Urban Adaptation

Page 1

urban adaption

THE MICRO UNIT CONCEPT

ALEX HRYNKIEWICZ | 20330185 | PLAN 450 | MARKUS MOOS | APRIL 2013


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

1.0

introduction

2.0

general cotext

3.0

affordability in toronto

4.0

affordability in vancouver

5.0

necessity

6.0

framework

7.0

design

8.0

visuals

9.0

conclusion

10.0

works cited

01


02 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

Lewis Mumford illustrated the city as the first true utopia

with regard to its ability in physically manifesting human society (Mumford, 1965). As such when the social, economic and environmental foundations of human society shift and change so does the urban fabric that embodies it. Current Canadian metropolitans are dominated by a framework for dense communities in which proximity to amenities and the workplace facilitates walk ability, social interaction and diversity (Quastrel et al, 2012). These structural shifts are juxtaposed by major social and economic deficiencies within downtown neighborhoods that cause severe inequalities and offer major barriers to entry for young professionals, students, and creative class employees all of which tend to construct single earner households. This discourse addresses the question of whether the provision of what have been termed as micro-apartments could adequately offer low-cost adaptive housing solutions to reduce barriers to entry for single earner households and low-income individuals. The analysis will include a review of affordability in Canadian metropolitans as well as examples of implementation within a North American context. Finally, the design of a micro-apartment unit will illustrate a physical implementation in an appropriate context. The changing form of metropolitan Canada necessitates remedies for the continued

1.0 introduction


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

03

gentrification and amplifying inequalities that currently characterize the urban fabric in order to achieve not only environmental sustainability but also economic and social sustainability.

Source: 5468796 (2013). Figure 1.1 - Micro Lofts by 5468796 Architects in Winnipeg

Source: Reliance Properties (2012). Figure 1.2 - Micro Lofts by Reliance Properties in Vancouver

Source: Jakub Szczesny (2010). Figure 1.3 - Micro Loft by Jakub Szczesny in Warsaw, Poland


04 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

As a result of growing populations, increasing vehicular

miles travelled (VMT), sprawling development, fractured social fabrics and environmental degradation planning has professed the concept of sustainability-as-density in which a dense urban fabric, integrated with alternative transit modes, prevents outward growth and promotes urban livelihood (Quastrel et al, 2012). Although these policies promote complete communities with sustainable infrastructure, walkable amenities, mixed uses and high urban design standards they inherently gentrify central city neighborhoods as redevelopments are marketed toward urban elites (2012). Meanwhile, the designation of greenbelts around the urban boundary restrict physical outward growth concentrating expansion in densification projects which place a premium on inner-city land (Lafluer, 2011). Despite concrete evidence that urban containment strategies promote increased density the constricted land supply increases land values and housing costs (Dawkins & Nelson, 2002). Although these zoning regulations and planning policies can artificially increase land values and indirectly impact housing costs, in the absence of these policies, affordability is largely a function of income (CMHC, 2005). As a result, to understand housing affordability a Shelter Cost-toIncome Ratio (STIR) indicator is used to understand the ability for

2.0 general context


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

05

households to afford shelter (CMHC, 2008). The benchmark ratio of 30 per cent establishes the limit in defining affordable housing and is analyzed on the basis of choice versus necessity based on economic means (2008). The Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation, in 2005, outlined a trend of housing affordability in which the median annual STIR among renters was 25.3 per cent while proportions of individuals living above the 30 per cent ratio continued to rise (CMHC, 2005). The report illustrates renters as the highest risk category, to be above affordability thresholds, while the metropolitan behemoths of Toronto and Vancouver, where density is most readily implemented, reflect significantly higher living costs and persistent medians above thresholds (2005).

Beyond economic foundations general lifestyle changes

have made the concept of micro unit accommodations much more appealing. Since 1981 there has been a heavy increase in the number of one and two person households within Canada. Specifically, the rise of single person households has been caused by augmented values regarding marriage, family formation and the delay of conjugal unions (Bunting, Filion & Walker, 2010). Between 1971 and 2001 the percentage of males and females married by the age of 25 plummeted from 65 and 80 percent to 34 and 49 percent respectively (2010). The result is an influx of singles in


06 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 the central city without the means of a dual income household. Furthermore, the lifestyle of this demographic is unique as they drive urban nightlife, goods purchases and services within dense urban centers which house congregations of singles (2010). “Most importantly, it is very much a spatial lifestyle [as] ‌ such lifestyles and living arrangements are also triggers of change in the social complexity and social character of citiesâ€? (Bunting, Filion & Walker p.144, 2010). These life course changes provide the proper market for which the micro-unit typology is intended to satisfy. Because of the severe affordability issues, composition of the social fabric, and applicability of sustainability-as-density concepts within metropolitan central cities the examples of Vancouver and Toronto will function as the focus for social and economic discussion.

Figure 2.1 - Affordability Index: Any forced circumstance above this ratio is considered unaffordable = 1 % income not spent on rent = 1 % spent on rent


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

07

Within the City of Toronto, since 1970, the average incomes

of central city neighborhoods have experienced significant and continued increases as they develop into high-income neighborhoods generally found near the city’s subway lines and within the dense urban form (Hulchanski, 2010). These changes have paralleled a reversal of conditions to the 1970 City of Toronto where poverty and low-income households have decentralized to the urban fringes while inner city locales were gentrified in the name of urban renewal and sustainable development (2010). Furthermore, in a characterization of continued income polarization the burgeoning suburban middle class of the 1970s has all but disappeared and only remains as a limited segregation between the urban elites and the exurban poverty (2010). These income concerns are illustrated by an increase in the proportion of low-income neighborhoods in Toronto from 19 percent in 1970 to 53 percent in 2005 while middle-income households decreased from 66 percent in 1970 to 29 percent in 2005 (2010). As a result of these trends three distinct ‘cities’ have been cemented in the current City of Toronto with a high income centre.

The structural and demographic composition of the

central city illustrates an extremely important aspect to the necessary provision of affordable solutions for gentrified urban

3.0 affordability in toronto


08 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 neighborhoods. The central city holds 17 percent of the population and is composed of smaller households with a large proportion of one-person households. It represents the largest gap between renters and owners in which 41 percent of renters and 21 percent of owners reside above the 30 percent affordability ratio (2010). The demographic composition of the area includes an 82 percent white population and 61 percent of resident over 25 that have a university document. The residents are predominantly white-collar employees (2010). This demographic composition is a result of gentrification which did not replace renters with homeowners, however introduced new occupants to a continually diversifying rental stock (Skaburskis. 2012). This is an extremely important distinction which emphasizes that there is still a thriving, albeit expensive, rental market in central Toronto. Affordability for this reason has become a major issue in the Toronto rental market with private-sector rates increasing at twice the rate of inflation since the mid 1990’s (Murdies, 2003). However, gentrification is primarily a function of augmented demand and Skaburskis, in his 2012 article on gentrification in Toronto, states that he, “[Expects] gentrification to continue to transform the inner city to displace the remaining lower-income household not living in social housing� (Skaburskis p. 201, 2012). As a result, with trends lacking a forecast of change


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

09

there is increased need to offer a more affordable typology within the dense urban metropolitan of Toronto.

Figure 3.1 - Average individual income Toronto Source: (Hulchanski, 2010).


10 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

The City of Vancouver has vigorously adopted and

applied densification policies while also experiencing a major affordability crisis with increasing housing costs (Quastrel et al, 2012). Average rent for studio apartments and one-bedroom units, in Vancouver, increased 28 percent from 2000 to 2008 with an average downtown monthly rent of 1,096 dollars in October 2008 (City of Vancouver, 2009). These figures represent the third highest monthly rental costs behind Calgary and Toronto (2009). By the 1980’s gentrification in Vancouver had moved into the downtown (Maaranen & Walks 2008). More recent instances of gentrification within the downtown have been highly associated with older architectural styles and have been highly concentrated. An approximate proportion of 24 percent of housing stock is contained within gentrifying neighborhoods causing urgency to offer affordable alternative (2008). As a result average rents have continued to increase steadily over the last eight years (City of Vancouver, 2009).

Gentrification concerns stem from the continued loss of single-

room occupancy (SRO) buildings, within the downtown east side, which consist of rooming houses and residential hotels containing small single rooms, 10 by 10 feet in size, and represent the most basic and lowest cost of housing provided by the private market

4.0 affordability in vancouver


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

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(City of Vancouver, 2010). As a result of low revenue streams these units are vulnerable to disinvestment and redevelopment while, in many cases, the low-income residents occupying them generally have no choice other than the streets if SRO accommodations are not available (2010). 87 percent of open SRO stock is found within the downtown east side while between January 2008 and the end of 2009 SRO stock experienced a net reduction of 853 units which accounted for 16 per cent of total stock (2010). However, close to two-thirds of those losses were results of conversions of SRO buildings to non-market housing (2010). It is vital to maintain SRO stocks within the central city as affordable housing options.

In response, Reliance Properties has taken the Burns

Block development, on Hastings Street in downtown Vancouver, and ‘pioneered’ the micro-loft concept within the city with 30 of the smallest rental suites in the country ranging between 226 to 291 square feet (Hawthorne, 2011). Reliance Properties has championed this heritage development as an ‘affordable’ market value alternative, at 850 $ per month, in an otherwise expensive city (Reliance Properties, 2012). However the development has witnessed wide opposition with many of the view that it represents a form of gentrification in itself (Hawthorne, 2011). The Burns Block development represents a rare instance in which an older SRO


12 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 building was converted into full market housing. Importantly, all permanent changes to SRO rental stock, including redevelopment and conversions, require Council approval in order to be completed legally (City of Vancouver, 2010). Regardless it is important that the micro-unit typology is not implemented in a manner which eradicates low-income forms of housing. It is important to note that residents of the development applaud the implementation of micro-units with gratitude and a large willingness to sacrifice similarly priced larger 400 square foot units, much further away, for a 5-minute walk to work and proximity to amenities (Hawthorne, 2011). With the majority of tenants between the ages of 25 to 35 many have finally been able to afford their first apartment in Vancouver as a result of the development and accept the price for space allocation in the neighborhood (2011).

2.83 $

per square foot per month = 10 square feet

850 $ per month

Figure 2.2 - The cost of the Burns Barn Redevelopment


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

13

There is a clear affordability crisis in the central city of

dense metropolitan cities. The manifested inequalities have been a product of planning policies, growing income polarization, gentrification and a lack housing alternatives. It is imperative that there is a remedy for dense central city living at a more affordable cost. Mimi Hoang and Eric Bunge, the architect couple who won New York’s adAPT micro-unit competition, made the important distinction that, “This is not a return to tenement or SRO-style living … [because] there are amenities and a very social dimension to the design” (Finn p.1, 2013). Their winning submission consisted of a modular prefabricated design including 55 units, 350 square feet or less, which stacked together would create a 10 storey apartment building complete with common terrace, laundry room and bike storage (2013). The distinction illustrates the fact that the purpose of the micro-unit is generally not to offer low-income housing for the lowest social segments, however to primarily offer affordable housing solutions to moderate income young professionals, creative sector employees and students in the dense culture and sustainable infrastructure which has become synonymous with the urban elite (Quastrel et al, 2012). This does not mean that a proportion of micro-units could not be offered at government assisted rates for lower-income brackets, however that the design

5.0 necessity


14 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 of micro-accommodations is to better integrate moderate social classes and most importantly reduce barriers to entry for singles which do not benefit from a dual earner household. Importantly, the micro-unit concept provides a more affordable housing alternative that can achieve great social mixing while continuing to promote sustainability-as-density principles as a result of the smaller unit sizes. However, even as micro-accommodations are being introduced in dense metropolitans like San Francisco and New York the primary criticism of the typology, within North American metropolitans, remains their relatively cramped nature in relation to average apartment sizes on the continent. This is in strict contrast to European attitudes where the typology has been far more popular.

The polish architect Jakub Szczesny unveiled his own

micro-apartment design in Warsaw, Poland consisting of a thin structure, only 5 feet wide, which was implemented in 40 foot long slender alley. Although this concept may not have the same intent as that focused on in this discussion it illustrates that, “European cities, owing to their long history, have specific spatial structures: relatively small, but very dense, with a lot of contrasts in a limited space� (Cassiers & Kesteloot p.1917, 2010). It is through this urban structure that these locales facilitate social experiences and


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

15

confrontations in the urban space (2010). Cassier and Kestoloot, in their article on social inequality and cohesion in European, illustrate the loss of social cohesion as an element of urban policies in favor of market oriented private investment enrichment (2010). The argument follows that central cities risk a degradation of the urban community to a facade for shopping, leisure and tourism. The loss of diversity in both the physical and social environment has major ramifications on the true cohesion and lifestyle which can develop within the urban fabric. As a result it is imperative to create innovative forms of urban structure to ensure social inclusion and integration as, â€œâ€ŚCivil society adheres to a form of urban planning that is at the service of urban society as a whole, aiming at a socially just city (Cassiers & Kesteloot p. 1919, 2010). it was Kevin Lynch who stated the greatest of cities was the one which offer its inhabitants choice and diversity (Lynch, 1980). The micro-unit concept can effectively provide the diversity and compactness of European urban spaces in sporadic and intricate implementations within the dense urban core to promote social cohesion and economic inclusion. Jakub Szczesny’s Micro Unit Form

Proposed Micro Unit Form

= 5 feet by 5 feet measurement


16 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

Despite the necessity for any dwelling typology the provision of

such spaces is dependent on building code regulations and zoning legislation that provide the foundation of planning standards. The Ontario building code states, under section 9.5.8.1, that, “Despite Subsections 9.5.4. to 9.5.7., where living, dining, bedroom and kitchen spaces are combined in a dwelling unit that contains sleeping accommodation for not more than 2 persons, the area of the combined spaces shall be not less than 13.5 m2�, which is equivalent to 142 square feet (Ontario, 2012). The National Building Code of Canada further supports these standards and outlines similar parameters for minimum combined unit sizes. Furthermore, the Toronto Official plan ensures policies that support residential development that provide a full range of housing opportunities concerning type, tenure, unit size and affordability (City of Toronto, 2010). With regard to specific zoning regulations the minimum floor area, height and density of a given development is specific to the site on which the development is being proposed (City of Toronto, 2013).

In areas and on sites which have specific zoning legislation

mandating high minimum unit size requirements the use of inclusionary zoning could be applied in order to entice the development of affordable housing through micro-unit accommodations. Inclusionary zoning/housing is a policy tool requiring developers of projects to

6.0 framework


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

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produce an amount of affordable housing throughout market-rate residential development as a condition of approval (Mah, 2009). Both mandatory and voluntary forms offer certain incentives like density bonuses, fast-tracked approval, reduced parking requirements, flexible design standards, or tax increment financing to offset the cost of providing affordable housing (2009). This synthesis could be applied in two forms. To reduce minimum size standards the inclusionary program could request affordable units as collateral for the bonusing. However, in order to entice microunit development the opposite could occur where incentives are offered to developers in order to promote the construction of microunits as a market-rate affordable housing typology. Although the two scenarios represent separate implementations the synthesis of inclusionary housing and micro-unit accommodations can effectively offer social and economic cohesion in a fabric of urban elites. Furthermore, the provisions of such units as affordable alternatives may make inclusionary housing more favorable amongst developers as the market-rate of the smaller units won’t impact developer profits like government subsidized affordable units (2009). In the Canadian context there are generally policies which permit and support the implementation of micro-apartments.


18 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

The physical implementation of a micro-apartment is vital

to ensuring the objectives necessary in providing a new typology while avoiding the concerns of various stakeholders. The Burns Barn development in Vancouver offers an optimal starting point to offer this analysis. By ensuring that these concerns are negated through specific design implementations it is possible to reduce negative impacts, increase positive outcomes and hasten adoption of the concept.

Criticism ensued the Burns Barn redevelopment as a

result of the SRO conversion. Furthermore, it can be assumed that the renovation of a heritage building would have come at a premium to developers causing higher than necessary end costs to consumers in what was billed as an affordable alternative. It is recommended that the implementation of micro-apartments use a pre-fabricated modular construction to ensure affordability, simplicity and focus largely on new construction that will not negatively impact current housing. A pre-fabricated modular method allows for faster material delivery, cost savings, greater quality control and improved on site construction safety (Andjelic, 2012). Since the industrial revolution mass production has been used as an effective cost reduction method (Halman et al, 2008). High-end modular hotel construction in Europe has proven the

7.0 design


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

19

capacity of prefabricated modular units to offer quality medium density accommodations throughout the world (Andjelic, 2012). This method ensures demand can be smoothly accommodated with increased efficiency, optimized marketing effectiveness and reduced complexity (Halman et al, 2008). A modular construction would also offer flexibility in structure construction that would allow the shell of a unit to be used with a secondary use, such as a fitness room, communal patio or other shared facilities.

The small unit size combined with a modular construction

allows for the flexibility necessary to locate micro-apartments in various urban voids and dense urban environments. An urban void can be characterized as the absence of a construction in a defined space (Akkerman, 2009). These spaces are often feared, associated with danger and generally ignored within the urban fabric as mere gaps in a continuum (2009). As a result it is opportune that these accommodations be placed intricately within the existing urban fabric where voids exist however a conventional structure would be cramped. In this way the new typology stems urban decay by eradicating unsightly gaps and propones Jane Jacobs’ concept of a continuous vibrant street frontage to optimize interaction and pedestrian experience (Jacobs, 1961). Using proper design techniques these urban voids can be augmented


20 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 into useful appreciated spaces that bring diversity, character and social cohesion into the dense urban fabric.

Beyond the exterior implementation the interior execution

remains equally as important to the success of micro-units in their intended purpose. It is important to provide space efficient furniture which can adapt to the needs of the occupant in order to make the small space as useful and cost-effective as possible. This can be achieved through the provision of foldable furniture, efficient storage options, mattresses which convert vertically into a cabinet housing, and linear counter design. Furthermore, in order to ensure for psychological well being natural light should be vital through the use of large windows. In this way the space also feels larger than the available 250 square feet. A small water closet near the entrance should use sliding doors in order to prevent problems with door openings. The ability to offer such miniature units necessitates communal resources such as laundry, fitness and common space in other parts of the structure. Through the proposed modular design these amenities can be efficiently and easily provided. The following graphics represent an original implementation of the micro unit concept, using the above discussed methods, in Kitchener, Ontario within an urban void directly opposite of Kitchener City Hall.


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

KIN

GS

TRE

ET KIT

CH E

CH

ARL

SIT

E

STR

EET

RC

ITY

HA

LL

WA TER

STR EET

ES

NE

Figure 4.0 - The site is located in downtown Kitchener on King Street.

Figure 4.1 - The site is currently an urban void between two buildings.

8.0 visuals

21


22 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 Figure 4.2 - The design of a modular micro-apartment unit creates a single prefabricated self contained shell. The unit is purpose built and able to be manufactured through an assembly process. One side of the unit is completely glazed for optimal natural light and a spacious feel in a less than spacious enviornment. The singular units will be added individually into a large x-frame framework. This offers optimal flexibility in the type, layout and purpose of each unit within the structure. If a unit is vacant a new module for a common space can be added while if a unit it damaged a new unit can be switched out. The exposed x-frame also adds to the architectural flare of new construction within a dense built environment. Figure 4.3 - On the next page reside three separate configurations of the same unit which is facilitated through efficient furniture design. A cabinet houses the mattress vertically when not in use allowing space for either a dinette, work space or lounge area. The dinning table is stored in the vanity as a foldable piece of furniture. The desk fold out of the middle wall.


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

23

KITCHEN FOYER

15'

VANITY

bedroom

BED

17'

KITCHEN FOYER

DESK/CHAIR

15'

study

VANITY

17'

KITCHEN FOYER

15'

VANITY

DINING TABLE

17'

dinette


24 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

Figure 5.0 - This section elevation shows the foyer in the bottom right with five micro-units residing in the same structure. The x-ray of the vanity can be seen in the background.

Figure 5.1 - Together these units create a single stable structure which ass diversity in compact space facilitating social cohesion through the mix of income and social groups.


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

25

Figure 6.0 - Final Conceptualization (Kitchener, Ontario)


26 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450

During a period of increasing income polarization, growing

inequality and a push for sustainable development micro-unit accommodations have many benefits as an affordable market alternative. As a result the concept has taken hold in major metropolitan cores such as Vancouver while being championed as the next revolutionary typology of the Manhattan streetscape. Although the policy and zoning generally allow for the units, the acceptance of smaller living accommodations has not been widely accepted in North America. Many citizen groups have vocalized against the concept based on various quality of life and gentrification concerns. Furthermore some developers believe the developments do not have the revenue capacity to truly become mainstream. Therefore it is extremely important that the micro-unit concept is design and implemented in a way that is conducive to achieving multiple stakeholder interests. Through proper implementation this typology is able to provide the adequacy, suitability and affordability, outlined by the CMHC’s Core Housing Needs Model, for an entire demographic of young singles (Murdie, 2003). If approached carefully the micro-apartment concept holds great potential for achieving Ebenezer Howard’s long standing goal of health, harmony, dignity and happiness within the urban structure (Ward, 1998).

9.0 conclusion


Urban Adaptation: The Mirco-Unit Concept

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Akkerman, Abraham. (2009). Urban Void and the Reconstruction of Neo

Platonic City-Form. Ethics, Place and Environment: 12(2) 205-218.

Bunting, Trudi & Filion, Pierre & Walker, Ryan. Canadian Cities in Transition:

New Directions in the Twenty-First Century. Toronto: Oxford University

Press. Cassiers, Tim & Kesteloot, Christian. (2010). Socio-Spatial Inequalities and

Social Cohesion in European Cities. Urban Studies: 49(9) 1909-1924.

City of Toronto. (2013). Toronto: Zoning By Law. Retrieved on Sunday, April 7,

2013 from http://www.toronto.ca/zoning/bylaw/ZBL_NewProvision_

Chapter10_10.htm City of Toronto. (2010). Toronto: Official Plan. Retrieved on Sunday, April 7, 2013

from http://www.toronto.ca/planning/official_plan/introduction.htm

City of Vancouver. (2009). Housing Policy, Social Development, Community

Services Group. January 2009. Retrieved on Saturday, April 6, 2013

from http://www.tenants.bc.ca/ckfinder/userfiles/files/2008cmhcdata.

pdf CMHC. (2008). Research Highlight: The Dynamics of Housing Affordability.

Socio-Economic Series: 8(2) 1-10.

CMHC. (2005). The Impact of Zoning and Building Restrictions on Housing

Affordability. Socio-Economic Series: 5(12), 1-4.

10.0 works cited


28 Alex Hrynkiewicz | 20330185 | PLAN 450 Dawkins, Casey & Nelson Arthur. (2002). Urban Containment Policies and

Housing prices: An International Comparison with Implications for

Future Research. Land Use Policy: 19(1) 1-12.

Finn, Robin. (2013). Living Small is the Best Revenge. The New York Times.

Mar 3rd, 2013. Retrieved on Sunday, April 7, 2013 from http://www.

lexisnexis.com/hottopics/lnacademic/?verb=sr&csi=6742&sr=BYLIN E%28Robin%29%2Bw%2F3%2BFinn%29%2BAND%2BHLEA D%28Living+Small+Is+the+Best+Revenge%29%2BAND%2BDATE% 2BIS%2B2013-03-3 Hawthorne, Karen. (2011). Micro-Living: Canada’s Smallest Apartment

the Size of a Walk in Closet. National Post. Dec 21st, 2011. Retrieved

on Saturday, April 6, 2013 from http://life.nationalpost.com/2011/12/21/

micro-living-canadas-smallest-apartment-the-size-of-a-walk-in-closet/ Hulchanski, David. (2010). The Three Cities Within Toronto: Income Polarization

Among Toronto’s Neighborhoods, 1970-2000. Cities Centre: University

of Toronto.

Jacobs, Jane. (1961). The Life and Death of Great American Cities. New York:

Pantheon Books.

Lynch, Kevin. (1980). What Makes a Good City: General Theory of Good City

Form; A New Try at an Old Subject. Germany: Holst-lezing.

Lafleur, Steve. (2011). ‘Smart Growth’ isn’t Very Smart. The Record. Nov 7th,

2011. Retrieved on Saturday, April 6, 2013 from http://www.therecord.

com/opinion/columns/article/620349---smart-growth-isn-t-very-smart


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Maaranen, Richard & Walks, Alan. (2008). The Timing, Patterning, & Forms

of Gentrification & Neighbourhood Upgrading in Montreal, Toronto

& Vancouver, 1961 to 2001. Centre for Urban and Community Studies:

University of Toronto.

Mumford, Lewis. (1965). Utopia, the City and the Machine. Daedalus: 94(2), 271-292. Murdies, Robert. (2003). Housing Affordability and Toronto’s Rental Market:

Perspectives from the Housing Careers of Jamaican, Polish and

Somali Newcomers. Housing, Theory and Society: 20(1) 183-196

Ontario. (2012). Building Code Act, 1992: Ontario Regulation 350/60 –

Building Code. Service Ontario. Retrieved on Sunday, April 7,

2013 from http://www.e-laws.gov.on.ca/html/regs/english/

elaws_regs_060350_e.htm Quastrel et al. (2012). Sustainability as Density and the Return of the Social:

The Case of Vancouver, British Columbia. Urban Geography: 33(7),

1055-1084. Reliance Properties. (2012). Micro-Loft Living – An Affordable Alternative in

an Otherwise Expensive City. Retrieved on Sunday, April 7, 2013 from

http://www.relianceproperties.ca/micro-lofts Skaburskis, Andrejs. (2012). Gentrification and Toronto’s Changing Household

Characteristics and Income Distribution. Journal of Planning Education

and Research: 32(2) 191-203.

Ward, Stephen. (1998). The Vision Beyond Planning. Journal of the American

Planning Association, 64(2), 128-129.


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