Masters Thesis (MArch Architecture)

THESIS BENV GA05

A Home in Transit: constructing architecture of dwelling in nomadic community and mobile society.

Akmal Azhar

...a home away from home.

Cover Image: Denis Lau 1987

THESIS BENV GA05

A Home in Transit: constructing architecture of dwelling in nomadic community and mobile society.

Akmal Azhar Thesis Tutor: Dr. Tania Sengupta Master’s Thesis for the Bartlett School of Architecture, UCL

...a home away from home.

to mama, abang and adik thanks for constant support even while I am away from home in memoriam, abah.

Acknowledgements

I want to express my utmost appreciation to my thesis tutor, Dr. Tania Sengupta whom I have known since in fourth year of the MArch Architecture course. I was lucky to be chosen as part of her History and Theory unit. I had limited insight about academic writing and postgraduate research but she guided me through it. I am very privileged to have her again for Thesis in fifth year and enjoyed the overall experience being tutored by her.

In addition, a thank you to the thesis coordinator, Dr. Peg Rawes for her guidance since the Research Methods Study until the completion of the thesis.

I am very grateful to conduct the research in a very inspiring context in the heart of London which has allowed me to access excellent libraries: Royal Anthropological Institute in British Museum, Humanities section of British Library, UCL Libraries (the Bartlett, Anthropology, Philosophy) and RIBA Library. I would not have been able to produce a comprehensive research without the resources gathered from these places.

Contents

page

Abstract

1

Introduction

2

Chapter 1: Theoritical study

6

Theory 1: ‘Nomad’

7

Theory 2: ‘Trace’

9

Theory 3: ‘Hybrid’

11

Chapter2: Anthropological case study

14

Penan

14

‘Sulap’

25

40

‘Sulap’ - ‘Longhouse’

Territory

44

Chapter 3: Architectural case studies

63

Case study 1: Estudio Teddy Cruz

65

Case study 2: Atelier Bow-wow

71

Conclusion

77

Bibliography

79

Abstract

The thesis is a cross-disciplinary study of architecture and anthropology, aims to search for an alternative meaning of a house and the sense of home while in transit. The notion of ‘nomad’, ‘trace’ and ‘hybridity’ are three significant theoretical concepts that represent the philosophical basis of the study. Lifestyle as a nomad exposes people to continuous adjustment of material and immaterial experiences which exist in the form of ‘trace’ drawn both from past and present lives, forcing them to negotiate resulting in a hybrid living pattern and habitat. An anthropological case study is chosen to demonstrate the evidence of such concepts.The Penan tribe of Malaysia is seen to be a good model because they are among the few groups still practicing a nomadic life, preserved in a traditional form with only few modifications in behavior, employment, foodstuff and dwelling. Analyses from such anthropological studies reveal useful strategies – such as ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’ – that could be adapted into architecture. ‘Grafting’ suggests how different ‘traces’ can be infused together. ‘Infill’ is the insertion of a new intervention into an existing context. ‘Collage’ proposes different elements to co-exist creating a bigger ecology. ­Finally, applications of the strategies are demonstrated through certain contemporary architectural case studies such as Teddy Cruz’s ‘grafting’ between locality and migration in Mexico and Atelier Bow-wow’s ‘infill’ in the dense metropolis of Tokyo. The strengths and weaknesses of each case will be identified for their potential role in future directions in architecture of transience.­ Keywords; house, home, nomad, trace, hybrid, Penan, grafting, infill, collage

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Introduction

The research lies is an intersection of two disciplines: architecture and anthropology. Anthropology as a discipline uses specific methodologies to study human behaviour which makes it a significant resource in analysing architecture. It focuses on human behaviour within large ecology while architecture acts as the crucible for the human being. There is a symbiotic relationship of the two to knowledge-systems.

Anthropology is subconsciously present in architecture knowledge and practice. However, this role is rarely highlighted in architectural discourse. Learning from anthropology e.g. human behaviour, social structures, human-environment relationships can fertilise architecture, just as architectural tools of reading, recording and imagining built environment and space can enrich anthropology.

Anthropology was initially established as a medium to record human system of life. It has gained wide interest from anthropologists particularly from the 19th century. However the discipline’s foundation has since been debated because it has ended-up as ‘exoticising’ the studied group, including exaggeration to make them appear more unique than their usual way of life. Here arises the key issue of ‘representation’, especially by different media, which is discussed further in the third chapter. Such patronising representation of ‘exotic’ communities was a key characteristic of 19th century anthropology. This thesis however, is not intended to approach the subject the same way as 19th century anthropology. The main objective is to study nomadic practice and notion of home as an alternative way of imagining human life and habitat as societies become more global and mobile.

The whole scenario is preliminarily extracted from a particular text called ‘A New House of the Future 2050’1. The site of study is in Malaysia due to its ‘developing’ trajectory which fits the notion of ‘transit’ - the main research framework of this thesis. Malay, Chinese and Indian communities with minor fraction of Bornean and Orang Asli tribe contributed to a multicultural demographic of the country. Majority of the society is de-facto in transit for various reasons mainly from rural to urban areas, because of urban industrial economy economical factor. However, there is a small portion of aboriginal group still continuing their traditional nomadic life. In effect, one can hypothesise that both modern and aboriginal people are continuously in transit and never settled. This essay envisions a projected scenario up to year 2050 based on the present transitory lifestyle of the various groups.

1 Chinchilla, I. & Jimenez, C. (2013) Innovations for Living: the New House of the Future 2050: 1-2.

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There are few theories mentioning about future projection of mobility as a lifestyle. ‘At the centre of constellations of power, the creation of identities and the microgeographies of everyday life’2.Tim Cresswell’s contextualised the description in present contemporary world (post-modern era) that has reached high quality of living, hence ‘identity formation’ will not necessarily dependence only to place of ‘origin’. ‘Place’ constitute by material but there is another aspect works invisibly and immaterial. In this case, the notion of ‘home’ is not only represents as physical but also through psychological experience. Psychological ‘trace’ is evidently more mobile and portable, makes it possible to be carried everywhere. The same idea works in tandem to anthropology suggesting ‘nomad’ as natural way of life. Mobile people will get more exposure.

‘Groups unsullied by contact with a larger world, have probably never existed’3. An anthropologist, James Clifford critised the idea that anthropology is rooted to a specific place and race. Based on Clifford, the origins of race resulted from earlier mobility interference outside their social enclosure and territory. Eventually, human race segregated into different ‘fragments’ but with several identical ‘trace’ forming rich collections of anthropological group.

Historically, large scale Chinese and Indian immigration into Malaysia due to colonial rule also brought transitional existence. In a sense, even the pre-colonial Malay community was a transitory group because they are believed to have genetically originated from Austronesia. The aboriginal people who existed before the Malay community were in any case always in constant transit within the land. This is evidence that even other than the aboriginal groups, majority of the population in the country are actually virtually nomadic and it is indeed the nature of human beings to continuously transit from one place to another. However, transit affects the state of domestic premises and family institution. Domestic premises are arguably less relevant and family institution less intact. This scenario seemingly challenges the notion of home. A conventional idea of home that it is ‘rooted’, grounded and settled which contradict nomadic lifestyle. From here we derive the first research question; How is the notion of home shaped in transit?

To answer these questions, I look at a few theoretical and philosophical concepts – namely, the theoretical triad of ‘Nomadism’, ‘Trace’ and ‘Hybridity’ – all formulated to discuss aspects of contemporary society. The ‘nomad’ theory coined by Gilles Deuluze and Felix Guattari is an important first recognition of this rising trend in contemporary society. The essay covered a range of aspects of the lifestyle of a nomad.

The notion of ‘nomad’ is explained comprehensively from the original point of being a nomad through to the nomadic journey. Deuluze and Guattari also explored other types of communities in transit, highlighting different types of society in transit and the distinction between ‘nomad’ and ‘migrants’.

2 Cresswell, T. (2010) “Mobilities I. Catching Up”. Progress in Human Geography,vol. 35(4): 551 3 Clifford, J. (1997) Routes:Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge – London: Harvard University Press: 24

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Deuluze and Guattari’s discussion goes on to explaining the space inhabited by the nomad which is presumed to be open, flexible and invisibly compartmentalised only by the idea of memory or ‘traits’. This point leads the whole discussion to the idea of ‘trace’ introduced by Jacques Derrida.

The concept of ‘trace’ by Derrida is useful in describing the material and immaterial experience by people while in transit - being fragments that accompany people visibly and invisibly throughout the journey.

The ‘nomad’ learns to adjust with different ‘traces’ consciously and subconsciously to help them adapt to different points of and along transit.

The last concept to form the triad is the ‘hybrid’ explained by Rosi Braidotti - being a result of post-production of the nomadic journey. A journey that encounters multiple and high frequency of ‘traces’ would be overwhelming if not properly managed. ‘Traces’ that have certain affinity and attraction will start to merge together making up a new hybrid. Hybridity, in that sense, could be seen as the usual practice by people resulting from different ‘traces’.The collection of theories initiates the second research question; What constitutes a ‘nomad’ and how do they re-configure ‘traces’ into ‘hybrid’ material forms?

These theoretical triads concepts formulated from observation of contemporary society is then intersected in this essay with a case study of an actual transient aboriginal society. Penan, the Bornean rainforest nomad, are the last group of people in Malaysia that hold on to the nomadic lifestyle inherited since ancient time. I consider their lifestyle and habitat a suitable model to the study because the theoretical ideas are legible at some point or another in their lives. The notion of ‘nomad’ is clearly demonstrated by their transient location in different spots of the jungle. Whereas the notion of ‘trace’ exists in the form of material belongings and immaterial culture carried by them physically and psychologically while in transit.

The ‘hybrid’ idea existed when they encounts and interface with different societies through general contact, intermarriage or religious conversion which expose them indirectly to a new lifestyle. The theories can be projected into their lifestyle sub-dividing them into three hierarchical statuses: nomad, semi-nomad and settled4. The status shifts to semi-nomad when they settle in a permanent spot but still continuing the nomadic lifestyle by relying on the jungle as food and job. They evolved into the last hierarchical status the ‘settled’ Penan tribe - when they completely disconnected themselves from the jungle by learning to cultivate their own food and animals.

4 Chen, P. C.Y. (1990) Penans: the Nomads of Sarawak. Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications.

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Their ‘different’ way of life intrigued the anthropologists especially around 19th century to conduct a detail study aiming to enrich the anthropological catalogue of human beings. The approach to display the information during the era was limited and done mostly through film photographs. However, arguably the representation marginalised the society vis-à-vis dominant societal frameworks. However, for the purpose of this thesis, I have tried to respect the integrity of the community by choosing resources that come from a more relatively unbiased perspective and leaving the interpretation to the readers as against prejudice implied by 19th century ‘representation’. Another injustice dilemma affecting the Penan is the political pressure that forces them to reluctantly settle down abandoning their ancestral tradition. Deforestation and new plantations shrinking their territory and jeopardise their food and trade sources. It is a complicated issue subjected to land rights and indigenous rights opening up questions in the field of law. The anthropological case study leads to the third research question; Why is ‘nomadism’ as a lifestyle still relevant?

The conceptual strategies that could be observed from the aboriginal case study are ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’. These ‘tactical triads’ are useful design guidelines that could be adapted into the linkages between transience and architecture. The tactics help to underline fourth research question; What are the spatial and architectural tactics can nomadic practice suggest?

The analysis of theoretical ideas, case study of nomadic community and their spatial tactics will be concluded with contemporary architectural case studies, suggesting design implications for future architecture of transitions. The ideas would be to address the fifth research question; Have such strategies been utilised in contemporary architectural practice, if so, what are the architectural methods?

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Chapter 1: the Notion of ‘Nomad’, ‘Trace’ and ‘Hybrid’

This chapter looks at literature representing each strand of the theoretical triad. Despite their diverse contexts and time period, there are interesting linkages that connect these theories. The straightforward relationship between the triad could be described as: ‘nomad’ is the ‘actor’ whose main action is to do nomadic pilgrimage, while ‘trace’ is akin to the ‘character’ played by or qualities of the actor and ‘hybrid’ is their contextual ‘reaction’ or response every now and then. In an analogous means, like the ‘actor’, the nomad must always be prepared to play different characters and be flexible in manipulating different ‘traces’.

On the other hand, unlike the ‘actor’ guided by the director, the nomad largely governs their own pilgrimage.

This section will look at each theory in sequence which provides the framework for the anthropological case study in the third chapters.

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Theory 1: ‘Nomad’

The first theory helps us identify the specific meaning of ‘nomad’, their communication with architecture, and crucially, qualities that distinguish them from settled communities. I look primarily at the work of two well-known philosophers, Gilles Deuluze and Felix Guattari being one of the foremost addressing the theory of ‘nomad’ in philosophical discourse. Although in their book, they contextualise the nomad in the past era, the nomad of the past and the present do share many similar traits.

Geuluze and Guattari’s first key engagement is about identifying the nomads and defining their practice. ‘The nomad has a territory, he follows customary paths, he goes from one point to another, he is not ignorant of points (water points, dwelling points, assembly points, etc.). To begin with, although the points determine paths, they are strictly subordinate to the paths they determine, the reverse of what happens with the sedentary’5. Based on the definition by Deuluze and Guattari, the first clues that define a nomad is that they perform a systematic and strategic transit process logistically considering the availability of onsite resources. The very first statement made by authors tries to dismantle the misconception that nomads perform a transit journey with arbitrary and obscure technique. The on-site resources are a critical part of their journey but interestingly, these are not their ultimate priority and do not affect or define the next transit points. In effect, Deuluze and Guattari place complete authority, agency and responsibility in the nomad over their transit pilgrimage.

One apparent weakness in the definition given by the authors is arguably too generic and nonspecific.

It does not address any particular ‘actor’ thus making it inexclusive argument that could be applied to many other societies in transit including migrant communities, which are very distinct from nomads. It is believed that more evidences from other aspect such as architectural knowledge are required to support the argument. One reason that makes it difficult for the authors to be specific is because of the generic and widespread nature of nomadic practice by different groups. This reinforces the need for detailed engagement with specific nomadic communities.

5 Deuluze, G. & Guattari, F (1986) Nomadology:TheWar Machine. United States of America, University of Minnesota Press: 50

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The dual formulation of the thesis due to a hybrid of anthropology and architecture makes it very crucial to define the ‘nomad’ architecturally as well. From their literature, the authors continue defining through the architectural dimensions of nomadic life. ‘There is therefore, and this is the third point, a significant difference between the spaces: sedentary space is striated, by walls, enclosures and roads between enclosure, while nomad space is smooth, marked only by “traits” that are effaced and displaced with the trajectory’6.

A similar idea is expressed further: ‘The nomadic trajectory does the opposite, it distributes people (or animals) in an open space, one that is indefinite and noncommunicating’7. Although Deuluze and Guattari do not explicitly state it, it suggests a comparison with settled society. In these reflections, the authors subtly try to suggest an architectural proposition for nomadic life – as being less definite, fluid, dispersed in a nonhierarchical manners and bearing ‘traces’ or fragments. However, apart from this suggestion of openness and fluidity, the suggestion is ambiguous about the material fragments of nomadic landscapes. It is felt that herein lays the opportunity for this thesis, with specific strategies in the fourth chapter.

The authors narrow the scope into the scale of objects and artefacts in the interior of the house after discussing the architecture. ‘The life of the nomad is the intermezzo. Even the elements of his dwelling are conceived in terms of the trajectory that is forever mobilizing them’8 – the underlying idea being nomadic existence has comprehensive effect not just towards exterior architecture but also interior architecture as well.The objects and artefacts that belong to the architecture will, in that sense has to suit the whole nomadic framework.

These traits separate the nomad from other transit groups and articulate them more precisely.

Although the method of classifying them as an entity separate from the generic society distinguishes and marginalises them, it also helps us understand these qualities more precisely.

6 Deuluze, G. & Guattari, F (1986) Nomadology:TheWar Machine. United States of America, University of Minnesota Press: 51 7 Ibid.: 51 8 Ibid.: 50

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Theory 2: ‘Trace’

After the nomad is identified, the nomadic actor’s characteristic or ‘trace’ then becomes the concept to be studied. In discussing the notion of ‘trace’, the most compelling was introduced by Jacques Derrida.This section looks at his terminology as also his research methodology. In his book, Writing and Difference, Derrida explained the concept using the analogy of presenting knowledge in two different ways of communication: speech and writing.

Instead of trying to arrive at a finalised version of the concept ‘trace’, Derrida articulated its variable nature with different scales and contexts. In the beginning, Derrida was seems to suggest ‘trace’ as an intangible entity that could exist in the abstract form of ‘memory’, ‘moment’ or ‘time’9. However as the discussion goes deeper, he begins to describe the notion in a more tangible form in example as ‘text’. Significantly, Derrida defines ‘trace’ as multiple ‘fragments’ rather than one singular ‘artefact’.While it is a usual practice to leave the interpretation for the reader in philosophical discourse, for such an abstract conception to be useful in architecture and anthropology, it is important to clarify the terminology further using other methods.

Synthesis from the multiple definitions from in text seems to suggest that ‘trace’ can be considered as any form of fragments that is carried by people, material or immaterial. Immaterial fragments exist in the form of cognitive and abstract systems such as culture, custom, beliefs, religion and other values that form the ‘nomad’. ‘Trace’ also materially appears in the form of physical objects such as belongings, possessions, liability, asset or other bigger properties. Both types of traces are be carried by the nomad and lend different dimensions to the actor. Immaterial usually work through psychological experience and material typically through physical experience.

Because of the nature of trace that exists in the form of multiple fragments rather than unitary modes with no securing bonds to integrate them, it is considered as temporal and transient. This behaviour makes them loose and release-able. A nomad too overwhelmed with ‘traces’ may face conflict within themselves.

Overburdened condition will result in some ‘traces’ being released. This helps to define a more complex and nuanced definition for ‘trace’ which then is the surviving fragments that finally succeeded to be retained in the actor.

9 Derrida, J. (1978) Writing and Difference. Great Britain: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd: 253

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Metaphorically, in the first theory Deuluze and Guattari used the ‘case comparing’ method to clarify the notion of ‘nomad’, in this second theory Derrida similarly reinforces his idea by elaborating it through special technique that could be called ‘figurative experimentation’ to explain ‘trace’. This method is similar to typical empirical study but rather figurative. In this method, Derrida examines two cases of writing using different variables. The variables being manipulated were: the tools to write and the medium of writing. In the first case, he took a contemporary writing methodology, the combination of ink on paper, and in the second, a more primitive and traditional using stylus on the slate. The main objective of the experiment is to determine which method is more efficient to record a ‘trace’.

Predictably, the contemporary method of ink on paper would survive longer than stylus on slate. The factor that determined the result was rather straightforward – the properties of the tools and the surface.

The chemical bonding between ink and the paper have more chemistry thus leaving a more permanent ‘trace’ than stylus on slate. ‘A sheet of paper preserves indefinitely but is quickly saturated. A slate, whose virginity may always be reconstituted by rasing the imprints on it, does not conserve its traces. All the classical writing surfaces offer only one of the two advantages and always present the complementary difficulty. Such is the res extensa and the intelligible surface of classical writing apparatuses’.10 The experiment also left an underlying result that could hardly being seen with the bare eyes and more advanced tools were needed to prove it – virtually a second experiment to explore further and deeps meaning of ‘trace’. The underlying result could only being obtained by extracting the thin layers of paper into its previous origin or source which normally consist of celluloid and wax layer. The main finding of the second experiment would overwrite the first experiment that stated ‘trace’ has dual behaviours; permanence or impermanence.The new discovery found that ‘trace’ will always be impermanent regardless of the tools or the surface used. This suggested the ideas that ‘trace’ itself a transient entity. ‘If we lift the entire coveringsheet—both the celluloid and the waxed paper—off the wax slab, the writing vanishes, and, as I have already remarked, does not re-appear again’.11 The idea of ‘trace’ as transient will be very important to study the anthropological case study in the third chapter. The methodology that Derrida used also suggests a mode of enquiry that this thesis tries to adopt.

10 Derrida, J. (1978) Writing and Difference. Great Britain: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd: 279 11 Ibid.: 282

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Theory 3: ‘Hybrid’ The final theory to complete the theoretical triad is the concept of ‘hybrid’. In specific, I have used Rosi Braidotti’s text: The Portable Rosi Braidotti. It has to be mentioned here that Braidotti’s literature does not particularly discuss ‘hybrid’ as the main discourse. Rather, it very effectively explains the idea of ‘hybrid’ through other indirect means and provides immensely useful insight into ‘hybrid’ in the nomadic context.

Braidotti only explained about ‘hybrid’ towards the end after dedicating earlier chapter mostly to discuss about ‘nomad’.

Using the ‘actor’/nomad analogy, ‘hybrid’ will be assumed as the reaction, or response that is experienced or instrumentalised by the nomad while undergoing the journey. The ‘hybrid’ is impossible to achieve by staying stagnant at one permanent origin and without being in transit because ‘hybrid’ requires exposure from the new enclosure.To simplify, I called this relationship as: exposure, disclosure and enclosure.

To get an exposure to ‘hybrid’ experience, and to undertake hybrid practices, a nomad should disclose themselves in a new enclosure. Availability of chances for hybrid function will depend on nature of enclosure.

Another factor that affects the ‘hybrid’ would be the sameness and differences between elements. The more different the secondary element is, the more chance the hybrid would happen to the primary element, in this case, the nomadic identity based on the law of attraction that opposites attract. ‘They may appear as random association to the naked eye, but in fact they are a specific and accurate typology of forces of attraction, which find their own modes of selection, combination and recomposition’.12 The second concept proposed by Braidotti further articulating the ‘hybrid’ is first person and second person exposure. First person exposure requires the researcher to conduct a field study placing himself as the nomadic subject, Braidotti here implies a research methodology of direct exposure to a new enclosure to increase the chance of hybrid to happen. ‘Hybrid’ formation is a process that requires at least two different elements to work: in this study, the primary element is represented by the nomad itself and the secondary elements is the ‘trace’ that he carries from past or encounters in the present.

12 Braidotti, R. (2011) Nomadic Theory: the Portable Rosi Braidotti. New York, Columbia University Press: 232

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The second argument that is interesting for this thesis is that ‘hybrid’ and ‘trace’ are relative. ‘Trace’ define traits. ‘Hybrid’ needs at least two different ‘traces’ to produce a hybridised result. The suitability or matchability of a ‘hybrid’ is highly dependent on the ‘trace’. The outcome of a ‘hybrid’ could be forecast by looking at the ‘trace’ because the ‘hybrid’ will extract the traits from both ‘trace’. This prove that although ‘hybrid’ always happened on the basis of chance, the end-product could often be predicted beforehand once different ‘traces’ started to be exposed to each other.

One key issue relevant for this study is to do with ‘hybrid’ being a slow process associated with gradual behaviour. It is usually not abrupt nor drastic. Abrupt hybrid formation will cause traumatic sideeffect to the ‘actor’. A ‘hybrid’ has to go through several phase and stage before it could achieve the final result. ‘Hybrid’ is an on-going process and does not happen drastically. It requires careful consideration and decision but the suitability of different ‘trace’ will give suggestion of and determine how long the process would take.The length of period for ‘hybrid’ formations could possibly being compressed into shorter period through experience. A nomad that has undergone multiple nomadic pilgrimages will hybrid with different ‘trace’ quicker than the one that is less experienced. ‘Hybrid’ processes that echo natural process (such as ‘fermentation’) closely, is likely to yield a better outcome if the traits contain in the ‘trace’ are exposed longer over time.

This description marks another layer of observation. If we look closer into the ‘fermentation’ process of the ‘hybrid’, we witness how different ‘traces’ will have to compete with each other in order to survive.

Similar to the Darwinian theory of ‘competition’, some ‘traces’ will win over the others. The survived ‘trace’ will be the one that will form the new ‘hybrid’ of the ‘nomad’. From here, we could say that in the notion of ‘hybrid’ there is ‘traces’ of negotiation and tolerance. Nomadic subjectivity is a field of transformative affects whose availability for changes of intensity depends firstly on the subject’s ability to sustain encounters with and the impact of others forces and affects’.13

13 Braidotti, R. (2011) Nomadic Theory: the Portable Rosi Braidotti. New York, Columbia University Press: 317

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In conclusion, an understanding of each of the theory is crucial as a basis for the anthropological case study, where the events unfold in a more complicated and unpredictable manner. But the way the ‘actor’ responses to ‘traces’ could be explored through experience and understanding the theoretical triad. Apart from dealing with ‘traces’ of life, human being will have to deal with ‘hybrid’ as well. It could be concluded that ‘trace’ is the ‘input’ collected by the nomad while ‘hybrid’ is the ‘output’. The theoretical triad could also be referred as the actor’s manual in leading a transient life. The literature reviews is not only helping to establish a rigorous theoretical knowledge of a study but also helps to illustrate a different type of previous research methodology that later could be utilised as part of study methods.

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Chapter 2: a Case Study of Penan Tribe, the Rainforest Nomad Penan: ‘Nomad’, ‘Trace’ and ‘Hybrid’

The main orientation of this chapter is anthropological. The theoretical concepts that discussed in the second chapter are explored using the methodology of anthropological case studies. Additional methodologies will be needed to complete the research and be introduced as the studies goes into greater detail.

As discussed earlier, the choice of the anthropological case studies is crucial, due to the particularly challenging role of ‘representation’ in anthropological discourse. This chapter tries to challenge 19th century’s representation modes and introduce alternative perspectives. It can also be seen as a critical text to counteract and bring justice to the subject. The first move is related to the origin of the case studies’ resources, selecting the visual resources in the form of photographs and documentary film.

These two representational methods common in anthropological study, it portrays human activities in an animated way. The photographs are extracted from a catalogue by Denis Lau, an anthropologistphotographer published in 1970’s. The other, more recent is the documentary broadcasted by BBC in 2007 by British journalist, anthropology enthusiasist and television presenter Bruce Parry. The two sources cover a reasonable time-range and allow us to observe life-pattern changes over time. They both also have a ‘neutral’, ‘documentary’ characters allowing viewers’ own interpretation.

Both resources are narratives of the lifestyle of the Penan group. In the context of Malaysia, this particular group of people represent a crucial instance being living proof of a transient community that has preserved a transitory lifestyle since the beginning of their existence. Their relationship with the Bornean rainforest in Malaysia will also be looked at.This group of people also requires urgent action anthropologically and archeologically being the last surviving nomads, facing imminent extinction due to many external pressures, with many already forced into settled lifestyle.

Their preserved transient lifestyle is immensely valuable, although there are various modern assimilations as evident from Parry’s documentary14.This assimilation of fragments of modern living into their transient lifestyle are legible as traces in their daily practice. Such minor transitions are slowly assimilated and accumulated, and later form major transitions that would likely reconfigure major aspects such as social status. A key element that would be affected is architecture, such assimilation being clearly visible when the Penan community shifted from their traditional jungle hut or ‘Sulap’ (in their native language) into the ‘Longhouse’ which is more common in their neighbouring community, the Iban people.

14 Derrick, W., Smith, J., Brandon, M., Searle, G. (2007) Tribe: Series 3, Penan (presented by Bruce Parry). London: BBC Worldwide Ltd. (Series 3 originally transmitted on TV from: 21 July 2007 until 25 September 2007).

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The notion of ‘nomad’, ‘trace’ and ‘hybrid’ exist clearly in the life of Penan community. Deuluze and Guattari’s notion of the ‘nomad’ describing transient communities can be easily connected to the context of Penan, as clearly illustrated from the photographs (Figure 4) and documentary (Figure 5). The second idea of ‘trace’ by Derrida can be seen in the interstitial gap between two states of their life, between the beginnings of their mobile journey to next transit spot. The activity of packing and unpacking (Figure1, 2, 3) the ‘Sulap’ and other belongings, and the fragments the Penan carry from one spot to another, are embodiments of Derrida’s ‘trace’.

As discussed in the second chapter, ‘trace’ is present in both material and immaterial forms. In this case, the materiality comprises of parts of the house carried to build the ‘Sulap’ and other basic tools. The immaterial dimensions deal with more abstract matter like psychological impact and emotional experience within themselves or in their familial enclosure when dealing with different events. These material and immaterial fragments trace the same transient behaviour that exposes them to evolution. The particular lifestyle of transient community also requires them to modify their mindset into fragments.These breakdowns of material and immaterial fragments experience an intense reaction as opposed to each other. As discussed earlier, this largely follows the Darwinian theory of competition and survival when some fragments win and the rest retreat. The survived fragments are, de-facto, the ‘trace’, being the ones finally carried along with the Penan during their transit.

Due to inconsistency of the typology of the dwelling, there is no final or complete version of recorded architectural documents of the ‘Sulap’. In order to visualise the design, I have conjectured a schematic version (Figure 10a) of the ‘Sulap’ based on evidence from the photographs and the documentary (Figure 10b).

As synthesised in the sketches, there are two basic types of ‘Sulap’. They differ according to architectural features such as the height from the ground, internal layout and materiality. There are also certain features that have been retained throughout their transit journey such as the basic framework, onstilt typology and joinery. These constant aspects are identified as the surviving fragments or the ‘traces’.

This first methodology will mainly demonstrate this notion of ‘trace’ as actually evident in the ‘Sulap’. In the absence of detailed architectural information within the anthropological studies of the Penan people, I will use a speculative approach, reinforced by material from literature review. The two typologies are named as Sulap 1 and Sulap 2, and detailed synthesis of the reconstructed ‘Sulap’ based on the sketches reveal the figurative clues behind it.

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Transit

Packing

Transient Community

Unpacking

Stopover

Figure 1; Nomadic community life cycle (Author 2014) Figure 2; Photographs analysis preparation before and after transit (Denis Lau 1987)

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Figure 3a & 3b; Video analysis - preparation before and after transit (BBC 2007)

Figure 3a;

Figure 3b;

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Transit

Packing

Transient Community

Stopover

Figure 4; Photographs analysis - during transit (Denis Lau 1987)

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Unpacking

Figure 5a & 5b; Video analysis - during transit (BBC 2007)

Figure 5a;

Figure 5b;

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1. Clearing the land - using machetes

2. Collecting materials - timber and natural fibres

3. Erecting columns - timber

4. Floor beams - timber

5. Connection between columns and beams - natural fibres

6. Roof beams - timber

7. Roof skins - canvas

8. Sulap ready for occupation

Figure 6a; Video analysis - sulap building sequence (BBC 2007) page 22

Figure 6b; Video analysis - dialogue while building sulap (BBC 2007)

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Penan: ‘Sulap’ The first contextual speculation, about the site, that could be made from the visual evidence showed that two different environments surrounded the house. Apart from moving to different points within the jungle, Penan people sometimes move to abandoned orchards during the fruit season. Therefore, it can be assumed that Sulap 1 (Figure 7a) is located in middle of jungles whereas Sulap 2 (Figure 7b) is located in fruit orchards. Another noticeable difference is the terrain characteristics of the ground. Sulap 1 is sited on rather flat surfaces compared to slight contoured ground for Sulap 2. This observation also supports the speculation about the location of Sulap 2 in the fruit orchard which is normally sited on edge of a hilly area near the perimeter of the jungle. In terms of ownership of the house, both types of ‘Sulap’ could possibly be developed by single family at different times and transit spots or could be by two different families at the same time but different transit spots. This first contextual speculation is very important since it sets out the next speculative arguments.

Although the internal layouts of both ‘Sulap’ are very minimal, Sulap 2 (Figure 10b) is slightly more elaborate than Sulap 1 (Figure 10a) because of the presence of internal partition and kitchen. The division of spaces inside Sulap 2 suggest the next clue about the familial size. It could be assumed that family occupying Sulap 2 is bigger than in Sulap 1 and consist of at least two different generations perhaps necessitating an internal partition to provide more privacy to the parents from the kids. Sulap 1 is assumed to be occupied by a less established family such as a newly-wed couple or young couple with small child. Next speculation is construction technology complexity. Sulap 2 is more complex and requires more elements than Sulap 1. This observation also makes the speculation about the size of the family more convincing because more complex architectural structure may typically require large and more complex familial forms to mobilise it.

Environmentally, Sulap 1 seems particularly resource-intelligent with the integration of the tree trunks as columns to support the house. This practice would practically save time to erect the house while providing more sound foundation to the ‘Sulap’. Sulap 2 is an independent structural frame that is erected from scratch.

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There are some similarities as well that could be speculated from the observation. Both are on-stilt houses (Figure 11) which a typical vernacular house typology in South East Asia, its main purpose being to avoid dangerous animals. There is slight discrepancy in their height because Sulap 1 is built higher from the ground, which is advantageous to utilise the ground area for a multipurpose program such as a drying area.

Sulap 2 is closer to the ground. Second similarity is the pitched roofs (Figure 12), to discharge rainwater in a tropical climate. However, the different illustration techniques of the artist to render the roofs give the hint of different materialities. Another similarity is the same principle of construction, without complicated details, shaped most likely by availability of tools, boundaries of knowledge and view of life. A possible explanation behind such detailing maybe the transient lifestyle that requires them to produce easily assemble-able and dissemble-able structures.

The comparison of Sulap 1 and Sulap 2 covered a short-term time scale in the life of Penan which involved their working with different typologies according to varied site requirements and constraints. Their social statuses however remain as fully nomadic Penan in this first scenario. It can be concluded that both typologies of ‘Sulap’ are quite site-specific, environmentally conscious and leave very minimal ecological footprint – possibly a vital lesson for the architectural discipline, especially in the context of increasing mobilities.

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Figure 7a; Sulap 1 sketch illustration (Paul C.Y. Chen 1990)

Figure 8a; Photographs analysis - Sulap 1 (Denis Lau 1987)

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Figure 7b; Sulap 2 sketch illustration (Paul C.Y. Chen 1990)

Figure 8b; Photographs analysis - Sulap 2 (Denis Lau 1987)

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Figure 9a; Video analysis - sulap external (BBC 2007)

Figure 9b; Video analysis - sulap internal (BBC 2007)

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Figure 10a; Sulap 1 plans (Author 2014)

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Figure 13c; Video analysis - cooking activity (BBC 2007)

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Figure 14c; Video analysis - sleeping (BBC 2007)

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Penan: Evolution of ‘Sulap’ into ‘Longhouse’

The next analysis will use a comparative methodology – juxtaposing the ‘Sulap’ that with a different typology borrowed from an external culture. It seeks to analyse the evolution, this time in a long-term time period of the Penan which involves the shift of their social status beyond their primitive practice of full nomadism into the more ambiguous semi-nomadic and finally into a completely settled society. The phenomenon is not being manufactured but in fact an existing condition that has been happening until present. Apart from showing the long-term evolution of the Penan socially and architecturally, this second methodology will demonstrate the notion of ‘hybrid’, the second of the theoretical triad.

Here, Braidotti’s notion of slowness and gradual behaviour as being crucial for hybrid formation maps onto the long-term nature of this particular type of change. In this context, another anthropological group – the Iban people, the interaction with whom represent a process of gradual hybridisation for the Penan.

Iban is one of the major ethnic groups in Sarawak who live in the ‘Longhouse’ and practice settled lifestyle15.

I will compare the conjectural illustration of Sulap 1 and Sulap 2 with ‘Longhouse’ of the Iban people.

These map roughly onto the evolution of the house-type – ‘Sulap’ is assume to precede the ‘Longhouse’ in accordance with the transition from fully nomadic into semi-nomadic and finally settled community. The previous research comparing Sulap 1 and Sulap 2 represent the fully nomadic Penan while this research will demonstrate the shift towards a semi-nomadic and settled lifestyle.

The type of architectural documents mainly referred to are the plan and sectional drawings. The ‘Longhouse’ has been recognised as an established typology of dwelling and its record could be found in many resources16 unlike for the jungle hut of Penan. Although the documentation is not of great ‘architectural accuracy’, due to limited architectural training of the original researcher, it is still offers sufficient indication to allow comparison to be made. One of the representational weaknesses observed in the plan drawings of the ‘Longhouse’ seems ‘decontextualisation’, being drawn without any information about the surrounding environment which makes it impossible to speculate about its context. As for my own methodology, rather than direct comparison between the two, I have looked at the ‘Longhouse’ as a more developed version of ‘Sulap’. The evolution from ‘Sulap’ into ‘Longhouse’ revealed many indications of a ‘hybrid-making’ method.

15 Sellato, B. (1994) Nomads of the Borneo Rainforest: the Economics, Politics, and Ideology of Settling Down. United States of America: University of Hawaii Press: 74 16 Anggat, S. (2010) Iban Cultural Heritage: History and Traditions. Malaysia.

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­ y first observation is about the ‘spatial-hierarchical’ hybrid. Internally, the less segregated space M of ‘Sulap’ (Figure 15a) develops into greater hierarchy in the ‘Longhouse’ (Figure 15b) and the transition from outside into inside spaces is more subtle. The spaces move from Tanju(uncovered platform) into Ruai(covered verandah) and finally Bilek(family room). However, lack of hierarchical division does not make ‘Sulap’ a weak typology. In this sense, the absence of hierarchy offers the advantage of directly connecting the interior spaces with exterior natural context. The ‘hierarchical hybrid’ contributes to another form of hybridity: the‘privacy hybrid’. Although both typologies still retain the communal living system, ‘Longhouse’ develops more complex delineations of privacy. Every family in the ‘Longhouse’ have their own bedroom. The spaces flow from public, semi-public to private space. In this sense, transformation into a ‘Longhouse’ is seen as a complex hybrid that could provide a more graded lifestyle while maintaining the co-living concept.

Another evidence is derived from ‘material hybrid’. More sophisticated architectural elements such as doors and windows are ‘grafted’ into the ‘Longhouse’ as compared with the ‘Sulap’. ‘Material hybrid’ works in an inverse relationship to ‘mobile hybrid’, less material making the typology more mobile. ‘Sulap’, for fully-nomadic people is built to be more mobile while ‘Longhouse’, for semi-nomadic and settled people involves complex accumulation of material. Minimising maintenance and long-term sedentary sustainability is its main priority.

There are pros and cons of such hybridisation. ‘Hybrid material’ processes can influence the lifestyle of the occupants making it continuously tentative. In this sense, semi-nomad community arguably an ideal social model because of its placement within the intersection between mobility and sedentariness. They still maintain fragments of their previous lifestyle but with an improved wellbeing. Too much of hybridisation in the life of Penan will risk them into losing identity and cultural ‘trace’.

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Penan: Territorial Mapping

After carefully analysing the theoretical triad from the intimate micro scale of architecture and anthropology it is essential to expand the perspective into a wider scale. We now look at the Penan group at the macro scale - as a collective communal rather than familial group used in the previous methodology. The focus shifts to the whole territory surrounding their dwellings. The methodology used is the ‘Mapping’.

These macro scale studies are meant to identify the previous ‘hybrid’ idea and the factors that lead to response and adaptation to change.

There are numerous factors leading to forced exposure and hybridisation. One key issue is the pressure from the authorities such as the local council, continuously re-configuring rural and forest areas, including the Penan territory, for large-scale developments projects like hydroelectric energy station, palm oil plantations, timber logging, road and other infrastructural developments since 1990’s17. This also linked to the state government’s consistent attempts at rural development.

The ‘Mapping’ is conducted in two different scales. The first scale looks at the whole state of Sarawak and the distribution of indigenous settlements (Figure 16). Territorial extent in two different timelines is mapped to overlap with the settlement demographic. The comparison is made between Figure 17 Landcover 1960ies with Figure 18 Landcover 2010. The comparative maps clearly display the area of the forest exploited, for the purpose of ‘development’, pointing to the immensely significant shrinkage of the forest and consequently of the territory for many indigenous groups, most importantly, the Penan.

17 Mapping and Cultural Documentation: Sarawak Geoportal (online). Switzerland: Bruno Manser Fonds. http://bmf.ch/en/projects-and-campaigns/mapping-and-cultural-documentation/ (accessed March 2014)

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Figure 19; Penan Peace Park

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The mapping procedure then concentrates on the Penan settlement (Penan Selungo Area), shown in Figure 20. The specific locations of their villages more than 70 villages are mapped within the Penan Selungo area (Figure 21). The distribution of the settlements is closely related to the natural resourcespoints, rivers, often interweaving between them. One of the Local authority projects to efforts to provide better accessibility to rural areas by building roads, in fact, would heavily compromise their forest and their immediate nomadic territory.

We then zoom into the forest, cover in 1960s and 2010 to analyse the territorial shrinkage that could affect Penan. This reveals a very critical condition threatening them and their transient lifestyle, which require space to roam and resources to be explored. Other factors encouraging ‘forced hybrid’ are e.g. the construction of gas pipelines (Figure 27), hydropower dam flood area (Figure 28), declaration of National Park area reserve (Figure 29) and timber logging (Figure 30-32) directly on their land. The shrinkage of territory forced the Penan to hybridise their lifestyle into forms akin to the majority of the settled people.

This ‘force hybrid’ also causes some trauma to this community.

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Figure 26; Palm oil plantations (BBC 2007)

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Figure 28; Hydropower dams flood area

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Figure 32; Deforestation (BBC 2007)

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Chapter 3: Case Studies of Contemporary Implementation of Architecture of Transience Translation: Abstract Operations to Tactical Strategies –‘Grafting’, ‘Infill’ and ‘Collage’

Abstract concepts such as ‘nomadism’, ‘trace’ and ‘hybridity’ are translated into material architectural propositions by mobile communities such as the Penan through certain architectonic strategies. Some of these key tactics employed to simultaneously cope with the state of being in transition and creating a sense of home, I argue, are ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’ which, in effect, are ways of working with multiple traces to create dynamic and hybrid forms.

‘Grafting’ as a strategy refers to two or more fragments being unified in a way that one is crafted and moulded into another, but the resultant retains traces from both. The key point for second strategy ‘infill’ is intimate relationship to the context whereby the new intervention inserts itself within the crevices and gaps of existing environments. The demand for this strategy is often mandated by the high density of a territory.

It often works to either blend or juxtapose with the adjacent surrounding. The third strategy ‘collage’ is a mix of multiple elements to form a bigger ecology. Every constituent element usually has dual roles, which require it to manoeuvre between its role as a singular element, with another element and within a plural community. ‘Collage’ is a collaborative enterprise that requires every element to support each other.

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In the following section I look at the work of two contemporary architectural practices – Estudio Teddy Cruz and Atelier Bow-wow – who, I posit, also represent the translation of some of the abstract ideas mentioned earlier into similar strategies of ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’, to address issues of transition, belonging, home, ad-hoc and continuously changing contexts and and the relationship between parts and a larger ecology.

Bow-wow’s work draws inspiration from Tokyo to envision a whole scenario of transient and ‘ad-hoc’ architecture. Cruz’s work deals with building for transient communities facing extreme dislocations.The two case studies demonstrate different contextual circumstances faced by the architects. The objective is to learn from their professional methodologies for nomadic, ad-hoc, transient architectural propositions for various contemporary socio-political-economic issues. Such professional approach offers an interesting complement to the intuitive approach of the Penan towards their dwelling. In specific, I look at the use of strategies ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’ - drawn from Penan’s ‘nomadic’ practices – in their work.

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Case Study 1: Estudio Teddy Cruz ‘Manufactured Sites’ between San Diego, California and Tijuana, Mexico

This case study is particularly significant for the research due to the its two fold impact: on the immediate transitory life(style) of the users and on the larger landscape and challenging condition of the site. It also is a lucid example of the ‘hybrid’ idea where architectural interventions are crafted from multiple fragments or ‘traces’ that mobile communities carry with them or encounter anew.

The project is a proposal for the porous border area between United States and Mexico which sees continuous two way movement – of mass migration in hope of better economic future from Mexico to the US and of flow of waste from the latter to the former. The site represents an ambiguous condition due to its nebulous and challenging border, representing contrast between gated communities of San Diego and Tijuana slum. ‘Home’ in each side of the border also conveys very different meanings. Interestingly, the design demonstrates precisely the issue around melding together opposed qualities, Cruz experiments with the two different contexts and proposes a dynamic and fluid hybrid that borrows the character of both.

Migrants from Tijuana flee across the border for a better life and in effect alter their lifestyle from conventional into a more dynamic and fluid one, even if it is a forced move. The movement challenges them to shape the sense of home differently. It has also caused conflict like marginalisation from San Diego majority community. This situation is, in many ways, very similar to the marginalised minority of Penan.

Analysis from Cruz’s methodology of work reveals an interesting relationship between different elements: the source of material, site context and role of professional practice. Cruz mixed the raw materials or ‘fragments’ gathered from San Diego, California and re-composed them in the transitional site in Tijuana, Mexico using a ‘collage’ technique, using architectural tactics introduced by the practice.

Cruz’s practice has studied the properties of the discarded materials and incorporated them as recycled building parts to reinforce the transient nature of the buildings. Tyres, canvas, corrugated roofs, timber container, timber pallets and garage doors are among the raw materials collected from the adjacent context (mainly from San Diego) (Figure 33a & 33b). Cruz discusses his approach: ‘garage doors are used to make walls; rubber tyres are cut and dismantled into folded loops, clipped in a figure eight, and interlocked, creating a system that threads a stable retaining wall, and wooden crates make the armature for other imported surfaces, such as recycled refrigerator doors’18. These materials are hybridised with the basic framework designed by the practice identified as ‘the Frame’ (Figure 34a) creating an ‘architectural collage’.

18 Cruz, T. (2005) Tijuana Case Study, Tactics of Invasions; Manufactured Sites, Architectural Design Special Issue; the New Mix, v. 75, no. 5: 34.

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Sandwiched between two contexts, Cruz actively addresses both sides of the site. The tactics of ‘architectural collage’ collects materials from both sides of the border and ‘soften’ the drastic transition of the landscape into a more subtle and gradual one, which grafts characteristics of one onto the other allowing a creative enmeshing. Such an approach could be used to deal with conflict and tension from either side.

Cruz imagines the community as ‘multiple fragments’ and not as singular community. It leads to the tactic of an expandable, flexible, transformable ‘modular architecture’ or architecture of parts – both as a number of different building modules overlaid on the landscape as well as components within each of them.

These values are particularly suited to the character of a fragmented and hybridised transient community.

Cruz actively uses the tactics of ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’ to insert new modules into older ones, fusing different modules into composites and hybrids. He also does this programmatically – referring to diverse everyday activities and livelihood spaces of the community and working them into the existing settlement.

Another legible urban level approach is the relationship between ‘master planning’ vs. ‘scattered settlements’. Cruz’s tactic is a way of rejecting ‘master planning’ which involves generalising the site resulting to regimentation and non-organic designs and ignoring the user’s point of view. Instead, he follows a more natural pattern by giving the authority to the community to shape their settlements by providing them with ‘modular components’ to complement their existing house (Figure 35). Although there is complex diversity is complex, the settlements still share similar ‘traits’.

Despite using standard architectural documents, Cruz explored the ‘collage’ as medium of representation. His design approach is hugely influenced from his ‘collage’ artwork (Figure 36) used as research tools and to initially visualise his project. This methodology helps to understand the complex issue in an alternative and creative way.The ‘sketchy’ method gives freedom to the architect to explore unexpected possibilities, although arguably the abstract characteristic could only comprehended properly by the author of the work. Nevertheless, it is still evidently an immensely creative tool to investigate a complex, transient scenario.

The project can be regarded as political agenda presented through architectural statement. His dualbackground – originating from Mexico, educated in United States – allow him to deal with the project from two different points of views creating a creative ‘collage’ towards a humanitarian and ecological issue in a highly mobile human, natural and man-made settlement landscape.

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Figure 33a; Discarded materials from San Diego, California (Teddy Cruz 2005)

Figure 33b; ‘Architectural collage’ of discarded and existing materials (Teddy Cruz 2005) page 67

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Figure 35; ‘Manufactured Sites’ in Tijuana, Mexico (Teddy Cruz 2005) page 69

Figure 36; Collage artwork (Teddy Cruz 2005) page 70

Case Study 2: Atelier Bow-wow Pet Architecture in Tokyo

This particular case study is a reflection of the idea of architecture as incremental, changing, transitory and ad-hoc, driven by micro scale everyday activities and spaces and to support the ‘trace’ theory introduced in second chapter. It is based on the idea coined by Atelier Bow-wow called Pet Architecture19.Their proposal is a direct manifestation drawn from the contextual condition of the dense Tokyo landscape. Every territory in Tokyo has been rapidly developed with buildings for different purposes that resulted in ‘traces’ of small marginalised space fragmented randomly around them. These marginalised spaces bear meanings similar to as the marginalised Penan people and their nomadic architecture which are side-lined by contemporary patterns of living. Tokyo’s marginalised plots of lands are viewed as undesirable for living, being ‘too small’ that cannot take ‘consolidated’ development (Figure 37b).

Atelier Bow-wow tries to challenge conventional ideas of a coherent city with the new idea of Pet Architecture. Each Pet Architecture is site-specific and erected uniquely from different ‘traces’. The relationship of the ‘trace’ and each Pet Architecture could be observed from its general external form where it echoes the layout of the ‘traced’ land. For example, the ‘trace’ that once existed as an empty unrecognised plot of land, considered ‘waste’, is transformed into a more meaningful habitable living space. In a manner similar to the Penan’s use of resources that would be often considered ‘unusable’ or ‘waste’ by mainstream architecture, Pet architecture suggests alternative ways to bring new meaning to it a ‘trace’, by re-cycling it in innovative ways to create newer types of living and working units. This also highlights the similarities of the approach of the Penan (‘non-expert’ communities building for themselves) and Atelier Bow-wow (professional ‘experts’) – both address architecture as a mobile, transitory and dynamic process responding spontaneously to available resources.

The territorial issue of Pet Architecture is also parallel to the one experienced by the Penan. The limitation of the territory has caused certain constraints in both cases. For the Penan this constraint makes them utilise their territory to the fullest and then dynamically hybridise themselves as they move beyond their original territory. In Pet Architecture, the limitation of territorial space has challenged the architect into a new definition of living space.

19 Atelier Bow-wow & Tokyo Institute of Technology, Tsukamoto Architectural Lab (2001) Pet Architecture Guide Book. Tokyo: Warudo Foto Puresu: 8

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Atelier Bow-wow’s approach is to learn lessons from the existing informal, changing and adhoc architecture of Tokyo. It is felt that by conducting a conscious study/research of the environment/ surrounding, an alternative meaning of a house/building and new model of buildings and cities will be found.

In formal terms, Pet Architecture is based on the methodology of ‘juxtaposition’ and close proximity - adjacent architectures define each other, a house derives a meaning in relation to its surrounding context nurturing neighbourly relations. Internally, ‘ergonomics’ and ‘intimacy’ are key for Pet Architecture, looking for a trade-off between amount of space and comfort - just as a finely tuned idea of the relationship between human body to space is central to the way the Penan construct their mobile home. Both give higher control and authority to the everyday occupants.

Atelier Bow-wow’s representation of Pet Architecture is equally interesting. The ‘Pet Architecture Guide Book’ makes people aware of the potential of left-over, incidental resource, however small. Perhaps the Penan’s life and architecture also needs to be represented creatively so as to make the larger society more connected to them and to learn from them.

Like the Penan, Atelier Bow-wow’s work is highly sensitive to ecology and resource - it urges people to value incidental spaces as resource that is not viewed conventionally as ideal for living. Much like the Penan, they work with a small scale, everyday, changing and transient notion of architecture responsive to changing contexts, built from components (‘traces’) to create hybrids through juxtaposition and insertion into existing forms.

(Figure 38a & 38b shows various types of Pet Architecture).

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Figure 37a; page 73

Figure 37b: Figure 37a & 37b; Pet Architecture Guide Book (Atelier Bow-wow 2001) page 74

Figure 38a;

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Figure 38b;

Figure 38a & 38b; Pet Architecture in Tokyo (Atelier Bow-wow 2001) page 76

Conclusion

Notions of transient dwelling and sense of belonging are not unique to older nomadic communities.

In many senses, in today’s increasingly global and mobile world, individuals and communities are de-facto ‘nomads’ and ‘hybrids’ inhabiting diverse contexts in succession or even simultaneously, carrying multiple ‘traces’ or fragments with(in) them. Quite a few contemporary scholars in recent times have identified this trend of human society towards mobility, or ‘new mobilities’20 and how mobility is a central fact of modern or post-modern life21. Designing homes for such ‘de-facto nomadic’ societies who go through cycles of being on the move and being temporarily stationary in one place would involve negotiation and continuous selection, rejection, modification and fusion of such traces into architectural ideas to fashion more dynamic, adaptable, pluralistic and composite ways of living. One of the key challenges would be how to retain a sense of orientation and belonging, through architectural interventions, for a society on the move.

Looking back to some of the older forms and ways of mobile human habitation of this earth and nomadic practices, I argue, can perhaps give us clues about how to deal with the emerging geographies, mobilities and networks of communities of today and designing for them. Here emerges the potential role of anthropology as a method in architecture - of a closer engagement with various forms of human life and habitat. This could take the form of working along with anthropologists, referring to anthropological research or using anthropological methods (such as embedded fieldwork) in architectural design.

These older nomadic communities point to various creative ways of retaining a sense of home and belonging while being transitional. As revealed through the study of the Penan, they do this through continuously ‘managing traces’ (from both their past and present lives) and moulding them into hybrid forms to suit newer contexts. A close look at their method has also revealed ‘grafting’, ‘infill’ and ‘collage’ as the specific strategies used to translate conceptual tactics into material, spatial and architectural tactics.These tactics can be immensely useful to us as architects and designers of today.

20 Grgurinovic, Ivona, 2013, ‘the Travellers and the Still: On the Politics of (Academic) Mobility (Translation), in Studio Ethnologie, Croatia, vol. 25: 145.

21 Cresswell, Tim, 2010, ‘Mobilities I. Catching Up’, Progress in Human Geography, vol. 35 (4): 551.

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On the other hand, while the age-old nomadic practices among mobile communities can provide useful insights about coping with mobility and constantly shifting contextual parameters, learnings of strategies from nomadic groups like the Penan need interpretations and modifications by today’s designers.

This is where the works of practices such as Estudio Teddy Cruz or Atelier Bow-wow become relevant. Their works, in a sense, address architecture for the ‘modern nomad’ – people and communities in transience, with apparently ad-hoc existences, often carved out of or grafted onto existing landscapes. Crucially, they design their work in response to pressing socio-political-economic issues such as the humanitarian and ecological concerns associated with cross border (‘illegal’) migrations and flow of humans and waste across national boundaries (as in Cruz’ case) or the vital role of informality, people-driven ad-hoc architecture as a way of understanding and designing urban and architectural processes and forms (as in Atelier Bow-wow’s case). Both their architectures create alternate meanings of a house or a home and deal with impermanence and transtitory state as offering creative potential. They also demonstrate how contemporary issues like increasing housing crisis and insufficient land to build for a highly fluid society could be tackled. One of the key emphases in both their work is also close and innovative relationship to existing sites, landscapes and contexts.

In effect, both the architectural actions of the Penan and those of Cruz and Atelier Bow-wow show us ways of negotiating a sense of home, place and belonging within shifting contexts and social relationships characteristic of mobile, ‘nomadic’ societies through certain conceptual and material architectural methods and tactics and serve as immensely useful paradigms for future directions in thinking about human habitat.

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Bibliography

Main References Anggat, S. (2010) Iban Cultural Heritage: History and Traditions. Malaysia.

Atelier Bow-wow & Tokyo Institute of Technology, Tsukamoto Architectural Lab (2001) Pet Architecture Guide Book. Tokyo: Warudo Foto Puresu.

Braidotti, R. (2011) Nomadic Theory: the Portable Rosi Braidotti. New York: Columbia University Press.

Braidotti, R. (2006) Transpositions: on Nomadic Ethics. Cambridge: Polity.

Chen, P. C.Y. (1990) Penans: the Nomads of Sarawak. Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications.

Clifford, J. (1997) Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge – London: Harvard University Press Derrida, J. (1978) Writing and Difference. Great Britain: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd. Deuluze, G. & Guattari, F (1986) Nomadology: the War Machine. United States of America: University of Minnesota Press.

Estudio Teddy Cruz (2002) City Limits:Young Architects 3, Estudio Teddy Cruz …et al. New York: Princeton Architectural Press.

Hose, C. (1988) Natural Man: A Record from Borneo. Singapore: Oxford University Press.

Hou, J. (ed.) (2013) Transcultural Cities: Border-crossing and Placemaking. London: Routledge.

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General Bibliography Emmons, P. (ed.) (2012) the Cultural Role of Architecture: Contemporary and Historical Perspectives. London: Routledge.

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Articles Cresswell, T. (2010) “Mobilities I. Catching Up”. Progress in Human Geography,vol. 35(4):550–558.

Chinchilla, I. & Jimenez, C. (2013) Innovations for Living; the New House of the Future 2050, 1-7.

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Grgurinovic, Ivona, 2013,‘The Travellers and the Still: On the Politics of (Academic) Mobility (Translation), in Studio Ethnologie, Croatia , vol. 25, 143-158.

Lecture Cruz, T. (2005) Border Postcards: Chronicles from the Edge’, James Memorial Lecture on the City (online). Canadian Centre of Architecture, London School of Economics & Van Alen Institute. http://www.cca.qc.ca/en/education-events/259-teddy-cruz-border-postcards-chronicles-from-the-edge (accessed April 2014)

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