Manufactured Island

Reclaiming a ninety-one year old refinery, on the Island of Aruba.

Prepared for: Dr. B.T. Tino Mager

Prepared by: Albert Burgers, (2019-2020)

ABSTRACT

Petroleum has completely altered our world, and transformed our relationship with nature, environment and lifestyles. Although it has propelled us as a species to new heights, we must be conscious and critical on the waste we have left behind. If we truly wish to be ‘green’ and ‘sustainable’, the catchphrase of our time, we must restore our balance with nature, remediate the pollution, reuse the built environment, recycle what we can’t use, and reclaim the post-oil landscapes.

Cover Image:

Aruba’s Global reach (Lago, 1950s)

INTRODUCTION

It ought to be a commonplace that our current societal relationship with nature is highly problematic. Ever since we decided as a species that we should modernize, we have accomplished incredible new altitudes, literally by launching a Tesla into the orbit of Mars, but more importantly by having eradicated illnesses, improved the global standards of living, and connected the world via trade and internet. Yet, this has happened at the expense of nature, and since recently we are starting to notice that we can even ‘change’ the climate.

Similarly it should also be no surprise that our oil addiction is to blame, not only through direct pollution, but our lifestyles are just as culpable, especially when we are oblivious to how deeply oil has infiltrated our lives. The oil industry has stimulated our desires to consume, and to ignore the waste that we create. Especially palpable is single-use plastic, but plastic is simply a product at the end of the production chain, changing the output wont necessary eliminate the industry. The initial process of extracting crude and refining it, is highly pollutant. These sites are therefore removed from the public, especially when they are heavily polluted.

This research aims to create a framework, from which one can start to reclaim post-oil landscapes. By exploring the evocative power of the ruin, we can learn to reclaim it. The research then sets out to investigate environmentally-friendly remediation strategies which are currently being implemented, in polluted sites. Continued by an analysis on the extend the oil industry has infiltrated our lifestyles and built environment. This to understand how will should counter it. Lastly, a case study shall be investigated, of an abandoned refinery on a Caribbean island, which will be expanded on during my graduation, through the Explore lab, and under the tutorship of Javier Arpa Fernández and Adrien Ravon.

RECLAIM

To restore our imbalanced relationship with nature we must rethink our current approach, so that we may understand where we can improve, reconceptualize our tools as designers and expand our lexicon. The book Reclaim frames different strategies within the scope of remediating landscapes, reusing the built environment and recycling materials. Composed by Aurora Férnandez Per, Javier Mozas and Javier Arpa the work catalogues a whole scope of what can be considered tools or strategies to restore our balance with nature.

In Javier Mozas his article Remediate, Reuse and Recycle, he reflects on our relationship with nature by referring to Rem Koolhaas his article for for Ecological Urbanism, entitled: Sustainability: advancement versus apocalypse. Both authors describe our relationship as apocalyptic, and thereby illustrating the severity of our predicament. Mozas underscores this 1 through his analysis of Ged Quinn painting The Ghost of a mountain, from 2005. The painting depicts Hitler’s vandalized mountain home in the Bavarian Alps. Hereby highlighting nature’s demise. Mozas summarizes his analysis of the oil painting by stating:

“Human perversity, as the endpoint of unlimited ambition, lays waste to everything which lies in its path. In this clearing in the woods there is no trace of life; no surviving ecosystem”.2

What changed, why did we start to treat nature in this manner? Koolhaas draws the line around the so-called Enlightenment in 1750. In his article he addresses the paradigm shift that occurred. The shift and push towards modernity that has so dramatically altered our existence. Ever since 3 we started to modernize we have treated nature as a space for conquest, extraction, development and unlimited. As we are starting to find out know, our actions do have consequences. And we have been very wasteful. However, waste as will become apparent, has an evocative power.

Ruins, which can be regarded as urban waste has long been regarded as valuable. John Ruskin (1819-1900), Eugene Viollet-le-Duc(1814-1879), and Camillo Boito (1836-1914), exemplify our traditional approaches to reusing the built environment. According to Mozas, Ruskin, believed that because historic objects were imbued with their history that they should be kept intact. Carrying out any intervention would cause greater damage than the actual decay. Viollet-le-Duc’s approach was radically different, he believed that one could recreate the intended form, which could mean that the object could be improved. Boito, who was a younger, advocated that additions would be possible as long as ‘the old’ and ‘the new’ could be distinguished. Mozas, continues by suggesting that the our current society is shifting towards a ‘rediscovery of the enjoyment of the ruin’ which in turn values the often unusable remnants of history and could 4 enable us to reclaim our waste.

(Mozas, 2012, p.4) 1

(Mozas, 2012, p.7) 2

(Koolhaas, 2016, p.57-58) 3

(Mozas, 2012, p.8-9)

Arguably a result of our rapid global expansion, and urbanization, space is increasingly becoming a scarce commodity. As a result, architects and urbanist have been forced to interact with the existing urban fabric, often times already detached from nature, or an ecosystem, and increasingly with pollutants. This therefore becomes an opportunities for us to restore the balance. Mozas, argues that we should take the moral standpoint of the ‘Arte Povera’ movement which proclaimed among others: that we must not destroy the magically confrontation between ‘old’ and ‘new’, and that we should not try to ‘change’ the space but strengthen its intrinsic qualities.5 Abiding by this approach we can become appreciative of the existing while simultaneously strengthening the sites qualities, and hopefully become less wasteful.

An illustrative example of the possibilities we could explore, is the concrete plant park in New York. The sites industrial past is reflected in the narrative of the site. Once a polluted industrial site along of the most polluted rivers of the city, the site has been reclaimed through a process of remediation, reuse and probably some recycling. Compare this to the bushwick inlet park located about 15km downstream of the east river. Once the location of oil industry pioneer Charles Pratt, first refinery’s, named the Astral refinery, the site has been transformed several times. The only remnants on this pioneering refinery, are that of the ‘modern’ transshipment tanks, the original refinery was initiated in the mid-1860s.

MANUFACTURED SITES

Kirkwood coins the term manufactured sites in his book with the same title, he argues that opposed to the commonly definition of ‘brownfield’ or ‘industrial sites’. The term ‘manufactured sites’ distinguishes itself by emphasizing the legacy of the industrial production and its corresponding pollution. In his book, he approaches these sites with scientific research, innovative site technologies and progressive site design. Especially relevant in the coming decades, as we start to address the built environment of the late-nineteenth, and twentieth century industrialization.6

Manufactured sites, discusses two pertinent case studies concerning the reclaiming of post-oil sites. And as shall become apparent; industrial remnants of the oil landscape are especially difficult to reclaim. At least to the extend that the historical narrative of the site is safeguarded while the industrial environment is remediated, reused or recycled. And although the historical narrative is mainly a symbolic gesture, they serve as a reminder to future generations. These industrial relics could become a monuments, and by doing so, become a testament to the accomplishments we have achieved and the dangers we currently face, as was done in the example of the concrete park in New York. The big difference between the two being that post-oil sites tend to be heavily polluted. Lucinda Jackson, who was an environmental scientist for Chevron, describes two case studies where an environmentally friendly, in situ approach was used to ‘clean up’ and restore two manufactured sites.7

The first case study is a fifty year old transfer terminal, located in a small urban area, supposedly, along the main entrance to Ogden, Utah. It’s current location has proven to be hard to find, from a distance, which could suggest that it has been developed. The terminal was used to transfer oil from pipelines and tanks to trucks for local shipping, during these operations there where the accidental gasoline spills and leaks, which have lead to petroleum contamination of the soil and groundwater. A phytoremediation strategy was considered as a lower-cost and environmentally friendlier remediation approach as it uses green plants to remove, degrade and stabilize environmental contaminants. As part of the strategy an extensive sampling plan was conducted to locate the vegetation in reference to the contamination area, documented in the planting plan. After the grasses, alfalfa, polar and juniper trees were planted, a follow up sampling plan and monitoring program was carried out.8

The second case study is a former refinery located along the Great Miami River in a rural setting near Cincinnati, Ohio. The site which has been industrialized for over a hundred years, contains petroleum and metal contamination. Because of its remote location, the expected financial return, which is based on the expected future use of the site does not immediately warrant the expected cost, which are expensive. To limit the financial cost of the refinery a different strategy was implemented, namely a net environmental benefit analysis. The strategy

6

(Kirkwood, 2011, p.3-7)

(Jackson, 2011, p.35) 7

(Jackson, 2011, p.35-36)

balanced the benefits of a planned remediation against the ecological cost and promotes minimal intervention through strategic choices. As a result a mixed use scenario was advocated as the expected future determines the intensity of remediation that is required. A school for example, requires more remediation and treatment than an industrial site because of the higher health and ecological risk.9

The case studies illustrate the complexities of remediating a manufactured site. To efficiently deal with the contaminants, the site needs to be sampled to asses not only the financial but ecological cost and benefits. After which a planting plan, plantation and a monitoring program must be implemented in addition to environmental benefit analysis in the cases for highly polluted sites. Through partnerships, technologies and knowledge can be advanced and shared which ultimately leads to a broader species diversity. Challenges exist, as a result of the limited amount of information that we currently have on plant species that are conductive to phytoremediation. Secondly there is a risk of creating an ‘attractive nuisance’ which occurs when human and wildlife (unknowingly) interact with a contaminated ecosystem at the time that the site is being restored.10

Although both case studies are excellent examples of bioremediation strategies, they both lack the ambition to truly reclaim the site as they both merely seek to remediate the soil and groundwater. A more ambitious approach would seek to reuse certain structures or recycle materials. Additionally these sites are part of a network of physical spaces which they seem disconnected from. An alternative approach could interweave the petroleumscape into the intervention while applying the ‘evocative power of the ruin’ to create a space that is value-able for the public. (Jackson, 2011, p.38-40)

GOING BEYOND THE PETROLEUMSCAPE

Over the past 150 years, petroleum has dramatically altered our society, it has affected all of us and changed the way we live, work, travel and the materials we use. According to Carola Hein, in her article, beyond oil, the industrial revolution was largely a petroleum revolution. And 11 although we commonly underestimate the importance of the industry, the oil industry are vital to our existence, especially the polluting oil wells and the refineries. Hein, continues with the example of the Rotterdam port in the Netherlands, (which is conveniently located beyond the public domain), even if the whole of the Netherlands would use renewable energy tomorrow. The refineries would not shut down, as Hein points out, because of the regional dependence on the petrochemical products the Clingendael Institute refers to the refinery as one of the “last manstanding” kind. Because investments are done for the long term, a short term closure is unlikely,12 and thus that ‘refineries rarely die’.13

To understand the extend in which the industry has infiltrated and shaped our society and built environment, Hein has coined the ‘global palimpsestic petroleumscape’ In Hein’s oil spaces, she characterizes the petroleumscape as spatial through the built environment and the representational field, to underscore the extend to which the industry has influenced our citizen imaginaries and behaviour. According to Hein in beyond oil: the first step towards reducing our 14 oil consumption, is to deeply understand, how thoroughly petroleum has shaped our environment, materials, and lifestyles.15

The first layer of the spatial petroleumscape is compromised of the industrial footprint of oil, which includes the process of extracting, refining, and producing and transporting, oil products. These spaces are characterized as functional and pollutant, and include the oil wells, the refineries, asphalt, and transport companies.The second layer consist of the retail network, or the distribution network of the industry’s main product. As car’s took over the streets so did gas stations pop-up everywhere, from our town’s to our cities. The third layer entails the administrative and research spaces, these often iconic buildings are commonly located in prestigious neighborhoods within cities, and with a proximity to relevant government ministries. The fourth layer, are ancillary spaces, which distinguish themselves because the focus is on spaces that are not essential for the production of sales of the oil products but rather are supportive as they provide services for the oil workers. These spaces are rarely identified is as part of the industry as they provide housing, leisure or education. The fifth layer is a direct result of the industries role in the development of our world, namely the infrastructure which includes, roads, motorways, which are constructed with the heavy remnants of petroleum. The sixth layer, is especially relevant in the capitalistic world where companies rather use philanthropy than pay taxes. Examples consist of

(Hein, 2018a, p.79) 11

(Hein, 2018a, p.85) 12

(Hein, 2018c, title) 13

(Hein, 2018b, p.888)

(Hein, 2018a, p.80)

university-, health care buildings, leisure facilities, nature preservation and heritage sites. The most recent edition of the spatial petroleumscape, is the use of plastic materials in our built environment. Exemplified through the house of the future, in Disneyland Anaheim. The building is almost entirely constructed from plastics, starting with the plastic bathroom unit, expanding to the plastic windows, and ending with plastic toys. Although our society has not reached this extreme, oil has infiltrated countless household and everyday objects.16

Aside from the oil industries physical presence in our everyday lives, Hein has identified what she calls the representational field. The first layer consist of representations in corporate media and public relations materials, which include maps, brochures, films, books, which are generally intended for the companies workers.The second layer can be described as popular media, which is generally intended for the public to consume more products, one might think of newspapers, advertisements, magazines, tv- or radio-shows. The third layer consist of art that has embraced the appearance of the oil industry or the consumption that it has produced, representations include; paintings, cartoons, music, and literature. The fourth layer is similar to the former, with the difference that the artist has been exchanged by the architect or urbanist who has integrated his inspiration of the aesthetics of the industry into Architecture or Urbanism, one such example is the Centre Pompidou in Paris. Finally, popular culture has also appropriated the representational field of the petroleumscape through items such as children’s toys and postcards, or spaces such as amusement parks. Such items have been used to especially prepare the younger generation for a world of oil-consumption.17

It ought to be clear that we often time are unaware of the extend that the industry has penetrated our world bringing us comfort on the one hand while polluting our planet on the other. Similar to how it is difficult to grasp the industries size, so it is also hard to understand the aftermath it has left it its place. This waste, which consist of abandoned places, polluted soils and disregarded materials is everywhere. Single-use plastic is probably the most common wasteful product, but although plastic is the most visible, there are also a multitude of other waste and pollution that is being created. The industrial landscape of the oil industry is incredibly pollutant, the Maracaibo lake for example is so pollutant the guardian wrote an article in 2019 entitled: ‘Fishing in the blackened and polluted water of Venezuela’ . The images are truly horrific, but 18 sadly this is not an isolated case, in a so-called underdeveloped country. Canada, which pushed for the ambitious 1.5 degrees Celsius global warming target has the world’s most destructive oil operation, which is also still expanding, as reported by the national geographic in 2019.19

If we truly wish to restore our environment, it is vital that we not only tackle the prestigious icons that the oil industry has created but that we also tackle the hard the industrial landscapes, or manufactured sites. However these spaces are rather difficult to transform, Hein even

(Hein, 2018b, p.890-897) 16 (Hein, 2018b, p.897-903) 17 (Hodal, 2019)

(Willms, 2019)

dedicated an article on the fact that ‘refineries rarely die’. And even when they are transformed, as has been illustrated in the two case studies, they become rural abandoned parks or they are likely reused as industrial sites. To challenge this notion that a refinery cannot become an integral aspect to the development of a region. let us examine an abandoned refinery on a small arid island of the coast of Venezuela.

THE LAGO REFINERY

The island of Aruba, to those who have heard of its existence, conjures images of beautiful beaches, sunny weather and friendly people. For those who don't know, it is a small island, measuring 32 kilometre on its longest side and 10 kilometre on its widest point. The islands climate is semi-arid, which means that unlike the most of the other Caribbean island, the environment is desert like. By the turn of the twentieth century, the island had 10 000 inhabitants, the island was underdeveloped and the locals lived off the land. Currently the island has 20 modernized, scoring ‘very high’ on the human development index. Which was only possible 21 because of its shift to tourism, and its success as marketing itself as ‘one happy island’ which it has done since the 1980s. As a result, the economy is wholly dependent on tourism and the importance of the refinery to Aruba’s development is commonly underestimated, by tourist and some locals. As will become apparent, the Lago refinery, has not only shaped the island but also help shape the world we currently live in.

Alberto Clô’s ‘Oil Economics and Policy’, defines 5 phases of the oil industry, the first is the so-called ‘take off’ phase. Starting around Titusville in 1859, and finishing around the turn of the century when Rockefeller has become the icon American big business and has established himself as a dominant figure in the oil industry, by using technological dynamics or economics of scale. The second phase, is characterized through increased consumption of foreign oil and the advancement of oil consuming transport, and the invention of synthetic rubber. It is during this phase that Edward Doheny emerges. The American engineer can be credited with bringing the oil industry to Southern California, Mexico and Aruba. Doheny drilled his successful oil well, which later became the foundations for the petroleum boom in Southern California. His luck continued 22 in Mexico, where he brought forth the biggest oil gushers of the time, the Cerro Azul, in 1916. In that same year Doheny formed the Pan-American Petroleum and Transport Company. By the 1920s, there would be a shift, because of the decline in Mexico’s production, Doheny having anticipated the oil exhaustion started to diversify his efforts, and invested in Venezuela. This was 23 a result after Pan American had send several geologist and members of the management on an exploration on the yacht Casaima, by 1924 Doheny had formed the Lago Company. That same 24 year, Captain Robert Rodger was sent out with two associates, two find a site for a transshipment port. Because the Lake of Maracaibo was too shallow to transport for ocean tankers, the crude would have to be stored ashore before being loaded unto ocean tankers. After the captain and his associates, explored two other sites, into the Paraguana-Curaçao-Aruba triangle, San Nicolas was picked as the most suitable site.25

20

(Lago, 1954, p.6, 9-10)

(Populationdata, 2018) 21

(Redpath, 1900, p.37) 22

(Brown, 1985, p.365-373) 23

(McBeth, 2002, p.95-95)

(Lago, 1954, p.9) 25

Standard Oil of New Jersey, was the third largest American oil producer. Indiana produced 44,000 barrels in Venezuela and 68,000 barrels in Mexico, Gulf Oil Corporation produced 38,000 in Venezuela and 8,000 in Mexico. However, the Jersey operation was dependent on the crude 26 of other companies as Jersey sold more products than it produced. Jersey in attempt to increase their crude production set out to Venezuela, through the subsidiary of Standard Oil of Venezuela. Although this initial effort resulted in only one commercial well after drilling for seven years. After hearing of the news that the Creole Syndicate had promising fields on the edge of the Lake of Maracaibo. Jersey, signed for the acquisition of the Syndicate, creating the holding of Creole Petroleum Corporation in 1928. One can only imagine how the management of Jersey, housed in the iconic headquarters in New York heard of the concessions of the syndicate’s promoters.

A year after Doheny testified in the infamous teapot scandal, Pan American Petroleum and Transport company had transferred its Mexican and Venezuelan assets to a subsidiary of Standard of Indiana, in 1925. Later that year the dredging had begun in San Nicolas for the 27 Transshipment Port. A channel was cut through the narrow break in the reef, construction started on a 70.000 barrel-crude storage tank and the main T-dock. Initially two lake tankers were transporting the Venezuelan crude to a depot ship in the harbor of Oranjestad, from which the crude would be discharged into ocean transport tankers and brought to refineries elsewhere.

The year after the inauguration of the San Nicolas harbor, plans would be drawn for the construction of the original refinery, in 1928. The transshipment port was thriving, reaching up too, a ship a day for hundred days. Lloyd G. Smith, would lead the construction of a refinery in the desert like conditions, detached from a supply of resources, such as labour, tools, water and food. Over the course of the next five years, an American community was completely replicated 28 on the island. The native houses were merely huts, full of insects, with no sanitation or water. Lago housed its foreign staff in a walled companied, guarded by a police force and restricted to residents and their guest.The non-white skilled and unskilled labor lived in reinforced concrete bungalows built by the company in a variety of neighborhoods in San Nicolas, Essoville, Lagoville, Standardville, Lago Heights and Esso Heights.29

Meanwhile Pan American had been heavily spending and building a foreign marketing organization since 1929 and in 1931, “the prospect was that it would have to spend many additional millions”, it had however become apparent that many additional millions would be necessary. The situation was rather dependent on Pan American being able to distribute its crude and products to the domestic market, this became rather difficult because of the tremendous oversupply of 1931. The oversupply was lead by the prolific new East Texas field, which demanded the protection of domestic products and tariff and embargoes on foreign oil.30

(Larson et al, 1971, p.38-39)

(Davis, 2001, p.186) Referenced from the ‘Pan American Petroleum and Transport Company’ wikipedia

(Lago, 1954, p.9-11)

(Bowen, 2018, p.55)

(Larson et al, 1971, p.47-48)

After a failed merger with Standard Oil of California, Jersey’s negotiations with Indiana in 1933, proceeded smoothly and rapidly. This had to do with Indiana’s ownership of Pan American Petroleum and Transport Company, which had a large fleet of ocean-tankers and held stock in companies such as Lago Petroleum Company, which was producing crude in Venezuela and the Lago Oil and Transport Company which carried oil from the Maracaibo Lake to Aruba by tanker.31 With the purchase of Indiana’s Venezuela concessions and Aruba’s refinery, or Aymer calls it “the giant”. Jersey had now positioned itself as one of the giants, comparable with the Anglo- 32 Persian, or the Royal-Dutch-Shell. The colony was now home to 500 bachelors and 834 family 33 members, the islands infrastructure had been improved through a paved road connecting Oranjestad and San Nicolas, the addition of a power plant, a telephone service, and a distillation plant for its residents. The 1930s had three important developments for the refinery, the first 34 being the creation of a new product, namely that of aviation fuel, the world in the meanwhile was still increasing its consumption of oil, while additional to this growth, countries would begin the bunkering of oil.35

By the 1940, the world was at war, the Aruban refinery was still consolidating its position as Jersey’s largest refinery. Britain had been dependent on the products of the refinery, for three years. The refinery was constantly being modernized, through the additions of a copolymer-, hydro-, a gas absorption-, and gasoline absorption plants, all of which improved its capacity for creating jet-fuel, a highly important fuel for the war efforts. The refinery was producing more than that of Shell’s refinery in Curaçao, which was also of one the worlds largest. By the beginning of 36 the 1940s, the Lago Colony becomes a middle-class enclave of American life, home to the companies managers and supervisors. The community began at the southeastern gate of the 37 refinery with the dining hall and recreation center, bachelor’s quarters and women’s dormitory. The heart of the Colony commercial district, consisting of the commissary, schools, post office, and dental office, was located about a half mile from the same gate. In the late 1940s, Robert Law Weed, a Miami architect, designed the hospital, the high school, and the Esso Club that was built along the shore of the Caribbean Sea. Additionally a nine hole golf course was constructed, with 38 a clubhouse, north of the colony. In 1942 the German’s launched an attack on the refinery, 39 although the Allied forces sustained 51 casualties, the oil production vital for the war was untouched, six tankers where however lost. A year later, the fleet was being restored, and catalytic cracking, isomerization and alkylation plants were in use.

(Larson et al, 1971, p.47)

(Aymer, 1997, p.19)

(Larson et al, 1971, p.49-50)

(Bowen, 2018, p.56-58)

(Larson et al, 1971, p.60, 197)

(Larson et al, 1971, p.189, 333, 198, 165, 314)

(Bowen, 2018, p.51)

(Bowen, 2018, p.58)

(Bowen, 2018, p.61)

After the war ended, Jersey’s strategy shifted toward constructing new refineries in consuming countries instead of improving the existing network and shipping the products, only to be taxed by consuming countries. Venezuela being the exception, as it held enough leverage in 40 the form of its large crude reserves, demanded that Jersey refine oil domestically, as a result no initial improvement were made in Aruba . Aside from replacing the T-Dock with two modern 41 finger peers. By 1950, the Amuay refinery was operational, located on the Caribbean sea in the 42 proximity of Aruba. By the 1950s Jersey started to dismantle smaller refineries.43

The apex of the American population came in 1958, which coincided with the renaming of the Colony to Seroe Colorado. The decrease came in part through the success of the vocational school which was increasing the local workforce. In 1955, the first bachelors quarters was dismantled, by 1963, three other quarters were removed along with the dormitory, nurse quarters, the dining hall, one-third of the bungalows, and the two-story elementary school. In that same year, the one of the two newspapers of the Colony, ended after 34 years of service. The following year the first big layoff came, employees were encouraged to take an early retirement, and enjoy the layoff bonuses. With the passage of another year, the mass exodus continued, when sixty other employees were encouraged to take an early retirement. The final blow however, came with the closure of the refinery in 1985.44

The closure of the refinery can maybe be best understood through Clô’s phases of the industry. Clô’s third phase, from 1940-1970, sees a dramatic shift from oil being produced in the 45 America’s to five American companies producing in the Middle East, where they controlled only 10% in 1940 of the oil fields, thirty years later this would amount to 50%. For the Venezuelan 46 crude this initially meant that there were more competitors, and that the world was now less dependent on their crude. However, by 1960, Venezuela had aligned itself with other countries with rich oil reserves. The Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, or OPEC, was founded in Baghdad by: Iraq, Iran, Venezuela, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Which in turn safeguarded their interest and reduced the competitiveness between members. By the 1970s the OPEC would represent over half of world oil production. The next phase, saw a global shift in the newly 47 established dominance of the OPEC countries. Although the signs had already appeared, the onset of the “clash” of 1970, between Libya and the States, triggered the Non-OPEC nations, to increase their crude production. Which in turn diminished the profitability and thus the 48 production by OPEC. This would have a profound effect on Venezuela’s oil production, as one can

(Larson et al, 1971, p.789) 40

(Larson et al, 1971, p.761) 41

(Lago, 1954 p.9-11)

(Larson et al, 1971, p. 764)

(Bowen, p.68-71) 44

(Clô, 2010, p.54)

(Clô, 2010, p.39)

(Clô, 2010, p.47-48)

(Clô, 2010, p.104)

see in the Annual Statistical Bulletin from OPEC. The fifth phase, initiated after Saudi Arabia, 49 unilaterally decided to abandon the fixed price system that had been used by the OPEC during the crisis between 1970 and 1985. This would result in a decades long surge, largely as a result 50 of the low oil prices, the increase in production largely benefited the OPEC. Venezuela who had 51 decreased its oil production since 1970, after 15 years the country was producing less than half of what is was formerly producing and reached a daily average production which was less than that of 1951. Although Venezuela's crude production increased over the next decades, it would not reach the levels it had reached before 1970.52

The Aruban government has made several attempts to re-ignite the refinery, which ironically, has been downgraded to an upgrader, since the first closing of the refinery. Because 53 the Venezuela crude is so heavy, it needs to be ‘upgraded’ before it can be refined in most ‘simple’ refineries. Additionally, the Lago refinery, which had its glory days in the till the late 1950s, has been deteriorating for a while, because the cost of investing in the refinery are so high, and the Venezuelan situation unstable. The cost and risk are to high, the last attempt was in 2016, when Citgo and the Aruban government marketed the opening as the ‘greenest refinery in the western hemisphere’. Four years have passed, and the ‘refinery’ is once more in the possession 54 of the government, maybe this time, instead of further contaminating the manufactured site. The island could continue with its renewable ambitions, which strangely enough were started ten years ago, by the same government. The question, now is if we can use the spatial and representational layers of the petroleumscape, to redevelop, reimagine, and reclaim the manufactured site, which holds an abundance of history. While simultaneously rethinking the flows of energies, so that the spaces become sustainable, live-able, and part of an ecosystem. (OPEC, 1999,

An operational manager, who had been working in the refinery for twenty years told me this. 53

(Henriquez, 2016)

CONCLUSION

In the words of Winny Maas: ‘What’s next?’. How do we depart from here, and transform what is a complicated manufactured site and reclaim the landscape, built environment and the material remnants? Hein has suggested that next to the historical analysis we look at potential new energy sources. Jackson has clarified the protocols that need to be enacted such as a sampling plan, a planting plan and a net environmental benefit analysis. It seems that the remainder of the work is determined by an integral approach where the landscape is remediated, the buildings reused as much as possible, and that materials be recycled. Yet, solving the spatial aspects won’t be sufficient. Just as the oil industry has dominated our perception through the representational field, the solution must be returned in the kind. Hein’s representational field provides a potential antidote if it is used to spread the message of the evocative post-oil ruin, so that we may reclaim it.

REFLECTIONS

Further readings, would include Growth in a Changing Environment: A History of Standard Oil Company (New Jersey) 1950-1972 and Exxon Corporation (1972-1975) by Bennett Wall. As this would have likely expanded my knowledge on the period after the 1950s, this has now largely been done through the perspective of Bowen, who describes the developments through the lens of the Colony. Another book which I was unable to acquire was The Lago Story: The compelling Story of an oil Company on the island of Aruba written by Jorge Ridderstraat, who describes the whole history of the refinery told through the lens of Aruba’s history. Another book, Bioremediation and Sustainability: Research in applications by Romeela Mohee and Ackmez Mudhhoo provide more technical approaches to bioremediation and provide an analysis on the pro’s and con’s of the different approaches. Lastly the book Buildings must Die: A perverse view of Architecture by Stephen Cairns and Jane M. Jacobs examines topics such as Decay, Obsolescence, Ruin and Ecological horizons, all of which could have expanded the research. The first two, have been requested from foreign libraries, although this seems unlikely at the moment. The intention is to use them for the continuation of the graduation project.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Attwood, H. (n.d.). The Island of Aruba: Information of Interest to Prospective Employees and Visitors. New York City: Lago Oil and Transport Company, Limited.

Aymer, P. L. (1997). Uprooted women: migrant domestics in the Caribbean. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Barron, C. W. (1917). The Mexican problem / by Clarence W. Barron, with introduction by Talcott Williams. Boston: Houghton Mifflin company. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/ The_Mexican_Problem_(1917)/American_Interests_No_Base_Of_Disorder

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