CONTEMPORARY CITY
Piazza Verdi, BOLOGNA Perceptions, representations and different uses of public space Prepared for: Laurent Gilles Jacques Devisme Prepared by: Abdallah Jreij - Andres Cardona - Doruntina Zendeli - Margherita Venturi April, 2019
INDEX OF CONTENTS Abstract
Introduction
Why Piazza Verdi should be preserved
Controversies • “Degradation” and “insecurity” what do we talk about? • Bologna torn city • New poverty • Reinventing a common identity • Students: problem or resource? • How Piazza Verdi is described
Requalification Proposals
Conclusion
References
ABSTRACT The analysis proposed regard one of the most discussed urban problem inside the city of Bologna. In fact the following controversial descrip;on is located inside the historical centre of Bologna, we talking about Piazza Verdi, the main square in the university area. The loca;on of the square of course is one of the reasons why it has always been recognized as a place for manifesta;ons and social protests. Star;ng from the 70’ years, which are characterized by the student revolu;ons of the 68’, Piazza Verdi is famous for his strong poli;cal iden;ty, public debates and conflicts between policy and protesters. During these years un;l now this space is manly used by students but it is also recognized as a place of traffic drugs, noise, drunk people and homeless. Because of this the municipality according to a series of other actors want to change this “degraded” situa;on trying to save the general image of the historical centre of Bologna.
INTRODUCTION
Historic center of bologna and university area
Piazza Verdi and Via del Guasto
Piazza Verdi, dedicated to the Italian musician Giuseppe Verdi, is located in the heart of the university area. Palazzo PaleoO, at number 25 of Via Zamboni, forms a corner with the square. In the square there is the Teatro Comunale di Bologna, in turn, in the corner with Largo Respighi. Coming from the Two Towers, the main symbol of Bologna, along Via Zamboni, the square is reached aVer passing another square dedicated to a musician, Piazza Rossini, where the Bologna Conservatory is located. This is just one of the historical buildings in the area, in fact crossing Via Zamboni we can also recognize Palazzo Manzoli Malvasia, Palazzo Malvezzi, Palazzo Magnani, Basilica di San Giacomo Maggiore, Palazzo GoO and all the historical university buildings rose around 1080. As we already explain the building in front of the square is the historic theatre of the city, built in the 1763 by Antonio Luigi Galli, a famous Italian architect. Before the built of the theatre the space was occupied by Palazzo Ben;voglio, destroyed 1508, which the ruins take place in the actual garden of Via del Guasto. According to this short descrip;on of the surrounded area is easy to understand that Piazza Verdi and all this area have a strong cultural value which for the city and his inhabitants is important to preserve. Talking about the land use of the space, the ground oor is manly dedicated to bars and pubs, open during night and day. Being an area almost used by students the services are cheep and modest but able to sa;sfy any preference.
WHO ARE THE INHABITANTS Because of the closest with the university the area is mostly inhabited by younger. Altogether the resident popula;on in the aected area has grown between the 1996 and 2006 of 16 units, going from 488 to 504 presences. The age class most numerically represented over the ten years is that between 30 and 44 years old. This situa;on is inverse in the historic center where the majority of residents renter the class aged between 45 and 64, in reverse the trend of the senior class is decreasing over the ten years. It can therefore be stated that the area of Piazza Verdi and its surroundings presents a resident popula;on younger than that of the historic center. It is also to consider the apartments for rent, a very crucial component useful to understand the social environment that take place inside this area. Also in this case the localiza;on of the university is the region why a lot of ats are rented to students, and because of this the average age of the inhabitants is even lower.
WHY PIAZZA VERDI SHOULD BE PRESERVED HISTORIC CONTEXT AND SURROUNDINGS
ORATORIO SANTA CECILIA
PALAZIO BENTIVOGLIO
MUNICIPAL THEATRE
Finished: 1319
Finished: XVI Century
Finished: XVI Century
Rebuild: 1356
Moments of splendor in the XVII and XVIII centuries, housing sovereigns and princes.
Moments of splendor in the XVII and XVIII centuries, housing sovereigns and princes.
Converted into a School of arts: 1843 - 1898
Converted into a School of arts: 1843 - 1898
Shelter artists' studies:
Shelter artists' studies:
1902 - Until now.
1902-Until now.
Suppressed 1798
HISTORIC CONTEXT OF PIAZZA VERDI
XVIII CENTURY - 1951
It was called Piazza dei Bentivoglio or Piazza di Santa Cecilia, and change the name to Piazza Giuseppe Verdi in 1951.
1977 On February: It were occupations by university students in a national level, and also in the Piazza Verdi, clamming for freedom to define the study plan. On March: Police occupy the Piazza Verdi and the surroundings universities using armored vehicles.
1993-95
Community center “Livello 57”: it contributed to turning the piazza into a point of reference for young music lovers, but also for drugs sale.
2013
Plant the “tree of freedom”: It wanted to be a sign of solidarity with the revolt of the Turkish students of Gezi Park. The police eliminated the tree 3 months later.
2015
1st world meeting of graduates “Reunion”: debates and exhibitions in different public spaces. The inaugural day witnessed a protest by the CUA collective, which occupies the information point.
2017
Febr. Confrontation between students and police for restrictions to enter in the library. Dec. Installation of containers with tourist information, also a laboratory for the design of new public spaces in the university in collaboration with the Municipal Theatre
ACTORS: WHO ARE INVOLVED? Various social actors present in the territory, different methods of using public space. Specifically, reference is made to Italian and foreign traders, university students, residents, “punkabbes;a”, tourists, people who frequent the square and whose presence is oVen perceived by the media and by most ci;zens as “illegi;mate” - students out of office, patrons of the premises, homeless people, distributors, etc .; at the same ;me, ins;tu;onal actors such as the Quar;ere San Vitale, the Municipality of Bologna, the Police forces involved in the area under examina;on, the University, the Municipal Theater, the commieees and associa;ons of the territory. Social Actors
•
Italian and foreign traders
•
University students
•
Residents
•
“Punkabbestia”
•
Tourists
•
People who frequent the square
•
Students out of office
•
Patrons of the premises
•
Homeless people
•
Distributors
•
…
Institutional Actors
Polizia Locale
CONTROVERSIES “DEGRADATION” AND “INSECURITY” WHAT DO WE TALK ABOUT? The problem of degrada;on, listening to most of the people who frequent the square, does not seem to be linked to the illegal prac;ces carried out in this area reported daily in local newspapers, rather to the different representa;ons and uses of the square. For this reason we have preferred to avoid the “security” debate that has found enormous space in the local media (Pavarini 2006), so as to move the analysis on the rela;onal processes that the different groups of ci;zens put in place in this territory . Only in this way did it seem possible to understand why the ins;tu;ons, star;ng with the District, the Municipality, the various associa;ons and commieees of the territory today denounce the need to recons;tute a social and iden;ty link that in these years seems to have been lost. Obviously, this did not mean, to deny that the spread of social alarm among ci;zens had to do with specific real problems of objec;ve insecurity. We have recorded in vast strata of the Bolognese popula;on a strong sense of insecurity that has been growing over the last fiVeen years to read the leeers and pe;;ons also addressed to past municipal administra;ons (Barbagli 1999). It is the convic;on of those who also turn to the current administra;on that the number of crimes and minor viola;ons of the rules is extraordinarily increased. OVen, in this direc;on, the contrast between the happy Bologna of the past and the sad reality of today emerges. Of the term degrada;on most of the ci;zens serve as a synonym of “deteriora;on”, to describe the transforma;ons that have taken place in the social fabric of the city. What disturbs the ci;zens is the viola;ons of the rules concerning the use of public spaces, of the places where they go to work, of making purchases, of having fun, of collec;ve places (Barbagli 1999). For this reason, to re-read the public space not star;ng from the concept of “risk” but from that of “conten;on”, in order to emphasize the symbolic conflicts present in the territory.
BOLOGNA TORN CITY Bologna has always been full of different ci;zenships: Bologna university city, Bologna market town of the municipali;es that surround it, Bologna city of fairs and entertainment, Bologna city of immigra;on. Since the 1980s, however, “each of these aeributes seems to confer more specific characters to individual groups than to mix them on the basis of sharing a common residence” (Callari Galli 2004). In a book published in 2002, the writer Luigi Bernardi speaks of this city as a collec;on of fragments that seem to be all children of the same mother: but then the ci;es are also made up of people, the families fall apart, the disharmony of men mini can more than that blunted by the centuries (Bernardi 2002). The scholar Massimo Paravini, focusing his aeen;on on Piazza Verdi, hypothesizes with regard to the future - a hypothesis full of pessimism - “a society as a whole of tribes, each with its own rites, languages, cultures, etc.”. (Pavarini 2006) The center of Bologna has a peculiar feature, deriving in some aspects from its urban-architectural conforma;on, the presence of the arcades, which cannot be found in other centers, such as the museum center of Florence or Rome (Giuliani, Scandurra 2006). This aspect means that the center of Bologna is not socially homogeneous: the ancient buildings are inhabited by residents, by a middle-upper middle class, by students, but it is under the arcades that Bologna becomes the kaleidoscope of diversity. In front of shop windows, at the municipal theater, at churches, beggars, homeless people, drug addicts stop here, their ac;vi;es take place, they “detach”, they sell smoke, they oVen sleep there. The arcades, in a certain sense,
become a dwelling place, while the residents pass by them, so that very different social worlds touch and coexist without the gazes of the inhabitants of a world lingering over the visitors of the other. Piazza Verdi, the university area, is one of these spaces where these worlds coexist, indeed, without touching each other. (Callari Galli 2007) In the public debate on Piazza Verdi there is a high polysemy that causes, as a consequence, the actors and channels through which this public space is defined: the interested actors take different posi;ons on the use des;na;ons and on the defini;on of city places, but also on issues related to degrada;on and security, aeribu;ng meanings some;mes opposed to the same places or concepts. We have no;ced, in this sense, a contrast between “legi;mate” and “illegi;mate” actors (Dal Lago, Quadrelli 2003), with the addi;on of other emerging groups trying to obtain legi;macy in the defini;on of this “place” . Moreover, the presence of immigrants makes the cohabita;on of actors so different in such a limited space more complex. OVen the conten;on of a public space takes place through the aeribu;on of a city iden;ty that some groups claim or build at the expense of others. Etymologically “degrada;on” derives from “degrade”, thus deno;ng a decline or deteriora;on compared to a past situa;on, qualita;vely beeer. A func;onal label is thus demonstrated for the crea;on of legi;macy - in requests and behavior - by some groups of actors who try to expel other disadvantaged groups not only from places, but also from decisionmaking processes. There remains the problema;c node of those who hold or try to reach this power to define which areas and prac;ces are to be considered degraded and therefore which measures to take for the resolu;on of problems. The high polysemy does not allow to find shared paths and therefore the actors who do not have the social levers on which to make strength cannot intervene in the debate, finding themselves somehow “vic;ms” of decisions that concern them, but whose construc;on they cannot in some cases they don’t want to par;cipate.
NEW POVERTY The degrada;on appears as the superficial manifesta;on of a phenomenon of general impoverishment. The pessimism towards the future that characterizes many inquiries published in recent months in local newspapers is understandable because the concern for the economic-social situa;on and the security situa;on tend to reciprocally feed. This takes on par;cular importance in the capital of Milan, especially due to the high levels reached in welfare policies in previous years. Reading the ISTAT report of November 2005, Bologna was s;ll the city “where people lived beeer” in Italy and remains today among the first places in almost all the addresses that are hired to define the quality of life of a “community “. The Bolognese feeling of insecurity therefore seems, once again, not to be ;ed to illegal prac;ces in the streets, rather with the suffered percep;on of a social disorder that does not seem to be governed anymore. It is no coincidence that the issue of security has become a poli;cal issue in Bologna precisely when the resources of welfare have proved insufficient to regulate these phenomena through processes of social inclusion (Pavarini 2006). Furthermore, the pessimism we men;oned earlier also stems from the fact that the Bolognese ci;zens we interviewed are convinced that the current economic crisis with its inevitable processes of general impoverishment will mark the city in the near future.
REINVENTING A COMMON IDENTITY In the last twenty years the urban layout of this city, star;ng right from the historic center, has been radically transformed. The need for such changes, moreover, responded to a transforma;on of the demographic fabric: in recent years the number of university students, for example, has grown considerably - it has reached one hundred thousand units at the end of the millennium. What aeen;on has been paid, during these processes of transforma;on and urban requalifica;on, to the impact they have had and are they having on the city in terms of both objec;ve and subjec;ve security? It is evident, for example, that the historical center in the last few years has been emptying of administra;ve and properly urban func;ons. In addi;on, it is possible to highlight the decentraliza;on of the “cultural” and “youth” pole 6 and of some university departments. These processes have caused feelings of disorienta;on, to feel many residents, who partly help to understand the need that many of them have made explicit, recorded in recent years, to reconstruct a sense of territorial iden;ty by re-inven;ng for example an iden;ty like the “Petronianità” or “bolognesità” (Addarii 2004, Gomorra 2004)
STUDENTS: PROBLEM OR RESOURCE? There is one aspect that unites all the people. What emerges in their words is a widespread feeling of extraneousness if not hos;lity towards the territory in ques;on, which, paradoxically, is s;ll perceived as the “own” territory. The “bolognesità” cons;tutes, in effect, a field of struggle between the different actors who live in the square. For example, the tranquility and silence that many ci;zens (Commieees and Associa;ons 2005) wish for, is translated as “empty”, “desert”, “ex;nguished”, “dead” by the many students who find themselves in this territory aVer university classes and here they spend a large part of their free ;me. Where the commieees of Piazza Verdi iden;fy “booleanity” in compliance with the rules, or imagining a quiet, peaceful square, the students claim this iden;fying it with the possibility of crea;ng numerous youth gathering spaces managed by the same in this area at the University. If the residents, therefore, produce a non-formal representa;on of Piazza Verdi - complaining that this territory is not as livable as it once was - the students we interviewed several ;mes explained to us as the basis of their choice to enroll at the university of this city there has been, in most cases, the idea that areas such as Piazza Verdi allow them, unlike other places, to move with greater freedom. Bologna, in fact, has not lost the charm of the libertarian city in recent years, where several youth subcultures were born and are s;ll born. All this makes the city, s;ll today, a place of pilgrimage for young people who come from the provinces both in the south and in the north of the country. The phenomenon of punkabbes;a dates back to the nine;es: a kind of degenera;on-development of the punk movement. Always accompanied by the dog and dedicated exclusively to the collec;on, this is the iden;kit of the new disturbance of the Bolognese ci;zen who lives inside the Doors, the figure of total rejec;on of the dominant model of life in Emilia, which has entered into arrogance in the human and architectural landscape of the center of Bologna. In these years the number of students has grown considerably. In the mid-six;es, the University had 16,000 students out of a popula;on of 500,000. Today Bologna has a popula;on of 360,000 residents and the university popula;on, as men;oned, exceeds 100,000 units: the ra;o in less than forty years has changed by about fourteen ;mes (Pavarini 2006). The University has become so massive but the city has remained what it is. However, despite the liveliness of this student movement, the historic center of Bologna is no longer a place for socializing for some years. Piazza Verdi is no longer the epicenter of the mee;ngs, the small agora of the past. The culture sector was mostly built with the work force and ideas of the student movement - just
think of the late seven;es and early eigh;es. The protagonists of the Bolognese cultural scene have oVen come from outside: writers, musicians, organizers of events and cultural movements, technicians who have allowed the Bolognese culture to move forward thanks to their passion, expressed for some decades already inside of environments such as social centers or cultural circles where events, debates and concerts with interna;onal guests are organized. These reali;es, with very low access and produc;on costs thanks to the passion and desire to grow professionally of young students, have been for many years the focus of a nonwrieen agreement between the University, the Municipality and the safety authority that the has seen survive in exchange for the wealth and aerac;veness they have guaranteed to the city. Today all these cultural poles have been peripheralized, removed from the center, and suffer from self-referen;ality. At stake, therefore, is the ques;on of how much these people, all these actors, give to the city every day and how much the laeer is willing to grant them. Moreover, the poli;cally unmanaged market logic has spontaneously offered entertainment and appeal services for these thousands of students who flock to Piazza Verdi even in the absence of other areas of aggrega;on and the decentraliza;on of the historic cultural and social centers throughout summed poor quality. (Pavarini 2006)
HOW PIAZZA VERDI IS DESCRIBED SOCIAL MEDIA The representa;ons of the mass media have ridden a feeling of insecurity which has been amplified and which it does not find, except in isolated moments, a correspondence in the reality of the percep;on of those who live and frequent this place. For this reason it could be useful to set up an observatory on the media representa;ons of Piazza Verdi in order to bring the facts and events back to a more realis;c dimension.
CITIZEN OPINIONS Marco, 56 years old “Piazza Verdi, in the center of Bologna, crossed by one of the most important historical streets of the city, is also one of the most popular centers of urban decay. Unfortunately, even this degrada;on can be defined as historical since for decades this problem has never been addressed in the right and decisive way by the administra;ons that have governed the city”.
Caterina, 21 years old: “Piazza Verdi is a complex reality. A universe apart, indeed a unique microcosm even in a place as diverse as Unibo. Are you aware of the things you buy if you have a cat, those where you do your nails without destroying furniture, walls and sofas? We can safely say that Piazza Verdi is the bark for the Bologna university youth. There are no rules in Verdi. Everything seems to be allowed. Do you want a beer? No problem, 2 euros from the Pakistani passing. Bong? There are always bats ready to give you 5 or 10 euros of stuff (On the quality back later), lethal and not. If you want to dance you will always find loud music. If you want to fight the injus;ces of capitalism you will find some acolytes from the HAC that will show you the way. If you don't want to do nothing overnight, it's the right place. For the record, Verdi's illegal substances are reputed to be very bad. Only the freshmen or foreigners buy because they don't know what to expect. If you studied in Bologna, Piazza Verdi is part of you and you will take his discomfort with you un;l the end of your days.”
Alessandra, 50 years old “The square in front of the municipal theater and the heart of the university area deserves another treatment Noisy by day, due to the comings and goings of students and locals, in the evening it turns into a degraded area, where many drunk students and many drug dealers have been making their reference area for years.” Lucia, 35 years old
“More than a city square, it seems an extension of the University. In fact, especially on sunny days, the many students who aeend the Bolognese university gather here. In every corner you see guys who spend the hours here between breaks. There are two very nice bars and two bookcases. Here too, as in much of the city, there are arcades to protect in case of bad weather. On weekends this square is the heart of the nightlife, with all the nega;ve consequences of a massive presence of people combined with poor controls. Those who live in the area speak of drug and alcohol dealing, as well as the great confusion produced by the many cheap places that are found in the nearby streets. During the day, however, it is very pleasant to spend some ;me here breathing in the university atmosphere.”
TOURISTS OPINIONS “It is the square located in the heart of Via Zamboni; the mee;ng point for thousands of young people every day. A characteris;c place, but also dirty and some;mes dangerous. It should be seen, but surely someone will hate it right away.” “A degraded and dirty place. Many drug addicts at the last stage, urine and vomit on the ground, drug dealers everywhere. Dangerous even during the day.” “I came among friends to listen to Saviano at a fes;val organized in piazza verdi and, apart from a bit of degrada;on, I found myself well.”
REQUALIFICATION PROPOSALS CONTAINERS PROPOSAL The social and wealth interven;ons, the cultural and environmental ac;ons which in this last years was been ac;vated in Piazza Verdi contest have involved a lot of actors. The goal was to decrease the social trends of deteriora;on which we have men;oned before. Anyway, the results of all these interven;ons at the end, are not so much integrated between each other. Probably the ins;tu;on must connect more the different actors involved and their project. Above all one important aspect to take in account is the opinions of inhabitants, so is also necessary an empowerment social process for an ac;ve par;cipa;on by ci;zen and for a more func;onal communica;on between ins;tu;on and people. Piazza Verdi was been and will be a place characterized by coexistence of needs, uses, different and controversial representa;ons. If the nature of the place will not change and there will not a zoning process, will be necessary engage in a difficult media;on work which each part involved will be more responsible towards the other parts. The ci;zen public debate is nowadays strongly characterized by safety, and also the possible answer against the deteriora;on of Piazza Verdi have oVen move the debate between poli;cians and administra;ons.
Musical events
Social life Social life
Night life
‘Gentrification’ Partly, because compared to P i a z z a V e r d i a n d t h e neighboring ones it is not so much or only about moving a population that has a house there with another.
‘Turistification’ In part, but there is not only the project to make the center of Bologna a great showcase for shopping and tourism behind all this
Against degradation
New concept
In part, but it is known how the construction of a social perception is played and measured over this terrain r a t h e r t h a n a c t u a l a c t u a l phenomena. In short, there is a bit of everything, but for what interests us here it is the underlying political node that we must look at.
V i l l a g e c o n t a i n e r s h a v e changed the face of the Piazza Verdi area. But the problems of the Bolognese "movida", including fines and clashes, continue.
GUASTO VILLAGE PRPOSAL The Guasto Village of Bologna is the perfect example of the difference between requalifica;on and gentrifica;on. A crossroads of streets that host most of the facul;es by day, but at night it has always been only a theater of drug dealing, degrada;on and brawls, and above all interminable struggles between the municipal administra;on, the university associa;ons and the ci;zens. AVer some changes, they though conver;ng via Del Guasto as summer aerac;on when you can hang out, drink beers, musical events and the area now is becoming more safe and alive during summer nights. "The nightlife is no longer scary“ they said aVer experiencing the new life of the area.
CONCLUSION The social and wealth interven;ons, the cultural and environmental ac;ons which in this last years was been ac;vated in Piazza Verdi contest have involved a lot of actors. The goal was to decrease the social trends of deteriora;on which we have men;oned before. Anyway, the results of all these interven;ons at the end, are not so much integrated between each other. Probably the ins;tu;on must connect more the different actors involved and their project. Above all one important aspect to take in account is the opinions of inhabitants, so is also necessary an empowerment social process for an ac;ve par;cipa;on by ci;zen and for a more func;onal communica;on between ins;tu;on and people. Piazza Verdi was been and will be a place characterized by coexistence of needs, uses, different and controversial representa;ons. If the nature of the place will not change and there will not a zoning process, will be necessary engage in a difficult media;on work which each part involved will be more responsible towards the other parts. The ci;zen public debate is nowadays strongly characterized by safety, and also the possible answer against the deteriora;on of Piazza Verdi have oVen move the debate between poli;cians and administra;ons. At the end we could say that Piazza Verdi have two different problem to face off, but probably both of them are related to the same issue: the compromising image that the square could have as a central element inside the historical city center. In one hand we have recognized a strong socio political identity of the space. This dimension is not a problem itself but is a problem more related to the livability from inhabitants. The reason why it become the symbol of free public debate was deeply explained before. Piazza Verdi is not the main square in Bologna, not the biggest one and not the most beautiful, but it is localized in between the university area and so it is a certain aggregational point for the students, which most of time have a strong revolutionary essence. In this case the opponents will be the residents, which in most of the case are annoying by noise and people that remain there also until late evening. In the other hand a more serious problem is the presence of illegal traffic of drugs, which probably, not being a “traditional use” of this space, is easier to solve by the municipality. If policy wanted to solve illegality, they would have enough proof to move away drug dealers, since there are always policemen to control the theatre. In these cases the problem will be just move out to an other space, because for sure people will continue to sell and buy drugs in other parts of the city. However, in this case is weird that there are a lot of proposals for change the image of this space when it seems that there are not interventions to deal with this illegal situation, which should be the first think to solve for a new public image. The case of Piazza Verdi was for as a particular and relevant situation to analyze and an interesting public space to investigate, with his problems and his strengths. At the end as urban planners our final observations were to think about the future of this space and his different possibilities.
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