Moscow: Restructuring of the Inner Periphery through Transit-Oriented Development

Moscow: Restructuring of the Inner Periphery through Transit-Oriented Development towards the mixed metropolis

Alexandra Egarmina | EMU | 2016

Colophon Master thesis | Delft | June 2016 Alexandra Egarmina European postgraduate Master in Urbanism Strategies and Design for Cities and Territories TU Delft – Faculty of Architecture This thesis has been produced with the guidance of the mentors: Ir. Daan Zandbelt TU Delft – Faculty of Architecture Department of Urbanism Chair of Metropolitan and Regional Design Dr. Lei Qu TU Delft – Faculty of Architecture Department of Urbanism Chair of Spatial Planning and Strategy Prof.dr.arch. Paola Viganò Università IUAV di Venezia Faculty of Urban and Regional Planning And was reviewed by the readers: Viviana d’Auria KU Leuven Miquel Corominas UPC Barcelona

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Table of contents Introduction Terms Methodology

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Research Question

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Literature Overview

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Problem Field Quasi-urban space Mobility and overflow

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Trends Population density allocation Actors Mobility and overflow Planning tradition

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Hypothesis TOD

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Premises Walkable city Productive Machine Motorised landscape Conclusion

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Problem Statment

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Vision

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Global Strategy

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Local strategy Otkrytaya station Izmaylovo station Cherkizovo station

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Reflection

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References

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Moscow: restructuring through TOD

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“Old” Moscow

“Old” Moscow

Moscow Oblast

Agglomeration core

“New” Moscow

2nd circle of cities

Moscow Oblast

Agglomeration core

“New” Moscow

Present Moscow agglomeration

Present Moscow agglomeration

Source: made by author based on: Makharova., T. et all, 2013

Source: made by author based on: Makharova., T. et all, 2013

Moscow and moscow Oblast Made by author based on Makhrova A. 2014 6

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2nd cir

INTRODUCTION

cle of cities

The location of the project is determined by the potential of a “Moscow Metropolitan area”, however the question of the borders of such an area remains very uncertain. As Moscow and Moscow Oblast are two separate subjects of the Russian Federation, both with their parliaments and government; a resulting lack of coordinated administration structures, statistics and spatial strategy is apparent. Furthermore, a lack of interregional planning is caused by an unwillingness of Moscow to cooperate with the neighboring government (Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011). Nevertheless, Moscow and Moscow Oblast should not be perceived apart, as both contribute to mutual spatial functionality. For example, all the major airports of Moscow are located outside of the “Old city”. Thus the real “functional” region of Moscow Metropolitan area should be perceived beyond its current administrative boundaries, encompassing the “Real city” and the ring of towns annexed to it. Around 50 % of the working population of the nearest areas (first round of cities) and around 1/3 of the second round of cities are employed in the borders of the “old Moscow” (Makhrova, 2014).

In addition to the daily commuting patterns such factors as seasonal suburbanization is contributing to the functional links within areas. “Datcha”- a garden or summer house outside the city, form a “socialist suburbanization” for the warm periods of the year. In this respect, a Datcha differs from the semi-detached housing in the urban regions of Western Europe (Rudolph & Brade, 2005).

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Moscow inner periphery and fast railway connection based on Google Earth image 8

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TERMS Datcha. Datcha is a seasonal or year-round second home, often located in the exurbs of Russian and other post-Soviet cities.

Microrayon. A residential complex—a primary structural element of the residential area construction in the Soviet Union and in some post-Soviet and former Communist states. Residential districts in most of the cities and towns in Russia and the republics of the former Soviet Union were built in accordance with this concept.

TTK - The Third Ring Road MKAD - The Moscow Automobile Ring Road Inner periphery-territory in between MKAD and TTK Moscow Old-city in the borders of MKAD Moscow New- city in the borders of MKAD and annexed in 2014 territories on the south west Oblast - is a federal subject of Russia.

Places, localities. Specific definitions vary, depending on one’s research interests and disciplinary background. Sense of place essentially represents the latent aspect of a community’s social environment. Influencing factors acting on place tend to fall into three broad categories: influences of the physical environment, influences of the social environment, and personal/ socio-demographic influences (Lund, 2002). Much of understanding place has to do with the way the activity, economy and culture of the city find their place and become embedded within underlying spatial and movement structures (Read, 2001).

Moscow city and circles of Datchas based on Vendina O, 2013

ESTONIA

LATVIA

BELORUS

UKRAINE

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METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH QUESTION

From the problem field, based on personal experience and general literature analysis of contemporary scholars, process consisted of two parallel enquiry lines.

First one was based on exploration of premises of the problems through the historical analysis and current trends and actors evaluation.

Second one -the hypothesis (TOD) development as a response to the current problems in Moscow emerged through the case study analysis and contemporary trends evaluation, based on scholar’s review. Development of the hypothesis origins was based on exploration of the literature and critics of the origins of the theory ( Calthorpe, 1993) to more relevant “Nodes and Places” theoretical base of Bertolini (1996).

Those two lines went parallel and helped to formulate the Main research question and sub-research questions. Tools used were broad scholar literature review, map analysis, map tracing, GIS mapping.

Next step was formulated and narrowing down the area, based on current projects in the city “Scenario Zero”, which also contribute to the relevance of the project and reflected in both enquiry lines.

How to create a synergy between urban space and transit systems, whilst adding qualities to the fast growing Metropolitan Area of Moscow by using the existing potentialities of the space?

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

Sub-research questions: What is the current relationship between infrastructures and the environment?

Who are the actors and what are the obstacles for the proposed synergy?

To which extend synergy of infrastructure and city space could be integrated in local context?

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METHODOLOGY

CASE STUDIES

comparison

evaluation of successfull strategies

literature review

RELEVANT THEORIES

PROBLEM STATMENT

PROBLEM FIELD

Quasi-urban space Mobility and overow

trends space

current scholar review

statistical data analysis

mobility

premises

Missed opportunity for the synergy within environment and mobility

historical analysis map analysis

RESEARCH QUESTION How to create a synergy of urban space and transit systems, to add qualities to the fast growing Metropolitan Area Of Moscow by using the existing potentialities of the space?

SUB-RESEARCH QUESTIONS What is the current relation of infrastructures and environment?

Who are the actors and what are the obstacles for the synergy?

To which extend synergy of infrastructure and city space should be integrated in local context?

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LIMITING AREA press analysis current projects evaluation literature review

HYPOTHESIS

STRETEGY

DESIGN

Restructuring Moscow periphery:

interventions for the representative cases

REFLECTION

An integrated strategy for transport multimodal hubs & adjacent areas

VISION public transport strategy on metropolitan scale grouping of hubs based on spatial performance

testing

Transit Oriented Development

toolbox elaboration for each group local strategies

inquiry lines tools

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LOCAL CONTEXT GENERAL INQUIRY

Parolotto, F. et al, 2013 Gridlock, the Donut and Intelligent Solutions

Khorovich, B. et al, 2007 Development of a competitive public transport market in Moscow

mobility & infrastructures

MOTIVATION

Bogorov, V. et al, 2013 Self-Exploration of the City

Sitar, S., 2013 The Mobilized Landscape

Read, S. et al, 2003 Human scales: Understanding places of centring and de-centring

what does it mean to local context?

The foundation of urban form is, in purposefully and strategically constructed spaces, each of which embodies particular knowledges, frames particular objects and subjects and facilitates particular ways of doing things.

Myers, D., 2005 S Escaping the prison of “The present T place”: Can we plan the future of C localities in the context of a Netwok Society what does it mean to local contex

Planners, should engage citizens in broad, future-oriented narratives that help residents see their communities more globally and imagine how how their communities can become better becaurse they are more regionally responsible and sustainable placies.

The idea of urban space as a two dimensional connective tissue within which patterns of activity are powerfully influenced by the connective properties of this tissue.

space

Bronovitskaya, A., 2013 City of Ideas: A History of Planning

Read, S., 2009 Another Form: From the ‘Informational’ to the ‘Infrastructural’ City

Along with with withdrawal of t urban development projects , t collective realm has altered an gained the renewed recognition

MOTIVATION

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TOD

Calthorpe P., 1993 The Next American Metropolis Ecology, Community, and the American dream

Bertolini, L., 2008 Station areas as nodes and places in urban networks: An analytical tool and alternative development strategies

Beijing

The integrated development of railway networks and land around the nodes of those networks is seen as a way towards a more public transport and non-motorised, modes-oriented, concentrated urbanisation pattern.

Bertolini, L. et al, 2003 Mobility Environments and Network Cities

Wu, F. et al, 2008 From Suburbia to Post-Suburbia in China? Aspects of the Transformation of the Beijing and Shanghai Global City Regions

Nodes and places approach

case studies

Shannon, K. et al, 2009 The Landscape of Contemporary Infrastructure

actors

xt?

the public hand in the meaning of the nd infrastructure has n as public space.

Golubchikov, O. et al, 1996 The political economy of place at the post-socialist urban periphery: governing growth on the edge of Moscow

Bertolini, L., 1996 Nodes and places: complexities of railway station redevelopment

Tokyo Bertolini, L., 1998 An application of the node place model to explore the spatial development dynamics of station areas in Tokyo

London Paris

Bertolini, L., 1998 Station area redevelopment in five European countries: An international perspective on a complex planning challenge

Bertolini, L., 2005 Cities and transport: Exploring the need for new planning approaches Bertolini, L., 2008 Urban transportation planning in transition

Rudolph, R. et al, 2005 Moscow: Processes of restructuring in the post-Soviet metropolitan periphery main authours inquiry process inquiry topics

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Moscow Sourse: https://vk.com/berezka

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PROBLEM FIELD: quasy-urban space City is experiencing the loss of identity nowadays.

Massive expansion of conurbation influence on the spatial characteristics of the urban landscape, which in its turn affects the quality of life in city itself (Parolotto, 2013). And one the main issues is lacking of “places” outside of the historical centre. Russian cultural geographer Kagansky claimed people of Moscow to be “spatially irrelevant”, didn’t attached to the community or missing a “sense of place”. And the best showcase is the inner periphery of the city ( annexed towns of Moscow Oblast used to be former cities and as a consequence obtain some degree of centralities).

Dormitory districts within MKAD are working only as a donors and receptors of the population. Urban fabric is working like a set of functions without forming a “mature” city (Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011).

“Spatial segregation of residential, industrial, infrastructural and other functions of Moscow periphery reveal the features of the Fordist city or “Gosplan” quasi-urban space” (Bogorov, Novikov, & Serova, 2013).

Scope of reasons include the pedestrian unfriendly environment, loss of human scale, poor public transport accessibility. Those factors are directly connected to the forming of the “places “ within urban context (Lund, 2002). Loss of scale of the dormitory districts due to the high motorization of the population in 50s changed the size of the city cell: it grew from flat to “microrayon” (Sitar, 2013).

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Traffic jam in Moscow city centre Sourse: https://vk.com/berezka

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PROBLEM FIELD: mobility and overflow Changes of last 20 years influenced dramatically on the mobility networks and behavior.

Master plans of Moscow established during Soviet Period were not taking into account the intense motorization of 90s. Combined with large urban blocks and low density of street pattern beyond the historical centre (roads occupy only 6 per cent of the area of the periphery, while in the center their share is 25 per cent) city structure is unable to provide sufficient operation of vehicle transport.

We should take into account, that it is not 100% of the population that generate stagnation. The active mobile part of the population of Moscow Metropolitan Area involved in commuting is the obvious minority.

More than two-thirds of Moscow residents stay at home or in the immediate vicinity. Recent research (Bogorov et al., 2013)on the mobility pattern of the population shows, that overload of the city infrastructure is caused not only by concentration of attractor within centre but also by lacking of sufficient structure outside the Moscow border.

Citizens of Moscow Oblast are forced to use infrastructure within city for a longer time and contribute to the pressure on little amount of existing roads and interchange nodes.

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Density of the population vs public transport stops accessibility based on openstreetmaps.com

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PROBLEM FIELD: mobility and overflow After soviet period when public transport in Moscow was coordinated on the heist levels of government, PT systems were delegated to local authorities. But the lack of a sufficient legal framework caused multiple problems, such as low salaries in the sector and aging infrastructure. In case of vehicle transport, numerous private companies started to emerge. But their inability to provide safety and fully cover a demand for on land PT services causes a conflict between private-governmental services (Khorovich, 2008). One of the examples is Moscow Metro. The decision to construct underground system in capital was meant not only to solve the mobility issues, but also to become a showcase for the power and glory of the communist regime.

Originally, lines were designed to connect main attractors and public species in the city. Station nodes were marked with pavilions, ought to become new focal points of the neighborhoods. Nevertheless, with significant growth pace of dormitory districts gradual detach of nodes and places is observed.

Furthermore, as it was mentioned before, new districts are not fully served by the metro lines.

Metro station Vihino Sourse: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Выхино

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1935

1985

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Profile of the density allocation based on Vendina,O 2012

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TRENDS: population density allocation The key demographic factor that contribute to the growing of the population of Moscow is migration.

Since 1970 natural increase of the city was 5 times smaller than the pace of inflow from the rest of Russia or CIS countries. And that trend will gradually raise for the next decades.

While density profile differs a lot from the most comparable European cases. Classical model represents less density in the administrative centers, then sharp increase in nearly attached territories and then it shrink steadily from the center to suburbs. While in Moscow the inner periphery tend to accumulate more and more housing. Nevertheless, amount of services and employment plaices remain dominant within historical core. Since industrial production partially declined due to the service-oriented economy, partially relocated from the city boundaries in the middle of the densest districts (east, north east) functional voids occurred. This growing trend is contributing to uneven allocation of city functions (Vendina, 2013).

Concentration of jobs within the centre contribute to the longer commuting pattern and more “ineffective� movements. Governmental attempts to provide more job opportunities at the new annexed territories of New Moscow won’t bring any significant changes nor to the homogeneous neighborhoods of inner periphery, neither to the overloaded infrastructure, as trips will still be long and inefficient. (Bogorov et al.,2013; Vendina, 2013).

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Allocation of jobs in the city by municipality based on Vendina,2012 min

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Allocation of industries based on opemstreetmaps.com industries

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buildup areas

parks

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General Plan 2010 Territories of reorganisation are shown in blue Source: http://gpinfo.mka.mos.ru/kniga_3/ pp568-569

General Plan 2010 Zoning plan Source: http://gpinfo.mka.mos.ru/kniga_2/ pp 9-10

After the doubling of the administrative borders of the city in July 2012 this plan is being changed: the new one has to be issued in 2016. Still, now it is the main document to be used when regulating all the constructions in the city.

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TRENDS: actors

TRENDS: planning tradition?

Amongst the most important actors involved in investment activities in both Moscow and Moscow Oblast, essentially shaping the structure of the city, are certain finance and industrial groups, including oil and gas concerns, construction firms and banking consortiums. These actors are seen to determine the structure of the built environment in their capacity as strategic investors (Rudolph & Brade, 2005).

A fragmented financing system and unclear responsibilities also limit the ability of the municipal Private developers government to manage spatial changes on the local level. In that sense, a sectored approach in land developing urban planning caused less appreciation of “place making”. On the whole the districts of Moscow have relatively little influence on local economic development, because major economic actors operate at the level of the governor, thus strategic investors negotiate in the first instance with the governor of the city.

Real estate is now a real power that is taking an advantage from the unclear planning responsibilities within federal, regional and municipal government. Combined with the weak role of the local authorities it results in absence of small scale actions. The central role of Moscow as a capital and financial hub again played against its own urban interests. The demand for housing is so strong, that private construction companies are becoming richer, while not contributing to public needs and demands. Notably, land taxes contribute only 0.09 % to the Moscow budget, individual property taxes: 0.004%, lend lease-0.02%. In that sense we could claim that the private sector could hardly be used by the government as a tool for establishing a better future for the citizens.

The central role of Moscow as a capital during the soviet period made the top-down governance legacy very strong. Even though it was largely sectored, urban plans tend to integrate different sectors together.

Nowadays, the structure of the governance still has a fragmented character. Nevertheless the absence of the regulatory features resulted in a lack of aNational cohesive approach towards territorial planning and municipal ‘place-shaping’ actions (Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011; Rudolph & Brade, 2005).

City Goverment Starting with the master plan of 1957 further technical plans could be characterized as “retroactive” and easily violated and complexes updated retrospectively.

(Bronovitskaya, 2013; Sitar, 2013). The “visioning” city planningplanning policy policy in urban is considered noteconomic relevant for the social sphere property of the city and land property and construction market economy (Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011).

However, while the Sovietdepartments territorial planning in its top–down totality did provide each place its sense as a part of the overall system of the national economic organization, in modern Russia planning has not embraced the bottom–up and socially inclusive ‘placemaking’ element to compensate for the destruction of the system ver-ring Littleofrail tical integration (Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011).

Stakeholders power balance: PS-private sector, CG-city government, NG-national government, LR-local residents, LG-local government Source: made by author

PS

CG

LG

NG Moscow: restructuring through TOD

LR 27

Go

Judiciously planned infrastructure may indeed be one of the most effective means of both achieving quality control over private development realizing strategic urban environments (Shannon & Smeth, 2009)

Geological cross0section of the first line of Moscow Metro Source: http://metrofoto.ru/post8944

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HYPOTHESIS: mobility environments According to numerous scholars (Read, 2009; Read & Budiarto, 2003; Myers, 2005) the notion of “place” (without determined scale) is evaluated nowadays through the lens of a highly mobile society. Read (Read & Budiarto, 2003) describes place-making in the cities not only through the generation of amenities and metropolitan attractors, but rather as an entity, which has to be generated by flows and the “interaction of flows”.

It gives a completely new perspective on urban space, as a dynamic process. Thus, hierarchy plays a major role in it. Hierarchy that is determined by the patterns of people movements and an overlapping of those patterns. Localities are seen as a systems of species, that should work on different urban scales and obtain different meanings. That plays a crucial role not only for the creation of new urban centralities, but also in the restructuring of existing ones through imagining themselves over different scales: “...planners should engage citizens in broad, future-oriented narratives that help residents see their communities more globally and imagine how their communities can become better because they are more regionally responsible and sustainable places” (Myers, 2005).

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

That brings attention to the notion of “mobility environments” as strategic characteristics in a modern region. “Mobility environments” are locations that are determined by the combination of accessibility and proximity. In that sense, features of transportation services and activity place in itself influence on the presence of people in a given location (Bertolini & Dijst, 2003; Bertolini, Clercq, & Straatemeier, 2008). Thus, mobility environments have a high potential to deal with the quasi-urban space of Moscow inner periphery.

“The potential for interaction... will be there, and with it a quintessential urban quality” (Bertolini & Dijst, 2003).

Search for the new centralities within the inner periphery with a central role of public transportation, that actually could add qualities to the place and provide financial and spatial opportunities for the generation of jobs and public spaces. This could be a promising strategy to restructure the districts of Moscow and become “places” - focal points within the neighborhoods which now are missing.

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Infrastructure, by its very nature, expands the the public realm beyond the boundaries of the single space (Shannon & Smeth, 2009)

Socol metro station Source: vsehsvyatskoye.livejournal.com

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TOD “Transit Oriented Development” (TOD) model of organising the neighbourhood was proposed by Peter Calthorpe (1993) based on common principles of spatial organisation. Those encompass principles of mixed use of the area, accessibility of public transportation, pedestrian-friendly environment etc. One of the main goals of the proposed model is to prevent sprawling of the city and change the scale of the neighbourhoods through prioritising the role of the public transport and decreasing the role of car in the commuting process.

“The Transit-Oriented Development concept is simple: moderate and high density housing, along with complementary public uses, jobs, retail and services, are concentrated in mixed use developments at strategic points along the regional transit system” (Calthorpe, 1993).

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

However, the universal model later on evolved into more context-oriented strategy and a “nodes and places” approach was proposed by Luca Bertolini et al. (1996). The theory suggests, that it is not the form of development that matters, but rather “the degree of consistency between land use and transport policies” (Bertolini, 2008). It implies, that the character of policies should be different and respond to the local features, which should determine the strategy.

Furthermore, the relation of public transport nodes and areas around respond to the idea of the “land use transport feedback cycle.” It elaborates on the relation of land use and station, balance and degree of integration of both (Bertolini & Chorus, 2011). Nevertheless, goals correspond to the origins of the TOD development: “The integrated development of railway networks and land around the nodes of those networks is seen as a way towards a more public transport and non-motorised, modes-oriented, concentrated urbanisation pattern” (Bertolini & Chorus, 2011).

Thus, city and space-transit relations is a complex entity, that should be supported with different operational models that are adaptable to real cases.

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Source: LIFE magazine 1963

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PREMISES The development of the city towards transit has its premises in the Soviet period. The relation of nodes and places tend to be unconsciously balanced through the history of the city development.

To understand the past relationship of urban space and mobility infrastructures the historical inquiry is needed. In order to intervene into the complexity of the political, ideological and morphological complexity of the city the research will be divided into three major phases. They do not have clear time borders and could be defined by the scope of characteristics.

The “Walkable city” is a phase which is characterized by the relatively small scale of urban fabric, absence of private transport and big ideological changes. Political ideology and land use policies influenced largely on the morphology of the city and the perception of place by inhabitants.

The second phase is called “Productive Machine” and is characterized by clear top down governance. It is driven by strong planning practices, but the stress of them was on territorial organization of productive forces and not urban design (Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011). Nevertheless, in order to achieve their goals, planners were providing efficient living and working environments based on norms for the provision of social, engineering, transport and environmental infrastructure (Rudolph & Brade, 2005).

“Motorized landscape” is the phase which changed the perception of the place through the lens of motorization. The growth pace of private cars and road elongation gave a huge leap in the city development. The extreme minimalisation of the mode of life and new energy flow networks caused problems in the functional organization of the city. I would argue that the motorized landscape is still a current condition and requires efforts from all the actors to bring about change

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Walkable City

1917

Productive machine

1922

1931

New Moscow 1923 Schusev

policentrism and garden cities

Big Moscow 1926 Shestakov monocentric city and localities

1935

Big Moscow Sceme 1932 Mayer “protitarization of the population�

Stalin

military communism

space

General plan 1935 Chernyshev regular circularlooking city

mobility human scale tram, pedestrian city

the prohibition of private entrepreneurship militarized control upon railways

Revolution

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M. Kalinin: "If the city has a tram then the city has the Soviet power."

shift towards functional organisation, growth of the population

Absolute traffic stagnation

cohesive territoruial organisation towards showcase of social power

First metro station opened

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Motorised landscape

1953 Technical Plan 1957 Chechulin Exploring reserve territories

2016

1991

1960

General Plan 1971 Posokhin rapid expansion, production and social infrastructure

Khrushchev Thaw

n’s era

motorisation loss of human scale

s production;

Extreme minimalization

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privatisation

TOD?

Dissolution of the Soviet Union MKAD is border of Moscow

Little Rail Ring reconstruction

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Connection of tram infrastructure and railway stations based on etomesto.ru; map 1915, 1913 tram lines

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buildup areas

railway stations

railway

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NODE

PREMISES: walkable city

before 1917

In the beginning of 20th century the new regime inherited a city with dense road network, that was largely served by tram. Due to the small scale the city it was a walkable entity, with main squares in front of churches and streets as public space.

From the apparent balance between the nodes of stations and tram stops and the vivid life of the small city streets, we could talk about equilibrium between nodes and places they served. Later on modernisation caused an inflow of migration. To deal with fast growth of the population nine railway stations were constructed around the historical core, and were integrated immediately into the tram system.

PLACE

Source: typical-moscow.ru/category/city/history/

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Moscow rail construction plan, 1908 Source: http://www.etomesto.ru/

New Moscow, 1923 Source: http://www.etomesto.ru/

Passenger terminal of rail road Source: http://mkzd.ru/ 38

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NODE

PREMISES: walkable city

rail ring construction 1923

PLACE

Later on radial rail lines were connected with the Little Rail Ring of Moscow, which was originally designed to serve passengers. Nodes for terminals were constructed, but never used. The scope of reasons includes the poor economic condition after war with Japan and shrinking of population.

The configuration of the rail ring implied that the development of the city would take a northern direction, but still with a strong central part. Nevertheless, well connected areas were not using fully their potential.

The master plan of Schusev (1923) reveals the connection of an existing radial ring layout with the principles of polycentrism and “the garden city�.

Residential areas were to take the form of garden villages with small, one-to-four-families houses (Bronovitskaya, 2013). The scheme aimed to create a polycentric structure of city. In this instance we could see an attempt to balance the nodes of infrastructure with small walkable urban cores. In the trace of street pattern nowadays the footprints of garden cities on the north along the rail ring are still present.

Rail bridge over the Moscow river Source: http://mkzd.ru/

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Allocation of Garden cities according to New Moscow masterplan made by author based on Schusev plan 1923 historical city borders

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garden cities

railway stations

railway

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Footprints of Garden cities based on archeology of the peryphery, 2013 historical city borders

industrial areas

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streets

railway

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Big Moscow 1926 Map source: http://tehne.com/ 1-historical core 2-industrial areas 3-residential areas 4-green buffers

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NODE

PREMISES: productive machine

PLACE

After 1917 according to “Decree of Land use” public committees obtained the plots of churches and monasteries. New ideology implied that central Public places should carry a new ideological perspective- in the form of social realms. Through the footprints of the Masterplan of 1926 attempts of the planning is still visible. Avantgarde worker clubs as new centralities appeared to replace churches, but remained detached from the urban fabric.

Master plan of Shestakov (1926) supports the monocentric role of Moscow. Residential areas are separated from industrial areas. Nevertheless, in his scheme as well as in the following plan by Mayer in 1932, Little Rail Ring of Moscow is now the core of the industrial development of the city.

Nodes of the ring are intensively used. It is a job supplier for the whole city.

“Red Moscow doesn’t fit this style anymore” Source: Bezbojnic Magazine, 1930

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Footprints of Big Moscow 1926 based on archeology of the peryphery, 2013 workers’ clubs

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buildup areas

railway

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1932 Kurt Mayer Big Moscow plan 1932 Rail road is a backbone for the industrial expansion.

Source: http://archvuz.ru/2013_1/10

Workers clubs Source: http://k-melnikov.livejournal.com/18960.html

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General plan 1935 Source: http://www.kadashi.ru/images/conf/5/Gen%20plan1935.jpg

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PREMISES: productive machine During Stalin’s regime the master plan of Chernyshev introduced the idea of expanding the city to the southwest and reshaping it into a more regular circular-looking Moscow. One of the distinguishing features in terms of the relation of space and mobility infrastructure was the decision of construction of the metro system.

“When the first station opened in 1935, it was meant to symbolise Stalin’s Soviet project to supposedly construct a radically new world of abundance, justice and happiness for all...they (stations) were known as “people places “ and featured sculpture, mosaics, and murals in styles that ranged from classicism to art deco to social realism” (Shannon & Smeth, 2009).

Metro station as a public space.

People on the station Mayakovskaya during Stalin’s lecture.

November 1941 Source: http://vm.ru/news/2014/12/09/na-stsene-mayakovskoj-273076.html

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BDNKH Source: http://all-pages.com/city_photo/1/14/67/199/6.html

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1935

ba la nc e

NODE

PREMISES: productive machine

PLACE

Pavillion of station Kropotkinskaya Source: mosculture.ru

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

Metro stations were planned to support the on land expansion of the city. Huge projects of this period like stadiums, parks, public buildings and large housing projects along main roads were consciously served by metro lines and architectural complexes which were designed to mark the entrances and become focal points of the districts.

Gradual motorisation is indicated by the pattern of the vast streets in the proposed master plan. The Moscow Ring Road (MKAD) was designed to minimize the traffic in transit throughout the territory of the city.

Started with the Stalin’s master plan the emphasis was made on the South-West axis. It was reinforced with several big scale projects, like Moscow State University with campus. It became one of the focal points and later attracted another universities and research institutes. Furthermore due to the better ecological condition on the Western part it became one of the most prestigious areas to live in.

49

0

5

10

15

20

25

Footprints of Moscow 1935 Underground network connecting new parts of the city,existing residential fabric based on archeology of the peryphery, 2013 Metromap 1957 http://www.metro.ru/map/1957/ metro system

50

buildup areas

new structures

railways

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20

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Footprints of Moscow 1935 Moscow State University, International Exibition based on archeology of the peryphery, 2013 Metromap 1957 http://www.metro.ru/map/1957/ metro system

buildup areas

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

new structures

railways

51

Master Plan 1957 Source: http://retromap.ru/gallery/albums/userpics/10055/ FF0524_0519571_medium.jpg

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PREMISES: motorised landscape After 50s the city experienced a boom in migration and a demand to provide residents with personal living space. Fast growth contributed to the formation of Moscow monotony. On the 8th of August 1960 the decision was made to expand the administrative borders of the city until MKAD. Thus the area between TTK and MKAD evolved in such a way, that made it completely detached from the hierarchical tradition of Russian planning. Khrushchev’s politics of “getting rid of the frills” in architecture combined with the enormous amount of the floor areas built making urban fabric homogeneous “industrially” produced. The amount of floor areas in housing constructions was increasing almost ten times every year in the period from 1949-1964. In the first years of this period the annual amount of square meters produced is equal to the amount of square meters constructed during the whole 800 years history of Moscow.

The decision to expand Moscow until the MKAD limits can also be explained by the increased opportunities of motorized transport. Khrushevs and early Breznev’s periods are characterized by the large diversification and integration of transport in one network. It was given a role as an instrument for territorial development (Sitar, 2013). This resulted in a lack of attention to urban rail transport: even though the building of the “microrayons” went along with underground expansion, the pace of residential constructions has been much faster than the expansion of metro lines (Glazychev, 2008). From the 1970s, the areas with the greatest population density were no longer to be found in the centre but in the high-rise housing developments in the inner periphery. This was due to intra-urban migration from the compact city and migration from other parts of the Soviet Union (Rudolph & Brade, 2005).

Source: https://pastvu.com/

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

53

до 1836

28%

S-1914га Sудс -536га

до1917

14%

S-6458га S=3.37 Sцентра Sудс - 904га !УВЕЛИЧИТЬ ПЛОТНОСТЬ УДС В 1.6 РАЗА!

1961

6%

S-79328га S=41.45 Sцентра Sудс - 4759га !УВЕЛИЧИТЬ ПЛОТНОСТЬ УДС В 15 РАЗ!

Density of the road network from centre to the inner peryphery Source: archeology of the peryphery, 2013

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ba la nc e

NODE

Another distinguishing feature of the “first periphery” system was the coincidental implementation of the first CHP with the mass production of housing. New energy systems resulted in a switch of scale from the smallest unit, such as a flat, to the size of the neighborhoods. Areas were heated and electrified creating a biogenesis with the composition of the blocks of housing. So the cell of a city became “microrayon”. A monofunctional unit that worked as a machine for living (Sitar, 2013).

1957 1971

PLACE

General plan 1971 Source: http://www.alyoshin.ru/Files/publika/ khan_archi/khan_archi_2_020.html

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

The principal sheme of Moscow cantralised power and heating system with locations of major CHP plants Source: archeology of the peryphery, 2013

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20

30

Footprints of Moscow 1971 masterplan based on archeology of the peryphery, 2013;

new road construction according to masterplan

One of key conflicts related to a period of massive housing construction was that most of dormitory districts were designed without any relation to local context (Kraynyaya, 2013).

Relation of industrial belt along Little Rail Ring and large dormitory districts was facilitaed through metro system, while the expansion didnt exeed the capacity of stations.

56

existing road system

We could conclude, that the problem of fragmentation accured simultaniously on all the levels of scale.

Motorised landscape of Moscow city formed a mass of homogenious environments dependent on centre and still working industries mostly through car roads.

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10

20

30

Footprints of Moscow 1971 masterplan based on archeology of the peryphery, 2013; metromap 1991 metro system

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

new housing and public centres

waterways

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0

10

20

30

Investments attractiveness, 2012 min

min

That trend of development towards south-east directionis and around the centre still visible in the development of the city. After 1991 considering the distribution of jobs, facilities, investments and new projects, we could observe the path dependency.

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industries

parks

Northern part, due to the presence of industries remains less attractive in ecological terms. That’s why it is characterized with lower diversity of amenities, less employment rate. That influence the characteristics of the station areas.

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30

Alocation of amanities and attractors business park

cafe

university

library

hospital

cinema

concert hall

New infrastructural projects redevelopment of Little Rail Ring towards passenger use new Metro circuit

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

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60

HISTORICAL ANALYSIS: conclusion

PROBLEM STATMENT

The central role of Moscow as the Soviet capital city and, as a consequence, showcase of “power and glory” of the regime has resulted in inherited spatial connections within regional attractors, neighborhoods and railway transportation, and in such a way that public transport system carried a role of public realm (Shannon & Smeth, 2009) and become partially integrated into the morphology of the city.

With the end of 50s, Moscow’s inner periphery served as a “testing ground” for the new “industrially” produced housing, largely based on opportunities that motor transport provided. The poor economic condition of the whole country, and Moscow in particular resulted in governmental policies, that did not leave room for urban design.

Public transportation got completely detached from the neighborhoods and lost its central, pivotal role in plans of authorities and in the minds of locals.

The spatial characteristics of the Moscow Metropolitan area and unstructured growing pattern of its periphery are influencing the quality of life that the city offers to its citizens and guests. A high concentration of attractors within the historical centre and lack of centralities within the dense parts of city cause an overflow of people in similar directions and unequal access to services. Efforts to deal with the growing amount of commuters are trying to be solved by each authority separately, through the elongation of infrastructure in order to create new working places outside of MKAD. New nodes of transport are completely detached from the neighbourhoods’ contexts and are poorly accessible - thus being characterized by low accessibility for the locals. There is a missed opportunity for synergy between the environment and mobility. Such a synergy requires a spatial intervention to bring all the layers of city together, creating a framework for the restructuring of the area.

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?

Conceptual scheme of the functional separation of space in realtion to the mobility structures economic activity

trading

manufacturing living

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

production

public transport

car roads

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VISION

Restructuring the inner periphery of Moscow towards networks and a hierarchy of networks

What if the city will take Transit-Oriented development as a way to reshape its structure and frame its growth?

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What if the city will become a productive machine, in a way where a diversification of functions and job generation will happen in direct relation to the nodes of the railway stations as the centres of employment, leisure and interaction?

What if Moscow will become a Walkable city, in which localities are supported with a pedestrian friendly environment and less dependence on cars?

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63

STRATEGY

problem

dichotomy

goals|inte

community placelessness and lacking the community feeling

mobility

car dependency as a result of unintegrated pt nodes

person <> spa

place <> node

space <> mobility governance

fragmentation of planning, lacking of local influence

city

ecological decline of the northen part, less investments as a result

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local <> region

north east <>

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egration

ace

strategy| stations program content:local identity spatial integration into urban fabric

e

breaking the grid of microrayon walkable communities

nal

ecology as a carier soth west

spatial role within larger scale

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Global strategy

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67

0

Existing railway stations

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10

20

30

Driven by the envisioned image of the city new proposed stations on the Little Railway ring are seen as a strategic location for the new development. 32 new stations could not only provide additional multimodal points in the heart of most dense neighborhoods but also could obtain their own identity that will restructure the inner periphery.

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10

20

30

Proposed railway stations

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0

10

20

30

Build up territories in pedestrian vicinity (800 m) build up areas

highways

Dominant amount of land use around the buffers are post-industrial areas. Together with underused and abandoned territories they constitute more than 1710 ha of available for redevelopment land.

Instead of occupation of the green fields outside of the Moscow borders development could be intensive, as it could focus in areas which are already inhabited and provided with urban infrastructure.

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open water

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20

30

Landuse character of the accessible territory(800 m) min

residence density

max industry

The way of the city development makes stations become a representatives for the diverse spatial characteristics of Moscow areas. In that sense guidelines for the potential development are driven by the present conditions of the territories around.

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

buildup areas

park

Scope of key characteristics include the amount of residents, access to major highways, provision with public transportation (bus is not included) and employment rate trends (mentioned before).

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Character of landuse around the station nodes including metropolitan attractors

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0

10

20

30

Accesibility ti the major highways. Major connectors of moscow and Oblastâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. build up areas

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highways

open water

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Residence density min

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10

20

30

Public transport max rail

tram

metro

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Nikolaevskaya

Okrugnaya

Vladykino

Botanicheskaya

Yaroslavskaya

Izmaylovo

Sokolinaya Gora

Lefortovo

Andronovka

Ryazanskaya

Avtozavodskaya

Zil

Varshavskaya

Sevastopolskaya

Ploshadâ&#x20AC;? Gagarina

Shelepikha

Presnya

Horoshovo

Peschanaya

Hodynskaya

Urban voids

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Ex workers settlements

Local poles of centralities

Transport hubs

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Inten

Access to major highways

Belokamennaya

Otkritaya

Cherkizovo

Hohlovka

Volgogradskaya

Dubrovka

Lugniky

Kutuzovo

City

Degree of access by public transport

Amount of residents

Train

Metro

Tram

Streshnevo

nsive activity

Glebovo

Detached concenrations

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

Koptevo

Regional cores

Motorised areas

77

Considering all the lines of development of the city and contemporary spatial characteristics all the station were divided in 8 categories, dependent on their spatial characteristics, similarities and role within the whole city.

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7 10 4 2 1 1

city transport hubs

regional cores

detached concentrations

intence activities

motorised areas

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4

local poles of centralities

3

ex workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; settlements

urban voids

nc e

la

ba

NODE Categories

PLACE

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Urban Voids

Regional Cores

80

Ex workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; settlements

Detached Concentrations

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Local Poles of Centralities

Intensive Activity

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

Transport Hubs

Motorised Landscape

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Urban voids Areas are characterized with absence of urban infrastructure and very low or zero rate of housing in direct vicinity. Rail station is detached from other modalities and situated relatively far from the main highways. Places are situated in old abandoned industrial areas or in the middle of the natural reserve park.

Those nodes could become potential gateways to the natural recreation areas if they would stay quiet, safe and well maintained. The priority should be set towards protection of areas from uncontrolled scattered occupation around. Ecological restoration could be a promising strategy for some of them. The â&#x20AC;&#x153;Urban Voidsâ&#x20AC;? could contribute to the variety of qualities that city could provide and give access to eco-services.

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Ex workers settlements The period of fast industrial growth before the massive motorization has resulted in construction of the industrial areas together with housing for the workers and provision of the public transport.

After the transition to a service economy industry declined, and areas stayed well served by PT. Scattered low density housing and a lot of empty land around could become a good potential points for the densification and construction of new housing.

That should develop along with mixed use of the first floors of the buildings, which could provide locals with services. Also, pedestrian and cycling infrastructure should have a priority in those areas. That could be a good set up for generation of green car-free neighborhoods. Post industrial buildings and plots could be used for small craftsmanship startups and low prices spaces for creative industries.

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Local poles of centralities Those dense and well served by public transport areas are not a target points for the large densification or big-scale constructions. Empty dross areas could be used for the establishing parks and public spaces for big amount of locals. Mix of medium and small scale retail areas and office buildings could be well integrated by densification of pedestrian routes into existing buildup areas and generate attractive routes to the station. That could support pedestrian-oriented environment and actually contribute to the place-making in the city.

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

City transport hubs City Transport Hubs is the largest category within stations. Those nodes are well served by public transport and allocated on the main highways, which are connecting Moscow with Oblastâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and some of the major airports. Amount of residents is low or very low. Those areas are characterized with large scale projects and attractors, like stadiums, big shopping malls. Considering scattered character of Moscow real estate development those areas still have a big amount of available land.

Priority for the future development should be devoted to the provision of large parking facilities. Here, residents and commuters should take advantage of the good public transport modality.

In order to take advantage of empty land, areas are suitable for the big and medium housing and office constructions. Those should be supported by good pedestrian and bicycle accessibility to the stations. Thus, promoting changing of car to rail transport. The convenience of the modalities like quick change time, easy ticket system, meeting facilities on the station and along the route to the station could generate an attractive framework for the development of centralities.

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Regional cores The station areas with high concentration of people and good public transport support are situated mostly on the South-West axis of the city. Those areas are characterized by good car accessibility, lots of amenities, business parks and metropolitan attractors. Those areas are poles of employment and leisure. Compacting those already dense areas is not the first priority. Those areas could play a major role in large scale regional plans. Optimization of those stations should be in terms of easiness of usage of PT system and enhancing multimodality.

Hierarchy of transport is desirable but not always feasible. As areas attracting a lot of commuters.

Thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s why the convenience of the nodes and pedestrian accessibility is crucial to promote car free movement.

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Detached concentrations Dense residential areas with poor transport accessibility and relatively low car accessibility have a potential to be better connected to rail stations by bus or mini-bus routes within neighborhoods. Also priority should be given to bicycle infrastructure.

Densification of empty areas are not always desirable. Those areas usually lacking small scale shopping and catering facilities, sports and recreation facilities for locals.

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Intensive activity Intensive activity are mainly post-industrial areas with good car accessibility. No PT services or housing around. Large scale business sites started to emerge in those areas after privatization in 1991.

Those areas could be a potential locations of business parks and techno parks. Bus and bicycle connections could support integration of station nodes into the urban fabric.

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

Motorized landscape Areas with high concentration of people and access to major highways creates a circle of car dependency, reduces ecological attractiveness of the area by large percentage of car emissions, growing amount of paved surfaces and unfriendly pedestrian environment. For this type priority should be on enhancing environmental friendly rail transport (light tram), bicycle and pedestrian infrastructure, ecological restoration of areas. Empty areas could serve for filling a demand for diversification of services.

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densification

new housing

reuse of industrial buildings for crafts and light production

big/madium scale offices/commerce

Elaborated toolkit represents the main priorities for the station developments. Tools are not excluding each other. It should be considered as a strategy for the investments and consideration.

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Dubrovka

Volgogradskaya

Hohlovka

Ryazanskaya

Andronovka

Lefortovo

Sokolinaya Gora

Izmaylovo

Cherkizovo

Otkritaya

Belokamennaya

Yaroslavskaya

Botanicheskaya

Vladykino

Okrugnaya

Nikolaevskaya

exploitation of the ground floor

small/mad offices/co

dium scale ommerce

multi-storey parkings

parks/sport/public spacies

ecological restoration

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

light rail public transport

Koptevo

Glebovo

Streshnevo

Hodynskaya

Peschanaya

Horoshovo

Presnya

Shelepikha

City

Kutuzovo

Lugniky

Ploshadâ&#x20AC;? Gagarina

Sevastopolskaya

Varshavskaya

Zil

Avtozavodskaya

pedestrian/bicycle infrastructure should be supported in every type of stations

bus

87

Local strategy

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new garden city living with production

olympic attractor integrating metropolitan assets

new microrayon activating local centralities

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Scale

0

1

2

Living

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

0

1

2

3

4

5

otkrytaya station

cherkizovo station

izmaylovo station

plot size

min

The site of the three stations is connected with the global structure by few main roads, which are also work on the metropolitan scale. But the infrastructure used for this level of connectivity and large scale of mono functional rayons and microrayons (as residential, as well as industrial and postindustrial) generates barriers between plots and prevents districts to work as a whole. In that sense dormitory districts are segregated “islands”. It is also visible in the minor road structure within residential areas. Dead ends , fenced areas or congested highways are cutting the fabric of the city.

90

minor roads

max

Thus, forced the city’s population to give preference to traffic when moving around and to spend their free time at home. Combined with lacking of services within dormitory “islands” it generated more car dependency. The absence of a good shops for daily necessities led to the fact that at the end of the day, shopping centers could not cope with the amount of customers. Subsequent stages of the city’s development proceed with deviations from the master plan: a dispersed network of small shops and service enterprises replaced by large trade and service centers.

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No-go areas

6

7

8

9

10

0

residential areas

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

1

2

major roads

3

4

5

open water

6

7

cemeteries

8

9

10

industrial areas

91

Public assets

0

1

2

3

open water

92

Engaging structures

4

5

6

7

parks/natural reserve

Existing public facilities (like schools, hospitals etc) are serving only nearest areas and blocked in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;islandsâ&#x20AC;?, as there is no place or capacity to grow and expand. Often children play grounds, hospitals, schools, sport schools, universities are situated in unattractive environment, lacking access to green. Especially in Northern post-industrial areas, where ecological aspect is the weakest in the region. Even though areas have a good potential of using tram and metro systems, nodes are poorly accessible and not supported with pedestrian networks. Moreover unused areas along rail line create a gap between eastern and western parts of the city.

8

9

10

0

1

2

3

public services

4

5

rivers

Thus poor relation of two sides of the rail prevents residents to take advantage of the metropolitan attractors. like lake beach, park, sport facilities etc. That is why the importance of supporting urban fabric continuity over rail system and using dross areas for development (instead of occupying land in the heart of dormitory districts) could be a promising strategy for the integration of space and public transport and for establishing attractive conditions within neighborhoods. Furthermore, that potential connection of two sides of rail could support the identity of each station by using present conditions of space.

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Networks

6

7

8

9

10

0

piped rivers

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

1

2

residential

3

4

5

tram system

6

7

metro stops

8

9

10

rail stations

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OTKRYTAYA STATIONS

new garden city living with production

Towards mixed city: living with production

Job provision becomes significantly hard task for the city region, as demand for housing is very high due to the central role of Moscow. Expansion takes place outside of MKAD. The use of Greenfield sites or reusing parks for the private sector development could hardly be named an efficient use of land. That is why the accent should be made on the reusing of post-industrial and dross lands within city boundary. Partially retaining the industries combined with residential development could actually sustain the economy of Moscow, add employment, provide a room for development and give a new prospect on the industry itself. The relevance of industry in the city is also made apparent by the fact that for many types of industry (food, energy, construction) proximity remains a crucial factor. A significant part of such activities will want to remain close to their urban markets.

The urban spirit of industrial development should be supported by accessibility of public transport, attractiveness of the environment, services and residencies around.

Build mass

tram route

96

area of interest

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Modifying case study area: covering cluster of industries on the North of the station, edge of the residential microrayons on the South and tram line crossing rail line

industrial zone

Otkrytaya station belongs to the “Ex workers settlements” typology, which is characterized by the presence of the clusters of industries, partially underused and fenced from the rest of the area, low density dormitory districts with 5 storey houses.

This typology has a big potential to become a job supplier in the North-East area of Moscow by recycling industrial heritage, retaining production through upgrading and integrating of those areas into the urban fabric.

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

natural reserve

Interventions aimed to show that industries could become a “colorful” part of the city and not necessarily had to be replaced.

Proposed strategy implies several special principals, that would made integration of living, production and leisure be possible.

Metro , supported with the tram line and upcoming construction of the railway station is the undisputable advantage and could be a backbone for the redevelopment strategy.

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0

0.2

0.4

main highway

0.6

0.8

1

1.2

1.4

1.6

1.8

2

minor roads

3

1.5

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1

1.2

1.4

1.6

1.8

public tansport: metro, tram, rail stop

7

1.5

6

6

1

3

Main street with tram: fenced industrial territories, low amount of doors on the street, priority to car

1.5

6

3

3

1.5

Street within the residential neighbourhood: high share of landuse is devoted to the street parking 98

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2

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1

1.2

1.4

1.6

1.8

2

0

0.2

research

cluster of food industries

7.5

0.4

0.6

whaste recycling

0.8

1

1.2

residential/ commercial

1.4

1.6

1.8

2

other

4.5

Areas within industrial cluster: lacking clear hierarchy of routes, pryority to cars and trucks, absence of routes for the employees

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100

Existing structure

Proposed structure

Carrying structure for the integration of the existing industries implies generation of the system of public, semi-public species along main tram route, that could regulate the degree of openness of the industrial areas. Instead of fencing huge plots of the lands with few checkpoints, organizing markets in direct relation to the most integrated street will could serve as a first step to promotion of the local production and represent a cluster of industries. Underused of abandoned warehouses could be used by small scale complementing production or serve as a cafes, shops or showcases of local production brands.

Semi-public areas within industrial clusters aimed to provide the employees with qualitative sidewalks and bicycle lanes. Furthermore, complementing those with facilities of daily necessity (food courts, small shops etc) for the employees or business visitors is able to break the atmosphere of the monofunctional large scale industrial estate.

The goal of mixing new residential development with industrial production could be achieved by working on different scales, from the rules for plots of land to the single building principals. Retaining and encouraging job plaices for locals strive not only for the new types of housing blocks, but also for integrating the existing typologies. Through semi-private public species for residents to the usage of services buildings as a barriers between noisy industries and quite dormitory areas.

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Rule-based design

Mix use of large scale buildings Hybrid buildings could bring diversity on the smallest scale of the design and could serve as a strategic solution in promoting off-street parking

Orientation towards the streets

Semi-public courtyards

Bringing new â&#x20AC;&#x153;urban spiritâ&#x20AC;? to the industries by accessibility to public services and providing platform for the social interacton

Hierarchy of the spacies could be a tool for the controlling of the views from the residential building and make it possible for the resinetial development to happen near production without loosing a quality of both

Integration into the context Use of the transitional zones Multy-stored parking and public servises used as a barriers between noisy or unattractive production or logistics and the rest of the area Moscow: restructuring through TOD

The design of the new interventions should take into account the present specificity of the urban fabric in terms of amount of levels and the scale 101

New development

102

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Proposed street profile modification

6

1.5 1.5

7

1.5

3

3

1.5 1.5

7.5

4.25

Increasing a share of surface used by public through reorientation of industries towards the streets

2

1.5 1

3

3

1 1.5

2

Street within the residential neighbourhood: promoting the off-street parking gives an opportunity to stimulate slow mobility connections â&#x20AC;&#x153;home-stationworkplaceâ&#x20AC;?

104

1.5 1.5

6

1.5 1.5

Areas within industrial cluster: clear devision between car access routes and qualitative pedestrian routes

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Masterplan simulation

0

public space

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

semi-public space semi-public space car access within industrial residential complex

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

0.7

0.8

buildings

0.9

1

public transport lines

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0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

0.7

0.8

0.9

1

0

0.1

0

0.2

0.1

Existing industrial clusters formed a closed urban form, fenced from the main streets and rail station with few check in points.

By provision of limited car access routes and re-openning of the cluster underused space between warehouses could be used for reorientation of no-go areas into part of the city.

Re-using of warehouses for retail, exibitions, startups and small production should implement public spirit of the place.

Densification suppose to occure supporting structure of public-semipublic alternation.

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0.3

0.2

0.4

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

0.5

0.7

0.6

0.8

0.7

0.9

0.8

1

0.9

1

Moscow: restructuring through TOD

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

0.7

0.8

0.9

1

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

0.7

0.8

0.9

1

107

Boulevard Upgraiding the quality of space within industrial cluster

Markets/workshops/services Creation of platform for interaction, that could mark a specificity of the place

Integrated real estate development Efficient landuse and mix of uses on smallest scale

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109

Station area From the fenced scattered landuse to the qualitative space. Station and railway as a separation betwen public areas and semi-public residential areas.

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station

Existing situation

station

Proposed simulation

residence

industry

public

semi-public

Station itself serves like a mediator between industrial cluster and residential microrayon. In that case character of the two different environments from the both sides and easy access for locals by foot and bicycles guaranties necessary level of integration-exclusion.

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IZMAYLOVO STATION

rethinking microrayon activating local centralities

Towards walkable city: activating local centralities

Inherited micro districts was a regulator of living standards and arrangements (Kraynyaya, 2013).

But nowadays they are not able to cope with the changing life standards and demands of people.

Nevertheless, new microdistricts are planned exactly like those in early 60, only with higher density. The provision of services is limited by schools and kindergartens. Lacking of the cohesive vision for spatial development on different scales leads to scattered development of new housing close to existing ones or replacing those. Driven by fast profit goals and uncontrolled by local government private developers are reducing the quality of already poor urban environment. Adding even more residential development without supporting a mix use of the land. Real estate market pressure is so high that it pushes away other urban functions in the heart of dormitory neighborhoods. Spatial structure make people travel far for the daily services. Absence of qualitative infrastructure for the slow mobility contribute to the use of car as a preferable transport.

the 1st series of 5-storey 'Khrushchev bui

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Later series of panel housing, 14-22 floors or modern residential complex

residential school kindergarten sports polyclinic

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early series of panel houses, 9-12 floors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 28.1%

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Modifying case study area: coverage of the typical microdistricts on the North with schools and recreation hospotals for children, catchment area of canalised river with abandoned industrial area.

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Build mass

Station Izmaylovo is a representative for â&#x20AC;&#x153;Local poles of centralitiesâ&#x20AC;? category. Main feature of the territory is a dense monofunctional districts around the station. I that sense solving a problem of quality of the urban fabric by provision of the services (rethinking and reconnecting existing ones), providing attractive framework for the slow mobility routes within area and to the station are the main goals for this type.

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Densification is not the main focus of the intervention. Nevertheless the structure of the micro rayon allows to accommodate more housing, if new implementation will follow the general rules of the redevelopment.

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Within existing typology and configuration of the micro district the spatial strategy is based on the activation and connection of existing services through hierarchical division of the routes. Schools, children sport facilities and kindergartens could be connected by â&#x20AC;&#x153;high intensityâ&#x20AC;? lanes. High intensity implies restructuring the existing road profile for the benefit of pedestrians and cyclists. Furthermore, strategy implies reuse of the first floors of the residential buildings for commercial purposes.

Reduction of street parking (outcome of the policies, usage of industrial big scale hybrid buildings and transition areas for parking, improvement of the public transportation) and generation of the vivid life along intensity lanes should provide a framework for the slow mobility within and without the micro districts for children and their parents, higher degree of safety and less amount of noise.

The gap between two neighborhoods with abandoned single storey garages has a high potential to be transformed from a barrier to connector. Canalized river could work as a trigger for the ecological restoration of the area and provide a low intensity connection of the services like hospital, local sport complexes and give an access for the locals and employees to the riparian areas.

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Rule-based design

Connection of local assets

Hierarchy of streets Diversifying the profile of the roads and buildings alond them could provide easy movement and orientation, stimulate slow-mobility and break the homogenity of the structure

Local servises as a part of the high intensity corridors could work not only as a typical units for nearby housing based on norms of 60s-70s, but be diversified and work on a larger scale beyond microdistrict

Densification along high intensity corridors Small scale densification with respect to the existing typology

Restoration of the landscape Northen part of the city with its poor ecological condition have a high potential to add quality to the area by regeneration of the open water systems. Low intensity riparian corridor engaging and comlementing high intensity routes. Attached institutes and facilities should take benefit of both

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Active use of the first floors of the buildings Covering a demand for services in direct vicinity to the living place

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Attractive integrated streets High intensity streets could bear a role of public space and allow some segregated facilities to be part of the district life

Publicly available functions of municipal services More efficient use of the territory of the sport schools and recreation areas could be used more efficient if will become partially accessible for the wider public

Access to eco servises Riparial area, that could be generated based on the landscape structure could add quality, increase value of the land of the attached areas. Also hospitals, children facilities and research institutes would obtain their own â&#x20AC;&#x153;parksâ&#x20AC;? that could stimulate their expansion in a sustainable way

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Station area From the urban voids to the natural services

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Space around the railway line and station in particular are surrounded by abandoned land. Combined with mound, East side is completely detached from the west side by the vertical stripe of railway. In that sense densely populated neighborhoods are detached from the metro station, natural reserve and lake on the East. The promising way to connect those two â&#x20AC;&#x153;islandsâ&#x20AC;? is to density the road network, by elongation of the existing routes. Type of the route should be determined by the hierarchy (mentioned above). In that case, station would be surrounded by two types of lanes: high intensity from the South, and low intensity on the North.

High intensity corridor could be easily densifyed across the empty areas. That could integrate the station by continuity of the urban fabric. Low intensity corridor could serve for locals on daily basis to go jogging to the lake or to the park. Or just to pick attractive route to walk to the metro station.

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CHERKYZOVO STATION

olympic attractor integrating metropolitan assets

Towards defined atmosphere: integrating metropolitan assets

As the population of Moscow is growing due to the migration, demand for a diverse housing market soars. Expansion to the Oblastâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and replacing small scale housing by new residential complexes reveal serious problems in land regulation policies.

While focus on the station areas could be a common ground for local and regional government to establish their interests and provide real estate by opportunities for the sustainable investments and intensive growth in the city borders. Furthermore, it could be an ambition for the restructuring of the whole periphery, as â&#x20AC;&#x153;City transport Hubâ&#x20AC;? is the largest category within stations. Low or zero housing near the stations make this type extremely flexible in terms of development.

Cherkizovo station area reveals a great potential for the new construction within city borders. It is characterized by the high percentage of abandoned land, good public transport system and high accessibility by car with the metropolitan region. One of the distinguishing features of the station is an Olympic heritage. Big football stadiums, constructed for the Olympic Games in Moscow in 1980 are the parts of the city scale project. After 1980s they worked as a trigger for attraction of the Russian State University of Physical Education, Sport, Youth and Tourism, big amount of sport facilities. Nowadays, the special structure of the area is scattered and despite of the functional unity of facilities lacking cohesive image and identity.

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Strategy for the Cherkizovo station is based on the maximum flexibility and openness for the development. Minimal implementation and recomendative character of the policies should create a framework for the development. The ambition of the strategy is to provide a testing ground for the stakeholders (local/ regional government, private sector, local residents) for establishment of selfregulating system.

Nevertheless, main directions are needed for the cohesive vision of the area. It implies integration of the Olympics projects as attractions that could create a unique image of the place. Assets should be integrated into framework in order to act as a catalyst for the development. Physical connection and accessibility of the local facilities should be supported by integration of the railway and metro stations, provision of parking places and bicycle infrastructure.

As time span could take relatively long periods (it is strongly dependent on the economical instability of the economy and investors) starting projects require support of government investments. Those measures will allow area to function from the very beginning.

Possible starting point could be various. Represented proposal connects main attractors and the station in a single complex, engaged by the bridge structure. This type of construction allows to overcome the barriers, as rail, brown fields and highways and provide alternative space for parking and new developments with minimum violation. Furthermore, a gap between East and West, generated by railway could be linked for the benefit of local residents (and future local residents).

Increased value of the land near the station could become a way trigger for attraction of the private sector to the area.

Real estate development could focus on the avaliable land rather then infill development.

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Recommendations Physicaly separated connection of landmarks Separation of the access routes is critical in this intervention. New development should provide convinient infrastructure for slow movement and integrate station into this system

Creation of critical mass In order to guarantee an economical base for everyday amenities, maintenance of public transport systems, feeling of social safety and diversity residential development is needed (roughly min 500 residential units).

Control the views of the residential units Careful spatial arrangement is essential in case of the Cherkizovo area. A view of the landmarks could become a strong selling point. In that sense framework should imply strategis allocation of units to take maximum of the skyline and assets

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Bridge, as an architectural object should combine daily amanities (cafes, shops etc) to provide common ground for daily interaction and continuity of the bridge structure from one side to another.

Avaliable space could be used for parking. It would provide an opportunity to change from car to public transport.

Transition zones from bridge to route in the build up areas should be marked to guide the movement.

This proposal uses a boulevard, as an qualitative space for the mobility.

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Initial structure of development: regional government, driven by fast profit goals, unsuffusient fragmented structure and curruption created a frame within which private sector operates with higher structures, not taking into account local interests, and as a result residents have low contribution to their interests

Proposed structure: stumulation of cooperation of local government and private sector, to establish mutual interests. It that case the pace of investments that are going for the public goods will stadily increase. Those mechanisms could stimulate self-regualatory structure and reduce the influence of regional government

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Effective vertical mix on smalles scale Combination of parking and qualitative promenade should not occupy much space. Vertical diversity could be a tool for designers to integrate not verry atractive fuctions in new developments.

Station as a part of the urban landscape Combination of Metro station and Rail Station suppose to become well accessible and convinient hub in terms of frequency. Efficiency and reduction of time for changing from one modality to another is a priority. As the bridge and the station are connecting large sport comlexies and stadiums its has to cope with big pick inflows of people. Thus, clear routes, compactness and simlocity are essential in that case.

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Reflection

Three case studies, that were elaborated in the concluding part of the thesis served as a tool to explore the morphology and â&#x20AC;&#x153;mechanismsâ&#x20AC;? of city complexity. It reveals just a few outcomes from the millions of possible solutions and scenarios. In that sense we cannot claim the projects as the one and only strategy to grasp the problems in the city.

Nevertheless, they reveal the spatial potential of the city structure and explore the enormous potential of Moscow city to accommodate changes.

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By shifting attention to the Inner Periphery, we could change the way the whole Metropolitan Area of the city operates. One of the most depressed areas suddenly revealed a great potential in terms of availability of the land for development and redevelopment. Post industrial areas with underused warehouses, declining or pushed away production zones, post-communism microrayons and inherited landmarks of different periods could all be re- introduced as potentialities for a mixed, diverse and colorful metropolis.

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Furthermore, working through the layers of the city we could reflect better on the historical traces, learn about the traces of landscape, structures and 349 networks. A critical view opens the complex relation within socio-economic conditions, the system 299 of values, the role of planning within the country or even within the world and the notion of place 97 75 within city. All of it is merged in the daily life of each citizen. Oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ability to stay and move within the structures, that were planned or unplanned.

Approved in 2012, the master plan for the expansion of Moscow structure towards South -West63 di155 rection has a potential risk to not fulfill its intended goals. Goals such as dealing with high levels of 208 congestion, lack of functional structures of public transport within Old Moscow, a need for 315 housing, growing prices for land, lack of diversity,184segrega34 tion etc. As we have seen through the research part of main trends, the governance279and legitimate framework could not operate in such a way 60 121 as to guarantee successful outcomes of the new 40 133 14 25 investments, a polynuclear structure, as 85nor create 116 a promised â&#x20AC;&#x153;solution of all the problemsâ&#x20AC;?. Lots of specialists and scholars claim the radial-concentric structure to be the main problem of the city. Historical analysis reveals that the situation is much more complex. It includes: unequal distribution of investment, ecological decline, quality of the build environment, accessibility to public services. In that sense, could we imagine that existing structure could be more of a potential, rather than a problem?

If we would think about the premises from the perspective outside the box of social-economic constrains, we could find examples also in Western European cities. For instance, in the case of Paris, investments in the circle (tram line) set up a framework for the redevelopment of the ring of brown fields around the historical city (Zandbelt & van den Berg, 2003).

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Moscow annexation dedicated for real estate and economic development

natural framework

integration with mobility networks

microrayons

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landmarks Moscow: restructuring through TOD

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In the case of Moscow, the rail station areas are seen as target points to trigger the redevelopment because of their potential to generate people flows and interactions of flows, thus, guarantee a presence of people and interaction as a consequence. The second aspect is an integration of the station areas into the transformation pattern. In this case, a Transit-Oriented Development strategy becomes rooted into the local context. As a result, infrastructural nodes and places around them have the possibility to become neighborhoods with a strong sense of community and meaning over broader scales: “Infrastructure provides the material links allowing for the spatially disjointed city to continue functioning as a whole and, thus, for the possibility of maintaining physical contacts when required. Connections at various scales are needed to compliment the variety of types of economic activity and individual lifestyles that go with urbanity, each with its specific accessibility demands” (Bertolini, 2005).

Through the evaluation of current trends in living and movement, could we imagine a city that would function on many levels, able to regulate itself and distribute goods within all the actors, whilst engaging with layers of history and new demands? The Case studies seem to tackle a lot of issues in trying to solve the main one – the synergy of the space of the city and its infrastructure. Spatially and functionally, the infill of the space could not be taken without its relation to the wider scale. Infrastructural networks are links within the scales. In order to stimulate the areas to have a strong image of itself, according to many scholars (Read, 2001; Myers, 2005;Read, 2009)we are supposed to be able to imagine its role over the scales: “Our (planners) challenge is to help them (local residents) find meaning and identity that is locally anchored while at the same time acknowledging responsibilities to a broader world. In this capacity, it is necessary to assert a locally based narrative that embraces local interests and integrates those with broader objectives “ (Myers, 2005).

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The existing Rail Ring as one of the circles that constitute concentric structure, is the example of a possible spatial frame that could generate a balance and break the path of unequal development.

It could serve as an example to many more divided post-communism cities with similar structures.

Thus, the relevance of the study was to explore to which extend Transit- Oriented Development could tackle the specific functional problems of Moscow. This, however, does not mean that the existing structure of the city needs to be replaced.

The structure must be understood and built upon.

Furthermore, it is important to work throughways of understanding the specificities of urban form, for every separate case. Thus, we could learn from those cases that they have a high spatial potential within the existing city structure. Barriers could be transformed into places for interaction and create room for sustainable intensive development.

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Bertolini, L. (2008). Station areas as nodes and places in urban networks: An analytical tool and alternative development strategies. In Railway Developments: Impact on Urban Dynamics (pp. 35–58).

Bertolini, L., & Chorus, P. (2011). An application of the node place model to explore the spatial development dynamics of station areas in Tokyo. The Journal of Transport and Land Use, 4(1), 45–58.

Bertolini, L., Clercq, F. le, & Straatemeier, T. (2008). Urban transportation planning in transition. Transport Policy, 15(2), 69–72.

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Makhrova, A. (2014). Specifity of the staged development of Moscow agglomeration. Vestnic Moskovskogo Universiteta. Geografiya., 10–16.

Myers, D. (2005). Escaping the prison of the Preset Place: Can we plan the Future of Localities in the Context of a Network Society. In The Network Society: a New Context for Planning (pp. 34–44).

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Read, S. (2001). “Thick” Urban Space: Shape, scale and the articulation of “the urban” in an inner-city neighborhood of Amsterdam.

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Zandbelt, D., & van den Berg, R. (2003). Paris. L’histoire se répète. Provincie Zuid-Holland: Zandbelt & vanden- Berg. Spatial Engineering and Consultancy.

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