THE URBAN BUS STOP IN THE ACT OF WAITING Alex Weber
1
Vandervell, 2013
To my grandfather who inspired the passion in me, these words are absolute. I write this for you.
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
04/ LITERATURE REVIEW 05/ ABSTRACT 06/ METHODOLOGY 08/ INTRODUCTION 09/ TODAY’S URBAN WAITING SPACES Time in the Act of Waiting Urban Transit Spaces Marc Augé
13/ THE URBAN BUS STOP History of the Bus Stop Sporadic Growth Doug Suisman
16/ PHYCOLOGY OF WAITING
Perceived Time Ad Pruyn and Ale Smidts Case Study Elevator Lobby Case Study
22/ LACK OF PRODUCTIVITY Cultural Transition Areas of Concern
24/ THE ROLE OF PLANNING AND DESIGN PROFESSIONALS 21 Balançoires Amateur Intelligence Radio The Osmose Protect Disney
32/ ADVERTISING AS A PROACTIVE STIMULATOR Ikea Caribou Coffee Co.
36/ BUS STOP OF THE FUTURE EyeStop
39/ ATTRACTION THROUGH ART Art As a Human Presence
41/ CONCLUDING THOUGHTS Overview Landscape Architecture
42/ SOURCES CITED 45/ LIST OF FIGURES
3
LITERATURE REVIEW The growth in public transit has become in a very simple sense a social contract (Tadeo, 2010). Services, which have marked Americans with over 10.7 billion cycles in 2013, have become the highest annual ridership percentage in almost 60 years (Tadeo, 2010). With an increase in the use of these systems, the benefits and challenges people face have become a global phenomena. Since its inception, the most evident challenge our system has faced is undoubtedly the time we spend waiting for our services to arrive. Today our urban transit waiting spaces have been in limbo rather then an icon of innovative progressive design. In large city facilities in which public transit and people are synonymous, our urban waiting spaces represent very little physical and social identity. In many cases surrounding the greater Los Angeles area, bus stops limit passengers to wait on advertising benches, completely restricted and unprotected from the fast pace traffic, and fluctuating weather patterns it is accustom to (Suisman, 1997). This absence of urban waiting space is also evident at the highly regarded Victoria Station in London (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). With much the spaces categorized as restaurants, limited accessibility to time and ticket services, and most importantly its scattered waiting benches, completely disconnect from the central space entirely (Bakerson, 2010). Most notably, Hauptbahnhof Berlin, Berlin’s Central Station, opened in 2008 currently denotes 60% of its square footage for retail facilities (Bakerson, 2010). Highlighting their dysfunction for the people and its connection to the environment. In the past waiting places such as these were “rendered accountable” (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). Since then waiting spaces have been drastically shaped in line with cultural trends and economically driven environments (Bakerson, 2010). Despite such conditions, little has been done to improve our urban waiting spaces in the context of public transit. Research findings suggest our innovators of today have skimmed the first layers of what has been done. Elaborating on technology, art, advertising, and phycology as key contributors in pursuit to mitigate the rising problem. Moreover, much of the following findings lack a cohesive package of these variables, and fail to address the need for productive interaction amongst and these spaces.
4
The aim of this paper is to explore these variables in extended detail in the context of waiting for urban transit, and justify the potential these spaces can attain.
ABSTRACT
Consisting of one of the world’s most heavily utilized resource spaces, people are constantly waiting for their bus to arrive. While bus stops are designed to shelter those awaiting, its absence of productive interaction as a means of pleasure is evident. This thesis aims to address our urban waiting spaces that are tied to public transit as a means of mitigating this “gap� in our daily schedule, and expose the value for human and environmental interaction. The goal is to understand what productive interaction people prefer while allocating their time in the urban setting of a bus stop, and further reflect on innovative solutions to redefine time, as we know it. My hopes are that the results of this paper will promote better use of our time but more importantly reflect assets, which enhance the quality of life for the people. Radically transforming the urban spaces we share.
5
METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study is to examine the urban bus stop in the act of waiting, outlining urban waiting places in the context of public transit; and expand on the lack of productivity within these spaces between humans and the environment. Observations are drawn from related literature, considering a diverse public realm and demographic for those utilizing these urban spaces. The structure of this thesis will first discuss waiting by definition, where we wait, why we wait, elaborating on the movement of time and its connection to our everyday life. These facets of time will be applied to all forms of urban waiting spaces that contribute to public transit with emphasis on the urban bus stop. This standard will be reviewed outlining what the bus stop has become and its contribution to the 21st century. An extension of this topic will highlight waiting in a psychological view, expanding on how people perceive time, further exposing the realities of time and its distracting counterparts as a result. Research will analyze these counterparts considering today’s current status of urban waiting places. Exposing the problem to its finest grain. The anchor of this research proposes the act of productivity as a means of mitigating this gap in our daily schedule. An expansion of this topic will brake down the essence of productivity as an “activity” reestablishing the interaction between people and environment. A very vivid and in depth review will highlight today’s designers and their contribution to innovative technology geared toward public waiting spaces. Drawing on international design standards in the North American landscape.
6
7
Emma In Wonderland Photography,2011
INTRODUCTION
Think about how much time you spend waiting. Waiting for your bus, train, subway or next flight to Mexico to arrive. We spend much of our time waiting. This thesis aims to address this essence of time in the context of public transit that is often overlooked, failing to notice what is possible beyond the standard. Imagining a space that propels unity and connectivity in our everyday life. Reversing the notion that all spaces work interchangeably, elaborating on the works of French anthropologist, Marc Augé. He suggests that the spaces, which are tied to public transport, are irreparably dysfunctional and “completely uninhabitable” (Aurel, 2013). It is about reintroducing magic into are daily activity, and promoting a more unified and cohesive bond between people and the environment. It this lack of activity, that also defines our generation. Research is increasingly supporting the notion that a more interactive and innovative pattern of design in our urban waiting spaces, reflect a more enjoyable experience (Pruyn & Smidts, 1998). It is a way of unlocking the emptiness that these spaces represent, and deploy a more unified balance in our daily schedules. It is this essence of time that has exposed a period where people simply wait for their next point of interest to present itself. Yo Kaminagai responds to this subject of waiting stating that our “transport spaces are not only for transport” as today the comfort in classic stations “is not at the level that it should be” (Aurel, 2013). We must eradicate the dull and roughness of these spaces to it’s most refined potential.
8
TODAY’S URBAN WAITING SPACES
Waiting, is often perceived as a word describing the vulgar “gap” in our daily schedule. People often perceive time in small doses, recognizing the possibility that any experience in its finest form is a place for losing or gaining control (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). It is a condition of lived experience that is intrinsic to humans (Sheinman, 2013). Today we can deconstruct our urban environments to their most utilized elements. No longer geographically restricted, our cities are defined by their current reliance on public transit. This interactive means of telecommunication of transportation and its role in the form of waiting is often characterized as a condition of movement (Österberg, 2000; Albrecht & Mandelbaum, 2005). It is this movement that is tied to our cities most heavily relied upon resource space, public waiting places. We utilize time in this form of public space immensely, adhering to grid systems, train stations, airports and public bus destination points. These embody the spaces we clutter, unsettled in the in-between time, inherently undergoing radical transformations over the course of the 21st century (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). Marc Augé, a French anthropologist, refers to these waiting areas for public transport in his work ‘Non Spaces: Introduction to the Anthropology of Supermodernity’ (Aurel, 2013). He characterizing these spaces as “interchangeable and anonymous, discouraging exchanges or encounters” with people and the environment (Aurel, 2013). In further reflection, Marc reverses the notion that all spaces work interchangeably and elaborates on the reality that much of our spaces tied to public transport are irreparably dysfunctional and “completely uninhabitable” (Aurel, 2013). Waiting spaces are dominated by objects in an urban setting, often neglecting the nature of people and the environment in the process. Bruno Bettelheim discusses these types of dysfunctions in children stating that in many occurrences children “often look around frantically for an activity, even an asocial one, to cover up their anxiety like the solder before the battle.” (Bettelheim, 1950; Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011, p.1).
9
Today our stations have been in limbo rather then an icon of innovative progressive design feathered into to our environment as a cohesive whole. It is an interchanging unit of time, but it is not unattainable. Waiting for public transport can be effective and proactive. Urban designer Marc Aurel outlines the ideal experience as part of a series of interconnected spaces where “new services are offered rather then being imposed� (Aurel, 2013). In many occurrences distracting variables in the presence of lighting, lack of diverse material, and sound distribution contribute to inactive human involvement (Aurel, 2013). Our future is depended of every aspect of our urban fabric. Aurel, sheds light on other challenges we face, marketing electricity outlets for portable devices, and connecting to the surrounding area by offering services to people rather than being focused on a single dull purpose (Aurel, 2013).
10
11
Vandervell, 2013
12
Vandervell, 2013 Emma In Wonderland Photography,2011
THE URBAN BUS STOP
While transit systems have been active since the 1920s, the urban bus stop only introduced its form in the American landscape during the start of the 1970s (Woodyard, 1991). This trend became prominent in New York, representing the first U.S city to provide bus stop shelters to its transit users, implementing designs influenced by European instinct (Law & Taylor, 2001). Following a sporadic growth in the developing urban fabric, “bus shelters have come to be seen as an important part of many, if not most, urban public transit systems” (Law & Taylor, 2001, p.80). Doug Suisman, an urban designer, fosters the importance to better urban mobility through the bus stop, combining the social economic and cultural “vitality” of the destinations people explore (Suisman, 1997). He refers to the bus stop as a block of potential that shape our perceptions about the cities and transit systems we embody (Suisman, 1997). In the transit family, Suisman remarks the bus stop as the “neglected stepchild” requiring very little and getting even less in return (Suisman, 1997). Failing to understand what is there entirely. The bus stop’s we see today have quietly immersed themselves into our urban fabric, visible along our streets and standing out to both drivers and pedestrians (Suisman, 1997). Advertising the transit system to the public. Whether we see it or not, the urban bus stop represents a “pedestrian network” that deploys our passengers of today to get to and from a stop (Law & Taylor, 2001, p.80). They are what anchor our movement in terms of time and define this time in the form of waiting; acting as “a gateway to the public transit system” (Project for public Spaces, Inc., 1997, p.22). Bus stops are characterized in many parts. We view this waiting space through the reflection of its counterparts. Bus shelters that seem dirty or neglected or physically vulnerable to the fluctuating weather conditions evoke bidder attention, but those that display a comfortable, safe, and informative environment “suggest that riding the bus is a practical, attractive alternative to driving” (Law & Taylor, 2001, p.79). An expression of a well-orchestrated design surrounding the bus stop cannot reflect protection from the elements, it must also consider what attracts the rider, in attempt to support a more proactive approach integrated into to the pedestrian network (Project for public Spaces,
13
Inc., 1997). It is these variables, which are often overlooked or undervalued, that lay the framework for progressive rehabilitation. In many contexts the bus stop represents a social contract, “a contract between the passengers, the connecting municipality and its surrounding residence� (Tadeo, 2010). It is as system we all utilize, breaking the bond of illusion and opening the door to a collective sense of place outfitted for the people and its connecting environment.
14
Vandervell, 2013
LANCE MORROW Essayist and writer, chiefly for Time Magazine
“Waiting is a form of imprisonment. One is doing time-but why? One is being punished not for an offence of one’s own but for the inefficiencies of those who impose the wait. Aside from boredom and physical discomfort, the subtler misery of waiting is the knowledge that one’s most precious resource, time, a fraction of one’s life, is bing stolen away, irrecoverably lost.”
15
Psychologists have explored human behavior and adaption in queues in all facets of our daily activity. Waiting in line at airport check-ins, bus stops, train stations, even theme parks all represent areas to which we wait. They evoke principles of understanding how people respond to waiting in diverse environments, and expose the psychological influences people experience while waiting for a service (Burkhardt, B. 2012). An elaboration of this study will be presented in this section, defining the elements, which cause us to be inpatient. An extension of this section will also highlight significant environments that have experienced both the problem and provide alterative solutions to mitigating this ‘gap’ in our daily schedule. Prevalent in our everyday culture, people experience waiting everywhere, acting as consumers of our industries in the modern 21st century. Industries in link with our public transit system along with many other formidable companies channel much of their work surrounding the consumer and their overall experience. Whether we wait two minuets for the elevator to reach our floor or stand franticly before we experience “ The Monster” at six flags, these services are what drive our economy and urban environments. Becoming a measurable foundation for the return or loss of the daily consumer (Maister, 2005). As William James, the noted philosopher observed: “boredom results from being attentive to the passage of time itself” (Maister, 2005, p.3). It is most evident that we must be more observant to the consumer, characterizing how we feel about the given length of waiting time we experience. Today, current studies on the psychology of queuing represent the bigger picture, deconstructing the bases of time; and promoting a more accurate understanding of the impact people experience while they wait for a service (Katz & Martin, 1989). Here, we will present case studies, which consider queuing in a physiological view. Outlining how “time fillers” can increase the level of guest satisfaction in urban waiting environments in the context of public transit (Katz & Martin, 1989).
16
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WAITING
17
Elevator Mirror,2010
Ad Pruyn and Ale Smidts, professors at the Erasmus University in the Rotterdam School of Management, collaborated and conducted a study evaluating the customer wait experience (Pruyn & Smidts, 1998). In this study, research was dialed down to two aspects of the waiting experience, the attractiveness, expanding on the physical attributes, and the second characterizing stimuli; enabling what variables of induced presence will distract the customers waiting for their service (Pruyn & Smidts, 1998). The study involved waiting in a Dutch hospital while the presence of a television was the only form of distraction provided (Pruyn & Smidts, 1998). Despite its motive, the result suggested that the perceived waiting time actually seemed to be much longer then the actual time (Pruyn & Smidts, 1998). Diluting the notion that any form of entertainment produces success. Interestingly enough, in an alternate study, the works of Richard Larson and Gerrit Antonides debated the topics of queuing in a psychological sense. They found music to have contrasting effects in comparison, indicating that people perceived time to be significantly shorter with music then those without it (Larson, 1987; Antonides, 2002). Elevator lobbies deploy these same qualities in high-rise office buildings. Despite the limited time people wait, much has been considered in terms of waiting. In the early 1960’s an insurance company in Boston moved into a new building to maintain their rising growth. In the midst of the move, people began complaining about the waiting period the elevators took to reach their floors (Vandenbosch, 2003). Russel Ackoff, a prominent operations research scientist was hired to solve the impending problem. Having crossed out any notion that the elevators were not functioning up to the standard they were designed, Ackoff, within days broke down the true nature of the problem. He stated “it wasn’t that it took longer to get from place to place, the problem was how that time was spent” (Vandenbosch, 2003, p.33). Further discovering that it was the inactivity and the lack of movement that caused people to become impatient. Following these findings
18
Ackoff proposed a solution, installing mirrors at the front of the elevators (Vandenbosch, 2003). His findings concluding, “for most people, time passes quickly when they are looking at themselves� (Vandenbosch, 2003, p.33). It is an element we are all familiar with today, but rarely question. Embodying the perception of time and its relationship to its distracting counterparts. These self- induced waiting time fillers have been seen to turn this empty waiting time into a more positive experience, while decreasing the perceived waiting time (Ackoff, 1987; Larson, 1987).
19
YO KAMINAGAI Yo Kaminagai, Head of Design, Projects Management Department, RATP
“This multi-service station offers a concentrated dose of the elements we’d like to test with passengers’, as today the comfort in classic stations ‘is not at the level that it should be”
20
21
Skogsmo & Mogard,2014
LACK OF PRODUCTIVITY
In the heart of every public transit urban waiting space there is time, time which is often overlooked or undervalued. Waiting can be described as a “possibility to act”, exhausting constraints but more importantly providing a space, effectively promoting opportunity for productive activity (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). Additionally, the time we spend waiting for our next point of interest to present itself, in any context of public transit, can inevitably expose negative implications. Creating tensions and anxiety, causing frustration and irreparable dysfunction (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). In large city facilities utilized for waiting, our bus and train stations have undergone some of the most evident transformations. Highlighting their dysfunction for the people and its connection to the environment. In the past waiting places such as these were “rendered accountable” (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011, p.3). During the late 19th and early 20th century our libraries often channeled this space with specific rooms for waiting, designating time and space to it’s simplest form (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). Representing each space for waiting as “ a clearly demarcated places of its own in the modern building types of the industrial era” (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011, p.3). Since then, waiting spaces have been drastically shaped in line with cultural trends and economically driven environments (Bakerson, 2010). Since the 1990s to the present day, waiting has transformed from productive to an “integrated part of a consumer landscape” (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011, p.4). This cultural transition has been remarked in many contexts. Rebuilt in 2002, the Central Station in Gothenburg, Sweden has transformed its waiting spaces, with circulation spaces of shopping amenities (Bakerson, 2010; Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). This absence of urban waiting space is also evident at the highly regarded Victoria Station in London (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). With much the spaces categorized as restaurants, limited accessibility to time and ticket services, and most importantly its scattered waiting benches, completely disconnect from the central space entirely (Bakerson, 2010). Most notably, Hauptbahnhof Berlin, Berlin’s Central Station, opened in 2008
22
currently denotes 60% of its square footage for retail facilities (Bakerson, 2010; Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011). Considered to be one of America’s most underutilized spaces for waiting, bus stops in Los Angeles represent very little physical and social amenities (Suisman, 1997). In many cases surrounding the greater Los Angeles area, bus stops limit passengers to wait on advertising benches, completely restricted and unprotected from the fast pace traffic, and fluctuating weather patterns it is accustom to (Suisman, 1997). These spaces fail to outline important information pertaining to bus schedules or timetables, only providing general directions and route numbers (Suisman, 1997). In other areas such as the L.A. Civic Center, shelters are provided. In light of their ability to counteract sun and rain from the body of passengers waiting beneath it, they also restrict major viewpoints from the surrounding environment (Suisman, 1997). Due to such conditions, the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) conducted a study that determined the shelter effect (Law & Taylor, 2001). The finding suggested, “that the very presence and physical condition the shelter displayed significantly affected the use of public transit” (Law & Taylor, 2001, p.80). In transit dependent areas such as the one’s stated in this section, where bus stop boarding can reach into the hundreds or even thousands, it is imperative that immediate change is required.
23
This section sheds light on our innovators of today, how they have contributed to the urban fabric in the context of public transit waiting spaces and elaborating on the constituting factors outlining the success of each of these spaces. Embarking on the most significant works, defining “self organizing initiatives in which monitoring, facilitating and assimilating are central” (Kärrholm & Sandin, 2011, p.79). The body of study reiterates the importance of public connectivity and cohesiveness and further reflects the power of innovation through technology, design, and planning. 21 Balançoires Collaborating on these grounds of work, Mouna Andraos and Melissa Mongiat co-founded Daily tous les jours, an interactive design studio that’s focus highlights participation in public spaces. Their most recent contribution to public space is called 21 Balançoires; a design consisting of a series of musical swings located in the heart of Montreal’s downtown core. Originally commissioned by the city of Montreal in 2010, the intention was to create a space as a temporary instillation, which invited people to interact with each other (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). Mouna refers to each swing as a functional musical instrument, and when used together the swings compose a musical melody (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). It’s the very link of music, an attractive amenity to many, which participants can utilize. A way of connecting to one another and embrace a ‘sense of ownership’ of the public space they embody (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). The idea was anchored by the collaboration of animal behavior professor Luc-Alain Giraldeau, exploring the concept of cooperation. Luc states that “cooperation emerges when the behavior of each individual depends on the decisions of the rest of the group: it’s a game where, from the start, you need to adjust to the actions of others” (JJ & Giraldeau, 2009; Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). Melissa refers to this space, like many of her other projects, as a way to interact and tell a story (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). There is no limit, and no boundary; the interactive space brings together people from a variety of demographics and backgrounds, offering a new experience in “collective music making” (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014).
24
THE ROLE OF PLANNING AND DESIGN PROFFESIONALS
Andraos & Mongiat 2010
Andraos & Mongiat 2010
25
The space has experienced much success in the past four years from its initial six-month timetable. Attracting millions around the world. Amateur Intelligence Radio In other works highlighting Mouna Andraos and Melissa Mongiat interactive projects is the Amateur Intelligence Radio. Built in 1926 and then restored in 2011, Union Depot in St. Paul Minnesota, one of America’s great rail stations hosts this interactive means of communication (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). Designed and integrated into the Union Depot station, the Amateur Intelligence Radio offers people to connect to the historical timeline the building embodied and to each other (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). As people commute through the space, a series of five separated “interactive stations” are scattered in different locations. As they stand “the AIR narrates activities within its walls and stages little interventions on the site” (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). It offers interactive content through its synthetic voice character, transmitting information regarding weather conditions, the number of people in the room, bus schedules, foot traffic and even historical background (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). Each distinct listing station references a different vantage point of the space, for people to either listen out loud or through personal plug-in (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). This abstraction in the world of urban waiting spaces perpetuates these spaces for opportunities. It is this sense of ‘magic’ we are missing, a way of reintroducing harmony back into our lives (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). Mouna Andraos and Melissa Mongiat portray many of these qualities in their designs, taking into account what others do not. Their value to establish a framework for productive interaction is absolute. They anchor the time we are given but often neglect, ‘breaking the individual bubbles’ and introduce an activity that people can relate to (Andraos & Mongiat, 2014). Although 21 Balançoires does not function as a bus stop or any form of public transit waiting space, its unique elements represent what those spaces lack. Connecting people to their environment, and to each other.
26
Andraos & Mongiat 2014
Andraos & Mongiat 2014
27
Andraos & Mongiat 2014
The Osmose Protect Urban designer Marc Aurel, discusses these ideas in his research and design of “The Osmose Project” (Aurel, 2013). Launched by the Parisian Public Transport Authority in attempt to further enhance the experience of bus and metro stations ‘The Osmose Protect’ outlines the apparent difficulty with public transport waiting spaces in France (Aurel, 2013). Marc’s program is driven by what these spaces truly represent in their current state and elaborates on how they are characterized by ‘stiff’ texture in reality (Aurel, 2013). The premise is built off the notion that much of these waiting spaces elicit emotions of loneliness and boredom, ultimately serving no other purpose other then a place to wait. It revolves around the idea that “transport spaces are not only for transport” (Aurel, 2013). They stand in limbo, an “unremarkable decorative backdrop dedicated to a single and unchanging purpose” (Aurel, 2013). The project collaborated with 47 partners as part of the European Bus System of the Future (Aurel, 2013). The research directed its focus in Paris’ Boulevard Diderot, in the form of a bus stop known as ‘The Osmose Bus Stop’ (Aurel, 2013). It is important to note, that the location of choice wasn’t arbitrary, it exposed a space that connected over 15,000 passengers to bus lines each day (Aurel, 2013). Its initial launch spanned a period of six months during the beginning of May of 2012 (Aurel, 2013). His idea was to initiate a space that promoted energy and movement, welcoming users to interact with each other and share city resources (Aurel, 2013). Promoting better use of our spaces and time in order to enhance public life and channel a diverse amount of functions as a result. The spaces provided potential passengers with devices that displayed information about events, services offered, small ads, allowing the user to acknowledge the community catered to their interest (Aurel, 2013). Other amenities that were programed into the design were, wifi, self-service libraries and electric bicycles (Aurel, 2013). Marc composed a very repetitive theme in representing his design around human comfort. Considering elements such as heating during winter, change in sound and lighting, and a more unified open concept (Aurel, 2013).
28
De la Tour,2013
29
Defined by its unique use of technology and community involvement, Marc Aurel deconstructs our behavior into a more constructive and proactive time slot. Utilizing technology and innovation to enlighten the possibility for a more people oriented landscape. The Osmose Bus Stop has defined what the future holds, attracting a public realm that rely on transit usage. It applies to all avenues of public transport stations, proposing a user-friendly atmosphere for people to share. Disney Studies that serve as some of the worlds most heavily utilized spaces for researchers testing in the context of waiting are Disneyland and Disney World theme parks (Burkhardt, 2012). Disney’s imaginers have stressed the importance of guest satisfaction and state, “there is a real art to line management” in attempt to create environments which work interchangeably (Burkhardt, 2012). We are all familiar with these areas of entertainment, attracting more then 70 million people on a yearly bases (Burkhardt, 2012). As the parks attendance continues to rise, interest has provoked research and implementation to improve the waiting experience; in order to counteract ‘line bunching’ for guests entering the parks most popular attractions (Burkhardt, 2012). The Walt Disney Imagineers work at the forefront of these problems, developing concept sketches, storyboards, and model making to illustrate there intended outcome (Hench, 2008; Kurtti, 2008; Rafferty, K. & Gordon, B. 1996). In themed environments such as these, the body of work, which is most important, is the attention to each interacting piece of detail as a way to communicate “visual storytelling” (Hench, 2008; Kurtt, 2008). The framework outlines the need for “place identity and attachment” in attempt to capture the most effective guest satisfaction (Hench, 2008; Kurtt, 2008). John Hench, one of Disney’s most notable design principles of the past, describes these notions of design implementation as “the distinguishing characteristics of a form that allow us to recognize its identity” (Hench, 2008, p.67). It is this connection that facilitates ones individual movement, a structure of design, which weaves the guest in a direction catered to their interests (Hench, 2008). In the context of waiting, Disney theme parks imagi-
30
neers have implemented these design principles through music and art, offering the people a more hands on experience. Much of their queues leading up to the attraction, are delineated through the spaces architectural and interior finishes, spatial layout, and lighting (Burkhardt, 2012). As these layers intertwine, the body of work laid out by pioneers such as John Hench and the rest of the imagineer staff considers the individual to be a part of the environment. Promoting a more unified interactive queuing experience (Burkhardt, 2012). Although it is not in theory a part of the urban transit system, what remains the same is the value for the consumer and its connected counterparts in the context of waiting. It is this direction, of constructive innovation, and design concept, which must be linked to our urban waiting spaces. Creating a magical scene in the most unusual locations.
31
32
Monroe,1956
TRANSIT ADVERTISING AS A PROACTIVE STIMULATOR
IKEA Bus Stop, 2010
Caribou Coffee Bus Stop, 2010
33
IKEA Subway, 2010
TRANSIT ADVERTISING AS A PROACTIVE STIMULATOR
As we have seen in the past, advertising has covered much of our cities and its connected counterparts (Liwag, 2011). Manipulating the consumer in many of our industries worldwide. However today, many of these competing corporations have devised innovative strategies in support of our urban spaces; creating new channels of attracting variables that stimulate interest where we would otherwise least expect. In the context of our urban waiting spaces, industry-leading corporations such as Ikea, and Caribou Coffee have been amongst the most notable contributors of innovative bus shelter advertising (Liwag, 2011). Here we will elaborate on these companies and how they have used advertising not only as a marketing scheme but to ignite space identity in these ‘lifeless’ areas. IKEA IKEA, a company known for its unique sense of design in modern architecture through its diverse types of appliances, furniture, and eco-friendly approach, has also redefined advertising, as we know it. In the heart of one of the world’s most iconic destinations, Paris, pedestrians utilizing public transit witnessed IKEAs most recent form of product exposure. Implemented as a temporary installation in December of 2010, IKEAs scheme transforms the urban bus shelters and subway stations “of the capital town into small cozy lounges” (Lavinia, 2010). This unique spread of IKEAs products is displayed in 12 bus shelters and four in high-traffic metro-stations, located next to Paris’s most important commercial centers (Lavinia, 2010). This innovative campaign idea allows passengers entering these public waiting spaces to experience a ‘lounge’ much like a space set up at your local store; with comfortable sofa’s, and exterior lighting (Lavinia, 2010). Subway walls were also incorporated into the proposed spaces, paneling prints that showcased IKEA interiors (Lavinia,2010). Caribou Coffee Co. Similarly, Caribou Coffee Co. utilized a marketing technique in Minneapolis, advertising their new breakfast line of sandwiches in three of the cities bus shelters (Taylor, 2011). Completely refabricating these spaces into toaster ovens. Eric Husband, the creative director
34
who implemented the ads for the Caribou Coffee mentions that the glowing ceiling coils “actually produce heat to help aid commuters during the bitter Minnesota winter� (Taylor, 2011; Liwag, 2011). Initially a project with temporary intentions, the space has experienced such high regard that its passengers have demanded a more permanent installation (Taylor, 2011). Completely redefining these spaces, the manipulation pushes the limits from the standard to the livable place, exposing the interior to the exterior. It activates the energy of the public realm to an atmosphere once undefined, the places we wait. It also brings attention to the constant impending financial burden these spaces occupy. Limiting the financial responsibility of our agencies and redirected them to the company advertisements (Liwag, 2011). A formidable solution now considers the budget deficiency, an often-ignored concern (Liwag, 2011).
35
As we establish a framework for the necessities within our urban waiting spaces, the bus stop undeniably are at the forefront of our transit system and its connected transit agency (Liwag, 2011). Its visual presence impacts not only transit passengers that use it but those who do not. Embodying this element as part of the landscape, not just its connected public transit system. We must look beyond the regular, the standard, the bare minimum and become limitless in the potential these spaces can have. Here we will outline what lies ahead, defining what possibilities are triggered in light of the bus stop as a waiting space. Developed by architects and engineer teams at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, a new definition for the perceived bus stop was formed (Liwag, 2011). Led by Carlo Rattie, head of the SENSEable City Lab at MIT unveiled the concept called ‘The EyeStop’ (Rattie, 2009). Centralized by the touch of your finger, Rattie elaborates, “passengers can get the shortest bus route to their destination or the position of all the buses in the city” (Rattie, 2009). Its capacities go further, the EyeStop is designed so that passengers waiting for their bus to arrive can plan a trip with the aid of an interactive mapping display (Rattie, 2009). This interactive means of communication also allows its transit users to attain access to the Internet, post ads to community electronic bulletin boards to then be displayed at the bus stop (Liwag, 2011). While the technology may be heavy set, the Eyestop reflects its functionality as a space, stimulating strong community interaction (Liwag, 2011). Design at its finest can transform the way we see and experience our transit waiting spaces. While the EyeStop does propose reason through innovation, it is important to note “bus shelters and stops do not need to be futuristic to be inviting.” (Liwag, 2011, p.20). Pervading cultural connection through people and place are what best communicate an effective impact on the community utilizing these spaces. Steven Hollenhorst, a professor and dean of the Huxley College of the Environment at Western Washington University discuss-
36
BUS STOPS OF THE FUTURE
es his view on design implementation pertaining to the bus stop. He states that “Bus stop shelters with a signature design serve as a citywide acknowledgment that your transit agency does something right.� (Hollenhorst, 2010; Liwag, 2011, p.20). It is about considering the individual as part of the community, highlighting avenues, which will reenergize the looks of our cities and countries worldwide (Liwag, 2011). Defining a new trend in the modern 21st century (Liwag, 2011).
37
EyeStop,2009
38
Bränden Bus Stop, 2014
ATTRACTION THROUGH ART
While productive functionality is the bases of this research, what is often dismissed due to its standing aesthetic is transit in the form of art. Utilizing art as a stimulator for attraction. Steven Hubbard perpetuates this idea of art as a transit circuit stating “Not only does art add a human dimension to transit, but it also may help build ridership, enhance the acceptability of transit services as a positive element in neighborhoods and reinforce the spirit of community” (Liwag, 2011, p.24). It is a way of activating the absence of life and human representation to break the boundaries of their present overcast. The possibilities for transit art implementation can be addressed on variety of levels. We see outdoor art everywhere, in small sculpture gardens or murals on the busy streets of New York, but it has also been seen to take up entire bus shelters (Liwag, 2011). We must not look at transit art as just a merely aesthetic representation of a bus stop; it should also be a catalyst to enhance our streets and surrounding neighborhood, in which the bus stop and art intertwine (Liwag, 2011). Hubbard adds, “Art enhances the public space, defines local character, positively differ entiates the community, and may provide quantifiable benefits in reduced costs for vandalism such as graffiti. In an era where every community must market its amenities to attract investment and economic development in an increasingly sophisticated marketplace, art in transportation may successfully enhance the local culture and distinguish a community.” (Liwag, 2011, p.25).
It this element of surprise that we so often miss. That level of detail uncanny in the context of public transit, in which our sense for the usual is also what, blinds us. Initiating these pieces of artistic expression, bring a level of beauty that undeniably will attract a public realm lost within the system itself.
39
40
Vandervell, 2013
Here is a story, a story previously uncontested, neglected, and very pretentiously undervalued, time. Into the heavily congested, vulgar, dense city structure, which makes up our transit system, the places we wait have carved their way into the spaces we so often share. It is amongst these spaces, which leave us stranded into the backdrop of our everyday schedules, undefined, lifeless, and part of the in-between. I have emphasized this through its most defining variables in pursuit to activate the people, the surrounding environment, and its connected transit system.
CONCLUSION
What we have discussed are the possibilities within these limitations, seemingly connecting the pieces, and perpetuating a framework attainable beyond our expectation. In a profession that’s committed to its vision for innovation and forward thinking approach, landscape architecture is in constant transition, but never in denial. The status of our urban transit waiting spaces must be part of this commitment, establishing a unified space oriented for the people who use it. These are the defining moments that represent our time, as part of the generation. Time bound in the confines of the urban space, untitled, unmarked, and underutilized. It is a system left behind, but whether we choose to stay is our choice, let the story continue.
41
Albrechts, L. & Mandelbaum, S. (eds.) (2005). The Network Society. London: Routledge Andraos, M., & Mongiat, M. (2011). 21 Balançoires. Retrieved November 1, 2014, from http://www.dailytouslesjours.com/project/21-balancoires/ Aurel, M. (2013). Osmose: When Public Spaces Become Living Spaces. Retrieved October 2, 2014, from http://urban-obs.com/ osmose-public-spaces-become-living-spaces/ Bakerson, Aram (2010). Från Järnvägsnod till kommunikationsnod. Göteborg: Chalmers Bettelheim, Bruno (1950). Love is Not Enough, the Treatment of Emotionally Disturbed Children. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press Bolhuis JJ & L-A Giraldeau. 2009. Animal Behavior. (4 Vol) London, Sage Publications Ltd. Burkhardt, B. (2012). Waiting For The Fun: Ambient Storytelling as a means To Support Guest Satisfaction In Theme Park Atrraction Queues. 1 Hench, J. (2008). Designing Disney: Imagineering and the Art of the Show. New York: Disney Editions. Hollengorst, J. (2010). Great Design Sells. Mass Transit, 1. Katz, K., & Martin, B. (1989). Improving Customer Satisfaction Through The Management of Perceptions Of Waiting. Kärrholm, Mattias; Sandin, Gunnar “Waiting Places as Temporal Interstices and Agents of Change” TRANS: Internet-Zeitschrift fur kulturwissenschaften 2011, vol. 18
42
SOURCES CITED
Kurtti, J. (2008). Walt Disney’s Imagineering Legends and the Genesis of the Disney Theme Park. New York: Disney Editions. Larson, R. C. (1987). Perspectives on Queues: Social Justice and the Psychology of Queuing. Operations Research, 35(6), 895905. Law, P., & Taylor, B. (2001). Shelter from the Storm. Optimizing Distribution of Bus Stop Shelters in Los Angeles, Paper No. 012992. Lavinia, L. (2010). IKEA Parisian Saga Continues with 12 Bus Shelters Turned into Livingrooms. Retrieved October 21, 2014, from http://freshome.com/2010/12/16/ikea-parisian-saga-continues-with-12-bus-shelters-turned-into-livingrooms/#ixzz3JRREr6GN Lavinia, L. (2010). IKEA Subway Display in Paris: An Insane Idea or A Genius Promotion Campaign? Retrieved October 23, 2014, from http://freshome.com/2010/03/12/ikea-subway-display-in-paris-an-insane-idea-or-a-genius-promotion-campaign/#ixzz3JRRtXs5J Liwag, K. (2011). Increasing Bus Transit Ridership Through Technology And Aesthetic Innovations. Maister, D. (2005). The Psychology of Waiting Lines. Østerberg, Dag (2000). Stadens illusioner, en sociomateriell tolkning av Oslo. Göteborg: Bokförlaget Korpen Project for Public Spaces, Inc. The Role of Transit in Creating Livable Metropolitan Communities. Transit Cooperative Research Program Report 22. TRB, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1997. Pruyn, A., & Smitdts, A. (1998). Effects of waiting on the satisfaction with the service:Beyond objective time measures.
43
Rafferty, K. & Gordon, B. (1996). Walt Disney Imagineering: A Behind the Dreams Look at Making the Magic Real. New York: Disney Editions. Ratti, Carlo. (2009). MIT Researchers Unveil the EyeStop. [Article]. Senseable. Senseable.mit.edu/eyestop.press.pdf. Accessed: September 12, 2014. Sheinman, A. (2013, January 1). TIME PASSING | PASSING TIME: Waiting on the Subway Platform. Retrieved October 9, 2014, from http://sce.parsons.edu/mfaid_thesis/alexia.html Suisman, D. The Bus Stop as an Urban Place. Places, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1996/1997, pp. 80–83. Tadeo, T. (2010, May 17). Redesigning the Bus Stop: Teague’s Traffic 2.0 Makes Transit More Friendly. Retrieved October 7, 2014, from http://www.fastcodesign.com/1648672/redesigningthe-bus-stop-teagues-traffic-20-makes-transit-more-friendly Taylor, Leslie. (2011). Breakfast Sandwich Ad Turns Bus Shelter into Toaster Oven. [Article] The Star. Thestar.com. Accessed: 10 October 2014. Vandenbosch, B. (2003). Designing Solutions For Your Business Problems: A Structured Process For Managers and Consultants. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Woodyard, C. Building a Niche in Bus Stop Shelters. Los Angeles Times, Orange County Edition, June 25, 1991.
44
Andraos, M., & Mongiat, M. (2014). Retrieved September 27, 2014, from http://www.dailytouslesjours.com/project/amateur-intelligence-radio/
LIST OF FIGURES
Andraos, M., & Mongiat, M. (2011). Retrieved September 27, 2014, from http://www.dailytouslesjours.com/project/21-balancoires/ Bränden Bus Stop. [image] (2014). Retrieved October 15, 2014, from http://europaconcorsi.com/projects/266623-Sou-Fujimoto-Architects-BUS-STOP-Krumbach Caribou Coffee Bus Stop. [image] (2011). Retrieved November 8, 2014, fromhttp://adsoftheworld.com/media/outdoor/caribou_coffee_ovens_out_of_transit_shelters. De la Tour, D. [image] (2013, July 23). Retrieved October 4, 2014, from http://urban-obs.com/osmose-public-spaces-become-living-spaces/ Emma In Wonderland Photography, E. (2011). Retrieved October 10, 2014, from https://www.etsy.com/ca/listing/29107307/travel-escape-photography-7x5-self?ref=shop_home_feat Elevator Mirror. [image] (2010). Retrieved November 10, 2014, from http://media-cache ec0.pinimg.com/originals/5e/e3/ cb/5ee3cbe49a5bfeaafd90582aafafa3f1.jpg EyeStop. [image] (2009). Retrieved October 11, 2014, from http:// www.tuvie.com/eyestops-futuristic-bus-stops-from-senseablecity-lab-of-mit/ IKEA Bus Stop. [image] (2010). Retrieved October 22, 2014, from http://designtaxi.com/news/33662/In-Paris-IKEA-Transforms-Bus-
45
Stops-to-Living-Rooms/?interstital_shown=1 IKEA Subway. [image] (2010). Retrieved October 25, 2014, from http://popsop.com/2010/03/ikea-turnes-paris-metro-station-into-aliving-room/ Metzer, R. (2013). Retrieved October 13, 2014, from http://media-cache-ec0.pinimg.com/originals/9b/59/04/9b59042ef53ac8157f56e9a511d4ca7c.jpg Monroe, M. (1956). Retrieved November 14, 2014, from http://media-cache-ec0.pinimg.com/originals/80/39/4b/80394ba7755286f5f9e9eab557f601da.jpg Skogsmo, C., & Mogard, J. (2014). Retrieved November 14, 2014, from http://sasaantic.tumblr.com/post/79781683510/christoffer-skogsmo-jon-mogard Vandervell, R. (2013). Retrieved November 12, 2014, from http:// www.rupertvandervell.co.uk
46
THANK YOU
47
Metzer,2013