São Paulo - The Right to the City

Sao Paulo- “skynight” Image: Alex Finkelstein

São PAULO

THE RIGHT TO THE CITY The re-thinking of reapropriation in the city centre.

Contents Introduction .......................................................................................................................................03 Case study - Hotel Aquaris ...............................................................................................................04 How to think about re-appropriation and the impact in the vulnerable family’s movement?................................................................................08 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................13 Notes .................................................................................................................................................16 Bibliography .....................................................................................................................................16

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Critical Urban Theory Alexandre Pires Marques 19.01.2015

INTRODUCTION São Paulo is an emerging ‘global city’ of massive physical proportions and huge differences.

It’s a city in tension. The vigorous debates among government entities, the private sector, social activists, political parties and academics mirror inescapable socioeconomic tensions. Various interests and agendas wrestle for pre-eminence in a climate of revitalized democracy and deep interest in the limits and possibilities of citizenship and the ‘right to the city’1. However, as Lefebvre popularized the slogan: “ The right to the city is like a cry and a demand. The right to information, the rights to use of multiple services, the right of users to make known their ideas....” 2.This today its the only demand that the less privileged society believes and therefore they will fight for these principles until achieve a fair place, space and a reasonable life.

A city in continues transition. The economy and employment profile of São Paulo are shifting as the city emerges, for some, as a services- centre ‘global city’, and a profound social transition is taking place as the city endorses and develops its vision of inclusiveness. Socio-spatial segregation, severe economic inequalities, a deprived periphery, poorly serviced hinterlands and ruptures between the formal and informal city have become unacceptable politically, economically and morally to residents of Brazil’s largest metropolitan region. able politically, economically and morally toresidents of Brazil’s largest

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Rafael Bonifácio/Ponte Jornalismo

metropolitan region. Brazil’s re-democratisation process in the 1980s and its economic prowess as South America’s largest economy and the ninth richest economy in the world make its inequalities even less palatable. Even so, Brazil and São Paulo continue to have high levels of in- come inequality.

The architecture of governance and new policy formation appears to be reflecting, more than ever, the principles of transparency, accountability, participation and egalitarianism. Public policy and actual urban realities reflect a propoor, pro-inclusion approach, which is positively affecting health, education, transport, housing, incomes and employment, particularly for the poor. But in a city of more than 3 million poor and almost 4 million living in favelas and cortiços, on the streets or in un-regularised, sub-standard housing, are these changes enough, and how far do they reach?

As pro-poor, more-inclusive programmes and policies increase, so too do the number of people filling the favelas: self-built housing erected on illegally occupied land. Most of São Paulo’s population growth takes place in the periphery, and in particular in the favelas. The rich may not become richer at the same pace as they used to, but in a city of 30,000 millionaires (approximately one for every 100 of the city’s poor. key words: right to the city , gentrification, back to city movement, eviction, public power.

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CASE STUDY - HOTEL AQUARIS “200 families occupying abandoned hotel evidence continuing housing crisis in Brazilian city.

An evacuation of 315 families occupying the historical Hotel Aquaris in Sao Paulo, Brazil set off a confrontation between the Military Police and the group of occupants on Tuesday. The problem began when the regional elite police troops attempted to remove them from the hotel.

The Brazilian Municipal Secretary of Urban Development noted that there was housing deficit in Sao Paulo of 670,000 units in 2013, according to EFE. The Sao Paulo State Housing Union (Secovi) reports that while the average Sao Paulo resident’s salary increased by 7.7 percent, the average rent increased by 8.5 percent. Seven percent of the population lives in slums called favelas, while almost a quarter of homes were in dangerous geographic areas considered at risk of severe damage due to landslides during severe rains. “There’s a great social inequality. There’s a lack of housing policies to serve the population that most needs it,” said Margareth Uemura, an urban planner and former UNESCO consultant to Al Jazeera in April. “Historically, migration to larger cities has been a factor in the housing deficit, but now there is also very high appreciation of land, and the World Cup accentuate this.”

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Foto: Caio Palazzo/Ponte Jornalismo

Sao Paulo-16.09.14 - Image: Aaron Cadena

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Rafael Bonifácio/Ponte Jornalismo

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Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Rafael Bonifácio/Ponte Jornalismo

Sao Paulo-16.09.14 - Image: Aaron Cadena

Sao Paulo-16.09.14 - Image: Aaron Cadena

The reintegration of ownership from a building on São João Avenue, in downtown São Paulo, ended in clashes between squatters and police shock troops, store looting and vandalism, paralyzing some areas for more than 12 hours, on September 2014.The military police commander, Glauco Silva de Carvalho, said they identified moves from members of the “black block” tactic (that believe in damaging property as a form of protest) in the crowd, including an arson attack on a bus.

The building, occupied for about six months by 315 families from FLM (Front Fight for Housing), had already postponed two evictions. The housing movement leaders, the owner of the building and the Military Police had come to an agreement for the new eviction. Squatters said they would leave peacefully if there were enough moving trucks. Around 6 a.m., when the reintegration started, there was conflict between police and squatters, who claimed there were only 13 of the 40 trucks promised. Police said the vehicles were there, but not all parked simultaneously. “We did not break the agreement.

The aggression started from residents, who threw objects at the police,” said the Secretary of Security, Fernando Grella.Housing leaders deny.

They say some of their members only threw objects from the window (rocks, coconuts, sofas and furniture pieces) at the police after the shock troops entered the building and started firing tear gas.

When watching on TV that the police was entering the building, the street vendor William Jonatan de Jesus, 31, said he jumped from the third floor with his 4 month-old son taking two other children by the hand. “I put the baby in the ‘kangaroo’ and jumped off with the children a scaffold in a neighboring building under renovation,” he says. There was no time to go back and get the wife and his eldest son, who were taken by police.

Without a place at the police station, the two were among the 80 squatters hold inside the building, sitting on the floor of a gas station, waiting. Police chief Jacques Ezenbaum said that 12 Molotov cocktails were found inside the building and that 75 squatters were blacklisted and released early afternoon.

Sao Paulo-16.09.14 - Image: Aaron Cadena

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He said that, except for the children, all must be indicted on suspicion of robbery (invading to take ownership) and two other -Adriano Santos, 22, and Andre Andro, 26 will be indicted on suspicion of body injury against two police officers.

One of them broke his leg during the confrontation.According to the lawyer Juliana Avanci, these young men are victims. “They got hit: one had a cut on his face, the other had a broken arm,� she said.Still in the morning, the clashes spread out in downtown. Shops closed doors and barricades made of garbage bags were burned, blocking roads.The police were the target of rocks and firecrackers and fired rubber bullets and tear gas. Stores were vandalized, and two mobile shops were looted. At least six people were arrested for theft. About 15 masked people torched a bus in front of the Municipal Theater, police said.

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Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Revista Epoca

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Anadolu Agency

Only a young 19 year-old girl was arrested on suspicion for participating in the attack. Bruna Oliveira, who lived at the invaded building, wore mask, but was recognized by one policeman. According to her defense, the girl said she entered the bus to grab a fire extinguisher. The clashes died down and around 1 p.m., businesses reopened, but not for long. New barricades were set up around 4 p.m. and police started to use bombs again to disperse demonstrators and onlookers. Storeowners decided to close doors again and released employees early. Some of them, wearing surgical masks to protect themselves from tear gas, looked for buses, not knowing that the bus fleet had been diverted to avoid conflicts�3.

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Revista Epoca

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Rafael BonifĂĄcio/Ponte Jornalismo

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How to think abouT re-appropriation and the impact in the vulnerable family’s movement?

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Anadolu Agency

Never before in history movements homeless had both protagonist in the city of Sao Paulo in the first two years of administration current Major of the city. For the first time, the groups of homeless participated actively in the elaboration of the Plan Strategic Director, which outlines guidelines for the urban growth of the city of Sao Paulo in the next sixteen years. The numbers are telling: data from the Department of Public Security of the State indicate that the invasions to buildings nearly tripled in the last two years in relation to the two previous - January 2013 the November 2014, were recorded 681 invasions, compared to 257 in 2011 and 2012.

Sao Paulo-- sep/14- Anadolu Agency

The events in Sao Paulo city center, that took in place in September 2014 was one of the several incidents that the Metropolis is facing on the regularly bases. The amount of properties empty in the heart of the city is the trigger for this barbarian situation. In one side is the population tries to fight to “ the right to the city “ claiming for spaces that in their view should belong to them. On the other side of this battlefield are the big corporates and the political influences that above all, try to control the decisions relevant to their political and economic aspirations.

When it comes to the realization of major urban interventions, São Paulo is lagging behind other world cities. Buenos Aires, our closest neighbors, has succeeded with Puerto Madero in creating a high-end development on brownfield industrial land that attracts businesses and visitors, despite its lack of integration with the rest of the city. Positive lessons can be drawn from recent urban interventions in Paris, Milan, Madrid, New York and London.

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Sao Paulo- Hotel Aquaris - sep/14- Anadolu Agency

Sao Paulo04/10/2010. Image: André Lessa/A

The growth comes at a price: throughout the year, the largest metropolitan area in the country began to coexist with a routine of events promoted by homeless, some marked by acts of vandalism and depredations, causing chaos on the road with the blockade of central arteries of the city. In 2014, the citizens had understand the power of the fire in the workers Movement Without Ceiling (MTST), led by William Boulos, who’s organised the turmoil and invasions around the city.

“The struggle of the homeless is a worthy fight by villa and, preferably, in the center of the city of Sao Paulo. I say in the center because it is a location that already has infrastructure and is still a place where there are nearly 300 buildings empty.

This is a crime: a building empty inside, and people sleeping on the outside”.They say that the city of Sao Paulo is not for worker of low income. But how can exist work as maids, masons, “boys”, if it does not exist in these cities the workers?If these workers can work in the city of Sao Paulo, why cannot live? Why has that live far away? Take train, metro and bus to get to work?The villa is a right which is guaranteed in Article 6 of the Constitution. But also don’t build buildings where Judas lost socks, because as I say, the boots have been good for there ...

Buildings in the city center is cheaper, because the construction of buildings in areas non-urbanised soon will have to bring infrastructure to these places ... this is more expensive” .4

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The current real estate boom, that the city of São Paulo (and the other cities in Brazil), has had the effect of increasing the price of housing and rent and as a consequence the expulsion of the poor population to areas farther outside the city, in addition to the significant increase of people who are living on the streets without any alternative housing. The tactic process of “gentrification”5 in the city centre has been one of the principal factors for the increase discontentment of the population. The Metropolitan Region of Sao Paulo extends to new frontiers and including the area of protection of water sources grows with the opening of new subdivisions and illegal slums as show many academic studies. Large part of the working population of Itapecerica da Serra, Embu, Itaquaquecetuba, Taboão da serra, Suzano, Cajamar, among other cities in the metropolitan region, working in the city of São Paulo. Some of these municipalities’ dormitories are exporting more than 30% of workers/residents who spend significant part of the day, week and year in crappy transport.

In the municipality of São Paulo, approximately 1/4 of the population lives illegally in illegal buildings and slums. In some peripheral municipalities of the metropolitan region this proportion reaches 70% of excluded. The housing crisis deepens the crisis of urban mobility. This gained visibility in June 2013. The first begins to gain visibility from the events of April 30, 2014 thanks to the activists who do not accept the conditions of the suburbs/slave quarters. The insensitivity of the municipal legislature (with rare exceptions) and most of the vehicles of communication is remarkable. In vain we, planners, university teachers and researchers, we have called attention to the urban crisis. The housing subsidies end up fuelling the obscene property speculation rampant that makes the city’s most powerful country, more unequal to each year. The housing issue in most Brazilian cities is very serious. Statistics show that, in Brazil, the housing deficit reaches 7,223,000 (in urban areas the increase was 5,414 thousand to 5,470 thousand units, according to data of the Ministry of Cities, December 2004).

However, 6 million homes are empty. In this way, it is not only to build new units, but also adopt comprehensive policies to solve the housing issue. The city of Sao Paulo expresses this dramatic picture national. One million and 900 thousand people live in slums (FIPE, 94).

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This reality becomes worse with each passing year. The number of slums has evolved from a million and two hundred thousand in 1990 to almost two million in the year 2000. The number of slums also increased. The precarious houses in suburbs (areas non-urbanized) grew alarmingly. The street population reaches almost 15.000 souls. The phenomena that generate the drama housing stock in the city of Sao Paulo are several. But, the main basis is: a):values In miserable wages. These terms do not cover or one-third of basic needs of low-income workers; (b):The unemployment that reaches 2 million of people, combined with the informal work precarious, in the metropolitan region of Sao Paulo. This further aggravates the situation of workers homeless; (c) In the violent property speculation that raises the price of real estate and rentals (while the inflation measured by the Consumer Price Index (IPC) in the presence of the Real Plan was 92.5 %, the rents went up 538,68 %); d) Only the City of São Paulo is obliged to pay more than a billion dollars per year. Joining the various federated entities, more than 40% of public finances are going to the coffers of and out sector, unproductive. In 2003 alone, the Federal Government paid about 131 billion of real interest on account of the divide.

These factors combined exclude workers homeless of urban areas. They are pushed to the periphery, which cannot be regarded as rural area and neither urban space, since it is not a thing, nor the other. In many cases, are areas of watersheds, where there are thrown to flies, because the law of environmental protection prevents the regularization of existing housing and the construction of urban equipment in these regions. Are close to 2 million people inhabiting these areas of watersheds, the families pushed by need and pulled by real estate speculators and squatters. The environmental impact further degrades the living conditions of poor people.

All the statistics show: the low-income workers do not have access to proper housing and, consequently, are excluded from the urban areas.

While only in the Central area are more than 400 buildings and land closed whole or sub-used for more than 5 years.

The IBGE Census/2000 quantified the contradiction of housing city of São Paulo. Next to 420,327 homes empty and idle, there are thousands of commercial buildings closed, abandoned, while there are millions of people homeless. The population of the city center has decreased by 20% (twenty per cent): left 101,327 people in this region urbanized over the past ten years, leaving almost 20,000 homes empty.The migration of approximately 600.000 people in the city of São Paulo for the cities-dormitories as Itaquaquecetuba, Francisco Morato, Ferraz de Vasconcelos, etc., follows the same logic revealed by previous table.Connected to the phenomenon of the expulsion of low-income workers in urban areas, accompanies the process of formation of large pockets of precarious houses, which are the slums and favelas. That is, the workers are forced to leave a reasonable situation, and to escape the rent, will live in the slums, by the river, areas of risk or in homes completely degraded. Although these homes are in the middle of the city, the workers are cramped and without the minimum conditions to enjoy the city life.According to the Center for study of the Metropolis, EVERY 8 DAYS, THE CITY GETS A NEW SLUM. From 1991 to 2000, were erected 464 slums. On average, 74 people became slums per day. While the population of the city increased over the period (1991-2000) at 8 %, the number of slums grew 30 %. This tragic and violent internal migration is caused by those factors: low wages, unemployment, public finances drained to the sector and out of the economy and real estate speculation - has proved to be very effective, due to the fact that to prevent the access of workers from low-income housing, which occurs due to increase prices of land and buildings. These prices preclude the construction of popular housing. As soon as the region receives public investment, is equipped of urban equipment, and ready! The price of real estate doubles, the rents are rising in price. “ the back to the city movement”6 that politicians and propriety markets experts like to mentioned its in fact a true sign of the tentative of gentrification in areas that is in need of much more than stylish housing schemes , but a roof for those that are crying for help. The housing programs existing today do not meet families with an income of up to 3 minimum wages. The units provided by projects Scholarship - Rent and Lease Social, are extremely shy to face the challenges.

Sao Paulo10/2012 - Ocupation. Image: Marcelo Camargo

Sao Paulo04/10/2010. Image: André Lessa/A

In this way, the low-income workers are not met and are still being driven out of urban areas.

The articulation of housing movements of the city of São Paulo in a single battle front arose from common need among the movements of a policy of direct action that this visibility to the urgency of a housing plan worthy in Sao Paulo.

Actions that in fact commanded the attention of society and the public authorities to the urban voids that are waiting for real estate recovery, while people without where you live, are dragged to the outskirts of the city, often occupying areas of environmental preservation.

The Battle Front recognizes that the democracy of the last two decades has brought progress in laws and legal aspects that deal with the planning of cities, such as the Plan Strategic Director and the Status of Cities. Recognizes and occupies spaces of popular participation, such as the Municipal Council of Housing and the Municipal Council of Youth. But despite the institutional advances in practice, for the poor population that inhabits a São Paulo invisible to the public power, the situation remains the same, if not worse.

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The FLM was built over the years on the basis that there is no way views thick to slow and to possible deviations of institutional fight. For this reason, prioritizes the fight, along with the poor population of the city, as a way of awakening consciences and pressing the public power.

To make this fight, the Front has joined movements with experience in the struggle for housing in the center, movements with experiences in basic work, with neighborhood associations, organization in slums. Many of the leaders who joined the composition of Front came from the experiences of task forces of self-management that took place between 1989 and 1991 in the city, such as the Association of Residents of the Housing Assembly 26 July. All of this experience and the accumulation of historical struggle for housing throughout the city have done the FLM work.The Front has been drawing its strategy of action having as watersheds some fundamental points. The struggle of the FLM is an urban reform in which the poor also live in the central region, occupying the spaces already consolidated the city, in order to reduce environmental impacts with the horizontal expansion of the city.

Fight for the buildings of debtors of the Union, of the State and the municipality are spaces to build villa popular.

BRASILIA- FLM Manifestation. Image: P.Munhoz

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The Front was initially composed by Movement of Sem-Teto Center (MSTC), Forum of Housing and Environment of the State of Sao Paulo (Fomaesp), Forum of Task Forces, Association of Task Forces, Movement Backyards and Doss of Region of Mooca, Ground Movement of Our People and by four groups who have joined the Movement Sem-Teto by Urban Reform (14 January, Group of Shallow Water, Group Colorado and Sector 8, all of the eastern zone). All of them were in the first meeting of the FLM in Ribeirao Pires.

Later joined the Movement of Housing the Northern Zone and the Movement Center-North . One of the major sources of experience to fight the FLM is the process of popular mobilization that culminated in 1989 with the forces of self-management.In the mid-1980s, Sao Paulo was site of many social struggles. The movements worked to advance the implementation of public policies. They came in a struggle to improve the conditions of precarious settlements, slums, irregular subdivisions, the lack of basic sanitation in slums.

At the end of the 1980s, movements around the proposal of task forces for self-management, which came from an accumulated experience of movements and cooperatives of Uruguay.

There was much exchange of experience between movements of the two countries. All this ended up being consolidated with the election of the management of Luiza Erundina was (January 1989 to January 1993), which transformed rallied in public policy.From this experience more than 10,500 housing units were created in the system of self-management by helping, in a direct partnership between associations and organized movements, which had the power to manage and decide on the work that took place.

More than the achievement of the villas, the task forces were experiences of self-management that have strengthened the movements per villa.

Since then, in addition to direct actions, movements have intensified the struggle for creation of laws, advice, funds intended for social housing. Hops were important data such as the creation of the Municipal Council of Housing and with the first Bill of Popular Initiative that created the System, the Fund and the National Council for Housing Popular in Brazil (Law 11,124 / 05).

conclusion My study is limited to the analysis of the movements of the homeless in the city center of São Paulo, but this does not mean that there is no movement of homeless that act on the outskirts of the cities, there are a few of them yes, they are quite active and even older than the movements of the center. Despite believing that the different movements of the homeless of the city of Sao Paulo have distinct political guidelines and ideological, it is a fact that all without- ceiling has a claim of urgency, namely, the purchase of a house. Thus, the immediate solutions identified by homeless are similar and are mainly based in social policy for urban part of the State.

According to the homeless, the State (in its three levels: municipal, state and federal) should create effective housing programs, finance the construction of villas and habitation, encourage and support the formation of task forces and, finally, to buy and renovate the buildings empty from the center of the city and legalize the situation of homeless that occupy these buildings.

Sao Paulo10/2012 - Ocupation. Image: Marcelo Camargo

RJ -2013- FLM Manifestation. Image: J.Queiroz

One of the “choices” is to live on the outskirts of the city (here include the slums) where the land is cheaper, free, at least in part, of real estate speculation. However, in this region, the urban infrastructure is of poor quality, in addition to what the path home / workplace is very distant and the transport is expensive. The “possibility” of place of residence of the working class of low income is the central region. Here, although the house is closer to the work, the physical deterioration of the buildings central makes the quality housing poor. The distribution of households in the area produces its social differentiation and specifies the urban landscape, since the characteristics of the homes and its population is at the base of the type and level of facilities and functions that connect to them.

São Paulo’s disparities stand out starkly in the everyday reality of the commute to work. As long queues of poor from the periphery wait for buses at dawn to take them to their predominantly unskilled, low-paid work, the wealthy use slick personal vehicles, often with drivers and armour plating. Some few super-wealthy and corporate travellers are known to take an estimated 70,000 private helicopter flights each year across São Paulo to escape traffic jams and insecurity. Their passengers look over the honeycombed medieval chaos of the favelas and then weave amongthe hundreds of highrise, exclusive buildings of the central business and residential districts. While analysts of the globalization process and its impact on ‘global cities’ warn that wealth concentrations at the higher and lower ends of the income scale are more likely to increase than decrease, São Paulo’s growth appears to be different. Instead, and in the midst of massive inequalities, the middle class is on the rise and income inequalities. The social changes in Brazil and São Paulo are nuanced and complex.

Today, agents and actors in the central area are waiting for a change to the existing scenario.

On the one hand, you can keep and encouragement popularization and the democratization of public space and private, as the privatization of public space through the trade in- formal and programs for housing policies of social interest.

But other forms of occupations may occur. What will define the direction will be the form of construction of the policy of occupation of centre, if recovery or rehabilitation, or renewal.

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Sao Paulo10/2012 - Ocupation. Image: Marcelo Camargo

With the implementation of a policy of recovery with programs of rehabilitation or retraining, the vacancy this may be reduced and the market will change demands, new control activities are an and functions and prices then they will be able to meet investors and owners, agents urban and, indirectly, the public power.

It is crucial to understand that the vacancy in the central area occurs on the basis of interests involving the capital real estate. In other words, the owner’s of buildings in the centre waiting for a change of scenery in the central area. The owners compare the current price with the future price and the interest rate expected, and this procedure not differs in nothing from speculation practiced in stock market .This valuing real estate, which could guarantee estimated prices

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and, consequently, the profits with low risk, only reflected in accordance with the guidelines of programs of retraining or rehabilitation centre.The built areas empty in the central area are replaced by process similar to real estate speculation in the process of formation and distribution of spaces in the city of SĂŁo Paulo, where pockets of urban land not occupied, located between the centre and the periphery allowed their owners greater income and profitability after the installation of infrastructure by the public power, than it did to meet the peripheral areas.

The owners of spaces built empty waiting for the implementation of an effective policy of recovery of the central area to be conducted initially by direct actions of the public sector. Is the guarantee for the realization of profits and rents that is expected.

It is essential that the rehabilitation use and incorporate the new urban instruments (Statute of the City and Special Areas of interest, as the Social Plan Director), allowing a real reset in the distribution of resources and public policies for the housing policy and social, as a way to soften the damages suffered by certain social groups.

The policy and the rehabilitation programs that shape cannot ignore the fruit, followed by healing, the homeless, street vendors and informal workers, which has at its centre their survival strategy.

But who wins and who loses in these projects?

How are these projects delivered? What institutional arrangements impact on design quality and the creation of sustainable environments?

How many jobs are created? And from whom?

These are the questions that São Paulo’s political, design and development communities need to address to formulate a new urban policy and to deliver a strategy to implement high quality urban design that works within the grain of the city.

Sao Paulo-- skylline - Ana Paula Hirama

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NOTES 1- Harvey, D. (2008) ‘The right to the city’. New Left Review, 53 (sep-oct): 23-40. Oxford: Blackwell.

2- Marcuse, Peter(2009) ‘From critical urban theory to the right to the city’, City, 13: 2, 185 — 197 3-SinEmbargo, La Prensa, Al Jazeera, EFE by teleSUR/re-TP - September 2014.

4- CADERNOS METRÓPOLE, N. 12, pp. 27-48, 2o sem. 2004

BIBLIOGRAPHY ARAUJO, Ivaneti.Seminário: CIDADE OCUPADA. São Paulo (Sesc Avenida Paulista) – 1 e 2 de junho de 2006.

CASTELLS, Manuel. A questão urbana, São Paulo, Paz e Terra, 1975. “A conclusão está na rua” In:Lutas urbanas e poder político. Coleção: cidade em questão – 5 afrontamentos.Porto, Firmeza, 1976.

CARDOSO, Fernando Henrique, FALETTO, Enzo. Dependência e desenvolvimento na América Latina: ensaio de interpretação sociológica. 3a edição. Rio de Janeiro, Zahar .Editores, 1970.

ENGELS, Friederich. “Contribuição ao problema da habitação” In: MARX, K. e ENGELS, F. Obras escolhidas, vol2, São Paulo, Editora Alfa-Omega, SD. FIPE FundaçãoInstituto de Pesquisas Econômicas (1997). Diagnós- tico e Plano de Ações. São Paulo, Fipe. (2003). Estimativa do número de moradores de rua e estudo dos resultados obtidos com SIS RUA. São Paulo, Fipe.

Harvey, D. (2008) ‘The right to the city’. New Left Review, 53 (sep-oct): 23-40. Oxford: Blackwell.

Lefebvre, H. (1968) ‘The right to the city’. In: Kofman, E. and Lebas, E. eds. Writings on cities.

LEFEBVRE, H. (1981): La production del Espace. Paris: Éditions Antropos.

SinEmbargo, La Prensa, Al Jazeera, EFE-by teleSUR/re-TP Marcuse, Peter(2009) ‘From critical urban theory to the right to the city’, City, 13: 2, 185 — 197 Smith, N. (1979) ‘Toward a theory of gentrification: A back to the city movement by capital, not people’. Journal of the American Planning Association, 45 (4): 538-548.

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Critical Urban Theory Alexandre Pires Marques 19.01.2015