Territories of here and there

TERRITORIES OF HERE AND THERE infra|supra Structures of multitemporal transmigratory practices on the Hispaniola border

C O LO P H O N Territories of here and there: infra|supra Structures of multitemporal transmigratory practices on the Hispaniola border Graduation Project P5 Report Alejandra A. Quezada Moreno A.A.QuezadaMoreno@student.tudelft.nl 4622375 Research Studio Design As Politics 'A city of comings and goings' Department of Urbanism MSc Architecture, Urbanism and Building Sciences: Urbanism track Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, BK City Delft University of Technology Mentor Team Ir. Mike Emmerik Chair of Design As Politics Department of Urbanism Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment Delft University of Technology Dr. ir. Luisa Maria Calabrese Chair of Urban Design Department of Urbanism Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment Delft University of Technology Board of Examiners Delegate Dr. Arch. Roberto Cavallo Director of Education Associate Professor of Architecture Chair of Complex Projects Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment Delft University of Technology Delft, The Netherlands July. 2018

“As porous as this stone is the architecture.

Building and action interpenetrate in the courtyards, arcades and stairways. In everything they preserve the scope to become a theatre of new, unforeseen constellations. The stamp of the definitive is avoided. No situation appears intended forever, no figure asserts its “thus and not otherwise”. […] In such corners one scarcely discern where building is still in progress and where dilapidation has already set in. For nothing is concluded. Porosity results not only from the indolence of the Southern artisan, but also, above all, from the passion for improvisation, which demands that space and opportunity be at any price preserved.

Benjamin, W. (1978) Reflections

CONTENTS i. Preface ii. Acknowledgment iii. Abstract

p. 008 p. 009 p. 010

I. PREAMBLE

p. 011

I. I I. II

Introduction Motivation

II. ON CONTEXT: Hispaniola and the border

II. I II. II II. III II. IV

A shared insular territory 500 Years of Haitian-Dominican Relations Migration beyond conflicts Territory of migration

III. ON THEORY: [Trans]migration III. I III. II III. III III. IV III. V

p. 059

Problem Statement Hypothesis Research Questions Methodology Theoretical Framework Design Goals Expected Outcome Relevance

V. ON SITE: Between Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo

V. I V. II V. III V. IV V. V V. VI

p. 047

Migration in the nation-state [Trans]migration Spatialities of Transmigration Transmigratory Spatial Rhythms Transmigration on Hispaniola

IV. ON METHODOLOGY: Framing Migration in Hispaniola

IV. I IV. II IV. III IV. IV IV. V IV. VI IV. VII IV. VIII

p. 017

The corridor Santo Domingo | Port-au-Prince Destinations of the corridor The border on the corridor Observing the site Malpaso|se weekly Fixed and Mobile Dialectic

p. 077

V. VII Spatial Analysis V. VIII Lake AzuĂŠi

VI. ON APPROACH: The infrastructural, the Itinerant and the mobile-fixed dialectic VI. I VI. II VI. III VI. IV

p. 171

Infrastructure as a medium in the creation of frontier territory at Malpaso|se Itinerant Program for cross border interdependencies The dialectic of the fixed and the mobile Approach for Malaso|se

VII. ON STRATEGY: infra|supra structure of the border territory

p. 189

VII. I

Insular Territory: In search of interdependencies VII. II Hispaniola Lakes Valley Region: Accessibility across the border VII. III Local Border Territory: Itinerant program

VIII. ON DESIGN: Malpaso|se as a frontier space of multiple temporalities

p. 201

VIII. I Recognising Malpaso|se VIII. II The Territorial: Redemarcation of Malpaso|se VIII. III The Itinerant: Weekly Program VIII. IV Mobile/Fixed: Spatial Rationale VIII. V The Production of Malpaso|se VIII. VI Spatial composition of Malpaso|se VIII. VII Spatiotemporalities in Malpaso|se

IX. FINAL REMARKS: Design, politics and transmigration IX. I IX. II IX. III IX. IV

p. 247

Reflection Impact Further Research Conclusion

iv. References

p. 259

v. Appendix

p. 275

- THEORY PAPER: IMAGINING THE HAITIAN - DOMINICAN FRONTIER - Insular commons and networks - Reference Projects - Design Process

i. PREFACE This report compiles the theoretical, analytic, contextual, methodological and design products of my master graduation project at TU Delft within the Chair of Design as Politics of the Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment. The Graduation Studio that holds this project is called ‘Cities of comings and goings’ and addresses migration, the built environment and the agency of design to steer the current state of the socio-spatial dynamics regarding the ancient human practice of moving across spaces and borders.

A thesis is a humbling and teaching endeavour. That is why I have chosen to work back home: having distanced myself for a while, I have fresh eyes to be more critical and paradoxically, more benevolent. Understand the territory and address some of the issues that I have ignored so far. Maybe as a way to better form my identity, to explain it, to teach myself what I have never been told. Mainly, with this project I aim to fill some gaps that I have neglected for far too long.

I use this project as an occasion to reflect on my approach towards the practice. The report itself is an academic tool for exploration and decision making where writing guide the narrative aspect of the project. Throughout this project I explore the potentials of alternative processes, test our current methods of research and design, expand our communication mechanisms and design rationale in an effort to form a sound position in the field.

This assignment is also a personal exercise on redemption.

Coming from a divided island, I have never been curious enough to engage with the other part of the territory. I have learned English, and French, but I have never been curious to learn Creole. I have never tried their food; it took being in The Netherlands and visit a food festival to have a first look of Haitian food, and pleasantly noticing the common elements in our cuisines. I have travel to United States and Latin America and moved all the way to Europe, yet only visited my neighbouring country after working in this project.

This academic attempt is an occasion to alter such path and engage with the insular territory as a whole. Moreover, is a to create a new spatial discourse distant from social conflict and opposition and in favour of interrelations, bi-directionality and mutual support.

[8] Territories of here and there

ii. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks to my mentors, Mike Emmerik and Luisa Calabrese for their time, words, guidance and encouragement. I am grateful to my Design as Politics fellow students for the discussions and support and for the rest of my MSc Urbanism graduates for their helpful comments, reviews, suggestions and teachings throughout these two years.

I would very much like to thank Shaney PeĂąa for introducing me to the topic, providing pertinent observations and showing me what design can do. Thanks to Jorge Ventura and Elia MartĂ­nez for their contributions and inspirational work.

Thanks to my uncle, Vicconde Moreno, Gerardo, for travelling and helping me with the site visit and making the trip an experience where life and work intertwine. My appreciation extends to the warm and open staff at the border, especially, Jorge H. Novas Medrano and Dr. David Trinidad for showing me and explaining the hidden details of this place. Thanks to Genaro in JimanĂ­ for explaining the market dynamics and Genaro in Malpaso for guiding me trough every corner on site.

I am also grateful to my friends here and there for making the endeavour enjoyable and making a memorable experience.

Most importantly, eternal thanks to my parents for their strength and support beyond measures to grant me the gift to be here in Delft, to discover, learn and grow.

Thanks to all.

[9] Territories of here and there

iii. ABSTRACT At the border between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, weekly bi-national markets exemplify (within a tense social context) the economic relevance of the goods and people metabolism along with emerging bi-national social relations.

For this border territory, a temporal perspective is productive to develop a comprehensive grasp of the area; the markets, daily local and insular logistics, commuters and yearly fairs reveal this character. Moreover, inhabitants of the border engage in transmigratory practices, meaning, they pertain and participate in more than one community.

In this thesis I focus on Malpaso|se, a strategic node at the southern border connecting the main capitals of the island. At the same time, is the location of the most important border logistic check point on the island and the site of a prominent binational market. The spatial organization of this site relies on the dialectic of mobile and fixed spatial configurations given the nature of the market scheduling. However, its current configuration prioritises security -with its inherent violence- hinders the potentials for cross-border interaction, restricts the operability of the current activities of the site and reinforces pejorative socio-spatial dynamics. For this reason, I based the approach of this project on cross-border itinerant programs, infrastructure thinking and adaptable design interventions. The goal is to produce a common territory, promote multi-temporal practices, foster bi-directional social exchange and develop spatial configurations that respond to the uncertainties of use under different time frameworks; daily, weekly, monthly, yearly.

Keywords: transmigration, border territory, infrastructure, mobile-fixed dialectic, adaptable public space

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I .

P R E A M B L E

I . I I N T RODUCT ION Without any intention of sounding fatalist, people come and go, not in a disposable or mortality rationale, rather in a permanent transient framework. What I mean, is that migrants come and go. Not different migrants, the same ones; they are as permanent as mobile; they are actually transmigrant. They have loyalties towards several communities and inhabit different places. They are individuals of here and there. Here where they live and form new ties and there, where they have lived and still engage with.

They are in a constant dialectic of movement and permanence.

The places they inhabitant and thus transform is what I shall call territories of here and there.

In this times, what Bauman calls Liquid modernity, what Baudrillard refers to as times of accelerated cycles and what Hannerz addressed in the sixties, as dynamic culture, an urgent task of the urbanist is to identify what spatial configurations accommodate these lifestyles. Now we ought to engage with the mobile and thus, the territories correspondent to flows and movements, to the concept of transit and rhythms and to understand the role of space and its designer.

In the context of Hispaniola, an island shared by Haiti and the Dominican Republic, transmigration is a fact clearly expressed in remittances data. At the same time, is an opportunity to promote bi-directionality, reframe the understanding of migration and address the potential of actors moving across the territory.

Inhabitants of the border region, cross the dividing line under multiple timeframes, daily to go to school, weekly to go home after work, monthly or yearly. By doing so, they modify the built environment and create new demands. This realisation motivated the temporal approach with which I address the project; it validates the dynamism of the socio-spatial condition and its potential in intervening territories dominated by rhythmic nature.

In this report, I document the spatial implications of the different temporalities of goods and population flows on the island. For the project, I aim to recognise the agency of Haitians and Dominicans as transmigratory actors and validate their lifestyle, in an era of evermore fluidity and movement, thus collaborating with a scientific framework as well. However, I do not intent to highlight nomadism, assimilation, incorporation inclusion or exclusion, but to understand the spatiality of the dialectic nature of fixed and mobile practices. It is also a case to test designing with time and rhythms of the transmigratory nature.

To engage with this academic exercise, I describe the societal, economic and territorial context of Hispaniola and describe the history of Haitian-Dominican relations. This information is [12] Territories of here and there

graphically represented and corroborated with existing data. In addition, I analyse the territory of transmigration on the island with focus on the border region and its temporal nature. That realisation introduces the theoretical framework based on notions of transmigration, rhythmic uses on space under framework of constant transit and permanence. Drawings of the island and the frequency of movement across the borderline illustrate this conceptual development. Building on the character of the context, I summarise the problematic that guides the project and the necessary questions to address such concern. This also informs the methodology and the use of video format to analyse the site in time and to enlighten the approach for the design and its communication.

Since the largest migratory movement is evident between the two capital cities of the island, I observed these dynamics across the most important corridor on the island, the one connecting Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo in order to understand the differences in temporalities and the relations between nodes along the corridor. On this insular corridor, Malpaso|se, the specific case study, is a strategic node and one with clear instances of multiple temporalities. The spatial configuration of this site depends on the dialectic of fixed and mobile spatial arrangements; mobile vendors are attached to fix built structures, one informing the other. The current spatial configuration of this site is a product of spontaneous organisation of street markets. Consequently, creates a space that does not comply with minimum standards of public space and reinforces pejorative socio-spatial dynamics.

As a border point, is also a site which narrative includes military security -often violent- and logistics of trade commodities.

The complexities of this site are addressed with an approach based on itinerant program between the border node and nearby communities, inciting bidirectional movement across the border under a multitemporal framework. It also follows an infrastructural thinking, in which I refer as infrastructure to physical spatial structures, public spaces and cross-border mobility connections enabling appropriation of space. The composition of the site constitutes a new frontier space for social and economic exchange. Introduces spatial arrangements and physical structures responding to the nature of different uses within a week and the potentials for other activities in a month or year.

A territory that is bound together and therefore interdependent should make efforts in accommodating the practices that result from this interdependency. More importantly, should engage with the time condition and the permanence/movement it implies.

This could serve to not only expand the shown benefits of these transmigratory practices, but also to approach migration in this context without the traditional narrative tainted by conflictive tension.

[13] Territories of here and there

I . I I M OT I VAT I ON Animosity and contention is what defines the popular discourse around Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Rightfully so, since in the last few years, the ongoing social tension has heightened as a consequence of increasing migration flows and restricting high-level migratory policies.

Part of my family has lived in rural communities with Haitians, allowing them to see more than the myths, knowledge they have transmitted to me. Slowly, I have been able to expand this information, learn about unfair preconceptions, reflect on the context in which I grew up and challenge that rationale and its ideas about Haitians in the Dominican Republic. This has been reinforced, with the opportunity of being away.

Here, I have been able to ponder on the infiltrative capacity from the remains of repression and fear; how they restrict the way we think and dream. Now, being away but never entirely, I realise the many efforts both societies need to make to discard that mindset and relearn: reimagine.

These two countries have complex historic relations, with similarities and differences. At the same time, both struggle to find tactics for critical dialogue. In that sense, coming from this context, the main driver for this assignment is to satisfy the following question: how to create a different narrative for the countries of Hispaniola? Instead of prioritising security infrastructure, what spatial responses can reframe the way we see migration?

In the same way that other fields have given awareness about our cultural and folkloric background or portrait the treatment towards each other (Figure 1), I aim to discover ways in which the spatial realm can be part of the conversation about migration between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

Working with migration is an opportunity to engage with space affected by practices in time. Is also the occasion to challenge my current understanding of the spatial practice, moving from the fixed unchangeable intervention to a dynamic rationale for our profession.

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Figure I.1: Critical contemporary painting used as inspiration for this graduation project.

Source: Nazario, L. (2013).

[15] Territories of here and there

I I .

O N

C O N T E X T :

HISPANIOLA AND THE BORDER

II.I A SHA R ED I N SULAR T ERRITORY

It is a rare condition of islands to be shared by more than one nation state. Some examples are Ireland, with Republic of Ireland and United Kingdom, New Guinea with Indonesia and Papua Guinea or Cyprus, with Cyprus and Northern Cyprus. In the Caribbean, Hispaniola is a 76.192 KM2 island shared by Haiti on the west side and the Dominican Republic on the east part.

These countries have disparate economies and differences in cultural, political and social aspects, but coincidentally share many traits.

To mention some differences, on surface area, Haiti occupies 27.750 KM2 while the Dominican Republic, 48.730 KM2. On economic terms, the Dominican Republic has a GDP of 71.5 USD billions, Haiti has an 8 USD billions GDP. In Haiti, Creole is the most spoken language and to that follows French; the Dominican side has only one language, Spanish. As a result of this divergence, the countries see and manage themselves as two separated entities, two isolated countries. However, due to their proximity, practices have cross the border. For instance, many figures of Haitian voodoo religion have a counterpart in Dominican expressions of Catholicism. Along with that, centuries of shared oppression have given these countries a shared complex history.

METHODS: Literature Review, data summary and mapping with satellite imagery

Figure II.1: Satellite imagery of the island Hispaniola shared by the Republic of Haiti on the west and the Dominican Republic on the east. Source: NASA Visible Earth. Adapted by author [18] Territories of here and there

Since they occupy the same insular territory, natural systems, mountain ranges, river basins, wildlife ecosystems and the intrinsic vulnerabilities of our changing climate are common to both countries. Water bodies on each side of the island depend on the forest cover on the other side; the Artibonito River, the most important Haitian river forms in the mountains of the National Park Nalga de Maco in the Dominican Republic (Martínez, 2015). The same geomorphology has shaped the island, what used to be two small islands in the Palaeocene (Northern and Southern Paleo-Island), constitutes now the complete Hispaniola (Hernández, 2008). In other words, mountain systems and valleys extend across the territory. This phenomenon also produced the formation of similar lakes on both territories. Lakes Azuéi and Enriquillo are located in what used to be a maritime canal between these two mini islands (León, 2011). Now, they have similar conditions and have experienced sudden growth in the last decade. After the lakes expanded, agricultural land and rural communities were completely flooded on both countries, each a mirror of their vulnerabilities.

METHODS: Literature Review and mapping with GIS data sets

Figure II.2: Maps of water and mountain systems of the island and the geographical composition during the Palaeocene. Source: USGS EarthExplorer (2010); OpenStreetMap Project (October, 2017) and León (2011, June 24).

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Figure II.3: Map of economic corridors in Hispaniola, marking also points of contact and important cities along the corridors.

Source: Dilla, 2015. Adapted by author

METHODS: Literature Review and mapping using GIS data sets and photographs

Figure II.4: Bi-national markets along the Haitian-Dominican border.

Source: Dilla, 2015. Adapted by author [20] Territories of here and there

Apart from the natural systems, strong economic dynamics have been forming between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

In the recent decades, the economic exchange has increased making Haiti the only trade partner, with which the Dominican Republic has a positive balance (Bosch, 2016). In other words, 30% of Haitian imports come from the Dominican Republic, which at the same time represents 10% of Haitian GDP (World Bank, 2012).

In the early nineties, the embargo in Haiti triggered an important cross-border economic exchange along the Haitian-Dominican border. With this, bi-national markets were created. Today there are fourteen of these markets, twelve in Dominican territory and two in Haitian territory, and they have proven to be an economic success. These borderland commerce points generate around one billion USD on the formal economy and around two billions USD on the informal economy.

According to Dilla (2015a), this intense commercial activity has created four insular corridors through which goods, information and people circulate. In his description, in each of the cross-border economic systems there are cities with different hierarchical roles: - dominant cities: the final destination of goods and the allocation of trade revenue, - secondary cities: are in the periphery of the corridors and receive secondary benefits from the transnational activity, - factory cities (situated as urban pairs): terrestrial ports, crossing points and the location of bi-national markets, which perceive minimal financial rewards.

As a result, some Dominican policies have encouraged the economic development on the border region without success.

However, the augmentation of the commercial initiatives between both nations is an opportunity for the development of the border region and to promote less conflicted HaitianDominican relations.

These economic benefits have been more evident on one side, the Dominican one, and consequently, Haitian migration has been linked to Dominican development. Economic migration from Haiti to the Dominican Republic started in the early XX century and it has continued since. Most of them moved to work on rural economic activities, like sugar cane production; but after the sugar crisis, the consequent economic transformation also diversified the desired destinations for migrants.

[21] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature Review (data analysis).

Many moved to rice-producing rural destinations or to urban areas to participate on the construction economic activity or to work in the informal economy (AlvĂĄrez & Lozano, 2015).

In other words, the tradition of Haitian migrants moving to isolated rural communities, drastically changed in the last few decades and their presence is more evident, since they are part of the urban population.

Currently, there are 500.000 to 1.000.000 Haitians living in the Dominican Republic, meaning 87,3% of the migrants is Haitians (ONE, 2013). In contrast, only 10.000 to 15.000 Dominicans live in Haiti (ADDREH, 2015). Most Haitians move from the capital and other main cities to the Dominican capital, to other large cities, border cities, or sugar cane producing communities.

METHODS: Literature Review, quantitative data analysis and mapping using GIS data sets

Figure II. 5: Map of population flow in Hispaniola. Most Haitians come from the capital city and move to the Dominican capital. Source: Oficina Nacional de EstadĂ­stica,2012. Adapted by author [22] Territories of here and there

II.III 500 YEARS OF HAITIAN-DOMINICAN RELATIONS ‘Dan ak lang pa jan m gen pwoblem’1 [Tongue and teeth bite each other]

1: Haitian popular expression referring to people living together have occasional conflicts.

So far, I have described the material and population flows across Hispaniola, but their complex history of ‘mutual fascination and repulsion’ (Martínez, 2003) is what gives this project an important social dimension. For this, I provide a historic overview of the island and the interrelations of the countries.

Much of the repeated history between Haiti and the Dominican Republic is based on their existing tensions across all socio-economic strata, but mutual cooperation is also part of their narrative. Their folklore and daily practices overlap, they share culture, beliefs and values.

Colonialism, slavery, neo-colonialism, racism and dictatorships have shaped these countries and most importantly, their prejudiced interactions. The same history helps explain the uneven development that has force many Haitians to move to the Dominican side, which many Dominicans see as a ‘pacific invasion’.

Hispaniola was the first island where Columbus settled in his quest for the Indies, making the island a Spanish colony.

Decades after, France occupied a portion of the island and the disputes between France and Spain stopped after the Aranjuez Treaty (1777). In this agreement, Spain officially gave the western part of the island to France.

The French colony was under an extreme brutal regimen towards slaves, making Saint Domingue one of the richest colonies. Behind this success, there is also massive import of slaves and an extensive degradation of the natural soil. In contrast, Santo Domingo, the Spanish colony, was in a deep economic crisis and most of their economy relied on cattle ranching. As a result, the abuses against slaves were less extreme and they were dependant on Saint Domingue to export goods (early example of insular metabolism).

Later, due to the military and economic shortages of Spain, the crown gave the entire island to France (1795) and shortly after that, Haiti became the first black nation to reach independence (1804), act that later cost the new nation an [23] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Historic literature review

enormous debt that is in part responsible for Haitian slow development. Other reasons are: their economy dependent on coffee cycles, rural agriculture for self-consumption and import prohibition (Ceara-Hatton, 2017).

Years after the Haitian revolution, the now Dominican nation had an ephemeras independence, claiming the name Haití Español, (Spanish Haiti). Shortly later, this new nation invited Haitian authorities to take administrative control and they were well received due to the economic crisis (Ibid.). At this time, the resentment from elites and the catholic clergy started, in contrast, most Dominicans felt an improvement of social conditions and appreciated the abolition of slavery institutions (Martínez, 2003). Soon after, this ruling across the island became violent and economic expectations were not met, which urged Dominicans to seek independence. Even though the Dominican military had low resources, they were able to achieve independence (1844), because Haitian groups had not real desire for combat. More over, in subsequent fights against Spain and other dictatorships and invasions in the late 19th and 20th century, Haitians and Dominicans have fought alongside (Bosch, 2015).

2: These wars refer to the interventions of the United State Marine Corps in Central America and the Caribbean from 1898 to 1934. They acted upon the assumed right of US to intervene Latin-American countries to stabilise the economy and guarantee the customs debt payment. This was framed under a colonial thinking that believed in the inferiority of the Caribbean population. During these interventions US was responsible of policing and ruling ‘small corrupt governments and lawless societies’ they evaluated unable of managing their own governance (Langley, 2002).

METHODS: Historic literature review, drawing and mapping.

In the early 1900, as part of the ‘banana wars’2, United States invaded both countries on the island, arguing that customs payment was potentially in danger due to the political instability. With this occupation, an important flux of Haitian labour workers migrated to the Dominican Republic to work on sugar cane plantations promoted by the United State government, they saw the opportunity of low prices of Dominican land to grow sugar and the low wages they could pay to Haitian workers (Henríquez y Carvajal, 1931).

Few years after the occupation, a brutal dictatorship ruled on the Dominican side with fierce propaganda and strong anti-Haitian sentiment. This can be exemplified with the 1937 ‘Parsley Massacre’; that October, the repressive government murdered 5.000 to 20.000 assumed Haitians (based on skin colour and manner of speech) living on the northern part of the border region and forcing Dominicans living in the area to do the same. After that, the once porous border had restrictive crossings (Dilla, 2015a). I should also highlight that the genocide was not performed against Haitians working on sugar cane plantations owned by the repressive government.

In Haiti, political instability continued and shortly before Trujillo’s dictatorship ended in the Dominican Republic, the brutal and repressive dynasty of Duvalier started in [24] Territories of here and there

Haiti. Although the border was a porous entity again, the anti-Haitian sentiment has remained on the east side and powerful forces have used it for their political and economic convenience. After Duvalier’s era, Haiti was in deep political instability, followed by occupations and embargoes, hindering the economic development of the country, while the Dominican Republic was able to recover at a faster rate and start, although precarious, a traditional socio-economic development process.

Violent and repressive governments have ruled both sides of the island, allowing many irregular and unfair exchanges and manipulation from both groups; from dictatorship times until today. One example is the payment from Dominican officials to the Haitian dictatorship in exchange of Haitians labourers (Guerrero, 2015), mainly to work on sugar cane plantations, and after the sugar crisis, in agriculture or construction industries. Although the dictatorships have ended in both countries, these migratory practices continued without regulations and validation of the rights required. Therefore, creating a scenario that promotes conditions for human traffic, over exploitation and contraband (AlvĂĄrez et al., 2015).

Fast-forward to 2010, after the devastating earthquake in Portau-Prince, the Dominican Republic was one of the main agents in terms of humanitarian aid and reconstruction process, and many Dominicans were more flexible to Haitian migration.

However, in 2013 a court ruling revoked the Dominican nationality of individuals of Haitian origin, retroactive to 1929.

After this, and the consequent international pressure, the Dominican Republic was forced to start a process to formalise their migration policies and practices, a procedure that was never formally address before, albeit this movement has existed for decades.

METHODS: Historic literature review, drawing and mapping.

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Figure II.6: Timeline of Haitian-Dominican Relations. Illustrated by author [26] Territories of here and there

[27] Territories of here and there

II.II MIGRATION BEYOND CONFLICTS

With the court ruling of 2013, the anti Haitian sentiment exacerbated the conflicts between the two countries, and today, many Dominicans see Haitian migration as an urgent problem and an imminent threat. In the past few years, powerful conservatives groups have been overt to their opposition and large parts of the population follow the myths.

The media constantly portrays the increase militarisation of the border, the desires for border walls and the rejection of Haitians on Dominican territory.

METHODS: Literature Review including news articles and observation

Figure II.7: News articles with opposing opinion about Haitian-Dominican relations.

Source: Listin Diario, 2015; Acento, 2016; El Nacional, 2016; Diario Libre, 2018; [28] Territories of here and there

This is aggravated by the economic restrains, lack of basic services, low salaries and unemployment, which makes many Dominicans feel Haitians might hinder their access to services and opportunities. According to Martínez (2003), it is precisely this framing of migration that elites in power use to distract from the other unaddressed social, political and economic issues of the Dominican Republic. He also argues that the main Haitian-Dominican conflict is not over the territory of the island, but over migration and who is in power of the ‘cheaper, more easily disciplined labour’.

One of the biggest arguments is the economic cost that migrants impose on the scarce Dominican social services.

However, Haitian migrants only benefit with 2,9% of Dominican social expenses, and due to their migratory condition, do not have access to government welfare systems.

The Dominican opposition to Haitian migrants is tainted with strong hypocrisy since the number of Dominicans abroad exceeds the number of Haitians in the Dominican Republic, and likewise, moves to other countries to access better services and opportunities (Bosch, 2016).

Across scales, inclusion and exclusion dynamics are often found. On the local scale, the large number of Haitian migrants disturbs residents of the Dominican side of the border region, while others try to engage and include them in daily life. On the insular economic scale, both populations understand the significance of bi-national markets; without them the economic reality of the region would more extreme.

On a national level, Dominicans feel Haitians demand resources that the Dominican state can barely provide them, however the growing economy depends on Haitian workers for low wage jobs. In addition, decision makers on both sides have acted against cross-border interaction, and a physical wall narrative comes every so often. At the same time, Haitian officials have made claims to Haitian population promoting relations with the Dominican Republic (Mejía, 2015b) and condoning the violation of rights within the current Dominican migratory system (Reyes, 2017). Similarly, Dominican government officials have also started campaigns on how they are incorporating Haitians to their territory.

Apart from the economic challenge of migration, a racial discourse also explains the sentiment; racist comments and hostile treatment towards Haitians are common (Martínez, 2003). The historian Moya Pons, argues that the contrast in [29] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature Review

3: In Saint Domingue there was a brutal slave system for sugar cane production while in Santo Domingo, cattle ranching economy, in which the slave needed to ride the horse as part of the labour, forming contrasting appearances, hence distinct imaginaries.

slave treatment on each colony3 constructed an image and a racial identity of Dominicans in relation to Haitians (Gates, 2011). The treatment and the consequent identity, has been reinforced with neocolonialism and dictatorships trough the history of these countries.

Although the strong conflict, the population flows from west to east, have an important economic value, since working Haitian migrants contribute with 5,4% to the Dominican GDP (UNFPA, 2013). The agriculture and construction fields relay heavily on low wage Haitian labourers, meaning that part of Dominican development has depended on Haiti. These migrants support the growing Dominican economy with young low-wage workers (World Bank, 2012).

In addition to their contributions, many of these working migrants, 49% of them (ONE, 2013), make enormous efforts to support relatives in natal Haiti via financial remittances.

These represents 11% of all remittances send to Haiti and more recently, have helped Haitians living in extreme poverty after the earthquake. With this entrance of foreign exchange, families have been able to access health and education in Haiti (World Bank, 2012).

METHODS: Literature Review (data analysis) and mapping.

Figure II.8: Socio-economic dependencies between Haiti and Dominican Republic.

Source:ONE, 2013;Worldbank, 2012. Illustrated by author [30] Territories of here and there

Not only financial remittances show the presence of Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic back in Haiti, some cultural activities have cross the border, in what Samers and Collyer (2017) define as social remittances. They are less documented but some examples exist. The Haitian konbit, comes from, the first Spanish, then Dominican tradition of convite4. Another instance is the name change of the border town initially called Juana MĂŠndez, that later changed to Ouanaminthe under Haitian administration.

Today, it is unclear how the relations between Haitians and Dominicans are when they have frequent contact; since it is not common for them to exchange on equal matters. On the large scale, generalised perceptions abound, but in close encounters, the feelings are different. Experiences from bateyes5 and informal settlements indicate that Dominicans living in these settings are less likely to show disrespect or express offensive, racist, xenophobic sentiments. In addition, is mostly the elites that struggle to adapt or bridge the language barrier between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, while the working class tend to be more tolerant (MartĂ­nez, 2003).

4: A tradition in which people invite neighbours to help with harvest or household construction in exchange of food, drinks and dancing

5: Settlements for sugar cane workers

METHODS: Literature Review

[31] Territories of here and there

II.IV THE TERRITORY OF MIGRATION

The border is the most evident destination of migration due to the proximity. Beyond these points, other destinations expand horizontally in search of new opportunities and create corridors of movement. In that regard, the border and the corridors are territorial units that defy traditional boundaries and spatial categories on the island, to explore and identify patterns of movement.

6: In the globalised world, new spaces have been forming, in which ideas and goods move and define new identities without the physicals constrains of traditional geography. In that sense, border regions are areas of demographic and urban growth. In most cases, the cities that emerge within frontiers are interdependent and defy national limits (Dilla, 2015a).

II.IV. i The Border Both Haitians and Dominicans move across the island, thus the border region6 is an unavoidable territory in this movement.

The perception of this territory region differs from Haitians and Dominicans. In general terms, for Haitians the border is an attraction; the proximity to the frontier allows access to health and education services, to exercise commerce, purchase food, to obtain jobs or to harvest agricultural land.

For Dominicans the construct is different: the border is a dangerous area (MejĂ­a, 2015a). Is either a transit point for goods or a far, non-accessible region defined by poverty in its extreme forms.

METHODS: Literature Review and ethnographic observation

Figure II.9: Haitian perceptions of the border in contrast to Dominican perceptions.

Illustrated by author.

[32] Territories of here and there

According to the diagnosis of PNUMA (2013) the border is a ‘poor and isolated’ region. Out the five Dominican provinces with the lowest score on human development index, four are border provinces. As a result, many Dominicans migrate to other cities in the country. Haitians then, occupy abandoned areas identifying an economic opportunity. Haitians cities near the border are receiving large numbers of young people, explaining the growing rate of 20%, much faster than the rest of the country. This young group predominantly participates in agricultural economic activities under informal conditions (PNUD, 2013).

Figure II.10: Map of Human Development Index.

Source: PNUD, 2014;2015. Illustrated by author

Food insecurity (including water) is the biggest concern for residents on the Haitian side of the border. This motivates transfrontier movement and participation in illegal charcoal production, to obtain means for daily life. Following that concern is the absence of sufficient salaries, health and education services.

Current agriculture practices at the border present low productivity due to soil degradation, small-scale parcels and the use of a slash-and-burn agriculture model. The natural resources of the border are at risk due the increasing demand of wood as energy source7. This leads to illegal charcoal practices occupying the territory of protected areas and biodiversity reservoirs. In the last years, such activities have generated local conflict often resulting in violent events.

The studies around this contraband show that 86% of the charcoal productions comes from the Dominican Republic and transported via the AzuĂŠi Lake. This reinforces Dominican ideas of occupation and appropriation of land by Haitians.

[33] Territories of here and there

7: 75% of the Haitian populations depends on wood and charcoal METHODS: Literature Review, data analysis in combination with mapping.

The poor soil condition has aggravated the impact of meteorological events on the basins of the border, some of these events causing tragic flooding events. For instance, heavy rains generated an overflow of the saline Lakes AzuĂŠi and Enriquillo. By the same token, the current contamination is producing water born diseases and is hindering access to clean water.

Slash-and burn-agriculture

Charcoal transport

Soil Erosion

Figure II.11: Diagnosis of the border region.

Source:PNUD, 2013;PNUMA, 2013. Adapted by author

METHODS: Literature Review (academic literature and reports) combined with mapping using GIS data sets

However, even with the vulnerabilities of the border, the socio-economic differences are palpable. The Dominican side still presents more services and opportunities, which creates asymmetries. Such condition, argues Dilla (2015a), is the reason why the relation between these two disparate countries emerges in the first place. He states that only under sufficient degree of inequality, border cities engage in intense stable interrelations.

The best example of asymmetry along the border is represented with the bi-national market. The Haitian embargo in the early nineties deepened the differences. As a result, the Dominican government created open border market fairs each week to [34] Territories of here and there

allow Haitians access to basic goods. These markets have grown ever since and currently represent the predominant source of income for border inhabitants. For both groups, the utilitarian aspect of their economic exchange is of high relevance (Dilla, 2015b). Everyone depends on the markets.

Albeit the imbalance has created important utilitarian relations, the differences overlap with similarities. Residents of the border share socio-economic conditions as well.

The documentary Fronterizas (2014) portrays the daily life of entrepreneur women from this region. They reflect and realise they have had the same fears about each other, but more importantly, they have the same economic, infrastructural and social obstacles to develop their lives and that of their families8. After their cooperation started, not only their network and resources grew, but also they were more comfortable to engage in bi-directional crossings, thus changing the traditional pattern of exclusively Haitians crossing the border.

Figure II.12: Snapshots depicting social and infrastructural limitations of economic exchange in the border region.

Source: Fronterizas [Documentary].

The cross-border economic interdependency has created intertwined urban pairs9. They are characterised by proximity, demand of similar resources and complex social relations.

Moreover, they constitute essential clusters along the aforementioned insular corridors, share a diverse range of services and develop governance relations between them (Dilla, 2015b). One common feature of these pairs is the density of the Haitian cities; they are estimated to be two to four times denser than their Dominican counterpart, with faster growing rates (Dilla, 2015b; PNUMA 2013). Therefore, adding pressure to the critical ecological resources and the scarce infrastructure and services on the Dominican territory (Mejía, 2015a).

[35] Territories of here and there

8: A liminal character is often found in these type of regions and thus understood as ‘fringes’, ‘marginals spaces’, ‘terrain vagues’ and ‘wastelands’. Border are in between two conditions, where two spatial logics meet.

Therefore, suggesting ‘openness, porosity and transformation’ (Avermaete, 2010). For Doron (2010), the border is a no (man’s) place, a ‘non-place’, following Augé’s definition of the term.

9: Dilla (2015a) defines as cross-border urban complexes to settlements inserted in, although relatively distant, highly interdependent border cities.

Other scholars, such as Herzog (1998), conceptualise the spatial configurations around the border as transfrontier metropolitan regions, meaning territories with central settlements around a border that with time have become one functional entity; intertwine settlements with overlapping ecosystems. The intersection of border cities is also referenced as cross-border conurbations. Moreover, border cities are units of analysis that allow a horizontal relation between international high level and local level public policy (Peña, 2008).

METHODS: Literature Review (academic papers and reports). Ethnographic observation via documentaries

A

B

METHODS: Literature Review and mapping using satellite imagery

Figure II.13: A) Satellite imagery of the urban pair Ounaminthe-DajabĂłn, zooming in to the crossing area/market and B) of the urban pair La Source-JimanĂ­, zooming in to the crossing area/market.

Source: Google Earth Pro, 2017.

[36] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature Review and ethnographic observation

Figure II.14: Haitian-Dominican Borderscape Source: Diario Libre, Vice News, Cadena de Noticias. Adapted by author [37] Territories of here and there

10: From the 1st Sunday of November and the 2â żd Sunday of March there is one hour difference between both countries which increases the waiting time at the border. Both countries have the same schedule when Haiti adopts Daylight saving time.

Inhabitants of the border cross the line on different temporal frameworks. These commuters, from kids to seniors, cross to the Dominican Republic to buy goods, go to school or get medical services, participate in the bi-national markets, go to work on agricultural areas or participate in the illegal charcoal activity (PNUMA, 2013; MejĂ­a, 2015a). Everyday kids wait until the border gates open at 08:00 to go to school10.

Man and women cross it before going to work, while other cross it on the weekends to avoid the daily military apparatus of the border. This pattern reveals the character of the border; migrants are in constant movement, they come and go with multiple frequencies and participate in two communities.

METHODS: Literature review and ethnographic observation

Figure II.15 : Photographs of the cross-border commuters of the border region.

Source: Diario Libre, 2015. Adapted by author [38] Territories of here and there

Another instance of temporal nature, are the binational markets. These weekly socio-economic events open twice a week and create a free space of trade and exchange. The DajabĂłn market and the one at JimanĂ­, are the most important bi-national fairs, due to the corridor in which they are inserted.

These events manifest the deficient infrastructure and spatial arrangements in which they exist and the limitations it poses for a growing social and economic dynamic. In Malpaso|se, the markets are open on Monday and Thursdays.

This implies a discrepancy between market days and regular days. The visitors, and the consequent spatial requirements, increase 50% to 75% on market days (D. Trinidad, personal communication, February 4, 2018), thus exposing the urgency of creating infrastructures for the border nodes. However, their current location, continuous expansion and lack of infrastructure cause sanitary and environmental concerns (PNUMA, 2013). These two instances reveal a typical feature of the border: the minimal spatial quality inhibits the further development of trans-national activities. .

METHODS: Literature review

Figure II.16 : Weekly schedule of Binational Markets.

Source: MejĂ­a, 2015a. Adapted by author

[39] Territories of here and there

Figure II.17: Timeline of Binational Fairs of Ecotourism and Production.

Source: Fundación Ciencia y Arte, 2015. Adapted by author

In the last years, border events are part of binational efforts. For instance, the last Festival Deportivo de Frontera (Sports Festival of the Border), was celebrated in Jimaní in 2016. Similarly, the last Feria Binacional de Ecoturismo y de Producción (Binational Ecotourism and Production Fair) was held in 2013 in Savanette and Hondo Valle on the Northern part of the border region. In 2004, the first binational event was simultaneously celebrated in Jimaní and Fond Parisien (Fundación Ciencia y Arte, 2015). Since then, several fairs have been organised along the border and cross-border ecotouristic routes are emerging as a result of this initiative. These events are promoting cross-border relations, confirming the value on fostering bidirectional patterns of movement across the border.

METHODS: Literature Review

The security apparatus and the trend to strengthen it, imposes a restriction on the frequency of border dynamics.

The contrast of a territory being one functional entity while at the same time being demarcated by a strongly militarised border implies that any movement across the line becomes a socio-economic barrier. Crossing a border, violent security checks and tedious passport checks restricts the potentials of frontier activities.

[40] Territories of here and there

II. IV. ii The Corridors Apart from the border, the metabolism of goods and people on the island is at the most importance at the capital cities. This is where commodities and the emancipatory opportunities for migrants agglomerate. Most migrants move to improve their life conditions and have access to job opportunities.

Being cities a powerful landscape for self-development, both Dominican and Haitians move to each other’s capitals to create better lives for themselves and the relative proximity enables frequent travel.

Figure II.18: Diagram of the corridor connecting Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo.

Source: Dilla (2015a). Illustrated by author

Dominicans have found in Haitian big cities, such as Portau-Prince or Cap-Haïtien, entrepreneurial opportunities, created small businesses or are part of the emergent formal work force. Similarly, Haitians go to Dominican cities such as Santo Domingo or Santiago. This pattern is a recent one, as I explained before, after the sugar cane crisis, Haitian migrants started to move to the most important Dominican urban areas. Since the 1990, urban setting became the new destinations.

Once in these metropolitan areas, they engage in the construction industry or the informal economy even thou it implies extremely low wages. With their movement, they have created communities where migrants alike live and gather.

In the case of Santo Domingo, Pequeño Haití (Little Haiti) is the most prominent Haitian settlement and commercial destination for Haitians in the Dominican Republic.

As a result of the history migration conflict, once Haitians move to Dominicans cities they encounter fierce rejection.

This is in part to their economic practices. Informal economy in form of street vendors occupies the scarce open public space that exists in Dominican cities, they relay on streets, sidewalks, and pedestrian bridges. Dominicans perceive this as a transgression, an invasion of the territory, as ‘haitianisation’ of space, in part as a result of the craftsmanship aesthetics of informal vendors.

[41] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature review and mapping

11: The purchase of individual vehicles is increasing without corresponding infrastructure. This reduces the capacity of the street grid; 30-66% of street surface is currently are used as parking spots (ADN, 2017).

Santo Domingo concentrates productive activities with metropolitan and, in some cases, national scope. The centralised nature explains the displacements of residents in the context for labour, educational opportunities and administrative processes. It is the most interconnected city but at the same time is affected by major traffic congestion11.

Morphologically, the city is located on the southern coast on top of three geological terrace levels of reef origin without significant differences in height, which enables the horizontal expansion of the urban grid. Dense informal settlements without waste and water management infrastructure contribute to the contamination of water bodies and other ecological features in the city. Concomitantly, these areas present more vulnerability to floods as a result of meteorological events and social vulnerability. Many rural and Haitian newcomers are residents of the aforementioned urban districts (ADN, 2017).

METHODS: Literature review and mapping

Figure II.19: Diagnosis of the Santo Domingo.

Source:ADN, 2017. Adapted by author [42] Territories of here and there

Contrary to Haitian migrants, Dominican migrants in Haiti do not face discrimination or the opposition they counterparts face in the Dominican Republic. They are able to insert themselves in the Haitian work force, they are part of small businesses and are able to apply their technical skills; as hairdressers, skilled construction workers or doctors. Most Dominican migrants in Haiti, move to PĂŠtion Ville in Port-auPrince, the most affluent part of the city and an opportunity to find jobs.

Similarly to Santo Domingo, Port-au-Prince is a coastal city with centralised commercial, administrative and political power, which facilities have regional and national scope.

Conversely, is surrounded by mountain systems, restricting formal urban expansion. This has enabled the generation of informal settlements adjacent to high slopes, flood areas or waste disposal surfaces. Such settlements lack tenure and waste and water infrastructure12. Most residents of Portau-Prince perceive a low income and reside in highly dense environments under insufficient urban environmental quality.

The most affluent population has developed new settlements to avoid the lack of environmental quality, as the case of PĂŠtion Ville (Joseph, 2012).

12: Political instability has hinder the management of the territory contributing to the irregularity of land use (Joseph,2012).

METHODS: Literature review and mapping

Figure II.20: Diagnosis of the Port-au-Prince Source: Joseph, 2012. Adapted by author [43] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature review and ethnographic observation

Figure II.21: Photographs of Santo Domingo and Port-au-Prince and its migrants Source: El paĂ­s,2015; ListĂ­n Diario,2016; El Nacional,2016; Acento,2016; CDN, 2015. Adapted by author [44] Territories of here and there

IN SUMMARY Haiti and Dominican Republic share a confined territory, meaning, they are highly interdependent. As a result of the asymmetry between them, for Haitians, migration to Dominican Republic is an opportunity to access services and jobs, and for Dominican Republic, the desire of Haitians to work under low wages is a way to a faster development.

However, the historic conflict exacerbates with migration and has created a context that overlooks the economic significance and the potentialities of migrants moving between both countries of Hispaniola.

Both population find opportunities while migrating and both appreciate the proximity of the countries, which enables them to travel frequently. However, there is a great ordeal of inequality, specially for Haitians and the territories they inhabit.

The border, as the first territory of encounter receives different migrants. Cross-border commuters go to school or sell at the border on market days. This means, that the frontier territory has different uses in time. Daily, people cross it for mundane activities, but every week the dynamic changes when the border is open and markets dominate the day. But this region also faces a crisis of infrastructure that hinders the socioeconomic exchange. As presented in Fronterizas, entrepreneur women from both sides, often cannot meet due to the minimal spatial configuration and quality of the borderscape.

Moving away from the border in search of emancipation, urban destinations such as Santo Domingo, Santiago, Portau-Prince or Cap-HaĂŻtien, experience spatial modifications by these -under certain economic constrains- frequent travels.

These practices implies many durations, movement and therefore creating and demanding new spaces.

One similar characteristic is that once they move they create communities around their work activities and consumption of goods. However, there are also differences between migrants in Dominican cities and migrants in Haitian cities. Haitians are active in public open space as part of the informal commercial activities and the main reason of contested space. This differs from Dominicans use of Haitian open public space.

[45] Territories of here and there

Cap-Haïtien

Ounaminthe

Dajabón

Santiago Elías Piña Belladere

Fond Parisien

Jimaní Santo Domingo

Port-au-Prince

Pedernales Anse -a - Pitres

Figure II.22: Observation of the context Source: Drawn by author [46] Territories of here and there

I I I . O N

T H E O RY :

[TRANS]MIGRATORY RHYTHMS

[47] Territories of here and there

III. I MIGRATION IN THE NATION-STATE

1: In 2003, the projection for 2050 was 230 million for global international migration. The data of 2015 shows that the global estimate is 244 million international migrants. The revised projection of 2010 for 2050 estimated 405 million international migrants globally (IOM, 2018).

Migration is a practice that transgresses and challenges borders and territories. Global migration, trade and cultural interrelations are far from new phenomena (Smith, 2001).

The modern nation state relies on ‘boundaries, censuses, taxes and documentation’. Being that the case, the challenge of the nation-state is that the notion of identity depends on fixed starting constructs ‘blood, language, religion, territory’, but at the same time, conflicts around these constructs often motivate, sometimes forces, cross-border mobility.

With increasing migration1, the nation-state is in crisis, it creates tensions between ‘diasporic pluralism’ and ‘territorial stability’. The traditional narrative of sovereignty is based on ethnic coherence attained with common origin or soil, which are used to grant identity, citizenship and access to rights, thus penalising and expelling those outside the homogenous group (Appadurai, 2015). Moreover, the nation-states are relatively new constructs promoted by dominant classes. This process uses ideas of collective memories to validate loyalties towards a territory (Glick, Basch & Szanton, 1995).

Even though no more than 3,5% of the world population lives outside their country of origin, the nation state is often the main perspective to analyse migration. For Sammers and Collyer (2017), territories and migrants have material effects on each other. In addition, the practice of migration interrelates different territories since it creates functional links between them. This leads to the term ‘transnationalism’.

The authors summarised it as the linkages that connect people and institutions across borders and as the complex connections where migrants intertwine the societies of origin and settlement.

2: ‘If we think of borders as porous, as nation-sates as heterogeneous rather than homogeneous, as cultures as fluid, and power and the law as less concentrated in, or exercised by, central governments, then we can begin to think of new spatial metaphor of migration and immigration’ .

Sammers & Collyer, 2017 METHODS: Literature Review

Migrants can foster continual ties with beneficial outcomes for origin and destination societies/states. This is materialised in financial and social remittances. Remittances are central to home communities and have show positive impact yet for the senders often implies high cost in living standards to contribute back home. They have help to reduce poverty on the household scale but rarely lead to community or national scale economic development. In that regard, circular migration has strong potentials in creating ‘brain gain’ or ‘brain circulation’. The associated social and financial remittances contribute to the construction of school, roads, religious or social institutions. This places migrants as ‘agents for development’ in an age of ‘co-development’2 (Ibid).

[48] Territories of here and there

III. II [TRANS]MIGRATION

Migration rarely implies a clean new slate, is a twofold process of engaging with a new territory and keeping ties with the old one. According to Glick et al.(1995), migration is a transnational practice. Migrants are in reality transmigrants, they do not simply leave home and try to incorporate into a new country, they are ’rooted’ in their new destination but also maintain links with their place of origin. For the authors, transmigrants are ‘immigrants whose daily lives depend on multiple and constant interconnections across international borders and whose public identities are configured in relationship to one or more nation-state’(p.46).

They argue that transmigrants are ‘simultaneously embedded’ in multiple societies, since they ‘maintain connections, develop institutions and influence local and national events in the countries from which they emigrated’ (p.46). This pattern responds to the lack of desire or possibilities to completely immerse in the host community. Moreover, the development of new technologies has facilitated the linkages with home.

These ties enable transmigrants to be abroad and continue as participants in family and communities decisions3, visit regularly and create homes and businesses even when the opportunities in the host country are stagnant4.

Furthermore, the most prominent migrant business operations lie at the interstices of transnationalism, such as shipping and air cargo companies, import-export groups or money transfer agencies (Ibid.)

According to Smith (2001), transmigratory practices are sustained in two ways: transnational actors are materially connected within a city to socioeconomic opportunities or political and cultural practices, or they maintain connections trough means of communication and travel. The latter implies a simultaneous co-presence in their transnational lives, they respond to here and there (Smith, 2005).

Thinking of transnational actors also validates the agency5 of transmigrants in global socio-economic flows and in the creation of urban life. (Smith, 2001).

[49] Territories of here and there

3: Haitian transmigrants were key political participants in their home country. Members of the anti-Duvalier movement created social support in Haiti and United States to reform the Haitian condition (Glick et al., 1995).

4: Dominican transmigrants in United States secure class mobility by setting business in New York. In other instances, they have settle lives in US but invest in businesses in the home country to ensure status (Ibid.).

5: Smith (2001) recalls the notes of Meaghan Morris on agency.

She argues ‘there is something tinny about theories of “agency” and demands for theories of agency, that enunciatively erase a sense of the messiness of living and acting in the mediated world of today’.

METHODS: Literature Review

III. III SPATIALITIES OF TRANSMIGRATION

6: ‘[…] the migrant makes no sense because no sense has been built around them’.

Easterling, 2016a

Transmigrants are mobile subjects yet socially and spatially situated, thus they depend on the formation of strong social networks that are spatially and temporally situated. Locating global and local practices leads to a network of articulated translocal places that crosses national borders and enables them to maintain and deepen the links with the places of origin. Although these new spaces disrupts6 the urban territory they also contribute in localising global flows and generating spaces of rich meaning (Smith, 2001; 2005).

Apart from translocalities in host communities, the double presence of transmigration has parallel effects home and abroad. Social and financial remittances have spatial implications and influence the urban landscape. These ‘spatial manifestations of nostalgia’ (Escobedo & Ruiz de Teresa, 2016) physically shape the territory. In many Latin American cities, remittances capital propels the generation and expansion of residential neighbourhoods that pressure the urban infrastructure. In some cases, self-organised mix settings with multifunctional units, and in others, predetermined units in gated communities (García, Barajas, Corral, García, 2016).

Belonging and participating in more than one territory implies new spatial arrangements, which demands a different notion of belonging and challenges the traditional assumptions of occupation of space by newcomers (Casanovas, Galán, Carrasco, Navarrete & Otero (2016). Using the approach of trasmigration is beneficial to be cognisant of the changing role of spatial interventions in an era of constant transit with complex dialectics of mobility and permanence. Not only to find spatial solutions but to create new concept and tools for our practice. In transmigratory spatialities, actors engage in different permanence spans, thus the spatial practice ‘shelters temporariness’ with devices for lives in transit (Scott, 2016).

METHODS: Literature Review

[50] Territories of here and there

III. IV TRANSMIGRATORY SPATIAL RHYTHMS

Transmigratory practices are manifested in constant exchange of means and frequent travel with the increasing reduction in the friction of distance. This is then a repetitive action and for Lefebvre (2004), repetition is part of rhythm; the one cannot exist without the other. Rhythm is inseparable from grasping the notions of time repetition, which defines cities and movement trough space7.

7: ‘The every day establish itself creating hourly demands, systems of transport, in short, its repetitive organisation. Things matter little; the thing is only a metaphor, divulged by discourse, divulging representations that conceal the production of repetitive time and space’.

Lefebvre, 2004

Is easy to confuse rhythm with movement; is often associated with musical beats or historic cycles but these approaches overlook the actors. He argues there is no rhythm without repetition in time and in space and each repetition implies and produces differences; there are no identical repetitions. It can be observed in daily ceremonies, rites in the urban realm.

Where there is interaction between place, time and energy, there is rhythm and as a result there is repetition of movement, actions, interrelations of linear and cyclical processes and the origin, growth, peak and decline of an event (Ibid.).

These notions are productive in the spatio-temporal analysis of places to identify the influences of time and actors in space. With each repetition there is a spatial transformation, thus spaces are in constant change and ought to be adaptive and responsive to the demands of new users and applications.

METHODS: Literature Review and mapping

Figure III.1: Conceptual diagram of repetition and difference in relation to the spatialities of transmigration. Based on rhythmanalysis and transnational urbanism concepts. Illustrated by author [51] Territories of here and there

[52] Territories of here and therefor the project. Illustrated by author Figure III.2: Conceptual diagram summarising the theoretical framing of migration

[53] Territories of here and there

III. V TRANSMIGRATION ON HISPANIOLA

On the island, they are different frecuencies of travel for migrants. Between Santo Domingo and Port-au-Prince, entrepreneurs travel constantly for economic purposes or visit family. At the border, is evident the multiple variations of transmigration: commuters crossing the border every day or week to school or cultivate land. Also, more stable movements create translocal settlements along the border.

These translocal units are also inserted in other cities in the island, mainly on Dominican territory.

Their movement and associate practices create new types of spatial configurations that respond to the nature of movement and permanence of transnational lifestyles. To illustrate, the binational markets at the border represent self-organised spaces in constant transformation supporting transmigration and global networks.

| Day |

| Month |

METHODS: Literature Review and mapping, spatio-temporal analysis

| Year |

Figure III.3: Diagrams approximating transmigratory rhythms on the island.

Illustrated by author [54] Territories of here and there [YEAR]

Weekly rhythm Daily rhythm Cross-border commuters

Entrepreneurs [cross the border every other week to work with women from the network on the other side of the border]

Kids go to school [MON to FRI]

Man goes to the market [Monday and Thursday]

Monthly rhythm

Yearly rhythm

Construction worker [goes back home every other month to ďŹ nish his family house]

Street vendor [uses public space | goes back home every year with supplies for his family shop]

Figure III.4: Diagram of transmigratory actors and their rhythms of travel on the island. Illustrated by author [55] Territories of here and there

Figure III.5: Overview of overlapping transmigratory travels on the island connecting territorial and regional centralities. Illustrated by author [56] Territories of here and there

[57] Territories of here and there

I V. O N M E T H O D O LO G Y : FRAMING THE HISPANIOLA BORDER PROJECT ‘Process is more important than outcome. When the outcome drives the process we will only ever go to where we’ve already been. If process drives outcome we may not know where we’re going, but we will know we want to be there’.

Bruce Mau, An Incomplete Manifesto for Growth

IV. I PROBLEM STATEMENT Haiti and Dominican Republic are asymmetric countries sharing one island. Thus, for Haitians, migration to the east is an opportunity while for Dominicans is a pacific invasion.

Such thinking overlooks the functional relations across the border that prove advantageous for both countries.

Since migration is a constant practice of frequent traveling, migration on Hispaniola has different temporalities, which implies multiple rhythms of movement that affects the appropriation of space.

The transmigratory movement generates relations along insular corridors where the border is the first point of encounter for border commuters, their practices and further inhabitantion of space; making the temporal perspective a productive rationale to reveal the potentialities of migration on a territory dependent on transnational practices.

[60] Territories of here and there

IV. II HYPOTHESIS The rhythmic bidirectional nature of transmigrants is an opportunity to create new spatial configurations that recognises and support permanent and mobile lifestyles, while defining new narratives for migration in Hispaniola.

[61] Territories of here and there

IV. III RESEARCH QUESTION

How to design urban structures that promote multiple uses of space under the different temporalities of transmigratory practices in Hispaniola?

Given characteristics of migration in Hispaniola, what I ought to do with this context? How can spatial interventions redefine the narrative of migration on the island?

1. What are the transmigratory practices along the Port-au-Prince | Santo Domingo corridor?

2. How are the temporalities of each site along the corridor?

3. What is the spatial impact of such temporalities for each site along the corridor?

4. What spatial requirements do they demand?

5. What program/spatial setting can promote transmigratory practices?

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IV. IV METHODOLOGY

Urbanism is a field of many dimensions and in order to evaluate the complex conditions of a problem is necessary to evaluate information in multiple ways. Throughout this academic endeavour I will use ‘mixed methods’, in other words, qualitative information and quantitative data to underpin the observations and decisions throughout the project.

Literature Review For the concerns of this project, I relied on literature review to develop a sound rationale. The context and the theory inform each other. For example, data from insular relations motivated questions on the theory behind such findings.

This concerns are answered trough an extensive body of knowledge conformed by books, essays, academic papers, reports and publications addressing globalisation, spatiliaties of transnational practices, its dialectic of permanence and movement, rhythms, migration, border regions, the creation of territory, the agency of infrastructure and guidelines for adaptive urban design and programmatic strategies. These tools prove to be productive for framing migration on the island and to base the approach for the project.

The review is beneficial satisfy observations and possible solutions. During the design process, referring to academic literature and case studies was valuable to advance the strategies and spatial responses.

Spatiotemporal Analysis Given the nature of transmigratory practices and the frequency of travelling, is mandatory to comply with such character. In that regard, I observed and identified the different users on space and the duration of the activities, the temporal changes of the movement and the permanence1.

This was conducted at different stages throughout the process. First, as a result of the theoretical framework to develop approximations about transmigration on the island and second, during and after sites visits. The latter was developed with more detail and closely intertwined with the spatial manifestations of transmigratory practices.

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1: 'For him [the rhythmanalyst] nothing is immobile'.

Lefebvre, 2004

This approach facilitated the design process and provided clear insights about each site in order to select the main case study.

Mapping Much of the information about transnational activities and networks is easier to understand trough maps and other spatial representations. For this, GIS data sets, satellite images, tracing, analytical maps and representative drawings are tools to construct the spatial reality of the context in relation to the theory and evidence from the context.

Furthermore, mapping and drawing served as exercises to organise and summarise ideas. These drawing often lead to conclusions and the subsequent following steps. They help me clarify the main questions and to reveal paths of my curiosity. Mapping also informed the literature review and the writing process.

Observations The initial inspiration for the project derived form observation. According to Xerez & Fonseca (2011), general observation contributes the development of ethnographic analysis which can lead to an acute understanding of sociospatial dynamics. In this case, documentaries, music videos, paintings, photographs, movies and news articles motivated the academic exercise.

Detailed observation assisted the understanding of the trasmigratory narrative which at the same time provided knowledge for the design responses of the project.

The first stage of research relied on second hand observation and interpretation of social conditions that were later related to the spatial realm. The field trip provided a deeper layer of observation while on site.

Video For this graduation thesis project, I have chosen video not only to document the complexities of the sites along the corridor, each with different temporalities, but also to explore methods of representation and to reflect on the character of the profession.

Following Harris (2016), in a context in which the visual culture [64] Territories of here and there

is increasing, visual approaches enhance the understanding of human conditions, and in the case of this graduation thesis, of socio-spatial conditions.

Currently, video dominates image-based research as the primary visual tool for qualitative research. This tool has vast potential in collecting, analysing and communicating research and concomitantly, influences how we see data.

For instance, moving image allows an in time recognition of practices in space and the dynamic nature of inhabiting the built environment. Moreover, video lies in between method (tool) and methodology (conceptual framework) given its capacity to inform knowledge creation and its flexibility of being both medium and message (Harris, 2016).

Mitchell (2011) highlights that video-based research introduces the conversation on the limits of video objectivity to becoming a subjective exercise. More importantly, such expansion of the role of video and other visual methods as valid research tools, pressures the traditional expectations of academia. Using moving image allowed me to deconstruct the uses of space in time, comprehend the changes and communicate proposals using moving image2.

Beyond the assignment, the use of video has granted me a deep awareness of the dynamic potential of the spatial, the value of the temporal dimension in the design and production process and more importantly in the changing aspect of design itself.

Figure IV.1: Muybridge studies of woman jumping over barrier. Source: SFMOMA, (1990).

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2: Moving image as a tool facilitates a comprehensive understanding of the relation between object/space/user. As in the case of the Muybridge studies where time ’freezes’ and the resulting pictures demonstrate the subtle and extreme change.

Field Trip 3: Smith (2001) argues "travelling cultures" requires travelling researchers'.

The specificity of the site(s) requires an exhaustive visit to the locations the along the corridor3. At the moment the documents regarding the chosen sites do not correspond to the line of enquiry of this project. The existing documents and reports are complementary and frame the context of the sites. Therefore, it was critical to visit the site and gather information, observe practice, document socio-spatial dynamics and understand the uses of space in relation to time.

Moreover, while on site is possible to understand the differences and similarities in term of transmigratory practices on spaces and the social exchanges resulting from this transnational practice.

Conversations While on site, structured interviews could intimidate local agents. With that in mind, informal conversations served as a way of introduction to then ask questions and discuss with the aim of gathering information after obtaining their permission.

These local agents have experience on the site, they have worked and lived for decades on these environment and posses the knowledge about its evolution, rhythm and frequent changes. These free-format talks educated me on the nuances of the territories, its migrants and the complex social relations.

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Figure IV.2: Diagram of research approach

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Figure IV.3: Methodology diagram

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IV. V THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

In order to satisfy my research questions and to underpin the ideas, proposal and conclusion for this graduation project different authors and thinkers framing addresses, transnational practices, transmigration, rhythms and the transit nature of migratory movements.

HISPANIOLA The context of the island is rarely approach as one territory, therefore I relay on some information to be able to frame it as an one functional entity.

• Los Complejos Urbanos en la frontera dominico-haitiana.

Written by Haroldo Dilla. 2015 ‘[...]it changed in 1990’s [...] it activated a growing cross-border and bi-national traffic. [...]

The intense economic activity has lead to the creation of four economic corridors, defined as transfrontier axis...’

MIGRATION Since the main topic of my graduation studio is migration and its relation with the built environment, I have some essential questions about movement of people and their loyalties to the place their place of origin and the place they move to, specially because, I am interested in the idea of transmigrant and what effect can they have in their natal land and for the overall insular territory.

• From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration. Written by: Schiller, N., Basch, L. & Szanton,C.1995 ‘Transnational migration is the process by which immigrants forge and sustain simultaneous multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin ad settlement’.

• After Belonging: The objects, spaces and Territories of the Ways We Stay in transit. Edited by LluísAlexandre Casanovas Blanco, Ignacio G.Galán, Carlos Mínguez Carrasco, Alejandra Navarrete Llopis and Marina Otero Verzier. Oslo Architecture Triennale 2016 ‘Sheltering temporaniness explores the different permanence [70] Territories of here and there

spans [...] and the infrastructure, network and spaces supporting these forms of cooperation’.

‘Technologies for a life in transit reflects upon modes of organisation shaping contemporary network geographies'.

RHYTHM Given that transmigration implies repetitive frequent traveling, I use Lefrebvre’s work on rhythm to relate the territory with the migrants lifestyles.

• Rhythmanalysis: space, time and everyday life. Written by Henri Lefebvre. 2004 ‘Everywhere where there is interaction between a place, a time and an expenditure of energy there is a rhythm. Therefore: a) repetition...’

‘For him (the rhythmanalyst), nothing is immobile.’

TRANSNATIONAL URBANISM One of the consequences of migration is their emplacement and their transnational lifestyles. Smith creates a framework to see migrants as agents that are active simultaneous in different places.

Transnational Urbanism revisited. Written by Michael Peter Smith. 2005 ‘The study of transnational urbanism thus underlines the sociospatial processes by which social actors and their networks forge the translocal connections and create the translocalities that increasingly sustain new modes of being-in-the-world’.

INFRASTRUCTURE SPACE Currently, the border prioritises security infrastructure over the urgent spatial demands of the region. With that in mind, I approach the intervention at Malpaso with infrastructural thinking to contribute to the production of a frontier territory.

• The Production of Territory. Written by Kathy Velikov & Geoffrey Thün (2017).

•Territorial Infrastructures: Recognizing PoliticoEnvironmental Ecologies. Written by Kathy Velikov & Geoffrey Thün (2017).

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‘Infrastructure operates as one of the primary technologies of the territorial process, actively structuring and restructuring the geo and bio-political relations between groups of humans, and between humans and the environment’.

‘Since infrastructure serves an organizational and utilitarian role for societies, it is also a highly strategic political and economic instrument, and a primary technology in the construction of territory’.

ITINERANT ARCHITECTURE The temporal nature of the site indicates a rationale for program and activities across the border to promote crossings in both directions. The writings of Otero Verzier about moving institutions inspired the incorporation of strategic programmatic activities with different time frameworks.

Aterrizajes. Written by Marina Otero Verzier, 2012.

Arquitectura para la democracia o máquinas de propaganda.

Written by Marina Otero Verzier, 2017 ‘These itinerant architectures, which participate in the structuring of social relationships at the territorial level, have the capacity to become powerful propaganda machines, tools for the social construction of gender, identity expansion national policies or incipient urban developments. But also in instruments of democratisation, which carry the virtues of the politic body? participation in social, cultural and political issues? to the most neglected communities’.

LOOSE AND TIGHT PUBLIC SPACE As a result of the dialectic of mobile and fixed practices as a result of transmigratory practices at the border, framing public space as dynamic spatial setting helps the conception of design responses.

Loose space: Possibility and diversity in urban space. Edited by Karen A. Franck and Quentin Stevens, 2007 ‘Conflicting actions of loosening and tightening do not remain locked at odds with each other in a perpetual stand-off, nor does one force typically simply obliterate all trace of the other. They form instead a synthesis, reaching a resolution - a new state of play which draws from two opposing perspectives but which also transcends and modifies both, so that new definitions of ‘possible’,’desirable’, ‘acceptable’, ‘strange’ and ‘transgressive’ behaviour and expression emerge’.

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IV. VI DESIGN GOAL

With this project I aim to develop spatial responses that contribute to the ongoing debate about Haitian migration in the Dominican Republic. To achieve this, is mandatory to understand transnational and cross-border systems in Hispaniola and to find common patterns that spatially intertwine both countries of the island, therefore promoting a territorial and spatial framework for planning and design regarding shared dynamics. This will also mean using space, place and territory as a way to encourage cooperation between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Another goal of this thesis is to test the agency of design and the territory in this particular context, thus identifying challenges, opportunities and limitations.

The theoretical objectives with this graduation project regards to defining transmigratory practices, how they shape the territory in relation to the dialectic nature of permanence and movement that migrants engage with. From this project I expect to portray migrants of Hispaniola as agents, instead of the current narrative of conflict that dominates Haitian-Dominican relations. The spatial expectations of this endeavour are to validate multi-temporal practices by the means of adaptable public space design and to produce common territory with local and regional infrastructure. The academic exercise also seeks to create spatial configurations for multiple users and introduce a dynamic rationale for design.

• Acute understanding of the context of Hispaniola and the spatio-temporal effects of migration within the island.

• Bidirectional movements between Haiti and the Dominican Republic • Validate multi-temporal practices • Produce border territories • Create adaptive spatial configurations for multiple users • Develop physical infrastructure for transnational social practices • Promote cross-border social practices

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IV. VII EXPECTED OUTCOME

Besides the strategic and design project, this exercise generates an acute understanding of the context of Hispaniola and the spatiotemporal effects of migration within the island. It also creates an analysis of the corridor connecting Santo Domingo and Port-au-Prince and the strategic nodes along the insular line.

From this process, the design projects identifies Malpaso|se as a strategic location at the border to generate an intervention that redefines the border security crossing point and market area as an integrated open space enabling the overlap of economic and security practices with social exchange and recreation while taking advantages of the natural landscape.

More importantly, is a space that validates its temporal nature, thus addresses binational markets, logistics and daily or weekly commuting. It also incorporates social and cultural program to stimulate bidirectional patterns of movement across the border, in an effort to acknowledge different rhythms and transmigratory practices.

Figure IV.4: Diagram of the expected spatial outcome. Illustrated by author

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IV. VIII RELEVANCE Population flows and other transnational streams embedded in the global system, are challenging the way in which territories and nation-states are understood. It has created socio-political conflicts, but also concerns about economic dynamics and the added pressure to ecologic systems that are administrated by different authorities.

First, in terms of social-political conflicts, migration in particular is a much debated process, but one creating tensions and humanitarian crisis. As in the case of this project, Hispaniola, systematised Haitian migration has been occurring for over 100 years but Dominicans see it as a transgression of borders and a ‘pacific invasion’. However, Haitian migrants have been an anonymous, yet important force behind Dominican development.

In the scientific sphere, there is a big demand of reterritorialising global phenomena and for the understanding of local spatialities of global processes (Herzog, 2014). In that sense, the case of Hispaniola serves as a laboratory to understand transnational practices in a confined territory and evaluate the local implications. This is also the reason why this project topic fits the graduation studio ‘Cities of comings and goings’ from the Urbanism Chair Design as Politics; it gives an example to understand migration and the transformations cities have to undertake to accommodate influx of people and goods at different scales and with different temporalities in a context of much conflicts.

In this times, what Bauman calls Liquid modernity, what Baudrillard refers to as times of accelerated cycles and what Hannerz addressed in the sixties, as dynamic culture, an urgent task of the urbanist is to identify what spatial configurations accommodate these practices. Now we ought to engage with the mobile and thus, the territories correspondent to flows and movements, to the concept of transit and rhythms.

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V. O N

S I T E S :

BETWEEN PORT-AU-PRINCE AND SANTO DOMINGO

V.I PORT-AU-PRINCE | SANTO DOMINGO CORRIDOR Just as Dilla (2015a) explains, transnational economic activities generate corridors. On Hispaniola, between the Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo, there is a territorial unit shaped by transnationalism. These places are the capital of each country and due to the existing centralisation scheme in Haiti and the Dominican Republic; these metropolises are the nodes of agglomeration. Between them, there are ‘secundary’ and ‘factory’ (Ibid.) Cities such as Croix-des-Bouquets, Fonds Parisien, La Source, Malpaso|se, Jimaní, Barahona, Azua and San Cristóbal engage in economic activities and host transmigratory actors. In this case, the terrestrial port and factpry city is Jimaní, with the border checkpoint at Malpasse.

The corridor represents the transit of the largest share of formally traded goods between both countries. In 2013, 48,5% of exported goods to Haiti was transported trough this checkpoint. In addition in 2011, 56,83% of international road passengers enter Dominican Republic while 53,43% used this spot to leave the country (Scheker, 2012). This quantitative approximation highlights the importance of this insular network.

The corridor in itself hosts many communities of transmigrants in relation to the predominant economic activities of the area.

For instance, the cane sugar industry in Barahona depends on Haitian labour. The same applies for the rest of the line. Along the corridor, Haitians perform most low wage labour; in Santo Domingo, they participate in the construction economy activity or informal economy.

Transmigrants along the corridor constantly move across the border. For Haitians, Santo Domingo is the most desirable destination on the island and a group of Dominicans move to cities in Haiti, like Pétion Ville or Port-au Prince. Closer to the border, there are many Haitians communities which residents cross the border as part of their daily dynamics.

METHODS: Literature review, observations, mapping

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Figure V.1: Spatial, societal and economic description on the territorial unit defined by Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo. Illustrated by author [79] Territories of here and there

V.II DESTINATIONS OF THE CORRIDOR V.II. i Pétion Vile

1: Joseph (2012) recalls Rachou Denis (2009) observations of the city ‘a conglomeration of nondescript office buildings, slums, old Victorian houses with “gingerbread” trim, modern cement block houses, and milliondollar homes’.

As described in the context, Port-au-Prince has extreme infrastructural and economic deficiencies. The deteriorating living conditions and crowdedness of the centre, has motivated the horizontal growth of the city. As a result inhabitants create communities with more open land an amenities. Such standards are available to medium to highincome individuals in Port-au Prince1 (Joseph, 2012). Pétion Ville is one of these affluent communities. Hotels, high-end commercial establishments are allocated in this part of the city, contrasting with the rest of Port-au-Prince.

Dominicans are attracted to jobs and entrepreneur opportunities on the western side of the border. For instance, manufactory facilities are opportunities for jobs that require technical specific technical skills since these are mainly offer to Dominicans. Similarly, in Pétion Ville many young engineers constitute the working force behind new constructions. Many Dominicans find here a niche to provide services demanded by the resident affluent population.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

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[a]: Street PĂŠtion Ville [81] Territories of here and there

[b]: Place Saint Pierre, Gregrory Street, PĂŠtion Ville [82] Territories of here and there

[c]: Shops in PĂŠtion Ville. Notice programme of transmigratory lifestyles [83] Territories of here and there

[d]: Faubert Street, PĂŠtion Ville [84] Territories of here and there

[e]:Street Market, PĂŠtion Ville [85] Territories of here and there

V.II. ii Transmigration in Pétion Vile In terms of transmigratory practices, Pétion Ville operates under monthly or bi-annual rhythms. Transmigrants travel every month back home for a weekend as part of their contracts or small business owners travel every three or six months and stay for longer periods of time.

Their distribution pattern of Dominicans residences of commercial destinations is scattered. Is not possible to identify a Dominican hub in Pétion Ville; long term accommodation, hotels and residences are allocated in different areas of the city.

2: Dominican salons are praised by their ability to straighten naturally curly hair. In United States and Spain-where there is a large transmigrant Dominican population- these salons are popular among women with a strong desire in wearing straight hair associated with traditional ideas of beauty. Haitian women in Pétion Ville also seek this hairstyle, reason why these salons are predominant in Pétion Ville.

From my field trip, this Haitian urban district shows evidences of transmigratory lifestyles due to the many remittances agents and the welcoming of migrants to the area. Moreover, the occupation of space by Dominican transmigrants in Pétion Ville is shaped by the economic activities on which they are inserted, shops, distribution centres or beauty salons2.

Is not yet clear if the inclusion of Dominicans in Pétion Ville is a result of economic similarities or a welcoming mentality of natives of the urban district.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

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Yearly rhythm Fixed organasiation in space

ColmadĂłn Figure V.2: Temporal diagram of transmigratory practices and their spatialities in PĂŠtion Ville.

Illustrated by author [87] Territories of here and there

Beauty Salon

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

Figure V.3: Spatial implications of transmigratory practices in PĂŠtion Ville. Illustrated by author [88] Territories of here and there

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V.II. iii Pequeño Haití Santo Domingo does not scape from infrastructural deficiency and neglected communities that create spatial fragmentation. A clear example is Pequeño Haití. This neighbourhood is the main translocal Haitian space in the city formed by Haitians when they to move to this are after the sugar cane crisis and is now an important destination for newcomers. The signs in Creole, French and Spanish and the combination of contrasting music, indicate a new space in the city.

Contrary to Pétion Ville, in Pequeño Haití transmigrants occupy a specific area in the city. Is a concentrated spatial scheme with negative associations, indicative of the tensions between Haitians and Dominicans in Santo Domingo. Furthermore, it does not reflect facilities that enable transmigratory lives, such as remittances agents or strong transnational institutions, yet there are architectures for trade logistics and travellers.

Pequeño Haití functions as mix neighbourhood. Residential buildings, warehouse centres, street markets, shopping street and short-term accommodation for Haitian travellers defined the character of the place.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

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[f]: Street Market in Del Monte y Tejada Street [91] Territories of here and there

[g]: Haitian shop in Benito Monciรณn Street [92] Territories of here and there

[h]: Del Monte y Tejada Street. Notice street market and short stay accommodation [93] Territories of here and there

[i]: Haitian Warehouse in Benito Monciรณn Street on an active day [94] Territories of here and there

[j]:Tap-Tap Truck in Benito Monciรณn Street [95] Territories of here and there

V.II. iv Transmigration in Pequeño Haití During my explorations on site, the different spatialities of transmigratory practices became evident. The distribution centre operates on weekly patterns where entrepreneurs load commodities to transport along the corridor and rich Port-au-Prince. This is materialised in many warehouses and the subsequent occupation of the adjacent streets with their freight and cargo activities. The street market operates every day and residents of the neighbourhoods and nearby inhabitants can get access to daily commodities.

The commercial nature responds to facilities of the surroundings since one the largest formal markets in the city are in the demarcating streets of Pequeño Haití and it is complemented with shops with mostly Haitian products catered for the Haitian population.

In this mix area, dwellers occupy streets for social and recreational activities due to the absence of public spaces. It also lacks sufficient infrastructure to accommodate a growing community and the range of practices of the site. These spatialities correspond to long-term rhythm of transnational practices.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

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Weekly rhythm fixed and mobile organisation in space

Dormitory

Daily rhythm mobile organasiation in space

Warehouses

Street Market

Yearly rhythm fixed organasiation in space

Dwelling

Figure V.4: Temporal diagram of transmigratory practices and spatilaities in Pequeño Haití.

Illustrated by author [97] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip, video

Figure V.5: Spatial implications of transmigratory practices in PequeĂąo HaitĂ­. Illustrated by author [98] Territories of here and there

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V.II MALPASO|SE AT THE BORDER

Malpaso|se is a strategic node on the corridor Port-au-Prince | Santo Domingo and an obligatory point for the largest shared of formally trade goods on the island (48,5% in 2013). On the Dominican side, Malpaso operates as customs area, migration control and military security checkpoint while the Haitian part functions as a daily street market, public transport stop and logistics control area. Given the uses, the site can be defined as a peri-urban area and a hub for global and local dynamics.

Goods crossing Malpaso|se reach destinations around the Caribbean region, satisfy insular demands and provide to local communities. This node is allocated on the road connecting Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo. Along the cross-border road, where the border demarcates the territory of each country, there is Malpaso|se, a place of growing exchange.

The most predominant activity of Malpaso|se are the binational market fairs. These markets follow the model of a ‘cash and carry’ vending in combination with retail street market operating on informal conditions. This generates a deep contrast when compared contrast such activity generates when compared to most days. At the same time, is one of the places to better understand transmigratory rhythms. Every week, two times a week, one of the biggest binational markets occupies the street linking both countries.

The rest of the week, Malpaso|se operates as a security check point, where cross border commuters and other migrants move across the border for school, work, services or leisure.

METHODS: Literature review, Conversations, analysis, observations, mapping, field trip.

Figure V.6 : Photograph of Malpaso|se gate. Source: Mooses, 2016 [100] Territories of here and there

[101] Territories of here and there Figure V.7 : Satellite Imagery of Malpaso|se. Source: Google Earth, 2018.

Figure V.8: Comparison of Malpasse market before and after the gates open. Source:Del Cid, 2015

METHODS: Literature review, spatiotemporal analysis, observations, mapping

Figure V.9: Comparison of Malpaso|se on regular days and market day.

Sources: Blackweel, 2015. Le Nouvelliste, 2015.

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Figure V.10: Photographic analysis of Malpaso|se comparing market days and regular days.

Source: Del Cid, 2015. Illustrated by author

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| Regular Days | [104] Territories of here and there Figure V.11: Diagram depicting spatial approximation of Malpaso|se comparing market days and regular days. Illustrated by author .

| Market Days | [105] Territories of here and there

V.II OBSERVING THE SITE

While being on site, it became evident the differences this node experiences on days of binational markets and on regular days. There are multiple narratives; Haitians, Dominicans, kids, border patrol agents, customs agents, transport agents, cargo on wheelbarrows. For any visitor, is an intense site with overlapping temporalities.

My field trip experience also enabled a sound awareness of the density of uses and the resulting hostility the place promotes. The combination of uses negatively disrupts the spatial configuration which generates pejorative socio-spatial dynamics. The absence of infrastructure, the lack of amenities and facilities and the time differences between each country contribute to the explain the problematic of the site.

The socio-spatial dynamics of the border show the complex social relations of the territory. To illustrate, local actors, including security personnel identify cross-border commuters and market visitors from travellers. These realisation allows a sensible understanding of the border condition in Malpaso|se.

It indicates the fragility of the border crossing since it depends on a bias profiling. At the same time, it allows social structures of binational origin. On this area, most inhabitants speak Haitian Creole and Spanish. Few areas on the island present a bilingual population in as much the border, in this case Malpaso|se, does.

The following photographs portray my impressions from the site and its multiple scenes. The most useful tool to interpret Malpaso|se is the moving image; to grasp the changes in time. The video analysis depicts the nuances in use of space, the complexity of the site and the overlap of socio-spatial dynamics.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip, video

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[k]: Border Gate at Malpaso [107] Territories of here and there

[l]: Warehouse in Malpaso [108] Territories of here and there

[m]: New typology at Malpaso: Container Shop [109] Territories of here and there

[n]: AzuĂŠi Lake [110] Territories of here and there

[o]: Flower near the lake [111] Territories of here and there

[p]: Haitian Truck in Malpasse [112] Territories of here and there

[q]:Truck check in Malpasse [113] Territories of here and there

[r]: Tap-Tap stop in Malpasse [114] Territories of here and there

[s]:Street Market in Malpasse [115] Territories of here and there

[t]: Street market in Malpasse [116] Territories of here and there

[u]: Street market in Malpasse [117] Territories of here and there

[v]: Open Border Gate on Market days [118] Territories of here and there

[w]: Bus check and passport control in Malpaso [119] Territories of here and there

[x]: Street Market in Malpaso. Notice logistic transportation using wheelbarrows [120] Territories of here and there

[y]: Street Market in Malpaso. Notice logistic transportation using wheelbarrows [121] Territories of here and there

[z]: Street Market in Malpaso. Notice large scale warehouses in combination with street vendors [122] Territories of here and there

[aa]Transit in Malpaso moments after border gate opens [123] Territories of here and there

[ab]:Street Market in Malpaso. containers and mobile street vendors [124] Territories of here and there

[ac]:Market in Malpaso. Containers create a secondary path for the market [125] Territories of here and there

[ad]:Street Market in Malpaso. Notice large scale warehouses in combination with street vendors extension of use of space [126] Territories of here and there

[ae]:Street Market. Containers as built shops [127] Territories of here and there

Figure V.12: Screen captures from video analysis of Malpaso|se

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[129] Territories of here and there

V.II MALPASO|SE WEEKLY

Every Monday and Thursday, the area of Malpaso|se transforms from an insufficient customs centre to vending street and cash and carry informal open market. This is complemented with logistic and transport for goods and people, while maintaining security, migratory an customs activities. On those occasions, the weekly and the daily overlap. According to the conversations held with locals, the place receives a 50-75% increase in visitors on market days, which completely redefines the site and therefore its operability. The changes in use indicate the programmatic nature of the site and demonstrate the multiple temporalities dominating the narrative of Malpaso|se.

The temporalities of Malpaso|se demonstrate different frequencies. Every day, between the Dominican border gate and the allocation of Haitian border patrol, called Tierra de Nadie [No Man’s Land, there is a daily street market, Monday to Sunday. Monday and Thursday the Dominican border is open and there is a free zone of economic exchange. Apart from these activities daily commuters, kids and elderly cross the border to get health and education services. Other transmigrants cross this point in their travels, with different frequencies, yearly or monthly, creating a constant and itinerant nature of the rhythms on site.

Different activities take priority during the week. Beyond national military security, logistics and transport are constant practices that present higher intensity on market days. Migration and customs controls operate every day and overlaps with other activities.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

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Weekly rhythm Weekly rhythm Daily rhythmDaily rhythm

Yearly rhythm Yearly rhythm

Figure V.13: Temporal diagram of transmigratory in Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author .

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METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

Figure V.14: Existing weekly program in Malpaso|se. Notice the most demanding practices of market days.

Illustrated by author,inspired on the Yokohama program diagrams by OMA. [132] Territories of here and there

[133] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

Figure V.15: Existing day program in Malpaso|se.on market days. Notice the overlap of function with similar temporalities.

Illustrated by author,inspired on the Yokohama program diagrams by OMA. [134] Territories of here and there

[135] Territories of here and there

V.II FIXED AND MOBILE DIALECTIC

The major spatial realisation from the field trip is the interdependence of mobile and fixed physical elements, since the different temporalities of Malpaso|se affect the spatial configurations on site. To illustrate, the daily street market on the Haitian side, and thus mobile vendors, generate a higher density of temporal occupation in space but also creates opportunities for recreational facilities and public transport stops.

3: The market originated with small trucks visiting the site twice a week to sell commodities to the Haitian population near the border. Once the market became an expected event, vendors bough and allocated old containers on site (J. Novas, personal communication, February 5th, 2018).

On the Dominican part of the border, where binational markets are held, the occupation of space differs. Containers for instance, indicate a semi-temporal notion. Fixed elements that could potentially be transported at any time, responding to the origins of the market3. Next to these fixed elements, mobile vendors identify physical affordances that allow them to appropriate space and engage in their commercial and transmigratory practices. Wooden post allow them to set their vending spot. Containers are not only storage units, they also serve to display items, to create temporary shade units and demarcate space.

The program of Malpaso|se influences the predominant spatial configurations for each day. As a result, mobile spatial configurations are in constant change and the relations between fixed and mobile are in frequent dialogue and negotiation.

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

[136] Territories of here and there

[137] Territories of here and there Figure V.16: Spatial configuration of Malpaso|se. The program indicates a differences of rhytms on each side of the border. Illustrated by author

[138] Territories of here and there Figure V.17: Fixed Spatial configuration of Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author

[139] Territories of here and there Figure V.18: Mobile Spatial configuration of Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author

[140] Territories of here and there Figure V.19: Spatial configuration active on binational market days in Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author

[141] Territories of here and there Figure V.20: Spatial configuration active on regular days in Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author

[FIXED]

| Dominican Border Gate |

Figure V.21: Diagram of border in open and closed moments. Illustrated by author [142] Territories of here and there

| Tap-Tap stop |

Figure V.22: Diagram of tap-tap informal stop. Illustrated by author [143] Territories of here and there

| Logistics Dock |

Figure V.23: Diagram of dock area to load commodities and transport via the lake. Illustrated by author [144] Territories of here and there

| Container hall |

Figure V.24: Diagram of container halls. Illustrated by author

[145] Territories of here and there

Logistics [Freight vehicles: trucks + Wheelbarrows] Vehicular and Pedestrian Road

| Binational Road: Container Shops and Transport |

Figure V.25: Diagram of binational road and vending typologies. Illustrated by author [146] Territories of here and there

Logistics [Freight vehicles: trucks + Wheelbarrows] Vehicular and Pedestrian Road

| Market Structure |

Figure V.26: Diagram of decay market structure in Malpass. Illustrated by author [147] Territories of here and there

| Binational Road: Market Stalls and Transport |

Figure V.27: Diagram of daily street market on Haitian side. Illustrated by author [148] Territories of here and there

| Warehouses and Logistics |

Figure V.28: Diagram of warehouses on site. Illustrated by author

[149] Territories of here and there

| Dominican Migration Control |

Figure V.29: Diagram of Dominican Customs and Passport Control. Illustrated by author [150] Territories of here and there

| Warehouses, Logistics and Street Vendors |

Figure V.30: Diagram of binational road in combinations with street vendors. Illustrated by author [151] Territories of here and there

| Street Vegetable Market|

Figure V.31: Diagram of informal vegetable market by the road. Illustrated by author [152] Territories of here and there

| Motorcycle Stops |

Figure V.32: Diagram of road with motorcycle stops and street vendors. Illustrated by author [153] Territories of here and there

[FIXED]

| Street Market and Logistics|

Figure V.33: Diagram of dock street vendors and decayed market stalls. Illustrated by author [154] Territories of here and there

Logistics Freight Vehicles Control [Mobile]

| Logistics Check Point|

Figure V.34: Diagram of truck check area. Illustrated by author

[155] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

Figure V.35: Graphic scheme representing the mobile-fixed dialectic nature of the spatial configurations in Malpaso|se.

Illustrated by author [156] Territories of here and there

[157] Territories of here and there

V.II SPATIAL ANALYSIS

The existing layout of Malpaso|se can be described in three territorial elements: the cross-border node on Dominican land, No Man’s Land –site of the daily street market- between each border patrol agent and the Haitian part of the area where freight vehicles are finally inspected.

Currently on site, the most stable buildings are those of largescale logistics facilities. However, many of them have been affected by the growth of Lake Azuéi, restricting their use.

Given the informality of the site, the current market stalls where daily market operates are constructed with poor materials and are in a state of decay. In addition the craftsmanship qualities reinforces the negative perceptions of the border.

The spatial features and dimensions of the self-organised paths, which are delimitated by mobile vendors and containers with either shops or warehouses, creates tensions between users and accentuates the pejorative socio-spatial dynamics on site.

METHODS: Conversations, spatial analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

[158] Territories of here and there

Figure V.36: Layout of Malpaso|se. Source: Google Earth, 2018. Illustrated by author [159] Territories of here and there

[160] Territories of here and there Figure V.37: Map of Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author

[161] Territories of here and there Figure V.38: Isometric Analysis of Malpaso|se by layers. Source: Illustrated by author

V.II LAKE AZUÉI

This lake (Etang Saumatre or Laguna del Fondo) is the largest in Haiti. This water body in combination with Lake Enriquillo, the Dominican counterpart are a result of maritime channel from the Holocene. The current composition of both lakes is brackish water and they are part of endorheic basins, meaning they do not have an outlet to the sea or anthropogenic release mechanisms, thus are more sensitive to meteorological changes which often impacts the water budget of the lakes (Moknatian, Piasecki & Honzalz, 2017). They are allocated in the Enriquillo|Cul-de-Sac Basin of the island extending from Baie de Port-au-Prince to Neiba Bay. According to the data analysed by Wright, Hornbacj, Mchufg & Mann(2015), these lakes have been increasing in size since 2004-2005. They argue this is a result of heavy rainfall and engineering changes affecting the hydraulics of the lakes’ water system. Since 2005, the constant growth of the lakes has flooded towns, infrastructure and even Malpaso|se, the site of this project. In more specific terms, Lake Azuéi increased 31% its size, while Lake Enriquillo grew 88% if compared to the measures of 2003 (Moknatian, 2017). The condition of the basin and the increase in rainfall contributed to the rising levels of the lakes. Evaporation is the only tool the lakes have to maintain the water level desired for the nearby communities (Schubert, 2012).

Although in the last years the water body has been a threat due to increased rain, is an ecologic element defining the socio-spatial processes of the site and which aesthetic value contributes to the physical experience of the space.

METHODS: Literature review, Conversations, spatio-temporal analysis, observations, mapping, field trip

Figure V.39: Main hypothesis behind the sudden growth of the lakes.

Source: The Hispaniola Lakes Project, 2015 [162] Territories of here and there

Figure V.40: Time-lapse diagram depicting the augmentation of the lake.

Source: Google Earth, 2018. Illustrated by author

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Figure V.41: Time-lapse diagram depicting the augmentation of the lake in Malpaso|se.

Source: Google Earth, 2018. Illustrated by author

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Figure V.42: Photographs representing the impact of the lake. Source: ListĂ­n Diario, 2010

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Figure V.43: Photograph of Lake AzuĂŠi and surrounding mountains. Taken by author, February2018.

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[167] Territories of here and there

Figure V.44: Photograph of Lake AzuĂŠi. Notice summerged palm trees. Taken by author, February 2018.

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[169] Territories of here and there

VI. O N

AP PROACH :

THE INFRASTRUCTURAL, THE ITINERANT AND THE MOBILE-FIXED DIALECTIC

VI. I INFRASTRUCTURE AS A MEDIUM IN THE CREATION OF FRONTIER TERRITORY AT MALPASO|SE

‘Infrastructure operates as one of the primary technologies of the territorial process, actively structuring and restructuring the geo and biopolitical relations between groups of humans, and between humans and the environment’.

‘Since infrastructure serves an organizational and utilitarian role for societies, it is also a highly strategic political and economic instrument, and a primary technology in the construction of territory’.

Kathy Velikov and Geoffrey Thün, 2017

The word infrastructure, from early 1900 century, described the tunnels and bridges of French railroads. Later, NATO used it as a reference to the necessary ‘fixed installations’ for military operations (William, 1984). Since then, the word infrastructure has been part of the nation-building processes and increasingly, of the security and military sphere. The double etymology of the word, from the Latin terre and terrere also reflects its violent connotation and establishment of power (Elden, 2009).

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis, conversations

For Velikov & Thün (2017a), this means infrastructure is a modern concept referring to any apparatus associated with the production of territory. Following the Lefebvrian thinking, the territory is the terrain where social dynamics develop.

The authors defend the territory is in constant production as new technology emerges. In that regard, infrastructure is the leading technical advance in the production process, diligently structuring and restructuring geopolitical relations.

The agency of infrastructure is material, institutional, relational and symbolic in the creation of territory; is an utilitarian device for societies and used in strategic and political purposes. Moreover it enables spatial arrangements for less violent relations on and to the habitat (Velikov et al.

2017a;b).

[172] Territories of here and there

In Easterling (2016b) argument, infrastructure space can be ‘pervasive’; it can perpetuate violence and binary constructs.

The tools to ‘hack it’ depend on revealing the multidimensional operability of such spaces. At the same time, they are opportunities for dissent, or in her words: ‘two can play this game’ (p.241). Since infrastructure is a manifestation of power on land, the tradition at the Haitian-Dominican border has been to incorporate infrastructural artifacts that serve national security. This project criticises such trend, instead it profits from the agency of infrastructure to shift the current violent security narrative develop positive socio-spatial dynamics at Malpaso|se.

The definition of infrastructure is expanding. Sawyer (2004) argues that ‘infrastructure is more a procedure than a form’ since it reflects the adequacy of design to define frameworks for the self-perpetuating spatial organization of strategies, since they increase in complexity and scope throughout time (Velikov et al. 2017a). In Sawyer’s (2004) rationale for territorial infrastructure, design requires a creative approach in terms of formal quality. Therefore, reversing the idea of hiding or denying the presence of infrastructure to a reasoning where infrastructure is an informing element of the design. Such expansion of the term represents a change in the infrastructural paradigm. Is no longer a centralised mono-functional system, now spatial practitioners approach infrastructure as multi-functional and distributed systems that tend to be more resilient (Velikov et al. 2017b).

The concept of infrastructure as ‘public works’ (Ibid.) not only takes into consideration the operability of infrastructural devices, but more importantly, it validates the capability to generate communities with public space systems and combine service infrastructure and public spaces. Similarly, Brandão & Brandão (2017), emphasise that infrastructure is a system that shapes activity in any given spatial arrangement. Is also a long-lasting element of the built environment that evolves with the place it transforms. They argue that combining infrastructure, public space and landscape as structuring principles contributes to the production of the ’common’1, specially in areas outside traditional cities, such as peri-urban areas, brownfields or in strategic nodes of local and global processes. The commons perspective, whether material or cultural, contributes in creating futures imaginaries for frontier territories that goes beyond the merely utilitarian into how these spatialities exploit the potentials of a territory in between (Velikov et al. 2014).

[173] Territories of here and there

1. According to the Hess (2006), commons, is a general term for shared resources in which each stakeholder has an equal interest.

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis

2. Malpaso|se is a strategic point of the insular transportation of commodities and in the Caribbean region.

This notion applies to the characteristics of Malpaso|se. The position of the site makes it a strategic node of trade for Hispaniola and for the Caribbean region2, concomitantly, corresponds to a geographical common in the island.

Thus, approaching Malpaso|se with the aforementioned matrix would foster the formation of a shared territory and strengthen the role of this area in transnational practices.

Under this fashion, the traditional definition of public space is expanded; public space goes beyond open space of free access in urban centres to peripheral areas in demand of transformation (Brandão et al. 2017).

For this project, infrastructure is not only about the incorporation of roads, water management or public space, is also about ‘thinking infrastructurally’ as the capacity to identify strategic moments with which the designer can create pertinent spatial products (Raxworthy & Blood, 2004).

Selecting this site, is strategic in itself and secondly, defining it as a frontier space also corroborates the infrastructure thinking scheme.

VI.II ITINERANT PROGRAM FOR CROSS BORDER INTERDEPENDENCIES ‘These itinerant architectures, which participate in the structuring of social relationships at the territorial level, have the capacity to become powerful propaganda machines, tools for the social construction of gender, identity expansion national policies or incipient urban developments. But also in instruments of democratisation, which carry the virtues of the politic body? participation in social, cultural and political issues? to the most neglected communities’.

Marina Otero Verzier, 2017 METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis

An important characteristic of Malpaso|se and the border territory where is inserted, is the rhythmic nature of the program defining this region. The binational markets transform the military security institution into and free zone every week-twice a week-. In a different timeframe, every two years, an ecoturistic and production fair is held simultaneously on two border communities, on each side of the border.

[174] Territories of here and there

Figure VI.1: Binational fairs celebrated on two cities on each side of the border are an example of itinerant activities initiating bi-directional movement across the border. Illustrated by author

The binational fairs are an example of events that promote bidirectional movement across the border. Since they began, the events have been organised to operate on two sites as an example of frontier institutions and equal crossings. The fair has rotated locations on several occasions demonstrating the incipient rationale to incorporate neglected regions, as the border, in the socio-economic sphere of the island.

[175] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and mapping

The itinerancy of these fairs and border markets find precedent in the thinking of the Misiones Pedagógicas in rural Spain between 1931 and 1937. Otero Verzier (2017) analyses this ambulant institution, which consisted on a group on young men, art replicas, movies, books and a truck to create weekly installations around rural communities of Spain. These had a political, nationalist quasi-propagandistic purpose to democratise access to Spaniard knowledge, culture and technology, while reducing the clerical control on such communities.

With each installation, the nomad institution would leave samples of the exhibition. More importantly, it inserted a common cultural space and represented territorial infrastructure for communication and education yet it fail in addressing urgent societal, economic and spatial demands.

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis

Figure VI.2: Offset lithograph on paper about “Misiones Pedagógicas”.

Source: Reina Sofia Museum, 2012.

[176] Territories of here and there

Albeit its limitations, she argues, that Misiones Pedagógicas created new political spaces and exposes the potentials of open and diffuse urban spatialities. Their modest appearance does not diminish their infiltration logic3; is capable of transforming the assumptions of public space and give agency to the inhabitants in the transit of such institutions.

3: ‘The invisible Man was only powerful because he both appeared and disappeared. When the man himself was not visible, a drink was drained form a glass or doors were opened and closed and only the space that he disturbed was visible’.

Easterling, 2016b, p. 237

This historic reference expands the definition of space beyond the fix unit and takes it to materialised activities that use mobile, flexible and adaptable structures (Ibid.).

Moreover, temporal activities leave traces and stimulate further development of the site, sometimes transforming into permanent activities (Oswalt, Misselwitz & Overmeyer, 2007).

Cultural strategies such as the logic behind the Misiones can be tools to navigate complex social concerns. According to Degen & García (2012), culture has a role in interconnecting heterogeneous societies and can help to redefine unclear notions of social unity. They argue the success of the Barcelona Model for urban regeneration was a result of dialogues between pubic institutions and grassroots neighbourhood organisations. This allowed the generation of vernacular manifestations of culture in the physical realm of a postdictatorial territory aiming for renovation. In their text, they also criticise the transformation of the model by granting priority to the economic value and favouring the creative industry.

The mobility of this model relates to the mobile nature of transmigrants, the rhythm of their movement and the spatial implications of their practices, which modifies open spaces and imparts dynamism while operating under the dialectic of fixed and mobile spatial configurations. Furthermore, any itinerant program can have strong effects on the territory if they emerge from inhabitants themselves and cultural services respond to such expressions.

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and conversations

[177] Territories of here and there

VI.III THE DIALECTIC OF THE FIXED AND THE MOBILE

‘Conflicting actions of loosening and tightening do not remain locked at odds with each other in a perpetual stand-off, nor does one force typically simply obliterate all trace of the other.

They form instead a synthesis, reaching a resolution - a new state of play which draws from two opposing perspectives but which also transcends and modifies both, so that new definitions of “possible”,“desirable”, “acceptable”, “strange” and “transgressive” behaviour and expression emerge’.

Karen A. Franck & Quentin Stevens, 2007

From the analysis of Malpaso|se and its multiple spatial configurations is evident the interdependency between fixed structures, such as wood post, containers or buildings and mobile vendors setting their space. Building on such realisation, the work of Franck & Stevens (2007) about public space informs the direction of this design exercise.

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and observation

These authors argue that space becomes ‘loose’ as a result of diverse activities, appropriation and the inhabitant’s recognition of the physical affordances a space enables, acknowledging its inherent risks and opportunities. These spatial settings should accommodate planned and unplanned activities. The physicality of a loose space is defined by fixed elements serving multiple purposes. Steps, fences or columns encourage people to behave multiple ways. However, the excess of openness hinders the possibilities of appropriation if there is a requirement for additional elements. Furthermore, spatial looseness should be understood in dialectic terms with tight and restricted configurations. The tensions from this dynamism introduce the constant negotiation of spatial transformations (Ibid.).

Before continuing with these notions is vital to frame the concept of affordances. Building on the definition by James Gibson, Flach & Dominguez (1995) define it as the ‘functional relation between actor and environment’, which determines the restrictions behind actions. The authors combine affordance with information (the perception/knowledge [178] Territories of here and there

of the restriction) for human centred-design4. They claim successful design couples action and information and more importantly, integrates users given that humans are resources capable of improving the design, the bridge the gap between perception and action and consequently expand the potential of the design.

The observed dialectic in the spatial configurations of Malpaso|se can be associated with the notions of ‘smooth’ and ‘striated’ spaces developed by Deleuze and Guattari5. For them, these characteristics can be applied to the same space.

In some instances is smooth, without boundaries and enabler of movement, in others is structured and hierarchically organised (Dovey & polakit, 2007).

4: In the case of a frozen lake, the affordance is that the ice can support weight and the information is if will or not.

5: Striated from the Latin stringere ‘to draw tight’ while smooth implies slipperiness. The first the space of ‘being’ the second, for ‘becoming’ (Dovey & polakit, 2007).

Open-ended is also used to describe flexible open spaces with affordances for spontaneity (Fernando, 2007). In his analysis of streets in New York and Colombo, he identified common spatial traits. Diversity, for instance, is a prominent characteristic. This refers to diverse functions on the streets and multiple spatial and aesthetic qualities. Adaptability of use, meaning allowing a myriad of mundane activities: a break, window-shopping, vending, walking or greeting. Street level shops present their merchandise differently, hang, folded or in front of the shop. Restaurants extend their chairs, either in front of the building or at the end of the sidewalk.

The iterations create a complex landscape indicative of openendedness.

Similarly, Easterling (2016b) rejects fixed plans. In her conclusions, the aim of design is the creation of an ‘apparatus for shaping many forms’ where dissensus enables the beneficial interaction of actors throughout time; ‘The aim is to offer not solutions but mechanism for generating solutions’ (p.239).

Loose space or open-ended spaces benefit from mobile pieces and flexible logics (Frank et al.; Fernando, 2007). This nature enables constant rearrangements and a mixed vending program. Their temporal changes allow differences in use and thus, variance of socio-spatial processes. Is the responsibility of the designer to allow open- ended and adaptable spaces, by not over-designing, hence, avoiding excessive fixed units and favouring adaptive spaces.

In Altaş & Özsoy (1997) evaluation of dwellings in Istanbul, they found that satisfaction of occupants reduces over time, when their requirements transform, therefore users modify [179] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and observation

their residences to regain some satisfaction. The authors highlight the tendency to overlook the differences in users characteristics and the changing nature of their demands trough years. With that in mind and after evaluating several dwelling layouts, they conclude that flexibility and adaptability are measures of spatial quality contributing to long-lasting satisfaction.

In Estaji (2017) adaptable spaces can accommodate multiple uses and flexibility is the capacity of physical modifications: ‘joining, splitting, extending, merging’. Both terms overlap and lack clear boundaries, in some cases changes in uses influence physical rearrangements and in others, the opposite is the norm. He also observes in his housing research, the velocity of changes in the needs and desires of users over time. He argues, dwelling, although the same is valuable for other spatial interventions, should have potential for change, thus requiring flexibility in physical, spatial and cultural terms to respond to the variances of demands over time.

He summarises layers concepts in the conception of built structures. The concept of ‘Open Building’ develop by John Habraken, defends the separation of support and infill. For Habraken, there is a close relation between physical systems (street, tissue, building, infill, furniture), territorial structures (town, neighbourhood, dwelling, room) and control. The lower the hierarchy, control and influence are specific, for instance, the room occupant controls the furniture system in that room.

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip and spatio-temporal analysis

Figure VI.3: Support Theory.

Source: Habraken’s archive.

[180] Territories of here and there

To this notion, Frank Duffy incorporated the temporal framework to these layers6 and listed them as following: shell (permanent structure and enclosure), service (systems services such as water, electricity), scenery (component that accommodate the layout in the shell) and set (short term rearranging of furniture). Later, Steward Brand developed ‘shearing layers’: site, structure, skin, services, space plan and stuff, each with a different time span. Time helps designers understand how built structures behave and how that relates to users (Estaji, 2017). He concludes with indicators for flexibility and adaptability: convertibility, expandability, multi and neutral functionality, scalability or poly-valency.

6: ‘Our basic arguments is that there isn’t such a thing as a building… A building properly conceived is several layers of longevity of built components’.

Frank Duffy

Planning and design are practices that develop over time; therefore they should be conceptualised as processes with different outcomes but not one end result. It ought to provide spatial frameworks that facilitate the circular evolution of users and program, this rationale can only survive supported systems, on fixed and long-lasting settings (Oswalt et al., 2007).

Based on this body of knowledge the first approximation for Malpaso|se provides infra and supra structures for the development of the transmigratory practices of the border, considering the rapid but constant transformations on site.

METHODS: Literature Review, field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and mapping

Figure VI.4:Conceptual approximation depicting structures for multitemporal activities in Malpaso|se. Fixed elements accommodating mobile spatio-temporal uses. Illustrated by author.

[181] Territories of here and there

VI. IV APPROACH FOR MALPASO|SE The aforementioned categories of intervention are closely intertwined and facilitate any spatial approximation to the site. Infrastructure create the framework for planned and unplanned. This is also reinforced with mobile and fixed conceptions of space since it allows multiple uses.

Itinerant programs demand structures with a flexible nature which is satisfied with mobile and fixed space for appropriation. In addition, the programmatic layer introduces the notion of public space for local culture.

These categories of intervention can also be understood trough scale and under different temporalities. Infrastructure affects the wider territory. For instance, strategic interventions, transport and public space network and subsurface services impact the territorial, regional, local and site scales.

The itinerant has a strong influence in the local scale with the potential to completely transforms the site. In that regard the spatial composition also contributes to the dynamics of a constantly changing space.

Infrastructural measures have long-lasting influences and accommodate the other spatial practices in time. Flexible open spaces for events promote yearly and quarterly activities while mobile and fixed spatial settings allows short-time changes, weekly or daily.

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Figure VI.5:Mental map summarising main concepts. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VI.6:Matrix of the approach to the intervention and the influence across scales. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VI.7: Spatial approach to intervention understood across temporalities. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VI.8: Sequence of spatial approximation for Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author.

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[187] Territories of here and there

VII . O N

S T RATE G Y :

infra|supra STRUCTURE OF THE BORDER TERRITORY

[189] Territories of here and there

Taking into account the aforementioned rationale for this project is mandatory to evaluate the intra-scale context of Malpaso|se. For instance, the infrastructural component of this academic exercise compels the understanding of the site in the territorial, regional and local context in order to identify the critical interventions to address accessibility, connectivity, interdependency and border conditions.

VII.I INSULAR TERRITORY: INTERDEPENDENCIES

IN

SEARCH

OF

Observing the territorial scale, along the corridor there are two metropolitan areas, one corresponding to each country, Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo. Even though both present vulnerabilities to climate change phenomena, Santo Domingo has more emancipatory qualities. The pattern reveal in the migratory movement is one of unilateral dependency with strong reliance on the Dominican side. This is a consequence of the socio-economic differences between these two metropolises. An example of the unbalance is that the largest share of migrants from Port-au-Prince goes to Santo Domingo in search of job opportunities and access to higher education.

However, from the Dominican metropolis the movement to Port-au-Prince is limited, few Dominicans cross the border for personal advancement, economic ventures or recreational purposes. In that regard, in this project I seek to alter the current pattern and initiate the generation of interdepencies between both sides of the border. The materialisation of such goal is expressed across multiple scales with the incorporation of facilities, multi-temporal program and infrastructure where the protagonist is the border point of Malpaso|se.

METHODS: Field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and mapping Malpao|se, a strategic node at the border

Existing dependencies

Desired interdependencies

Figure VII.1:Analytic diagram of current territorial dependencies in contrasts to the desire interrelations where Malpaso|se constitutes a pioneer node in the establishment of such interdependencies. Illustrated by author [190] Territories of here and there

Figure VII.2: Map of the corridor connecting Port-au-Prince and Santo [191]Domingo. Notice these urban systems are the most important cities for each country. Source: Open Street Map Project, 2017. Illustrated Territoriesbyofauthor here and there

VII.II HISPANIOLA LAKES VALLEY REGION: ACCESSIBILITY ACROSS THE BORDER

1: In 2013, 48,5% of exported good to Haiti were transported trough Malpaso|se. In addition in 2011, 56,83% of international road passengers enter Dominican Republic via this border checkpoint, while 53,43% used this spot to leave the country (Scheker, 2012).

2: At the moment, the lake AzuĂŠi is used to transport illegal charcoal or other commodities that are not allowed to cross by road since 2015. The proposal seeks to negotiate the use of the lake and introduce other actors in the use of the lake.

METHODS: Field trip, spatio-temporal analysis and mapping

At the regional scale, the dependencies are more prominent and manifest with high pressure on a border territory with infrastructural deficiencies. At the same time, this resolution mimics what is observed at the territorial scale: communities on the Haitian side depend on Dominican services and facilities as a result of the lack of infrastructure on Haitian territory.

The absence of regional mechanism such as transportation systems, or cross-border institutions hinders the ability of individuals to cross the border as part of daily regional dynamics, albeit this being the most popular checkpoint for population movement1.

In terms of transport, the absence of governance institutions and infrastructure for freight transportation is often a motive for conflict and strikes between transport workers of both countries (Scheker, 2012). Public transport the border is a point of divergence; transport routes are only allowed until the border gate; local communication stops at the area of Malpaso|se. Buses connecting Santo Domingo and Port-auPrince make the transition with the required migratory and customs checks. On the Dominican territory, only motorcycles are accessible to the site, while on Haitian territory, tap-tap and motorcycles are the available options. They organise in informal stops around the market area.

Given this condition, in this proposal I incorporate a crossborder regional and local route for buses (regional and local) and motorcycles (local) that connects cities and communities from Port-au-Prince to Barahona, thus enriching the relations and forging interactions that could potentially construct new insular dynamics. Apart from road transportation, appropriating the lake2 by means of boat transportation for recreational and communication purposes, seeks to integrate ecological, economic and social systems.

It also facilitates access to the new itinerant program in border cities. By proposing a cross-border multimodal transportation network that connects points near the border, I intent to forge a frontier territory institution that facilitates the circulation and movement of border inhabitants

[192] Territories of here and there

Figure VII.3: Map of the region around the lakes, with attention to [193] the corridor connecting Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo. Although Portau-Prince is the biggest agglomeration centre on the area, Territories due toof the here influence and there of the border and the negative perceptions, Dominicans often depend on Barahona, San Juan or Santo Domingo for services. Source: Open Street Map Project, 2017. Illustrated by author

Figure VII.4: Map of the region around the lakes and the existing transport [194] routes. Note this routes are not integrated within a system.

Source: Open Street Map Project, 2017. Illustrated by author Territories of here and there

Figure VII.5: Map of the region around the lakes with the proposed transport [195] road and lake routes to connect border communities.

Source: Open Street Map Project, 2017. Illustrated by author Territories of here and there

VII. III LOCAL BORDER TERRITORY: ITINERANT PROGRAM Locally, the movement across the border indicates a strong reliance on Jimaní. Services and facilities are more prominent in this city. Is common to see school kids (coming from communities between Fonds Parisien and Malpaso) crossing the border to receive education of the Dominican side.

Responding to the current trend in which all movement goes towards the crossing point –Malpaso|se- or Jimaní, at this scale a programmatic intervention would imply the structuring of public space network able to accommodate a flexible itinerant program. Expanding and creating activities complementary to the border market is the instrument of this project to promote bidirectionality. This implies creating frequent events on the Haitian side of the border to balance the current trend (going to the Dominican side for services, facilities and events).

Such program exhibits different temporalities: weekly, quarterly, bi-annually and yearly with practices related to the transnational nature of the area, in an effort to promote crossings towards Haitian territory. The proposal responds to the precedents of binational fairs, which are evidence of bidirectional exchange.

METHODS: Field trip, spatio-temporal analysis, conversations, video and mapping

Figure VII.6: Approximation to program interventions on the territory [196] Territories of here and there

Figure VII.7: Map of the local border territory. Malpaso|se is positioned [197]between JimanĂ­ (DR) and La Source (HT). At this resolution only Haitians cross the border for services. Source: Open Street Map Territories Project, 2017. of here Illustrated and there by author

Figure VII.8:Proposal for public spaces networks on the border territory [198] Source (Base Map): Open Street Map Project, 2017. Illustrated Territories by author of here and there

Figure VII.9: Programmatic proposal for the network of public spaces [199] of the border region.

Source (Base Map): Open Street Map Project, 2017. Illustrated Territories byof author here and there

Figure VII.10: Programmatic scheme for the public space network of the border communities around Malpaso|se.

Source (Icons): The Noun Project, 2018. Illustrated by author

VII I . O N

D E S I GN:

MALPASo|se AS A FRONTIER SPACE OF TEMPORALITIES “Thinking in forming rather than form” John Olsen

[201] Territories of here and there

VIII. I RECOGNISING MALPASO|SE

Evidently, Malpaso|se is a strategic site hosting critical binational activities on which depends the income of border inhabitants. Its current spatial condition is a detriment to these trade rituals and overlooks the social relations and ecologic systems surrounding the place.

The informal origin of the market explains the decay nature of many structures. This was intensified after the flooding events of the last decade. The organisational pattern of containers and markets stalls generates conflictive sociospatial dynamics reinforcing the narrative of tensions at the Haitian-Dominican border.

However, the territory offers opportunities to enhance crossborder functional relations while responding to the nature of Malpaso|se and the subsequent transmigratory practices.

With that in mind, the project builds up on the existing qualities that grant the site its particularity.

Mobile vendors and containers are the main attribute of the site, thus these are priority in the design. The spatial reorganisation follows patterns of vending allocation and improves their spatiality to validate the trading activities.

It also complements the existing shops and warehouses expanding the range and scale that the project accommodates.

The design project acknowledges the complexity of the site and maintains its security infrastructure yet diminishes the violent associations by means of spatial mechanisms.

METHODS: Field trip,observation, spatiotemporal analysis, conversations and mapping

[202] Territories of here and there

Border Demarcation

Mobile shade devices for vendors and containers

Mobile Vendors

Containers [shops]

Abandoned/Inactive containers

Migration Facilities

Decayed Market Stalls

Shops/Warehouses

Decayed Buildings

Pedestrian Paths

Figure VIII.1: Composition of Malpaso|se. The existing mobile vendors, containers, paths in addition to security and logistics institutions inform the design decisions for the project. Illustrated by author.

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VIII. II THE TERRITORIAL: REDEMARCATION OF MALPASO|SE

Building on the notions of territory and infrastructure described earlier, the project challenges the existing understanding of a border. Instead of intensifying the security infrastructural apparatus with extra militarisation and detention facilities -as the growing trend on the Dominican side-, the design for Malpaso|se identifies the narrative of the site and the impact in the context to consolidate its functional relations. The infrastructural thinking behind the new frontier territory integrates multimodal transport and migratory facilities as physical elements that shape the new free space.

Currently the 381 Km border line is composed by many markers and military fortresses at strategic points. In Malapso|se, such line demarks clear distinctions and interrupts the commercial and logistics practices characterising the area. Furthermore, is used as a hostile mechanism for control and violence.

However, the border dynamics of this territory have created an ambiguous space, a “No Man’s Land� on the opposite side of the Dominican border gate. Inspired by this spatial arrangement, the strategic intervention modifies the border.

In terms of form, the territorial line fluctuates at the crossing point to generate a frontier space in between.

The approximation of the design redefines the line into a pedestrian promenade on the lake. This gesture seeks to transform the assumptions of the rigid border and create a common space. At the same time, reintroduces the water condition to the site.

METHODS: Field trip,observation, spatiotemporal analysis, conversations and mapping

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DR

HT

HT DR

Figure VIII.2: Existing border and the self generated space called Tierra de Nadie [No Man’s Land] and the temporal uses in Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author.

[205] Territories of here and there

METHODS: Field trip,observation, spatiotemporal analysis, conversations and mapping

DR

HT

HT DR

Figure VIII.3: Redemarcation of the border space, expanding Tierra de Nadie [No Man’s Land].

Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.4: Proposed expansion in the spatio-temporal practices in Malpaso|se.

Illustrated by author.

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VIII. III THE ITINERANT: WEEKLY PROGRAM The program is intertwined with the creation of a frontier space. The current logic of the place differs at the border. On Haitian Territory, more specifically, on No Man’s land, Haitians have created a daily street market, while on the Dominican side, the binational markets create a different temporal dynamic. In view of this pattern, the project equalises the rhythms of both sides to maximise the generation of one frontier space. In Malpaso|se every Monday and Thursday the socio-spatial dynamics of the area are transformed. These market fair days are an opportunity of socio-economic and cultural exchange. Owing to such tradition, the proposal introduces a programmatic thinking for the use of the area, which consolidates the common territory. It expands the temporal nature of the site and throughout the week different practices have priority. The cash and carry market days keep their schedule, Monday and Thursday and the rest of the weekdays are given to intense logistics, migratory and security demands. Due to the absence of recreational and cultural facilities on the border territory, weekends in Malpaso|se takes the role of an open public space for social and cultural experiences in Spanish and Haitian Creole.

Apart from the weekly temporal system, this design project recognises the roving program of the border territory, such as ecotourism and production binational fair or sports and cultural festivals. The strengthening of these events represents socio-economic potentialities for the area. This informs the decision of providing physical structures, plazas and stages to accommodate regional events.

METHODS: Field trip,observation, spatiotemporal analysis, conversations and mapping

Figure VIII.5: Diagram outlining the existing rhythmic nature of Malpaso|se.

While the Dominican side presents irregular frequency due to binational markets, the Haitian side depicts a constant rhythm as a result of daily street markets. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.6: Diagram outlining the proposed spatial rhythm of Malpaso|se. The proposal seeks equate the rhythms on site to reinforce the nature of a common space. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.7: Weekly program for Malpaso|se. During the week multiple activities lead the day[s].

This incorporates the existing uses and incorporates absent yet required functions on the border.

Illustrated by author, inspired on the Yokohama program diagrams by OMA. [210] Territories of here and there

[211] Territories of here and there

VIII. IV MOBILE/FIXED: SPATIAL RATIONALE Spatial footprints Currently on site, the most stable buildings are those of largescale logistics facilities. However, many of them have been affected by the growth of Lake AzuĂŠi, restricting their use. In that regard, the project identifies remaining built structures able to accommodate plan and unplanned activities, thus changing its function. This decision allows a physicial and visual approximation with the lake by removing underused and unstable structures. The design incorporates new logistic infrastructure to satisfy the demand of cross-border commodities flows which at the moment are either in risk conditions or do no satiate the pressure of growing insular trade.

Given the informality of the site, the current market stalls where daily market operates are constructed with poor materials and are in a state of decay. In addition the craftsmanship qualities reinforces the negative perceptions of the border, therefore the footprint and axis of these structures inspires the allocation of new spaces for vending.

METHODS: Mapping, field trip, conversations

Figure VIII.8: Existing buildings and pedestrian paths defining the spatial framework for the site.

Illustrated by author.

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Engaging with the lake Although in the last years the water body has been a threat as a consequence of increasing rain, is an ecologic element defining the socio-spatial processes of the site and which aesthetic value contributes to the physical experience of the space. In order to address future meteorological events capable of flooding the area, the project formalises existing flooded areas as retention ponds for periods of heavy rain.

To alter the imaginary of the lake, the project introduces a route for boat transportation, which connects the site with Haitian communities. Therefore instituting new actors on the lake, beyond the conventional contraband or commodities transport. The reshaping of the water edge contributes to the relation with the water body. The former border divisionnow promenade- instigate the connection with the lake and consequently with the ecological dimension of Malpaso|se.

METHODS: Mapping, field trip, literature review, Spatio-temporal analysis videos and conversations

Figure VIII.9: Proposed outline of the water edge, creating connection between the lake, the site and its actors. Illustrated by author.

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Transit infrastructures The demarcation of the new frontier spaces is materialised with security institutions. On both extremes of the space, migration control facilities oversee the security character of the border while creating the borderless space in between.

These security areas ensure pedestrian and road transit control. In addition, they accommodate public transport multimodal stations for buses in their to or from Port-auPrince, for the proposed cross-border regional bus route, for local tap-taps or for motorcycle transport services.

METHODS: Mapping, field trip, literature review, Spatio-temporal analysis and conversations

Figure VIII.10: Proposed allocation of migration and passport control and public transport stations in Malpaso|se.

Illustrated by author.

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Landscape Systmes The arid context of the area and the current predatory practices in the regional context are evidenced in Malpaso|se.

The project suggests the definition of a green buffer that protects the lake from potential contamination as a result of the market while servings as a mechanism for flood defence.

METHODS: Mapping, field trip, literature review, Spatio-temporal analysis videos and conversations

Figure VIII.11: Proposed green buffer across Lake AzuĂŠi.

Illustrated by author.

[215] Territories of here and there

Vending Structures Due to the dialectic nature of fixed and mobile spatial configurations on site, the proposal is composed by vertical structures delimitating spaces for appropriation and creating physical affordances. Such structures are able to adapt to multiple uses and actors in accordance to the temporality or program of the day. The allocations of columns imitates the dimension of predominant containers to maintain the scale of Malpaso|se. Their arrangements allow multiple configurations with multiple degrees of open or enclosed spaces. This enables a myriad of functions thus creating a complex landscape, common in diverse open spaces that favour plurality and ‘looseness’.

Given the intense temperatures and the sun presence, the project introduces shade elements to cover from the rays and allow users to develop their activities under conditions of comfort.

METHODS: Mapping, field trip, literature review, Spatio-temporal analysis and conversations

Figure VIII.12: Top view drawing of the design model for vending spaces and binational exchange areas [institutions and local associations]. Illustrated by author.

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Containers [FIXED] Physical Structures: Defining Limits [FIXED] Space of encounter [MOBILE]

Building: Binational Institution [FIXED]

Open spaces

Roof: Shade [MOBILE]

Building: Binational Institution [FIXED] Physical Structures: Affordances [FIXED]

Vending Space [MOBILE] Leisure Space [MOBILE] Figure VIII.13: Fixed physical elements in combination with buildings and containers for a proposal for mobile and fixed spatial configurations. Illustrated by author.

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Modular furniture The practices of Malpaso|se indicate a demand for adaptable spaces. Instead of imposing the spatial settings for the occurrence of activities, the design suggests alternatives for spatial configurations, thus ensuring the agency of the users. This notion is materialised using modular elements for constant reconfiguration. The urban space is composed of pieces enablers of seating, resting, vending or eating; the same objects, different positions and plurality of users.

Figure VIII.14: Proposed modular elements for seating, vending or eating. Illustrated by author.

[218] Territories of here and there

Open Spaces Understanding the existence of local associations for commercial exchange, these can be strengthen for the governance of the use of space and its changes.

The proposal suggest the establishment of a system of shared units for storage to reduce cargo on the public realm where frequent vendors can keep goods on these units.

The public space welcomes multiple visitors and activities to use space, modify and appropriate it.

Figure VIII.15: Proposed system for open vending and storage spaces. Illustrated by author.

[219] Territories of here and there

VIII. V THE PRODUCTION OF MALPASO|SE After evaluating the current spatial conditions of the site and trough the perspective of infrastructural thinking, program and the dialectic of mobile and fixed spatial practice, the creation of the border space relies on these categories of intervention.

The infrastructural relates to the definition of the frontier space, drawing the new boundaries of the common space.

The allocation of migration control also contributes to this gesture.

The programmatic is seen in the changes in use of space and materialised in open spaces for the unplanned, stages for events and physical structures for affordances.

The mobile and the fixed takes shape in the built elements that define rigid and loose space. Buildings and containers host specific activities and their allocation creates spaces for vending and for the unplanned.

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Figure VIII.16: Layers to produce the territory of Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.17: The Infrastructural [1]. Infrastructure layers of intervention for the site. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.18: The Infrastructural [2]. Infrastructure layers of intervention for the site. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.19: The Mobile/Fixed. Layer of flexible spatial configurations for the site. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.20: The Itinerant. Spatial layers for the itinerant program on site. Illustrated by author.

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VIII. VI SPATIAL COMPOSITION OF MALPASO|SE The spatial reorganisation of the design project considers the exiting operations of the site and the importance for the region. It dignifies the daily activities of transmigrants at the border in Malpaso|se by means of new spatial configurations.

It also incorporates recreational and environmental functions to promote border territory and binational exchange.

In a mixed scheme, the new configuration can be describe in four functional and operational categories: • Logistics and transit: Malpaso|se ought to maintain its characteristic of transit point. The intervention introduces a new road for cargo and transport, which connects both migratory institutions and by extension, connects the area with the region. The redefinition and expansion of the area is demarcated with each migration control facilities.

They constitute arrival points by means of hosting public transport stations for insular buses travelling between both capitals, for new regional buses, local tap-taps or motorcycle services.

A new logistics centre is also part of the transit and logistics thinking of the project. It creates space for large-scale transportation units, warehouses and security and control devices for commodities trade. This spatial scheme is allocated on the left side of the area to give space to the lake and to satisfy the spatial demands they require. • Binational Exchange:

METHODS: Mapping, field trip, literature review, Spatio-temporal analysis and conversations

Preserving the markets nature of the site, the design entails space for mobile vendors in the paths that are currently defined by container halls. Instead of a toxic agglomeration of goods and people, the project creates generous spaces for transit and vending, thus validating the practice of daily and weekly markets.

In addition, the project provides new spaces as shared warehouses, where mobile vendors can stock goods and reduce the difficulties of transporting goods everyday under an insufficient transport system. The project incorporates new built structures to accommodate binational institutions [226] Territories of here and there

such as the association of the binational market, cross-border entrepreneurs or government institutions of cross-border cooperation. These are organised in mixed paths where toplevel policy making institutions are combined with local actors and their practices. • Recreation: Aware of the deficiencies of the area in providing recreational spaces, the project creates open spaces for exchange and entertainment. The project creates a promenade going into the lake, to appreciate the surrounding nature. It also takes the lake to generate a space for bi-national events. Between pathways, there are open spaces and small squares for social activities. •Park: A green buffer area next to the lake generates a connection with the ecological services. It follows the edge of the lake and introduces green spaces between mixed of pathways of binational trade.

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Figure VIII.21: Proposed spatial configuration for Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.22: Spatial Composition for the proposal in Malpaso|se. Illustrated by author.

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VIII. V SPATIOTEMPORALITIES IN MALPASO|SE The proposal of this site is not only explained in categories of intervention, but in the temporal changes in space.

Daily, the site focuses on binational trade, commercial and population flows. The customs centre, the migration offices, multimodal transport stop are the spatial setting for these activities.

Weekly, the site undergoes multiple iterations. On market days, the flexible structures enable changes of use, thus vendors activate and redefine the space and on weekends the public space is the most prominent area.

The temporalities of the site extend to the year. Throughout the year multiple events activate open spaces on site to welcome the itinerant local program of the border.

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Figure VIII.23: Spatiotemporal Composition for Malpaso|se [Days of Binational Market: Monday and Thursday].

Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.23: Spatiotemporal Composition for Malpaso|se [Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday]. Illustrated by author.

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Figure VIII.24: Spatiotemporal Composition for Malpaso|se [Weekend]. Illustrated by author.

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MON-THU

TUE-WED-FRI-SAT-SUN

Figure VIII.25: Border gate design. Changes between market days and the rest of the week.

The proposal creates more space at the border separated from vehicular and freight transit and maintains the metal truss structure that currently defines the border.

Illustrated by author.

[234] Territories of here and there

MON-THU

TUE-WED-FRI

SAT-SUN

Figure VIII.26: Binational exchange common space. Changes between market days, the rest of weekdays and weekends The proposal introduces new buildings, reallocates exiting containers to create wider circulation area and configures new spaces for vendors with physical structures that enable physical affordances. Illustrated by author.

[235] Territories of here and there

DAILY-WEEKLY

QUARTERLY-YEARLY

Figure VIII.27: Changes in the Water Stage/Border Promenade on regular days in contrast to quarterly or yearly events. The proposal of the promenade follows the former border line which combined with the stage transforms the previous idea of the border line.

Illustrated by author.

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MALPASO|SE CUSTOMS CENTRE

MIGRATION CONTROL + TRANSPORT STOP

PARK

DOCK

Figure VIII.28: Details of fixed interventions. These proposal follow a similar pattern and frequency of uses without major spatiotemporal transformations. At the same time these structures serve as framework for the changes in program.

Illustrated by author.

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| Vending Spaces [I] • MON-THU • 10:00 |

| Vending Spaces [I] • TUE-WED-FRI • 10:00 | Figure VIII.29: Visualisations: Timelapse of vending spaces on markets days [MON-THU] and on the rest of weekdays. Illustrated by author.

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| Vending Spaces [II] • MON-THU • 15:00 |

| Vending Spaces [II] • TUE-WED-FRI • 15:00 |

| Vending Spaces [II] • SAT-SUN • 15:00 | Figure VIII.30: Visualisations: Timelapse of vending spaces on markets days [MON-THU], weekdays and weekend. Illustrated by author.

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| Border Gate • MON-THU • 06:00 |

| Border Gate • MON-THU • 08:00 |

| Border Gate • MON-THU • 20:00 | Figure VIII.31: Visualisations: Timelapse of the border gate on market days. Illustrated by author.

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| Border Gate • TUE-WED-FRI • 06:00 |

| Border Gate • TUE-WED-FRI • 09:00 |

| Border Gate • TUE-WED-FRI • 21:00 | Figure VIII.30: Visualisations: Timelapse of the border gate on weekdays with no market. Illustrated by author.

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| Water Stage/Border Promenade • February • Friday • 14:00 |

| Water Stage/Border Promenade • May • Friday • 22:00 |

| Water Stage/Border Promenade • December • Friday • 14:00 | Figure VIII.32: Visualisations: Timelapse of the water stage and border promenade during the year. Illustrated by author.

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| Water Stage/Border Promenade • February • Friday • 22:00 |

| Water Stage/Border Promenade • May • Friday • 22:00 |

| Water Stage/Border Promenade • December • Friday • 22:00 |

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Figure VIII.33: Timelapse: A week in Malapso|se [reprise]. Illustrated by author.

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I X. F I N A L

R E MARKS

DESIGN, POLITICS AND TRANSMIGRATION

IX.I REFLECTION The relationship between research and design: Trans-migratory practices and temporalities informing frontier territories As a designer, creating a product solely based on expected outcomes, conditions the possibilities of the spatial practices and restricts the questions that could potentially enrich our profession. Theoretical and context-based research are both tools to not only justify an intervention but more importantly, to mature assumptions and generate sound questions about what design can do and why and how we imagine future built environments.

Being from this context is also important for me to re-tune the understanding of the site and its intra-scale surroundings. By context research I refer to historic and socio-political analysis, demographic data, ecological and economic systems, and spatiotemporal analysis of Hispaniola. Given the distinctive character of the location is essential to understand the dynamics of the island and the countries that inhabit it, from the perspective of Haitian-Dominican relations, instead of only approaching each country as a unit, is looking into the correspondences, or lack of thereof, between them. Such analysis allowed me to grasp a better sensibility in regards to the potentials and limitations of design.

Comprehending the context informed the theoretical concerns I pursued with this graduation thesis. Realising the economic dependencies of migrants and the impact of remittances motivated my theoretical research. The data on the impact of remittances in Haiti made me question to what extent migrants belong to one place. Trying to answer that enquiry, I encounter the definition of transmigration.

Acknowledging this concept helps to see people as entities of here and there, their rhythmic nature, constant travel, and evidently, spatial manifestations.

Trends along the border find explanations in the literature as well. Cross-border commuters and bi-national markets link the temporality of the border with trans-migratory practices.

Taking the notion of constant movement in combination with data and map visualisations, generates the idea of a corridor with its main destinations. While being on each of these destinations, it was even more urgent to understand their [248] Territories of here and there

temporality and its relation to transmigratory practices.

The conceptual, design and strategic decisions I made in this project are a result of carefully interlacing research concepts with knowledge from the site. A comprehensive spatiotemporal research of the chosen site, led me to theoretical constructs and expectations of the intervention, while focusing on the agency of space and territory. For instance, assimilating the dialectic of fixed and mobile spatial elements of Malpaso|se inspires the design of open-ended physical structures that promote appropriation of space without the negative socio-spatial dynamics that currently dominate the site, e.g. overcrowding or negative associations of craftsmanship aesthetics. The infrastructural deficiencies on the site and wider context instigates the infrastructural thinking, not only to create conditions for public life, but to propel the redefinition of the border into a frontier space, a commons.

The relationship between the theme of the graduation lab and the chosen subject/case/ object: Malpaso|se as a Territory of comings and goings Population flows and other transnational streams embedded in the global system, are challenging the way in which territories, nation-states, time and space are understood.

Thus, an urgent task of the urbanist is to identify spatial configurations able to accommodate the changing dynamics of the built environment. Now we ought to engage with the mobile and the fixed, the rhythms of transit and permanence, therefore with the territories correspondent to flows and movements in combination with stable activities in a shared spatial realm.

In this project it was important to go beyond the social ideology of collaboration and cooperation, but looking at functional relations and using this case to discover opportunities about the use of space. The agency of design is the reason of choosing this graduation studio. Another effect of coming from this context is being curiously eager to see what design can do, what are its limitations and how to validate human practices in space.

For this purpose, the main focus of my graduation project is to spatialise the nature of transmigratory practices, [249] Territories of here and there

which frames migrants as entities who engage with two communities. Part of being transmigrant is the frequency of travelling and consequently, its multiple rhythms (daily, weekly, monthly, bi-annual, annually), each with different modes of inhabiting spaces.

By using these concepts to define migration, I aimed to recognise the two dimensions of the graduation studio, the political and the migratory. The ‘Design as Politics’ studio acknowledges the conflicts in society and the influence of space in this dynamic, therefore is an opportunity to explore the potentialities of design as a political tool. With the name of ’Cities of Coming and Goings’, the studio also addresses migration and the implications in the built environment, not only the spatial demands for absorbing more people, whether as a result of human conflict, desire to move or environmental distress, but also creating the spatial platform for plurality and demographic change.

In the context of my project, Hispaniola, the migration conversation is a political and controversial endeavour. Such condition motivated the choosing of the studio. Therefore by working on this subject, I made the political stance: engage with migration and frame this transnational practice as a natural flow with socio-economic benefits for the overall territory. Moreover, this particular case is a laboratory to understand transnational practices in a confined territory and evaluate the local implications; is an example of constant spatiotemporal transformations in a border territory.

Transmigratory rhythms on Hispaniola also serve the studio.

By working from the spatial perspective I did not only revealed the potentials and limitations of design but also created a narrative about temporal uses of space. The project also introduced simultaneity and time in the conversation of comings and goings, not only is space a platform for growth and de-growth, but framing coming and going in a shorter time frame, where such state is constant and changes daily.

The relationship between the methodical line of approach of the graduation lab and the chosen method: Temporal approaches in design The ‘Design as Politics’ studio asserts the growing role of the designer: planning and making inform each other. The inspiration from the studio comes from the representation of current situations in media, art or news. It observes existing [250] Territories of here and there

conflicts to identify a position and negotiate a resolution using scenarios, strategies and design projects.

Paintings, essays and films criticising socio-politic conditions were the inspiration behind my project as well. Just as these pieces react and create an awareness of the impact of Haitian-Dominican relations, with this project I intended to explore the agency of design in addressing migration beyond an urgent issue to solve.

The process rationale of the studio is that of data analysis, mapping and translation into spatial typologies. In like manner, in this project, trough research and data gathering, I elaborate on migratory patterns and temporal movement in space to draw spatial and territorial conclusions. As a result the project exposes new spatial entities, insular corridors and frontier territories, for research, analysis and design.

By extension, I added video as a tool and methodology to understand spatiotemporal dynamics on site. The video instrument is not only to document the complexities of the site with different temporalities, but also to explore forms of representation. More importantly, using moving image allowed me to comprehend the changes in use of space and to experiment with time in design. The incorporation of such method is then an addition to the tools of the studio.

The assumptions of the studio rely on high-quality accessible public space as structures for cities in search of becoming ‘machines for emancipation’. Building on that approach, my project addresses the agency of public spaces as territories of encounters. Even more, of bi-national exchange and transmigration that escapes traditional city centre and transform border territories prioritising security and logistics into frontier territories where security, social exchange, logistics and nature overlap.

The relationship between the project and the social, scientific and professional context: Spatial rationale for program, commons and adaptability As a result of the studio, any project has a significant political pursue and consequently a social purpose. The social argument with its potential benefits is the mandate and motivation for this project. In terms of social-political tensions, migration in particular is a much-debated process in the context; it has created important conflicts and is hindering cross-border [251] Territories of here and there

exchange.

These population flows on the island are intertwined with the transit of commodities. Many migrants are part of the informal economy and this occupation of public space is widely perceived as a ‘pacific invasion’, in part due to the craftsmanship quality of mobile vendors or the intensity of space appropriation.

The aim of the graduation thesis and its design project is to reframe migration on the island and validate the constant mobility associated with transmigratory practices.

Temporalities are at the core of migration, therefore in this academic assignment there is a response to that nature, with the aim of engaging with multitemporal activities and shape adequate alternatives for individuals whose lifestyles lies between movement and permanence.

The design recognises the initiative of border dwellers, their daily lives and the efforts of frontiers activities. From my observations, few areas on the island hold a bi-lingual population insofar as the border territory does as a result of face-to-face daily exposure to another language. Taking that as inspiration, the project is about initiating crossborder relations and to start a balanced conversation about migration, create common spaces and address the island as one territorial unit where the border is a strategic node towards action.

Locally, the project introduces territorial units of analysis and project development. On the island, there is a necessity of a broader interconnected understanding of the territory instead of the predominant rationales of isolated countries.

In that regard, the graduation project emphasises the insular, border and corridor territory. Using the name of the island as a title is also an effort in recognising and urgent approach to undertake.

The selection of Malpaso|se contributes to the validation of the place, analysis, and documentation for further discussions about migration on the island. Currently, there is limited information and narratives about the border and with this project I aim to expand the traditional conversation of a vulnerable area.

The observations that inspired the design, albeit specific, are identifiable in other informal spatial settings. Physical affordances are recognised by informal vendors. In the [252] Territories of here and there

design, my proposal reinforces this logic, understanding the physical elements enabling appropriation as infrastructures for multitemporal activities. Such rationale can be part of other spatial settings dominated by informal practices. The adaptability behind the design seeks to introduce public spaces outside traditional urban centres and the potentials for change and dynamism in the field. The project helps is creating a discussions about the effect of programmatic sensibilities, the incidence of temporal events, the changes in the use of space and its agency in social exchange.

Ethical Dilemmas: Navigating the shared island as a Dominican Being from Dominican Republic, is easy to identify bias in preferring information in my native language rather than French. This is also a result of the availability of reports and data, many elaborated in Dominican Republic, therefore in Spanish. In some instances, the necessary information is not yet gathered from Haitian conditions. Fortunately, previous analysis about the border recognise both territories and provide a comprehensive picture.

During the site visits it was explicit the academic nature of my enquiries and the contributors showed great support, which did not interfere with the analysis or created expectations with my visit.

I am also aware of my limitations in providing a more critical view of Haitians in Dominican territory. Currently, the power dynamics favour Dominican Republic and the reports shows a fair criticising on that regard. However, it would require a cross-border or transnational team to fairly address transmigration and its practices at the border.

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IX.II IMPACT The approach of this project heavily depends on understanding the territory across scales, but most importantly it relies on comprehending spatial practices as a consequence of circular movement across the border.

Possible readers can find in this report notions to transfer (CSU, 2018) to other cases defined by rhythmic activities and constant differences in the use of space.

Using the temporal perspective is also valuable to analyse social-spatial dynamics. The tools and methodology of this project relevant to address similarities on the HaitianDominican Border. For instance the border market in DajabรณnOunaminthe in the northern part of the border could find beneficial a more flexible spatial configuration since the current market infrastructure is insufficient. Moreover, it could fit a binational urban setting to insert the market into the fabric of the border territory.

Figure IX.1:Market on the border crossing point in Dajabรณn-Ounaminthe.

Source: Other Markets, 2012 [254] Territories of here and there

With that in mind this project could also motivate project along the border to transform the line into a space in a effort to acknowledge the border as a shared territory and initiate transnational social practices.

Figure IX.2:Transforming the line to common space to region. Illustrated by author.

The project also reinforces the notion of territorial units and the functional relations between them. It also recognises the agency of transmigrants in these flows and their positive role in creating cultural and economic environments home and abroad.

Figure IX.3:Relational mapping on the desired impact of the project. Illustrated by author.

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IX.III FURTHER RESEARCH The spatial dimension of the project influences its scope. The temporal perspective serves to introduce the use of space, the changes and the effects of individuals shaping the territory.

The studies of transnationalism, where transmigration constitutes one of its practices, requires other disciplines and ethnographic research to understand the societal, economic and environmental merits and limitations of circular migration.

Data analysis and case studies would be valuable to track resource flows of social and financial remittances and evaluate the effects in home and host communities.

Spatially, the effects of transmigration need further exploration and visualisation in order to fully comprehend the transformation on the territorial . Here the rhythmic nature is productive to understand cycles in the use of space and the opportunities it provides.

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IX.IV CONCLUSION This academic exercise demonstrate the role of the spatial realm in creating other narratives for migration if design recognises the knowledge of the site and its users.

The context of Hispaniola and the relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic are complex and go beyond the traditional story of animosity of border countries with the addition of being positioned in the ‘Global South’. This often implies a solution mindset materialised with engineering interventions that overlook the cultural, social and spatial dynamics on site.

Separating from this trend, I found in the temporal dimension a refuge to address a complex territory, validate the observations and reframe the notions of border crossings. This perspective gave me the tools to engage with the spatio-temporal and explore documentation and communication techniques that challenge the traditional spatial representation.

The spatial biography was seminal to explained the nuances on site and the dialectics of the border and to inform the approach. The categories on intervention emerge from being cognisant of the spatial and temporal forces shaping Malpaso|se.

These two dimensions are closely intertwined; the unplanned can only exist with fixed structures that enable them. These ought to be flexible, framing and leave physical space for cyclical and changing transformations. The itinerant gives meaning to such infra and supra structures and creates a notion of space in a neglected territory.

The spatiotemporal also serves to understand the potentialities of the site, engage with all the stages of design and realised the dynamism of the spatial practice.

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i v. R E FE R E N C E S

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REPORTS • Ayuntamiento Distrito Nacional (ADN). (2017). Diagnóstico Territorial del Distrito Nacional: Borrador V.7 POT Capital. Retrieved from http://adn. gob.do/pot/2-DOCUMENTOS-BASE/2.5-[DN]-Diagnostico-Territorial.pdf • Fundación Ciencia y Arte (2015). Extractos de Informes. Retrieved from https://issuu.com/fca.org.do/docs/las_ferias2 • International Organization for Migration (IOM). (2018). WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2018. Retrieved from https://publications.iom.int/ system/files/pdf/wmr_2018_en.pdf • Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas. (2013). Primera encuesta nacional de inmigrantes en la República dominicana ENI-2012: Informe General.

Santo Domingo: ONE. Retrieved from http://media.onu.org.do/ONU_DO_ web/596/sala_prensa_publicaciones/docs/0565341001372885891.pdf • Programa de la Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo. (2013). Mapa de Desarrollo Humano de la República Dominicana. Retrieved from http:// www.do.undp.org/content/dominican_republic/es/home/library/human_ development/mapa_DH_RD.html • Programa de la Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD). (2014).

Mapa Interactivo de Desarrollo Humano de República Dominicana: Índice de Desarrollo Humano Provincial IDH. Retrieved from http://www.do.undp. org/content/dominican_republic/es/home/ourwork/humandevelopment/ successstories/mapa-interactivo-de-desarrollo-humano-de-rd.html • Programa de la Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD). (2015).

Informe Sobre Desarrollo Humano 2015. Retrieved from http://hdr.undp. org/sites/default/files/hdr_2015_report_sp.pdf • Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente. (2013). HaitíRepública Dominicana: Desafíos ambientales en la zona fronteriza. Retrieved from https://wedocs.unep.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.11822/17680/ UNEP_Haiti-DomRep_border_zone_SP.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y • United Nation Funds for Population Activities (2013). El aporte de los trabajadores inmigrantes a la actividad económica en la Repuública Dominicana: Una primera aproximación. Estudio complementario a partir de la ENI-2012. Santo Domingo: UNFPA. Retrieved from http://dominicanrepublic. unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/AportealaActividadEconomicaENI. pdf • World Bank (2012). Haití, República Dominicana: Más que la Suma de las Partes. Washington, DC: World Bank. Retrieved from http:// d o c u m e n t s .w o r l d b a n k . o r g /c u ra t e d /p t / 3 2 0 6 41 4 6 8 0 2 81 4 4 981 / pdf/716640WP0SPANISH00PUBLIC00HAITI0RD.pdf

NEWS ARTICLES AND WEBSITES • Bosch, M. (2015, December 1). República Domnicana y Haití: entre la fraternidad y la doctrina del conflicto. El país. Retrieved from https://elpais. com/elpais/2015/12/01/contrapuntos/1448930606_144893.html • Bosch, M. (2016, February 24) ¿Los inmigrantes haitianos vienen a quitar algo a República Dominicana? La Ventana. Retrieved from: http://laventana. casa.cult.cu/noticias/columnas/orbita/2016/02/24/los-inmigranteshaitianos-vienen-quitar-algo-republica-dominicana/ [264] Territories of here and there

• Guerrero, N. (2015, June 18). ¿Qué pierde República Dominicana si expulsa a los haitianos? BBC Mundo. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/mundo/ noticias/2015/06/150618_economia_republica_dominicana_haiti_plan_ migratorio_ng • Martínez, M (2015). Asociación de Dominicanos Residentes en Haití.

Retrieved from http://aplatanaonews.com/dominicanos-que-viven-enhaiti-la-otra-cara-de-la-moneda/ • Mejía, M. (2015 a, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje • Mejía, M. (2015b, March 20). Anuncio radial en Haití pide fomentar las buenas relaciones binacionales. Diario Libre. Retrieved from https:// www.diariolibre.com/noticias/anuncio-radial-en-hait-pide-fomentar-lasbuenas-relaciones-binacionales-DXDL1062991 • Reyes,C. (2017, July 14). Embajador de Haití niega “invasión” y advierte vigilarán se respeten derechos. Diario LIbre. Retrieved from https://www. diariolibre.com/noticias/politica/embajador-de-haiti-niega-invasion-yadvierte-vigilaran-se-respeten-derechos-YN7618010

CONFERENCES • Martínez, E. [Foro Hispaniola de Sostenibilidad](2015, December 3).

Frontera RD-Haiti, capas desconocidas: Elia Mariel Martínez [Video File].

Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8rCCEp53CGg • León, Y. (2011, June 24). Haití y República Dominicana: Medio ambiente compartido. [Presentation] Retrieved from: http://www.grupojaragua.org. do/documents/Leon_Haiti_RD_MA_compartido.pdf

FILMS AND VIDEOS • Gates, H.L. (writer) (2011). Haiti & the Dominican Republic: An Island Divided. [Television Series episode]. In Gates, H.L. (Executive Producer), Black in Latin America. Public Broadcasting Service • González, L. (Producer) & Durán, L. (Director). (2014).Fronterizas.

[Documentary]. Dominican Republic: Circomental & El Nido. Retrieved from https://vimeo.com/99779695Arthus-

DATA SETS • Advanced Land Observing Satellite. ALOS World 3D - 30m. Digital Elevation Model Analysis. Retrieved from http://www.eorc.jaxa.jp/ALOS/ en/aw3d30/index.htm • USGS EarthExplorer. GMTED 2010 [Data Set]. Contours extraction of Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software] Retrieved from https://earthexplorer. usgs.gov • OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software]. Retrieved from http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-and-domrep. html

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FIGURE REFERENCES Maps were created using QGIS: QGIS Development Team, <2016>. QGIS Geographic Information System. Open Source Geospatial Foundation Project. http://qgis.osgeo.org Icons from Noun Project. Retrieved from https://thenounproject.com FIGURE I.1: • Nazario, L. (2013). Perejil siglo XXI: A critic against dominican contemporary racism and “nationalism”. Retrieved from https://www.instagram.com/p/ BSRQKD9B4JE/?hl=es&taken-by=luisitonazarioGOING FIGURE II.1: • NASA/GSFC. MODIS Land Rapid Response Team. Schmaltz,J. (2016, January,1). Haiti and Dominican Republic. [Satellite Imagery]. Retrieved from https://modis.gsfc.nasa.gov/gallery/individual.php?db_date=2016-0207 FIGURE II.2: • Data Set: Advanced Land Observing Satellite. ALOS World 3D - 30m.

Digital Elevation Model Analysis. Retrieved from: http://www.eorc.jaxa.jp/ ALOS/en/aw3d30/index.htm • Data Set: USGS EarthExplorer. GMTED 2010 [Data Set]. Contours extraction of Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software] Retrieved from: https:// earthexplorer.usgs.gov • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • León, Y. (2011, June 24). Haití y República Dominicana: Medio ambiente compartido. [Presentation] Retrieved from http://www.grupojaragua.org. do/documents/Leon_Haiti_RD_MA_compartido.pdf FIGURE II.3: •Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html •Dilla, H. (2015). Los Complejos Urbanos en la frontera dominicohaitiana. Aldea Mundo, 20(39). 45-53. Retrieved from http://www.redalyc. org/pdf/543/54343963005.pdf FIGURE II.4: • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • Del Cid,M. (2015, April 16). Paso fronterizo Jimaní –Malpasse. Retrieved from https://www.flickr.com/photos/mdelcid/17741771483

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• Dilla, H. (2015). Los Complejos Urbanos en la frontera dominicohaitiana. Aldea Mundo, 20(39). 45-53. Retrieved from http://www.redalyc. org/pdf/543/54343963005.pdf • Fernández,E. & Gregory,C. (2015, June 21). In Photos: Life at the Largest Border Crossing Between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Retrieved from https://news.vice.com/article/in-photos-life-at-the-largest-bordercrossing-between-haiti-and-the-dominican-republic • Germán, R. (2014, June 6). En la frontera el comercio mueve RD$45 mil MM al año. Retrieved from http://elnacional.com.do/frontera-comerciomueve-rd45-mil-mm-al-ano/ • Mejía, M. (2015a, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje FIGURE II.5 •Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • Mejía, M. (2015a, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje • Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas. (2013). Primera encuesta nacional de inmigrantes en la República dominicana ENI-2012: Informe General.

Santo Domingo: ONE. Retrieved from http://media.onu.org.do/ONU_ DO_web/596/sala_prensa_publicaciones/docs/0565341001372885891. pdf FIGURE II.7 • De León, D. (2014, June 18). Haití termina muro levantó en Elías Piña para cobrar aranceles. El día. Retrieved from: http://eldia.com.do/haiti-terminamuro-levanto-en-elias-pina-para-cobrar-aranceles/ • Herrera, D. & Castro, R. (2017, July 10). La migración ilegal haitiana se desborda y sale de control. Listín Diario. Retrieved from https://www. listindiario.com/la-republica/2017/07/10/473430/la-migracion-ilegalhaitiana-se-desborda-y-sale-de-control • Peralta, N. (2017, July 17). Diputado Víctor Mencía muestra preocupación por invasión haitiana. La Información. Retrieved from: http://lainformacion. com.do/noticias/ciudad/88686/diputado-victor-mencia-muestrapreocupacion-por-invasion-haitiana • Pelegrín,C. (2017, January 30). Hagamos el muro con Haití. Listín Diario.

Retrieved from https://www.listindiario.com/puntos-devista/2017/01/29/452276/hagamos-el-muro-con-haiti • Santana, R. (2017, Julio 11). Alcaldía saca haitianos de plazas de Santiago. Listín Diario. Retrieved from: https://www.listindiario.com/ la-republica/2017/07/11/473576/alcaldia-saca-haitianos-de-plazas-desantiago • Santiago Díaz,A. (2018, March 06). Dos pelotones integrados por mujeres serán partes de los 900 militares que se enviarán a la frontera. Retrieved from: https://www.diariolibre.com/noticias/dos-pelotones-integrados[267] Territories of here and there

por-mujeres-seran-partes-de-los-900-militares-que-se-enviaran-a-lafrontera-JA9345083 • Rodríguez, B. (2018, March 07). Llegan 300 nuevos soldados a frontera sur. Listín Diario. Retrieved from: https://www.listindiario.com/larepublica/2018/03/07/505461/llegan-300-nuevos-soldados-a-fronterasur • Tavares,J.T. (2016, January 25). ¿“Apátridas por ignorancia” o “apátridas funcionales”? Acento. Retrieved from: https://acento.com.do/2016/ opinion/editorial/8318017-apatridas-por-ignorancia-o-apatridasfuncionales/ FIGURE II.8 • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas. (2013). Primera encuesta nacional de inmigrantes en la República dominicana ENI-2012: Informe General.

Santo Domingo: ONE. Retrieved from: http://media.onu.org.do/ONU_ DO_web/596/sala_prensa_publicaciones/docs/0565341001372885891. pdf • World Bank (2012). Haití, República Dominicana: Más que la Suma de las Partes. Washington, DC: World Bank. Retrieved from: http:// d o c u m e n t s .w o r l d b a n k . o r g /c u ra t e d /p t / 3 2 0 6 41 4 6 8 0 2 81 4 4 981 / pdf/716640WP0SPANISH00PUBLIC00HAITI0RD.pdf FIGURE II.10 • Programa de la Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD). (2014).

Mapa Interactivo de Desarrollo Humano de República Dominicana: Índice de Desarrollo Humano Provincial IDH. Retrieved from http://www.do.undp. org/content/dominican_republic/es/home/ourwork/humandevelopment/ successstories/mapa-interactivo-de -desarrollo-humano-de -rd. html • Programa de la Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD). (2015).

Informe Sobre Desarrollo Humano 2015. Retrieved from: http://hdr.undp. org/sites/default/files/hdr_2015_report_sp.pdf FIGURE II.11 • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente.

(2013). Haití-República Dominicana: Desafíos ambientales en la zona fronteriza.

Retrieved from: https://wedocs.unep.org/bitstream/ handle/20.500.11822 /17680/UNEP_Haiti-DomRep_border_zone_ SP.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y • Programa de la Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo. (2013). Mapa de Desarrollo Humano de la República Dominicana. Retrieved from: http:// www.do.undp.org/content/dominican_republic/es/home/library/human_ [268] Territories of here and there

development/mapa_DH_RD.html FIGURE II.12 • González, L. (Producer) & Durán, L. (Director). (2014).Fronterizas.

[Documentary]. Dominican Republic: Circomental & El Nido. Retrieved from https://vimeo.com/99779695ArthusFIGURE II.13 • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (January 16, 2017). OuanamintheDajabón,Hispaniola. 18° 32’ 56.74”N, 71° 43’ 02.34”W, Eye alt 5 KM. DigitalGlobe 2017.

• Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (October 26, 2016). La SourceJimaní,Hispaniola. 18° 29’ 24.79”N, 71° 53’ 31.69”W, Eye alt 15 KM. DigitalGlobe 2017.

FIGURE II.14 • Del Cid, M. (2015, April 16). Frontera 2015. Retrieved from: https://www. flickr.com/photos/mdelcid/albums/72157651818623218 • Fernández, E. & Gregory, C. (2015, June 21). In Photos: Life at the Largest Border Crossing Between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Retrieved from: https://news.vice.com/article/in-photos-life-at-the-largest-bordercrossing-between-haiti-and-the-dominican-republic • Germán, R. (2014, June 6). En la frontera el comercio mueve RD$45 mil MM al año. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/7Qqntg • Diario Libre (2013, November 29). Mercado binacional se desarrolla con normalidad en Dajabón. Retrived from: https://goo.gl/PwxSJU • Mejía, M. (2015a, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje • Pérez,R. (2011, Septmeber 26). El lago ahoga la frontera.

(Listín Diario). Retreived from https://www.listindiario.com/larepublica/2011/09/26/204911/el-lago-ahoga-la-frontera

FIGURE II.15 • Del Cid, M. (2015, April 16). Frontera 2015. Retrieved from: https://www. flickr.com/photos/mdelcid/albums/72157651818623218 • Mejía, M. (2015 a, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje FIGURE II.16 • Mejía, M. (2015 a, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje FIGURE II.17 • Fundación Ciencia y Arte (2015). La feria ecoturística y de producción.

Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/fca.org.do/docs/la_feria_ecoturistica_y_ de_producci_10a1717f1f92dc [269] Territories of here and there

FIGURE II.18 • • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software]. Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/ haiti-and-domrep.html • • Dilla, H. (2015). Los Complejos Urbanos en la frontera dominicohaitiana. Aldea Mundo, 20(39). 45-53. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/ BA8JAo

FIGURE II.19 • • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software]. Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/ haiti-and-domrep.html • Ayuntamiento Distrito Nacional (ADN). (2017). Diagnóstico Territorial del Distrito Nacional: Borrador V.7 POT Capital. Retrieved from http://adn. gob.do/pot/2-DOCUMENTOS-BASE/2.5-[DN]-Diagnostico-Territorial.pdf FIGURE II.20 • • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software]. Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/ haiti-and-domrep.htm • Joseph, M. (2012) Urban population density and environmental quality in Port-au-Prince, Haiti: a geo-statistical analysis (dissertation). Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https:// www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=2545&context=gradschool_ dissertations FIGURE II.21 • • Blue Skyz Phtography. Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Retrieved from http:// kameronbrothers.com/gallery-categories/port-au-prince-haiti/ • • Díaz, J. (n.d.) Pintada en un muro de Santo Domingo [Photograph] in Bosch, M. (2015, Decemeber 1st). República Domnicana y Haití: entre la fraternidad y la doctrina del conflicto. El país. Retrieved f r o m : h t t p s : / /e p 0 1 . e p i m g . n e t /e l p a i s / i m a g e n e s / 2 0 1 5 / 1 2 / 0 1 / contrapuntos/1448930606_144893_1448930606_noticia_normal.jpg • • Gómez, J. (2017, May 4). Vendedores informales piden controlar haitianos.

Retrieved from: http://elnacional.com.do/vendedores-informales-pidencontrolar-haitianos/ • • Herrera, D. (2017, July 09). Haitianos se establecen en intersecciones de vías de la Capital. Listín Diario. Retrieved from https://www.listindiario. com/la-republica/2017/07/09/473314/haitianos-se-establecen-enintersecciones-de-vias-de-la-capital

[270] Territories of here and there

• Herrera, D. & Castro,R. (2017, July 10). La migración ilegal haitiana se desborda y sale de control. Listín Diario. Retrieved from: https://www. listindiario.com/la-republica/2017/07/10/473430/la-migracion-ilegalhaitiana-se-desborda-y-sale-de-control • Pichardo, C. (2017, July 11). Culpan a Gobierno de ingreso haitianos. Retrieved from https://www.listindiario.com/la-republica/2017/07/11/473577/ culpan-a-gobierno-de-ingreso-haitianos • Suárez,C. (n.d.) Haitian working in construction. [Photograph]. Retrieved from: https://acento-main-cdn-odsoluciones.netdna-ssl.com/wpcontent/uploads/10001397593323jpg.jpg • Swolfs, J. Dominican Republic Santo Domingo. Retrieved from https:// www.streetsoftheworld.com/shop/paris/en/home/135-dominicanrepublic-santo-domingo.html • https://exp.cdn-hotels.com/ hotels/13000000/12950000/12948900/12948837/329bc4f9_z.jpg • https://ramase.files.wordpress.com/2013/11/rivoli-bois-jalousie. jpg

FIGURE IV.2: • Muybridge, E. (1887). Woman jumping over barrier, Collotype. San Franciso: San Francisco Museum of Modern Art (SFMOMA). Retrieved from: https://www.sfmoma.org/artwork/90.345

FIGURE V.1: • Mejía, M. (2015, May 29 a). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre.

Retrieved from: https://issuu.com/diariolibre/docs/reportaje • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (December 14, 2016). Hispaniola. 18° 19’ 37.55”N, 70° 21’ 12.68”W, Eye alt 374.67 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.3: • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (February 6, 2018). Pétion Ville. 18° 30’ 42.20”N, 72° 16’ 58.19”W, Eye alt 2.30 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.5: • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (April 12, 2017). Santo Domingo. 18° 28’ 23.91”N, 69° 53’ 19.49”W, Eye alt 762 m. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.6: • Mooses, A. (2016). Fences. Retrieved from: https://www.alvamooses. com/fence-stencils/

[271] Territories of here and there

FIGURE V.7: • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (October 25, 2016). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 26.76”N, 71° 52’ 18.91”W, Eye alt 1.44 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.8: • Del Cid, M. (2015, April 16). Frontera 2015. Retrieved from: https://www. flickr.com/photos/mdelcid/albums/72157651818623218 FIGURE V.9: • Blackwel, R. (June 18, 2015, June 18). Haitians wait for the opening of the border between Jimaní, Dominican Republic, and Malpasse, Haiti, on a market day, Thursday. Retrieved from:http://prospect.org/article/blacklives-matter-responding-dominican-deportation-crisis • Le Nouvelliste. (2015, January 12). Malpasse: les transporteurs haïtiens réclament leur part du gateau. Retrieved from: http://lenouvelliste. com/lenouvelliste/article/140216/Malpasse-les-transporteurs-haitiensreclament-leur-part-du-gateau FIGURE V.10: • Del Cid, M. (2015, April 16). Frontera 2015. Retrieved from: https://www. flickr.com/photos/mdelcid/albums/72157651818623218 FIGURE V.36: • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (October 25, 2016). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 26.76”N, 71° 52’ 18.91”W, Eye alt 1.44 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.39: • The Hispaniola Lakes Project (2015). Hypotheses. Retrieved from: http://hispaniola-lakes.ccny.cuny.edu/hispaniola/Hypotheses/ FIGURE V.40: • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (December 31, 1990 to December 31, 2016). Jimaní. 18° 33’ 36.60”N, 71° 45’ 04.55”W, Eye alt 41.92 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.41: • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (June 7, 2004). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 25.83”N, 71° 52’ 46.46”W, Eye alt 1.56 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (January 25, 2010). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 25.83”N, 71° 52’ 46.46”W, Eye alt 1.56 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (August 20, 2012). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 25.83”N, 71° 52’ 46.46”W, Eye alt 1.56 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (October 25, 2016). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 25.83”N, 71° 52’ 46.46”W, Eye alt 1.56 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURE V.42: • Odalis, A. (June 11, 2010). Lago Azuei causa estado de emergencia en Jimaní.

Retrieved from: https://www.listindiario.com/ [272] Territories of here and there

economia/2010/06/11/145691/lago-azuei-causa-estado-de-emergenciaen-jimani • Peguero, A. (April 01, 2009). El lago Azuei continúa su entrada a tierras Jimaní. Retrieved from: https://www.listindiario.com/larepublica/2009/3/31/96394/El-lago-Azuei-continua-su-entrada-a-tierrasJimani

FIGURE VI.2: • Bartolozzi,F. & Lozaono, P. (1931). Coro y Teatro del pueblo. Misiones Pedagógicas. Offset lithograph on paper. Madrid: Reina Sofía Musuem.

Retrieved from: http://www.museoreinasofia.es/coleccion/obra/coroteatro-pueblo-misiones-pedagogicas

FIGURE VI.3: • Nascimento, D.M. (December, 2012) N. J. Habraken explains the potential of the Open Building approach in architectural practice. Entrevista, São Paulo, year 13, n. 052.04, Retrieved from http://www.vitruvius.com.br/revistas/ read/entrevista/13.052/4542>.

FIGURES VII. 2; 3;4;5;7;8;9 • Data Set: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-anddomrep.html • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (October 25, 2016). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 26.76”N, 71° 52’ 18.91”W, Eye alt 1.44 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

FIGURES VIII. 17; 18;19;20;21 • Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (October 25, 2016). Jimaní. 18° 29’ 26.76”N, 71° 52’ 18.91”W, Eye alt 1.44 KM. DigitalGlobe 2018.

[273] Territories of here and there

v. A P PE N D I X

IMAGINING THE HAITIAN - DOMINICAN FRONTIER Notions for planning cross-border territories in Hispaniola

Abstract: The current global character that dominates socio-economic practices increases the pressure on the established nationstate construct as â&#x20AC;&#x153;containerâ&#x20AC;? of the territory and its administration, which tends to overlook the functional relations across territorial boundaries. On this paper I focus on border territories as essential points in transnational networks.

Borders are interdependent regions, which economic, social and ecological dynamics have different modes of manifestation on the territory. I present several definitions of cross-border spatial arrangements along with the processes and spaces that characterise them, in order to highlight the conditions that demand cross-border cooperation. I address, the existing challenges and opportunities of cross-border planning and governance, with examples of US and Mexico, due to their socioeconomic disparity and Ireland for its insular condition. Given the environmental crisis, the rapid urbanisation and the growing economic exchanges along the Haitian-Dominican borderland in the island Hispaniola, I will use it as a case for the urgency of cross-border planning.

I conclude this paper with the spatial responses that can contribute to cross-border cooperation in the border region between Haiti and Dominican Republic.

Keywords: cross-border planning, border territories, formalinformal, global-local, material infrastructure

Border Territories From the uniquely physical perspective, a border is a line separating one side from the other. As many scholars studying borders have noted, a deeper analysis of such line will indicate that it actually creates a region, involving all areas that the line separates. Borders also imply the contrast between the national and the rest, the non-national. This line frames [physically and metaphorically] the concept of nation states as the container inside which planning and governance usually play a role. However, as Sassen (2000), the nation-state container as one spatiotemporality has never been satisfied by any current nation-states, in fact is a notion challenged by the omnipresent global practices.

Apart from a separating symbol, a border is a zone of social contact and intermediate points in the global circulation of goods, ideas and people. These points are inserted in cities that although some being relatively distant, are highly interdependent. This formation is what Dilla (2015 a) calls cross-border urban complexes. Other scholars, such as Herzog (1998), conceptualise the spatial configurations around the border as transfrontier metropolitan regions, meaning territories with central settlements around a border that with time have become one functional entity; intertwine settlements with overlapping ecosystems. The intersection of border cities is also referenced as cross-border conurbations. Moreover, border cities are units of analysis that allow a horizontal relation between international high level and local level public policy (PeĂąa, 2008).

Since border regions are places of contact, they are shared territories where the national, the global and the local coexist. In Dillaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2015 a) analysis of Bob Jessop, he highlights the re-territorilisation, rescaling and the emergence of new spatial hierarchies, where border regions are of special relevance due to vital role they now play. This global condition in which social and economic practices are currently embedded, have shaped new dynamic spaces and created new definitions of time that concomitantly belong to the national and to the global; one does not exclude the other, they overlap and operate at different scales (Sassen, 2000).

With global trends defining flows, and climate change impacting without geographical restrictions, the tradition of planning inside the national territory demarked by boundaries becomes obsolete; adjacent territories are integral to each other. For instance, the USMexico border is a clear example of interdependency with TijuanaSan Diego or Ciudad JuĂĄrez - El Paso being agglomerations where binational families live (Herzog, 1998).

Figure# 1: Diagram of border territories characteristics. Made by author.

The urgency of cross-border planning in a transnational framework The national is not absolute. Spaces allocated in the national territory are shaped by dual purposes; global processes depend on material infrastructure within national borders and national demands are satisfied by the same infrastructure. Therefore, these trends challenge the assumption of exclusively national space (Sassen, 2000). Material and population flows follow a geography that crosses the border region and extends beyond the national.

Urban settings along the border are part of transnational corridors (Herzog, 1998; Dilla, 2015 a). This refers to the interaction between cities of different hierarchies and roles. Therefore, border cities are sensible regions of such concatenations, they guarantee the continuity of material and idea flows along the corridor. Conversely, international boundaries and the region around them have been buffer zones between nation states, and hence avoided as places of production, development and settlement. Most prominent cities have been in areas distant from the territorial national boundary and the uncertainties that the other side might present (Herzog, 2001).

For instance, in Dominican Republic the poorest cities and the ones experiencing demographic decline are in the border region.

Proximity is related to interdependency, and on the territory, even in cases with strong physical boundaries, economic, ecological or social flows will still operate, generating a special dynamic that requires an equally specific management. That is when cross-border spatial planning and cooperation come into play. The built environment

is the mediating force between human and nature. It is the spatial dimension that needs special attention in cooperation across borderlines (Herzog, 1998).

Nature is the clearest example of systems crossing borders; river basins, mountain systems or biodiversity ecosystems influence territories without knowledge of boundaries. In the current environmental crisis, borders are vulnerable points that can have catastrophic impacts. The interrelation in border regions is not always obvious and tangible, for example, soil erosion and deforestation on one side can create devastating flooding on the other side (See Figure #2).

Figure#2: High-resolution satellite images showing Jimaní before and after the flood event in 2004. That year heavy rains overflowed the Soliette River, (deforestation in Haiti erodes the soil and the capacity of water retention). It caused flooding and fatalities in Jimaní, on the Dominican side. In these false-color scenes, red represents vegetated land surface—the darker the red, the denser the plant canopy. Black areas are bodies of water and blue-gray areas show bare land surface or human settlements. The thin, bright white ribbon snaking northward from bottom centre of the May 30 scene is the Soliette River bed, now filled with highly reflective gravel swept downstream off the Massif de la Salle and overrunning portions of Jimaní.

Source: Allen,J. ASTER Science Team. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/P7xp9c

Bi-national and global economic practices are also reflected in the geography of border lines. On these territories, cross-border economies are defined by the activities along and across the dividing line. For Herzog (1998), those are transfrontier labour markets, consumer markets, services, housing and land markets and ecosystems. This implies a particular relation with the territory; people commute across nations and the landscape becomes ambiguous entity, since it takes characteristics of each side. There is a spill over effect reflected in the built, human and natural environment; any change on side A has immediate consequences on side B. Continuing with the geographic argument, an example is Ireland.

After 1998, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland united efforts to make the island one single functional unity. These attempts started after recognising the existing and potential links across the island and thus creating a spatial rationale for crossborder cooperation (Walsh, 2013).

Quantitative data is also a way to understand the urgency of crossborder cooperation in planning and governance across the world.

Using GIS analysis, Peña (2008), identified around 300 border and 1000 border cities, 59% of them, small cities [less than 50,000 inhabitants]. This reflects a tendency in borders to be formed by cities with low hierarchies and perceived minor roles in the national scheme. Some of these border cities form cross-border conurbations and 30% of those are contrasting cities with completely different socio-economic conditions, as Ounaminthe and Dajabón in the Haitian-Dominican border or Tijuana and San Diego in the US-Mexico border.

The landscape of the border is also a reason for cross-border agreements. Since on these territories multiple scales overlap and asymmetries are the drivers to initiate contact, the space of border territories is shape by global and local demands. To demonstrate, in Tijuana, assembly factories are allocated in informal settlements to attract workers. At the same time, as Tijuana grows, it incorporates elements of San Diego urban settings, but with differences in materials and socio-economic dynamics (Cruz, 2010). This relates to the liminal character often found in these type of regions and thus understood as “fringes”, “marginals spaces”, “terrain vagues” and “wastelands”. Border are in between two conditions, where two spatial logics meet. Therefore, suggesting “openness, porosity and transformation” (Avermaete, 2010).

For Doron (2010), the border is a“no (man’s) place, a “non-place”, following Augé’s definition of the term. To illustrate, in the HaitianDominican border, Malpasse is the crossing point through which the biggest share of goods circulates from country to country. Dilla (2015 b), refers to this area as a “non-place”; the point and consequently the cities where is embedded constitute only a passage (See Figure#3).

A

B Figure #3: a) Road between Jimaní (DR) and La Source (HT) and b) Crossing point in Malpasse Sources: A) Mejía, M. (2015, May 29). Especial: La vida en la frontera. Diario Libre. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/ U1hcno B) Blackwell, R./AP. (2015). REBECCA BLACKWELL/AP. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/QHWNg3

From border to frontier: Challenges and opportunities in creating cross-border territories “Borders can become transformed into frontiers […] where people or groups who have traditionally kept themselves distant form each other, make the first attempts at contact and interaction, creating a mixture of cultures and hybridity of identities”.

Newman, 2006 Borders were created to protect what is inside. Whether physical barriers or mental barriers, their perception is engraved in the social construction of the national; tradition that is used and abused.

The historicism surrounding borders, inhibits the collective and the individual to engage in socio-economic transfrontier networks (Schoonderbeek, 2010). Following this argument, Newman (2006) explains that imaginaries hinder the possibility to redefine borders as bridges and transition zones, even though global economic networks or ecological systems push for a more open configuration.

Creating frontiers would imply, creating a transition zone, a buffer between different cultures, economies and ways of living and cultural hybridity. An ease of movement, transnational spaces and identities can be generated. To achieve this, a physical opening of the border is not sufficient (Ibid). Peña (2008) suggest that the goal of cross border planning is the creation of norms to face global and local requirements of border regions. Therefore, the biggest task is to create rules for collective decision-making, which will allow the implementation of infrastructure to handle material and population flows and to manage the use of common resources.

The concept of soft spaces is a strategy that reacts to the new spatial orders in borders. These are territories of frontiers, where physical boundaries and cross-border governance interact. It is a pragmatic tool to engage spatial challenges across borders that recognises the environmental, social and economic functional relations and responds to the limitations that formal agreements often have on innovation towards the territory (Walsh, 2013).

Borderland cooperation requires special type of agreements. In contrast to metropolitan regions that also need cooperation between different administrations, they operate under the same regional and/or national norms. In most cases, in cross border conurbations, nation-state notions dominate international relations and there is no major authority to circumscribe to and force cooperation. This

then only translates in high policy agreements that overlook local conditions, which is one of the paradoxes of cross border planning.

Due to the scale of border cities, most of their issues concern local government, but because of their geographical position and role in global flows, they require a transnational frame (Peña, 2008).

Many of the challenges of cross-border planning come form the effort of aligning different socio-economic logics for spatial arrangements, which hinders collaboration (Peña, 2008). Some difficulties are found in the formatting, classification, agendas and definition of goals. Moreover, differences in culture, language and objectives are barriers to create frontiers. Another paradox of the borders is also reflected in cross-border planning, the contact and collaborative work creates frictions that reinforce nationalist sentiments. As in the case of public officials in US and Mexico, with language and cultural differences, which then translated to lack of initiative from both sides (Herzog, 1998).

Borders bring together nations at different points of economic development, and these basic asymmetries are at the center of border relation between disparate countries (Herzog, 1998).

However, the asymmetries are also the reason why contact emerges in the first place. Only under sufficient degree of inequality, border cities engage in intense stable interrelations (Dilla, 2015 a). The bi-national markets along the Haitian-Dominican border are a consequence of the embargo pose in Haiti in the early nineties. In the border between Colombia and Venezuela, a process of strong interdependence started in the eighties between the cities San Cristóbal and Cúcuta. At the beginning it was due to the advantages of the exchange rate between Venezuelan and Colombian currency, but as economic conditions change, it has evolved and taken different modes of exchange and immerse in different dynamics, yet remaining interdependent (Valero, 2008).

Some times beneficial, some times not, extreme divergence in borderlands impacts the exercise of planning. Instruments, regulations, codes, tools, mechanisms or lack thereof can hinder cooperation (Herzog, 1998). Under those circumstances, is clear that each side has different modes of relating to the built environment and consequently different modes of knowledge production, with its own demands (Pereira, 2017). Therefore, imposing the same path in planning and governance across border is not a guaranty to success.

Convergence at some essential issues is a better strategy.

Even when attempts towards the built environment are similar and follow an international umbrella of norms, technical details and standards, the approaches that each side believes relevant, are not

comparable to the other side. To illustrate, the efforts in Ireland operate under a common European framework and even then, aligning values and future visions proved to be a challenge. Thus, creating a shared vocabulary and selecting key thematic areas was essential to cooperation (See Figure #4)(Walsh, 2013).

Figure #4: Cooperation in border regions recognises different approaches on how to use the built environment and selects key issues for agreement . Created by author

Experience has shown the success of informal arrangements between local officials and entrepreneurs for cross border cooperation; the best interactions are the ones face to face. These efforts are aimed to address local scale concerns and are much easier to conceive than on the national scale with formal mechanisms (Herzog, 1998; PeĂąa 2008). Walsh (2013) echoes this idea by arguing that informal policy has created a space for joint action at local levels. Cooperation in border regions also entails less participation from government institutions. Local actors and non-state organisations create networks to deal with the most cross-border pressing issues, (Dilla, 2015 a).

However, there are limits to local scale actions. Once the scope of the issue surpasses local capacity and once the activities and relations grow becoming more complex, formal binding practices should be incorporated (Herzog, 1998; PeĂąa 2008). For Van Assche, Beunen and Duineveld (2014), planning will always require the combination of formal and informal mechanisms, since solely informal planning is a susceptible realm. Moreover, formal and informal institutions transform each other, they exist in a constant dialectic. Thus formal planning the agency informal practices to be effective (Ibid.)

Common interest and common threats, such as water management, pollution, facilities, governance and cross-border commerce and trade are a good point to start cooperation, due to the little controversy around them. Peña (2008) suggests that master plans and other large scale projects tend to fail in cross-border cooperation.

Therefore, local scale actions with actors that experience daily life at the border are well suited for these types of regions.

Due to the major role of the local, the collection of narratives and experiences of individuals and communities living nearby, is a good method to explain any border (Molnár, 2005). The bordering process follows a demarcation process. This is where the border is constructed, mentally or physical, and different categories are determined by social and political elites (Newman 2006). Therefore, this human, personal and intimate knowledge of the border is an essential tool in the understating on how such line, with its intrinsic activities around and across it, affects peoples daily lives (See Figure #5).

Figure #5: Snapshots of the documentary Fronterizas.

Ethnographical methods, such as film and pictures are a good resource to understand the experience of the border.

The documentary Fronterizas showcasing women along the Haitian-Dominican border, gives a clear image of their perceptions, the restrictions of the spatial arrangements and the often similarities between them.

Source: González, L. (Producer) & Durán, L. (Director). (2014). Fronterizas. [Documentary]. Dominican Republic: Circomental & El Nido. Retrieved from https://vimeo.com/99779695Arthus-. Adapted by author

Towards the Haitian-Dominican Frontier The Haitian-Dominican border separates two distinct economies.

The Human Development Index is an indicator that can show these differences. In Haiti, the HDI is 0.471, while in Dominican Republic is 0.700, meaning that if Haiti wants to reach the Dominican HDI, it effort should be 1.5 times bigger (Ceara-Hatton, 2017). But this line also approximates cultural similarities, which creates a complex relation of “mutual fascination and repulsion” (Martínez, 2003) with many paradoxes.

Three of the main characteristics of this region are: the lack of strong governance, the environmental crisis that makes the border population vulnerable to food insecurity and natural disasters, and the economic exchanges from bi-national markets as the main income of border dwellers (PNUMA, 2013; Traub-Werner, 2008).

That growing economic platform, has inspired in the last few years, large scale private initiatives between Haiti and Dominican Republic. These pay attention to manufacturing, export, agriculture, renewable energy and tourism (CEBN, 2015). From the public sector, Dominican Republic has started a convoluted process of spatial planning from high-level institutions, with the aim of creating national, regional and municipal norms for the territory. Although much needed and still in its initial stages to evaluate, is not a flexible instrument. It implies coordination, master plans and guides that for some communities requires efforts beyond their capacity, making their spatial planning process more challenging and more dependent on state-bound institutions.

The pilot plans for this multi-scale spatial experiment have been towards impoverish communities, coincidently allocated at the border1. However, these plans have been under an exclusive top down approach, meaning complex instruments for the urgent local demands. This, in a attempt to formalise the field and fulfil the Dominican “development needs”. A desire to make sense out of the territory does not imply following foreign mechanisms that do not comply to local structures (Escobar, 1992).

Hondo Valle and Juan Santiago are municipalities in the Dominican border region, which spatial planning documents have been elaborated by high-level institutions as a test to the guide for municipal spatial planning, named “Guía Metodológica para la Formulación del Plan Municipal de Ordenamiento Territorial”. It is meant to be a methodological instrument for municipalities to address territorial issues under the national umbrella of planning. However, is a intricate guide for some municipalities, such as the aforementioned examples, since the coordination and capacities it requires are not compatible with the local mechanisms these municipalities practice and the urgency of their extremely basic demands.

1

While private entrepreneurs have acted under a state of cooperation, the Dominican high-level planning officials have not succeed in binational agreements. Nonetheless, both engage in top-down and large scale ventures with little flexibility. Instead, I argue that both initiatives should engage with local demands and recognise the knowledge from the border inhabitants and informal mechanism they have created.

The border between Haiti and Dominican Republic is porous, with rivers, border stones, roads and several gates demarcating the line.

Thus, the spatial differences are as evident as diffuse. In cases, erosion and deforestation can be perceived on both sides, but human settlements have contrasting spatial arrangements. Rural Haitian communities follow the lakou2 rationale, while Dominican rural areas do not. For urban settings, on the Dominican side cities follow a grid pattern oppose to the informal logic in Haitian border cities (See Figure #6).

Figure #6: Satellite Imagery of Ounaminthe, Haiti on the left and Dajabón. Dominican Republic on the right.

Source: Google earth Pro V 7.3.0.3832. (January 16, 2017). Ouanaminthe-Dajabón, Hispaniola. 18° 32’ 56.74”N, 71° 43’ 02.34”W, Eye alt 5 KM. DigitalGlobe 2017.

Since the early nineties both communities have been depending on the bi-national markets. They have been increasing in use, popularity and revenue, but decreasing in spatial quality and capacity to absorb the vast demands. According to PNUMA (2013) its current spatial configuration with minimal infrastructure is contributing to the environmental distress of the region; water streams are the main area of waste disposal for this commercial activity, which then becomes a health risk.

Lakous are traditionally Haitian community spaces shaped as circular gardens around which houses pertaining to different generations of the same family are allocated (Holl, 2010).

2

These markets serve global and local purposes. They are in between the transit of goods that cross the island and extend to other lands, such as US. But locally, they are the main economic resource for the remaining residents of the Dominican side of the border and the reason for the expansion of the Haitian border cities; both survive on the markets. This dual purpose requires material infrastructure for the operation of the global and the local in the Haitian-Dominican border territory.

Infrastructure is an agent in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;production of territoriesâ&#x20AC;? (Velikov& ThĂźn, 2017a). These authors argue that infrastructure is one of the fundamentals of the territorial process in combination with social, economic and political dynamics. Therefore it transforms over time, grows and adapts to the society; is in constant adjustment.

Moreover, it has an utilitarian and structuring role and is a political and economic device (Velikov et al., 2017b).

Historically, the infrastructure along this border has had a strong focus on security and its apparatus as a reaction of nation-state ideas.

The existing facilities mainly consist on gates, immigration offices or detention centres and customs warehouses. Even with the national acknowledgement of bi-national trade, transport infrastructure is extremely fragile. Given this crisis of infrastructure, this materiality could be a path to promote frontier conditions and address the precarious environmental quality of this territory. But, infrastructure beyond its traditional engineering sense; it is multifunctional materiality that embeds the framework of ecology in its conception (Ibid.). In other words, is changing and evolving while incorporating biophysical, human, material and energy systems.

For the Haitian-Dominican border this would imply spatiality and materiality that supports bi-national trade while at the same time, defining urban structures for weekly markets and its visitors. It would also value the differences in urban and rural spatial configurations on each side of the line, and work around them. Most importantly, joint actions should first address cross-border water systems and natural ecosystems that threats food security. Therefore the spatial task is to create infrastructure that generates a new socio-spatial character to this border territory, where the utilitarian nature of the exchange could be expanded to social relations.

If infrastructure with an ecology frame can shape territories, imagining this frontier entails Haitians and Dominicans participating in a territory that is productive, with their bi-national markets, promote social links and bi-directional crossings, along with a combined effort towards the management of resources.

Conclusion Borders constitute regions and gateways for the overlap of the national and the non-national. The complexity of these territories derives from their many paradoxes. Mental and physical barriers overlook the growing fluidity of goods, people and ideas, while reinforcing historic differences and conflicts, that consequently inhibits motivation for cooperation. Even cases of joint actions, the perception of the border is extremely strong and its presence dominates the practice of planning and governance.

The asymmetries that the border presents, serves not only to initiate contact, but to recognise the differences and the often contrasting spatial rationales. That calls for a formal/informal dialectic, less intervention from state bound officials and more validation of informal, face to face agreements. Moreover, it implies the selection of key non-controversial themes to promote cooperation and the strengthening of local scale initiatives.

In the Haitian-Dominican frontier, public-private efforts and informal mechanisms in combination with flexible formal practices are methods to initiate cooperation. Given that infrastructure can create territories, and border territories depend on material infrastructure for a myriad of purposes, imagining this frontier materialises with infrastructure spaces that support the ecologies of this region.

To achieve this, decentralisation, which still needs to be research in this context, could enable local actors to engage in cross-border planning and validate informal and local scale practices. In addition, detail analysis of this border line is needed to identify the different ecologies of this territory and its infrastructural demands.

REFERENCES Avermaete, T. (2010). The Borders Within: Reflections upon Architectureâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Engagement with Urban Limens. In Marc Schoonderbeek (Ed)., Border Conditions (pp.269-276).

Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Press Consejo EcĂłnomico Binacional Quisqueya (2015). Development sectors. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/km4cv5 Cruz, T. (2010). The Political Ecuator: Global Zones of Conflict. In Marc Schoonderbeek (Ed)., Border Conditions (pp.33-39). Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Press Doron, G. (2010). P.S. The eye of God is in the Dee-tail. In Marc Schoonderbeek (Ed)., Border Conditions (pp.33-39). Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Press Dilla, H. (2015 a). Los complejos urbanos transfronterizos en AmĂŠrica Latina. Estudios fronterizos, 16(31), 15-38. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/rMHVvz

Dilla, H. (2015 b). Los Complejos Urbanos en la frontera dominico-haitiana. Aldea Mundo, 20(39). 45-53. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/BA8JAo Escobar, A. (1992). Imagining a Post-Development Era? Critical Thought, Development and Social Movements. Social Text, (31/32), 20-56. doi:10.2307/466217 Herzog, L. (1998). Cross-border planning and cooperation. Retrieved from: https:// goo.gl/pMPfE8 Herzog, L. (2001). The Transfrontier Metropolis. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/ tEvAYh Holl, S (2010). Pamphlet Architecture 31: New Haiti Villages. Princenton Archtectureal Press. New York Martínez, S. (2003). Not a Cock-fight: Rethinking Haitian-Dominican relations. Latin American Perspectives, 30(3), 80-101. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/5KGkG8 Molnár, J. (2005). Border on the map and in people’s lives. Retrieved from: https:// goo.gl/WDvXZd Newman, D. (2006). The lines that continue to separate us: borders in our “borderless” word. Progress in Human Geography. 30(2), 143-161. Retrieved from: https://goo.gl/R3sAFy Peña, M. (2008). Ciudades y fronteras: Los retos de la planificación transfronteriza.

In Haroldo Dilla (Ed). CIUDADES EN LA FRONTERA: Aproximaciones críticas a los complejos urbanos transfronterizos. (pp.67-95). Santo Domingo: Grupo de Estudios Multidisciplinarios Ciudades y Fronteras.

Pereira,G. (2017). Environmental Architecture [Powerpoint Slides].

Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente. (2013). Haití-República Dominicana: Desafíos ambientales en la zona fronteriza. Retrieved from: https:// goo.gl/dvU2i4 Sassen, S. (2000). Spatialities and Temporalities of the Global: Elements for a Theorization. Public Culture. 12. 215-232. 10.1215/08992363-12-1-215.

Schoonderbeek, M. (2010). Framing Identity In/Out. In Marc Schoonderbeek (Ed)., Border Conditions (pp.33-39). Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Press Traub-Werner, M (2008). La globalización, el libre comercio y la frontera haitianodominicana. In Haroldo Dilla (Ed). CIUDADES EN LA FRONTERA: Aproximaciones críticas a los complejos urbanos transfronterizos. (pp.205-229). Santo Domingo: Grupo de Estudios Multidisciplinarios Ciudades y Fronteras.

Van Assche,K.,Beunen,R., Duineveld,M. (2014). Formal/Informal Dialectics and the Self-Transformation of Spatial Planning systems: An Exploration. Administration and Society, 46(6), 654-683. https://doi.org/10.1177/0095399712469194 Valero, M. (2008). Ciudades trasnfronterizas e interdependencia comercial en la frontera Venezuela / Colombia. In Haroldo Dilla (Ed). CIUDADES EN LA FRONTERA: Aproximaciones críticas a los complejos urbanos transfronterizos. (pp.263-282). Santo Domingo: Grupo de Estudios Multidisciplinarios Ciudades y Fronteras.

Velikov,K & Thün, G. (2017 a). The Production of Territory. In Ilka & Andreas Ruby (Ed.), Infrastructure Space. Berlin: Rubby Press Velikov,K & Thün, G. (2017 b). Territorial Infrastructures: Recognizing PoliticoEnvironmental Ecologies. In Ilka & Andreas Ruby (Ed.), Infrastructure Space. (pp.194208). Berlin: Rubby Press Walsh, C. (2013). Creating a space for cooperation: Soft spaces, spatial planning and territorial cooperation in the island of Ireland. Retreived from: https://goo.gl/ eWr4MA

INSULAR COMMONS AND NETWORKS

Maps of the geography of Hispaniola. Illustrated by author Sources: USGS EarthExplorer. GMTED 2010 [Data Set]. Contours extraction of Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software] Retrieved from: https:// earthexplorer.usgs.gov Advanced Land Observing Satellite. ALOS World 3D - 30m. Digital Elevation Model Analysis. Retrieved from:http://www.eorc.jaxa.jp/ALOS/en/ aw3d30/index.htm

Maps of the water bodies and transport infrastructure networks in Hispaniola. Illustrated by author Source: OpenStreetMap Project. (October, 2017). Haiti and Dominican Republic [Data Set]. Water Bodies Hispaniola. Using QGIS [GIS Software].

Retrieved from: http://download.geofabrik.de/central-america/haiti-and-domrep.html

Table 1. Export to Haiti trough customs administration. First Quarter Comparison from 2010 to 2013 Table 2. Movement of international passengers. Comparison of main border checkpoints between 2005-2011 Source: Scheker,E. (2012). Estudio De La ProblemĂĄtica De Transporte Transfronterizo En JimanĂ­.

REFERENCE PROJECTS

References Projects: Comparison The design proposal from Bumjin Kim and Minyoung Kim for the ARCHmedium’s Lisbon Open Room competition 2014 (See Figure #1). is a reference projects comparable to the ideas behind Malpaso|se. This public space design is an elevated public plaza based on multiple assemblages of scaffolding structures. The modular rationale generates different spatial configurations therefore creating platforms that accommodate a myriad of users.

Is an adaptable and light structure incorporated in the city, capable of re-arrangements, which allows interactions with the structure and physical affordances for appropriation (Kim & Kim, 2014).

Similarly to “Urban Platform”, the landscape design for “Vanke Cloud City” in Guangzhou, design by Lad D+H (See Figure #2) uses a modular system of urban furniture to facilitate diverse activities and uses of space. The base layout is a modular grid where modular cubes are recombined according to specifics demands (Landezine, 2016).

Lastly, Collectif Etc, developed a temporary intervention in an urban square in Bordeaux (See Figure #3). This projects aims to reactivate the underused square. The design consists on a fixed wooden structure that connects facilities -a cafe in this case- with the square. It is complemented by mobile flexible structures with the idea of testing possible iterations of the fixed and mobile mixture. The mobile modules of the square incorporate the results from existing and future participation processes. A 1 m by 1 m grid guides the fixed structure and defines the base dimension of the modules. Uses such as seating or resting determine other dimensions, 40 cm for seats, 80 for tables or 120 for high bars (Collectif Etc, 2012).

On a larger scale, “Infra Eco Logi Urbanism” (See Figure #4) is a research design project from Kathy Velikov and Geoffrey Thün to explore design as a political actor for mega regions, which includes cross-border territories of United States and Canada.

Their approach is based in infrastructural proposals, not only to satisfy urban and regional demands, but to combine propel social exchange in the creation of common territory. They selected strategic nodes along cross-border corridors to host hybrid institutions for the transfrontier space and provide infrastructural services such as energy production and transport connectivity (Velikov & Thün, 2013).

On the context of the Haitian Dominican border, previous design proposals have addressed the border area as a binational space with attention to ecological dynamics. For instance, the Parque Ecológico Binacional Dajabón-Ounaminthe (See Figure#5) explores the potentials of a common park in the northern part of the border while incorporating existing socio-economic practices.

In its conception territory,ecology, landscape and politics are the fundamentals for the design (Peña, 2009).

Figure #1: Urban Platform: Assemblages of scaffolding structures. Source: Kim,B. & Kim, M. (2014).

Figure #2: Modular urban furniture. Source: Landezine (2016, June 27)

Figure #3: Fixed and modular modules in Dormoy, Bordeaux. Source: Collectif Etc (2012).

Figure #4: Infra Eco Logi Urbanism. Megaregion mapping, cross-border institutions and infrastructure. Source: Velikov,K & ThĂźn, G. (2013).

Figure #5: Parque Ecológico Binacional Dajabón-Ounamithe. Source: Peña Gómez, S. (2009).

REFERENCES Collectif Etc (2012). Café sur place. Retrieved from: http://www.collectifetc. com/realisation/cafe-sur-place/ Kim,B. & Kim, M. (2014). Urban Platform. Retrieved from http://bumjinkim. com/urban-platform/ Landezine (2016, June 27). Vanke Clud City Phase 2, Lad D+H. Retrieved from: http://www.landezine.com/index.php/2016/06/vanke-cloud-city-phase-2by-lab-dh/ Peña Gómez, S. (2009).Parque Ecológico Binacional Dajabón-Ounamithe.

Velikov,K & Thün, G. (2013). Infra-Eco-Logi_Urbanism. ACSA Faculty Design Award. 2013-2014 Honorable Mention: Submission Materials. Retrieved from: https://www.acsa-arch.org/docs/default-source/13-14-award-winners/infra-eco-logi_urbanism.pdf?sfvrsn=0

DESIGN PROCESS

Figure VIII.14: Details of mobile vendors spaces and structures. Illustrated by author.

Figure VIII.13: Cross-sections of proposal. Illustrated by author.

TERRITORIES OF HERE AND THERE infra|supra Structures of multitemporal transmigratory practices on the Hispaniola border