stand.

Amazon Web Services representatives at their exhibition stand.

Speakers: Nial Mc Sorley, Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council; Geraldine Devine, Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs; Mike Beaven, Amazon Web Services; Lisa McIlvenna, Business in the Community and Peter May, Department of Justice.

public affairs agenda

TRADE UNION DESK Promises to keep Job creation and workers rights promises made in the New Decade, New Approach agreement must be a priority ahead of May 2022’s Northern Ireland Assembly election, argues the ICTU’s John O’Farrell.

Northern Ireland’s five main political party representatives with trade union leaders at the ICTU’s Biennial Delegate Conference in October 2021.

At the end of October, ICTU hosted Northern Ireland’s first significant delegate conference (with people in the big room) since the onset of the pandemic 20 months previously. The hybrid event at Belfast’s Waterfront Hall facilitated 500 voting delegates, observers, press and guests, with 60 per cent socially distanced in the main auditorium and the remainder ‘attending’ remotely but participating fully.

were not contiguous with policy wishes such as ‘rebalancing’ the economy. This welcome development is a consequence of certain changes in the leadership of more than one party, but it is also the result of much closer cooperation between labour, capital and the state in response to the pandemic.

The purpose of the ICTU’s Biennial Delegate Conference (BDC) is to set the policy agenda of the entire trade union movement across this island, as it operates across two jurisdictions, divergent economies, sovereign legislative powers but with a collective leadership addressing common concerns.

After years of seeking deeper engagement through a social dialogue forum, common throughout the EU (and devolved Wales), the Northern Ireland Engagement Forum was established in immediate response to the Covid outbreak, initially to agree workplace safety matters. The limited remit of the Forum has nevertheless deepened a mutual understanding between social partners, and improved relations all round.

Every political party serving on the Northern Ireland Executive attended the conference, a major development considering the admittedly fractious relations between certain departmental ministers over the years with unions representing members whose interests

In addition, closer working within departments to monitor and take remedial action has clarified and steadied industrial relations in sectors which had experienced strikes only weeks before the pandemic. We are not out of the woods yet, as the paltry sub-inflation pay

offer from HM Treasury is sparking a new round of ballots for industrial action, but avenues for meaningful dialogue have improved in (almost) every ministry. In May 2022, the Assembly will have elections in the backdrop of the pandemic and Brexit and its consequences, the Northern Ireland Protocol and the fact that the UK is voluntarily imposing economic sanctions upon itself. Trade unions will have plenty to say about those issues, but its top priorities are the fulfilment of the promises made in New Decade, New Approach, and reiterated by each party speaking on the stage at the Waterfront Hall: “An enhanced focus within the Programme for Government on creating good jobs and protecting workers rights. The parties agree that access to good jobs, where workers have a voice that provides a level of autonomy, a decent income, security of tenure, satisfying work in the right quantities and decent working conditions, should be integral to public policy.”

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Deborah Erskine MLA

Political Platform

Deborah Erskine is the new DUP Fermanagh and South Tyrone MLA. Co-opted to replace Arlene Foster, Erskine is a one-time journalist who ranks the former First Minister as her inspiration for her involvement in politics.

Outline your background / career to date I am the daughter of a Church of Ireland Minister and I must say, I certainly didn’t ever expect that I would go down the political route in life. As a very young teenager I was set on becoming a journalist. I studied Journalism with English at Ulster University at Coleraine. It was a great place to study and I met so many people, some are in the Assembly Chamber today too! Fortunately for me, I landed on my feet and within days of finishing my last exam I went straight into the world of work at North West Newsgroup, working as a journalist for

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the Ulster Herald and Tyrone Herald. That time was really formative for me and whilst I loved working as a journalist, the pull of politics was strong and so I moved to a job working in the DUP Press Office in 2016. Elected as a councillor in 2019 for Erne North on Fermanagh and Omagh District Council, I started working for Arlene Foster in her constituency office just before the Covid-19 pandemic began.

What inspired you to get into politics? Is it alright to confess I was a political nerd at school? I have to say I have always enjoyed politics and even as a

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“For young women, it’s important to let them see that this world is open to them.” teenager, I absorbed election nights and the coverage. My dad was a history and politics student and we would have lots of discussions about Stormont and Westminster. That foundation became much stronger at university, through discussions with friends and indeed getting involved in the DUP Young Democrats during that time. I have always believed that there are better days ahead for Northern Ireland. I’m proud to have been born and raised here. To have people who believe in Northern Ireland and want it to do well, on the global stage have a role to play in politics. It’s about making the lives of ordinary people better and I want to step up and do something about that.

Who do you admire in politics or public life? Arlene Foster is definitely the reason why I got so heavily involved in politics. I have admired her and how she never forgot her background, had the best interests of Northern Ireland and Fermanagh and South Tyrone always at the forefront of her political life. Arlene always had time for people and wanted to help them despite the busy life of being DUP Leader and First Minister. She put in many hard, long hours to make Northern Ireland work. Also, I am always intrigued by Winston Churchill and Margaret Thatcher. Their style of leadership in the role of Prime Minister, during some turbulent and challenging times is so interesting. I must admit I love to see good women role models in politics. As someone once

said, “you can only be what you can see”, and I think for young women, it’s important to let them see that this world is open to them. I think it would be wonderful to see more women get involved in shaping Northern Ireland.

What drew you to the DUP?

Fermanagh and South Tyrone is playing catch up in terms of broadband and indeed mobile phone coverage. It is one of the worst regions in terms of the UK for connectivity. Once we unlock roads and broadband issues, which have more on the table for investment and jobs in my area.

The Party's desire to see Northern Ireland grow and excel was a key attraction which drew me towards the DUP. On the ground there are hard working DUP representatives who have a shared desire to improve life for people in Northern Ireland. I saw in my own area, people who were passionate about the Union and Northern Ireland’s place within it. The DUP want to deal with the bread and butter matters that affect people in their daily lives whether that is hospitals, our roads, more and better jobs, so I really want to play a part in delivering on those matters.

Lastly, you cannot have lived through the pandemic, without worries regarding our health system. The time of lip service to deal with the issues is over. We need solutions to the problems and we need to deal with it. There are lives behind each and every statistic that we read about, nobody is immune. Sometimes people forget that politicians have family on waiting lists too. It affects us every bit as much. I will be working on the health committee to alleviate the problems.

What are your key priorities for your constituency / what are the key issues facing your constituency?

I have a very patient husband who knows work is 24/7 for me but I love getting to spend time in the outdoors (away from phone signal for a while!). We have a Labrador called Maisie and we love to get to forests near us for a walk with her. In the summer we were in the Mournes and to be in the outdoors just restores your soul – to get away, clear the head and enjoy some time away from it all. Plus the feeling you get from climbing a mountain is just so exhilarating.

For me the main issues I want to get to grips with are the poor state of our roads infrastructure, improving our connectivity and tackling issues in our health service. As someone that drives to Belfast, I see first-hand some of the road inequalities rural areas have to suffer. I want to see the Enniskillen Southern Bypass happen. It will improve congestion, easing greenhouse gases in the atmosphere and will help aid the economy.

What are your interests outside work?

Family is very important to me so any time I can get to spend time with them is time well spent.

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The best climate act possible Climate bills in Northern Ireland are a bit like buses. We wait 10 years for one and then two come along, writes Friends of the Earth Northern Ireland Director, James Orr. Both are now in a race to the finish with Clare Bailey MLA, and the co-drivers from several other parties, still at the wheel of Bill No. 1. Minister Poots still drives solo his Climate No. 2 bus. With its lack of ambition and sluggish start, the No 2 Bill seems powered by red diesel, instead of green hydrogen. Despite the obvious embarrassment that Northern Ireland is the only country in these islands without any climate legislation, we have seen some progress in recent weeks with the Assembly’s AERA Committee, which is just about to wrap up its scrutiny of Bill No. 1. Our post-COP26 legacy must be accelerated passage of the strongest possible Climate Act in the next couple of months. This is what I think should happen. I very much wish the public support and the energetic voices of young people at the November 2021 rallies in Northern Ireland, for a strong net zero climate bill, will be singing in the ears of the political leaders of the Assembly who have declared a climate emergency, with a majority still determined to pass a strong law. I pray that it might just dawn on our political leaders that climate justice demands that per head of population we should not continue to act in a way where we think we have a right to more atmosphere than most other people in the world. We cannot continue to pollute the

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atmosphere beyond our fair share. And as for the committee, take a bow for not being derailed by the two bills and showing a willingness to learn from other jurisdictions in these islands. So, what are the learnings from our neighbours that make a strong Climate Act? First of all, a net zero target. Personally, I would prefer a target in law much earlier than 2045 but parity of approach with our neighbours is also an important principle. We should not rest on our laurels knowing that others will do more than us. A common approach sets the pathway for all future planning and legally binding climate action plans for all departments. We need that end date in time to set the pace and the direction of travel. Anything less than 100 per cent target for the reduction of greenhouses gases will create a sacrifice zone in Northern Ireland. Secondly, In Climate Bill No. 1, a just transition is proposed to be set in law. In all the smoke and mirrors about the impacts of the No. 1 bill on agriculture, it is the just transition principle in the No. 1 Bill that provides the legal architecture to save farming. Readers should be shocked that this is absent from Minister for Agriculture’s Bill No. 2. Moreover, it appears the No. 1 Bill may be shifted to incorporate a just transition fund for agriculture, as it should for disadvantaged families who live in fuel

poverty. The climate emergency is here and farmers should not be scare mongered into the fear of a strong Climate Bill. The real fear for farmers should be the fear of no bill and the trauma and disruption of climate change itself. The third key element is accountability and good governance. Climate acts do not set the detailed policies but set the framework for the department plans. Another vital element is the need for a future Departmental Climate Plan to be scrutinised by independent oversight. This guarantees the plans will be fair, can meet the overarching target and are robust enough withstand political turmoil. That means an Office of the Climate Commissioner for Northern Ireland. So, what should happen? The best elements of Climate Bill No. 2, such as interim climate targets, should be incorporated into Bill No. 1 and just transition funds established in law. Let the strongest bill possible be agreed with cross party leadership as soon as possible embracing a prosperous, stable and fair post-carbon world. All I wanted for Christmas was the best Climate Act possible. I’m prepared to wait though till Valentine’s Day, but no later. A strong net zero Climate Act is not just the ultimate test that we have come of age but the love letter the Assembly needs to send to the planet and the next generation.

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