All rights combine file 6.issue by All Rights Monthly Magazine

Volume : 01, Issue : 06, July-2013

A Bilingual Monthly www.allrights.co.in

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COVER STORY

A Bilingual Monthly VOLUME : 01, ISSUE : 06, JULY - 2013

Mid day meal tragedy in Bihar occured due to pesticide “monocrotophos” which is banned world wide except India. United Nations Health Organisation urged Indian government in the 37 start of the year 2009.....

×ŠØß»ü ·¤æ àææð·¤»èÌ â´ÎÖü 2002 15

Editor : Gopal Chandra Agarwal Executive Editor : Pankaj Shukla Contributers : Mayur Jani, State Correspondent of Gujrat Shiv Prashad Joshi, Senior Journlist Subhash Gatade, Social Activist Neha Mayuri, freelance journalist Agrima Bhasin, Researcher, Center for Equity Studies Seetha, Senior Journalist N. Sathiya Moorthy, Senior Fellow, Observer Research Foundantion Abhishek Srivastava, Independent Journalist Shashi Shekhar, Independent Journalist Subodh Kumar, TV Journlist Raful Alone Rehman , Student Delhi University Shyam Sundar Prasad, Web & Technical Head Praveen Kumar & Salam Bijen Singh (Graphic Designer) Bureau Offices : Ahmedabad : House No-0/12, Payal Flat, Judge Bunglow Road, Near Goyal Plaza Bodakdev, Ahmedabad-380015, Gujarat Mumbai : Flat No, 112, Sai Prasad Housing Cooperative Society, MIDC Road-7, Andheri East, Mumbai-400093 Lucknow : Flat No- 404, A- Block, Laplas Colony, Shahnafaz Road, Lucknow-226001, Uttar Pradesh Kolkata : House No-3/11, Ghosh Bagan, Kolkata-700002, West Bengal Patna : Sarojani Villa, Near Prafull Plaza Apartment, Makhania Kuan Road, Patna-800004, Bihar

Reading Violence in the Garo Hills 26

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Bhopal : 33, 34 Sudama, KK Nagar, Near Fortune Enclave Sarvdharm Sector-D, Bhopal-462042, (M.P.) www.allrights.co.in, Write us at editorallrights@gmail.com Owner, Editor, Printer & Publisher : Gopal Chandra Agarwal

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Published At : 17, Maurya Complex B-28, Subhash Chowk, Laxmi Nagar Delhi-110092, Phone: 011-42147246, Printed At : Neeta Press, Shed No. 19, D.S.I.D.C. Indl. Complex Dakshinpuri, New Delhi- 110062

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The views expressed by authors are personal and do not necessarily reflect views of All Rights. The magazine is protected under copyright laws, all Content, unless stated, is owned by All Rights and its content providers and may not be used in any form without prior consent. The jurisdiction for all disputes concerning sale, subscription and published matter will be settled in courts/forum/tribunals at Delhi. RNI NO. DELBIL/2013/48560 Postal Reg. No. DL(E)-20/5427/2013-15

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

ALL RIGHTS

LETTERS Sh. CK Mathew, Chief Secretary, Government of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dear Sir, This is in continuance of our telephonic conversation regarding provision of temporary housing to the 23 persons belonging to six families who have come to Jaipur in the last five months from Umerkot, in Sindh province of Pakistan due to deteriorating conditions of the minorities and their existence in fear there. Some came in January 2013 and others came in March. They all arrived in India via the Thar Express which they boarded from Mirpur and first came to Jodhpur before moving to Jaipur. They are mostly on visitors and pilgrimage Indian visas. At your behest the Secretary of the Jaipur Development Authority Mr. Bishnu Mallick even called us up and met us. However, there is no plan at the level of the JDA to provide for this category of refugees. There is a provision of giving a plot of land to those who get citizenship, as was given to 12 families who were granted citizenship in 2001 and 2005, last year in Govindpura JDA colony. However, the whole process of obtaining citizenship is so tedious that despite staying well beyond the minimum seven year period required for citizenship, there are thousands who are still waiting for a nationality. After obtaining citizenship the next step of obtaining a plot of land and other benefits take even longer time. Even today many of the Gobindpura families have not got possession of their piece of land. The minorities of Pakistan come with a lot of hope to India after ceasing all ties with their fellow beings including their homes, farms, fields and their home country. It is sad to see that till date the issue of their housing, work permits and leading a life with dignity in India has not been resolved at our end. We hold both the Government of India and Government of Rajasthan responsible for this as these families face a lot of harassment due to the arbitrary rules and regulations that we have in India. These refugees mostly end up in the dehumanised transit camps running in Jodhpur and around where 7000 Pak refugees are living there for years together, as their Indian Status has not been decided upon. A few end up like the above six with relatives in different parts of Rajasthan including Jaipur or in the State of Haryana where there are 300 families in just Sirsa or in Punjab. Please treat this letter as our plea is for this group of 23 who have has just arrived and want to live with dignity in India. ALL RIGHTS

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

With regards, Kavita Srivastava (General Secretary) PUCL, Rajasthan Dear All, My daughter Preeti died after she was attacked with acid in Mumbai. She was attacked in broad daylight at Bandra Station in Mumbai on 2nd May this year. Her eyes were damaged, her liver and kidneys got infected and she endured crucifying pain for almost a month. She put up a brave fight but eventually gave in to her injuries and infection. She left us after suffering a cardiac arrest on 1st June 2013. We still don’t know who attacked her. The efforts made by the Maharashtra Government to investigate my daughter’s case have failed. That’s why I am asking the Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde to order a CBI probe and find out who fatally attacked my daughter. Preeti left Delhi with the hope of starting a new life as a nurse in the Indian Navy. She worked very hard to get this job so that she could support us. But her excitement and enthusiasm was cut short due to an act of madness by a maniac. I lost my daughter Preeti to a ghastly acid attack. She was attacked in broad daylight at Bandra Station in Mumbai on 2nd May this year. She suffered severe injuries on her face and internal organs. Her eyes were damaged, her liver and kidneys got infected and she endured crucifying pain for almost a month. She put up a brave fight but eventually gave in to her injuries and infection. She left us after suffering a cardiac arrest on 1st June 2013. It has been a month since the attack and the culprit is still at large. Nobody knows who he is as his face was covered during the incident. The police has not made any headway yet. I demand justice for my daughter who suffered so much because of this criminal. After my daughter passed away, I met the home minister of Maharashtra, R.R.Patil, and demanded a CBI enquiry. He promised an enquiry but I have not been provided with any time frame for it. The enquiry has not even started yet. With every passing day, the chance of nabbing the culprit is getting bleaker. I have started this petition to ensure that the Home Minister keeps his promise and the enquiry is started as soon as possible. Preeti was about to start a new life as a nurse in the Indian Navy. She worked very hard to get this job so that she could support us. But her excitement and enthusiasm was cut short due to an act of madness by a maniac. Looking forward to your support, Amar Singh Rathi 04

EDITORIAL

Jana Gana Mana Adhinayak… L

Pankaj Shukla

The political and the economic situation of the country today compels us to think more and more seriously over the political system and the economic policies prevailing presently. This is the high time to decide weather the present political and economic policies really do need a change?

ike every year, Fifteenth of August is about to arrive this year. The General Elections are close and so are the Legislative Assembly Elections which are about to be held in four states in India. There are assumptions the Prime Minister will make some major announcements from the Red Fort this time. Amidst all this, the country is facing two big debates! First debate is a much talked about debate pertaining to The Chief Minister of Gujarat, Mr, Narendra Modi. The chaos remains, is he really a “development-oriented man” or an enemy of minorities? Does he really deserve to be the next Prime Minister of India or not? The second debate is a much heated debate about poverty! Is poverty reduced or the poor have increased comparatively? How much money does a poor need to satiate his hunger? A man who earns Rs. 27 in rural and Rs 33 in urban areas daily can be called poor or not? Each political party is taking its own stand according to their strategies to impress the voters and to achieve their respective political gains by talking about the welfare of the nation and the common man. Amidst all this, prices have hiked exorbi-

tantly, unemployment rate has increased and the rupee has touched an all time low against US Dollar. Now let’s look at the other side of the coin as well. Indians’ money in Swiss banks is dipping to a record low; it has fallen to a record low level of about Rs 9,000 crore. Last year in 2012, almost Rs. 4,900 crore was withdrawn from Swiss banks. In the year 2006, it was about Rs. 32,000 crore. However, the quantum of funds held by Indians in Swiss banks stood at a record high level of approximately Rs. 41,000 crore. It implies the money deposited in foreign banks is being taken out and being kept somewhere else apparently. The second big news is that India is clocking a rapid growth in its High Net Worth Individuals (HNWIs) commonly referred to as the “Super Rich” according to a Wealth Insight Research. Last year in 2012, Indians who invested more than $1 million rapidly increased in number by 22.22 percent. According to the World Wealth Report 2013, released by Capgemini and RBC Wealth Management, India ranks second to only Hong Kong in growth. Hong Kong is ranked first with a 35.7 per cent increase in its super rich population, followed by India, with 22.22 per cent growth which means that after Hong Kong, the world’s richest are becoming rich very rapidly, in India. Thus the political and the economic situation of the country today compels us to think more and more seriously over the political system and the economic policies prevailing presently. This is the high time to decide weather the present political and economic policies really do need a change? n ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

ALL RIGHTS

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§UÅU÷â ŽØêÚUæð ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

ALL RIGHTS

NORTH EAST

Reading Violence in the

Garo Hills

BY Rafiul Alom Rahman

he recent mob fury over the rumour of rape of a mentally challenged Garo girl and the consequent outburst of terror on migrant workers in Tura shouldn’t be read as a simple story of Garo men’s concern for women. If it was so, not so many labourers outside Tura would have been killed in cold blood by Garo miscreants. The claim that tribal society is free from the clutch ofsexism, and that it is tribal women who face sexual abuse in the hands of non-tribals does not cut ice anymore. Who has forgotten of the brutal gang-rape of an 18 year old girl in Williamnagar on December 13, ALL RIGHTS

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

2012 – three days before the Delhi gang-rape incident? Instances of non-tribal women being molested, raped by tribal men is not uncommon. However, most women keep silent due to the deep-rooted misogyny in the society. The killing of more than eight migrant labourers by miscreants in the coal mines of Nangalbibra in South Garo Hills on June 23 reveals a more hideous design of Garo political leaders and student groups like the Garo Students’ Union (GSU). Following what happened in Kokrajhar in July 2012, a sinister campaign of driving away nontribals from the Garo Hills of Meghalaya seems to

NORTH EAST have been started by groups with vested political interests. This is not the first time that ethnic violence has rocked the region. It has witnessed terrorist killings, kidnappings, extortion by militant outfits like the ANVC (A’chik National Volunteer Council) and GNLA (Garo National Liberation Army) for a long time, without any action ever been taken by the government. I still remember that afternoon in May, 2002. I was on the way home with my brother. Panicstricken people caught our eyes as our boat arrived at the Phulbari ghat. Someone warned us against proceeding to the town as militants had attacked Phulbari bazaar. That evening, we heard horror tales of the incident that saw the marketplace drenched in blood and filled with dead bodies of innocent non-tribal shopkeepers and civilians. We were school kids then. Stories of Garo militants harassing, hounding and killing non-tribals had made us paranoid. Our mother used to advise us against going out whenever we visited home. There was the looming fear of being kidnapped by militants. 11 years have passed since then. And things haven’t changed much. In May this year, suspected Garo militants killed five migrant labourers at Darangdura, 10 kms away from Nangalbibra. A similar incident had taken place in 2011, where five coal labourers were shot down in the Goka coal dumping site in South Garo Hills. The mindless killing of people from a particular community (leading to mass exodus of migrant workers) also hints at what could be termed as ‘ethnic cleansing’. The BTAD violence of July 2012 seems to have become a reference point for chauvinist groups in the Garo Hills (and the Northeast). It is not merely a co-incidence that exactly a year after the ghastly riots of Kokrajhar, it is Muslim migrants in Meghalaya who are facing the brunt of ethnic hatred. Until and unless culprits of the Assam riots (including those holding powerful positions in the Bodo Territorial Council) are brought to book, such incidents of migrant-bashing will continue and Muslims in the Northeast will be denied justice. Despite the curfew and deployment of police in the Garo Hills, the situation is worsening day after day. The centre needs to take notice before Assam riots of July, 2012 is replicated in the Northeast. The government needs to ensure safety and security of native Muslims in Meghalaya and facilitate safe passage of Muslim labourers of Assam to their home. The victims and their families need to be provided with immediate relief and rehabilitation. Meghalaya has a Muslim population of about 5%. They mostly reside in the plain belt of Garo Hills and on the Assam-Meghalaya border areas. Earlier in March this year, non-tribals under the banner of the Plain Belt District Demand Committee (PBDDC) had demanded the creation of a sep27

arate district with its headquarters at Rajpur. However, the demand for a Plain Belt District met with vehement opposition from the Garo Students’ Union, as it felt non-tribals would benefit from the district. The GSU leaders threatened of consequences similar to BTAD if the government agreed to PBDDC demands. In the past, the GSU has also barred non-tribal candidates from applying for jobs in the Garo Hills Autonomous District Council. What needs to be noted here is that out of the 24 constituencies in the Garo Hills, only two constituencies – Phulbari and Rajabala – are open for non-tribal candidates to contest elections.

The socio-economic condition of native Muslims in Meghalaya is depressing. Due to the discriminatory reservation policy for tribals, most Muslims do not have access to government jobs, institutional loans or skill development. They are engaged in cultivation, small trade and manual labour without any support from the government. Thousands of Muslim labourers from Assam work in the coal mines, quarries, constructions sites, etc. in Meghalaya. These labourers are mainly ‘Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDP) from river erosion prone areas of Goalpara and Dhubri district of Assam. The Assamese bourgeois media has maintained conspicuous silence on the killing of Muslim migrants, even though most victims belong to Assam. It was the same media that righteously tagged all Muslims as ‘Bangladeshis’ during the Kokrajhar riots. Post-Assam riots, the national media has consciously implicated Bengali-speaing Muslims with outsider/foreigner/Bangladeshi. Those in Delhi need to understand that the question of ethnic politics in the northeast is beyond simplistic notions of insider-outsider. The picture in the northeast is complex and so is the power equation among various tribes and communities. There is a world beyond stereotypes of the pristine, greenery-loving tribal and the fundamentalist outsider. n

(Rafiul Alom Rahman is a student of English literature in the University of Delhi. He tweets @rafiulrahman.) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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HISTORY

Can The Real Shyama Prasad Mukherjee Ever Stand Up?

BY Subhash Gatade

t has been more than two years that A G Noorani’s important book ‘Article 370 : A Constitutional History of J and K’ (OUP, 2011, Pages 480) has hit the stands and has been able to clear many a confusions about the tumultuous era in post independence times pertaining to Jammu and Kashmir. Basing himself on authentic documents, letters, memorandums, white papers, proclamations and amendments the author, a constitutional expert himself, has not only provided ALL RIGHTS ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

new insights about the period but has also tried to bring forth an important summary of the developments then and the role played by different stakeholders. While we have been witness to a process of erosion of the article 370 today, the book underscores the politics behind its erosion, which was negotiated between Prime ministers Jawaharlal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah and had a stamp of approval from Sardar Patel and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee. For the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which daily invokes name 28

of Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, founder of Bharatiya Jan Sangh – percursor to its present incarnation namely BJP – to opposeArticle 370 which guarantees special status to Jammu and Kashmir – this exposure that the said Article had full approval from Mukherjee as well as then Home Minister Sardar Patel is nothing but blasphemous. Despite its important bearing on its overall posturing, one is yet to come across any strong rebuttal from the saffron quarters to this claim barring its usual rhetoric which says that it is an “[a]ttempt to distort history at the behest of separatist friendly pseudo-secularists and pseudo-intellectuals.” Interestingly while lashing out at the contents of the book, Mr Jitendra Singh, the then spokesperson of BJP for J & K and its National Executive member had rather indirectly acknowledged what the author wanted to convey by stating that “[T]he late leader had suggested to first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to put a timebound rider on ‘Article 370′ and specify for how long it was being e n v i s a g e d , ” (http://www.siasat.com/english/news/shyama-prasadmukherjee-never-endorsed-artic le-370). It is worth emphasising that this is not for the first time that Dr Mukherjee’s consent to full autonomy to Kashmir has come up. In his write-up in ‘The Greater Kashmir’ (http://www.greaterkashmir.co m/news/2010/aug/8/leaffrom-the-past-4.asp) Mr Balraj Puri, the veteran journalist from the state had provided further details about the same: “[S]hyama Prasad’s prolonged triangular correspondence with Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah on the status of the State, which was published at that time by the party, is the most authentic evidence of his stand on the issue. In his letter dated January 9, 1953 to both of them, for instance, he wrote: “We would readily agree to treat the valley with Sheikh Abdullah as the head in any special manner and for such time as he

HISTORY would like but Jammu and Ladakh must be fully integrated with India.” While Nehru rejected the idea straightway warning against its repercussions in Kashmir and its international implications, Abdullah sent a detailed reply in which he, inter alia, said. “You are perhaps not unaware of the attempts that are being made by Pakistan and other interested quarters to force a decision for disrupting the unity of the State. Once the ranks of the State people are divided, any solution can be foisted on them.” He further adds that the prolonged correspondence is concluded with Dr. Mukherjee’s letter to Pandit Nehru on February 17, 1953, in which he sug-

Mukherjee was unwilling to do it as it amounted to surrender. The deadlock prolonged over some way which could provide, what may be called, a face saving to the Jana Sangh. It is important to note that after the sudden death of Mukherjee, Nehru had appealed to the people of Jammu to withdraw their agitation as their demand for regional autonomy had been conceded. The State government endorsed the appeal on July 2, when Praja Parishad leaders were released who went to Delhi where they met Nehru on July 3. Thus the Praja Parishad agitation was withdrawn on the assurance of regional autonomy and immediate implementation of the Delhi

gested. 1. “Both parties reiterate that the unity of the State will be maintained and that the principle of autonomy will apply to the province of Jammu and also to Ladakh and Kashmir Valley. 2. Implementation of Delhi agreement—which granted special status to the State—will be made at the next session of Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly.” Nehru replied that proposal for autonomy to the three provinces had been agreed by him and Abdullah in July 1952. If Mukerjee had realised his mistake, he should withdraw the agitation unconditionally.

Agreement. But there are number of ifs and buts. One factor which prevented its implementation was that Praja Parishad and Jana Sangh backed out of it. According to Balraj Madhok, who later on became the president of the Jana Sangh, the party withdrew its commitment to the State autonomy and regional autonomy under the directive from Nagpur (the RSS headquarters).The party continued a ceaseless campaign against regional autonomy and Article 370. ((http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/2010/aug/8/lea f-from-the-past-4.asp)) Anyway, it is upto the dedi29

cated followers of late Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, to either refute the facts mentioned by Mr Noorani and Mr Balraj Puri and many others or go on peddling hagiography as history as they have been doing for the last umpteen years. Not some time back while addressing meetings on Mr Mukherjee’s sixteeth death anniversary L K Advani – the ex Deputy Prime Minister of India and Narendra Modi – Chief Minister of Gujarat, and many of their fellow travelers repeated the same thing about him and even emphasised if the government then had heeded to Mukherjee’s opposition to the said Article, Kashmir would have been in a different situation right now. Definitely in a democracy everybody has a right to have her/his opinion and it is not possible or even expected that there would be consensus on every other issue. One expects that sooner or later wisdom will dawn upon them or to put it otherwise they will rise up from the collective amnesia with which they seem to be inflicted with today and get ready to confront the acts of omission and commission on part of their leaders. Looking at the fact that there is a very weak tradition of reading (as well as writing) within the larger Hindutva fraternity – which believes more in ‘action’ – the possibility seems very remote. In fact any student of the trajectory of Hindutva brigade in our country would provide many examples where members of the BJP and the larger fraternity have been found to be not reading literature prepared by their own people in a state where they themselves were holding reins of power and were compelled to withdraw books when they found themselves in uncomfortable situation. An example from then NDA ruled Orissa is quite illustrative where the prescribed textbook prepared under the guidance of the education minister who was himself its own member had clubbed BJP with Lashkar-eToiba (In NDA Orissa, a textbook equates BJP with Lashkar ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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HISTORY JEEVAN MUKUNDAN : BHUBANESWAR, FEB 1, Sat Feb 02 2008, 01:23 hrs) The chapter on the ‘Existence of Terrorist Organisations’ in a textbook on ‘Indian Polity’ for second-year degree students in Orissa says: “Terrorist organizations create tension in in the country. Communal parties like the BJP, RSS, Bajrang Dal, Hurriyat Conference and Laskhar-eTaiba are responsible for fermenting violence… leading to the killing of hundreds in the country and especially Kashmir.” The BJP is part of the ruling coalition in the state and its leader Samir Dey is the minister for higher education. Worse, the textbook has been taught here since 2003. The textbook is written by Amarendra Mohanty and Shyama Charan Mohanty and published by a Cuttack-based publisher Kitab Mahal. It may be noted here that it took five years for the BJP to notice this comparison and that’s only when a party worker in Salepur first lodged a FIR. A highly embarrassed government immediately announced a monitoring committee to screen all textbooks while BJP workers took to the streets and burnt copies of the book. (http://www.indianexpress.c om/news/in-nda-orissa-atextbook-equates-bjp-withlashkar/268172/) Or, look at this ‘mysterious withdrawal’ of one of the 16 volumes of an official account of the Jana Sangh-BJP history, four months after it was released as part of the silver jubilee celebrations. (A volume of Jana SanghBJP history account withdrawn, Express news service , Express news service : NEW DELHI, MAY 8, Tue May 09 2006, 02:33 hrs) ..The series, written by historian Makhan Lal under the supervision of senior BJP leader J P Mathur, carry a foreword by Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha L K Advani. While no one has come forward to object to the sixth volume of The History of Jana ALL RIGHTS

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Sangh or pin-point the objectionable portions, sources claimed the book was withdrawn after senior leaders noticed some controversial references to Muslims. There was confirmation of the sale of the controversial volume having been stopped. …Makhan Lal told The Indian Express he had no knowledge of the volume being withdrawn or any of its contents meeting with an objection. Sources close to Advani claimed that he had written a general foreword for the whole series obviously without reading every single volume. (http://www.indianexpress.c om/news/a-volume-of-janasanghbjp-history-accountwithdrawn/4063/)

Mukherjee started his political leader in 1929 and became a member of the Bengal Legislative Council. He joined the Hindu Mahasabha in 1939 to espouse the cause of the Hindus in India and was a close associate of Savarkar. He was the opposition leader in the state when a coalition government led by Krishak Praja Party – Muslim League coalition was in power 1937-41. Later he joined the Ministry headed by Fazlul Haq as a Finance Minister and continued sharing power during the tumultuous times of the ‘Quit India’ movement when the Britishers faced mortal challenge to their rule. The experiment to share power with Muslim League then

One can just have just best wishes for Mr Advani, ex Prime Minister in waiting as well as Mr Modi, would be Prime Minister in waiting, that they are able to dust off some history books, from their otherwise busy schedule. II. If at all the saffrons are able to undertake this arduous journey they will be confronted with another set of troubling questions regarding Shyamaprasad Mukherjee’s political journey before independence and their continuous valorization of his legacy. Born in 190, Shyamaprasad

was not limited to Bengal alone, it extended to Sind and as well as NWFP (North West Frontier Province) and was part of a conscious policy adopted by the Hindu Mahasabha. Defending this power sharing Savarkar had said : ..in practical politics also the Mahasabha knows that we must advance through reasonable compromises. Witness the fact that only recently in Sind, the Sind Hindu Sabha on invitation had taken the responsibility of joining hands with the League itself in running coalition government.The case of Bengal is well known. Wild Leaguers whom

HISTORY even the Congress with all its submissiveness could not placate grew quite reasonably compromising and socialble as soon as they came in contact with the Hindu Mahasabha and the Coalition government , under the premiership of Mr Fazlul Haq and the able lead of our esteemed Mahasabha leader Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerji, functioned successfully for a year or so to the benefit of both the communities. ( V.D.Savarkar, Samagra Savarkar Wangmaya Hindu Rasthra Darshan ( Collected works of V.D.Savarkar) Vol VI, Maharashtra Prantik Hindusabha, Poona, 1963, p 479-480) Prof Shamsul Islam, in his well researched book ‘Religious Dimensions of Indian Nationalism : A Study of RSS’ (Media House, Delhi, 2006) describes how ‘[H]indu Mahasabha and the Muslim League had a coalition government in the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) also.’ (Page 313) He quotes Baxter : ‘In the Frontier, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan formed a ministry which combined Muslim Leaguers, Sikh Akalis and Mahasabhaites, and placed the Congress led by Dr Khan Sahib temporarily in the opposition. The Mahasabha member of the Cabinet was Finance Minister Mehar Chand Khanna.’ (Craig Baxter, The Jan Sangh : A Biography of an Indian Political Party, (Philadelphia : University of Pennysylvania Press, 1969, P. 20). It is now history how in 1942 when the Britishers were engaged in the World War II and the Congress’s call for ‘Quit India’ reverberated throughout India, thousands of people engaged in government jobs including police and military left their jobs to protest continuation of British regime, the formations espousing the cause of Hindutva adopted a compromising attitude. While the RSS preferred to keep itself aloof from the ‘Quit India Movement’, Savarkar, then Supremo of Hindu Mahasabha went one step further. At that time Savarkar preferred to tour India asking Hindu youth to join the military with a call ‘Militarise the Hindus, Hinduise the nation’ .. thus strengthening British efforts to suppress the rising tide of people’s movement. Savarkar’s address to the twenty fourth session of Hindu Mahasabha at Kanpur is worth quoting where he outlined Hindu Mahasabha’s ‘policy of responsive cooperation’ with the British rule. The Hindu Mahasabha holds that the leading principle of all practical politics is the policy of responsive cooperation. And in virtue of it, it believes that all those Hindu Sangathanists who are working as councillors, ministers, legislators and conducting any municipal or any public bodies with a view to utilise those centres of government power [...] are rendering a highly patriotic service to our nation. [..] The policy of responsive cooperation which covers the whole gamut of patriotic activities from unconditional co-operation right up to active and even armed resistance, will also keep adapting itself to the exigencies of the time, resources at our disposal and dictates of our national interest. ( V.D.Savarkar, Samagra Savarkar Wangmaya Hindu Rasthra Darshan ( Collected works of 31

Subhash RSS preferred to keep itself aloof from the ‘Quit India Movement’, Savarkar, then Supremo of Hindu Mahasabha went one step further. At that time Savarkar preferred to tour India asking Hindu youth to join the military with a call ‘Militarise the Hindus, Hinduise the nation’ .. thus strengthening British efforts to suppress the rising tide of people’s movement. V.D.Savarkar) Vol VI, Maharashtra Prantik Hindusabha, Poona, 1963, p 474) In fact, Savarkar was of the opinion that with banning of Congress in 1942 and its removal from “..[t]he political field as an open organisation..the Hindu Mahasabha alone was left to take up the task of conducting whatever ‘Indian National’ activities lay within its scope.’ (do – Page 475) As a close associate of Savarkar, Shyamaprasad Mukherjee, who later became President of Hindu Mahasabha in 1944, was a party to all these decisions and had no qualms in British efforts to suppress people’s movement against the British rule. In his book ‘History of Modern Bengal’ Ramesh Chandra Mazumdar provides details of his letter to the then Bengal Governor on suggesting measures against the Quit India Movement. According to him “[S]hyam Prasad ended the letter with a discussion of the mass movement organised by the Congress. He expressed the apprehension that the movement would create internal disorder and will endanger internal security during the war by exciting popular feeling and he opined that any government in power has to suppress it, but that according to him could not be done only by persecution…. In that letter he mentioned item wise the steps to be taken for dealing with the situation …. ” (Ramesh Ch. Mazumdar, History of Modern Bengal, Part II, pp 350-351). n

(Author is a Writer and social activist based in New delhi. Subhash also edits a Hindi Journal Sandhan. His most recent book is "Godse’s Children: Hindutva Terror in India" ) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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Killing it softly over two decades by Agrima Bhasin

his is a guest post by Agrima Bhasin No different from the caste hierarchy in India, the National Commission for Safai Karamcharis (NCSK) enjoys a marginal status, at the bottom, in the power hierarchy of commissions. “Why,” asked Former Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, “is it that the Commission for Safai Karamcharis is being subjected to the same discrimination as the safai karamcharis themselves? This is not something to be proud of.” He minced no words at the Conference of Welfare Ministers of States in 1996, to guilt the august gathering into recognising their culpability in deliberately weakening a competent commission. It was in 1992 that then PM Narasimha Rao addressed a huge rally of workers to declare his government’s intention to form a commission for safai karamcharis. The NCSK was constituted in 1994 as an advisory body under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (MSJE) to supervise and evaluate implementation of rehabilitation schemes for ‘manual scavengers’. Today, the Commission is on the verge of a great fall. It is a temporary body, thriving on periodic, three-year extensions; and over the past decade, has been stripped off its statutory powers and made toothless. In a letter dated 3 April 2013 from its parent Ministry, the tenures of the Commission’s current Members (in their third year) were to terminate on 30 June 2013. And the Commission, yet again, has been granted a temporary lease of life for three more years, till 2016. ALL RIGHTS

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A death foretold “As an ‘advisory’ body, we have no decision-making powers. How do they expect us to function? It’s easy for them to judge from outside,” says Girender Nath, private secretary to a Member of the Commission, to counter the dominant perception of the Commission as defunct. He continues, “The Commission was sent to the gallows before it was even born. Which other country would do that?” Established under the National Commission for Safai Karamcharis (NCSK) Act, 1993, it was prescribed prematurely that the Commission would cease to exist on March 31, 1997. Regrettably, this preceded any purposeful planning on 1) time-bound demolition of dry toilets, 2) identification and rehabilitation of ‘manual scavengers’, and 3) support for their children. After official promulgation of the Act in 1993, there was a year-and-a-half delay in the appointment of its Members. “We had decided to celebrate August 15, 1994, as Kala Divas (Black Day) since the Commission was not set up even a year after the NCSK Act was passed,” says Nath, re-living the frustration of the infant years of the Commission when they worked out of a oneroom office in R. K. Puram, New Delhi. Disappointingly, the first batch of Members faced a truncated term of barely two years since the demise of the Commission, prescribed for 1997, loomed large. Thereafter, the NCSK Act was amended from time to time to grant an extended life of three years to the Commission. However, in 2004, this Act, which established the NCSK, was not renewed and hence dissolved. After its invalidation, the Commission was extended until 2007 (and later 2010) under a government notification. Its most recent tenure ended in March 2013. A veiled affair Appointments of Members to most commissions in India are opaque affairs. Who appoints who, on whose request, makes for a riveting and enduring game of guesswork. The criteria for appointment of Members (chairperson, vice-chairperson and five members), according to the NCSK Act, 1993, was that at least one

SOCIETY Member be a woman and that all nominated Members should be ‘persons of eminence connected with socioeconomic development and welfare of safai karamcharis’. While it is noteworthy that the four existing Members hail from Scheduled Caste (SC) backgrounds, their portfolio with the Commission is only one among the many portfolios and interests they pursue. The Commission, despairingly, is not the sole beneficiary of their attention. Nevertheless, the present Members know their work impressively well. They can talk extempore on the evils and exploitative nature of contract labour, the multitude of grievances that they attend to, the kind of measures required for meaningful rehabilitation and the brutal caste-discrimination ‘manual scavengers’ face. Lamentably, by the time each successive batch of Members develops a thorough understanding of the functioning of the Commission, their three-year tenure lapses. “Those who appoint the Members should spare a thought for the fate of the Commission,” says an admin staff worker with regret. His underlying concern is that an opaque appointment procedure brushes aside invisible crusaders who have devoted their lives to eradicating manual scavenging and whose ‘eminence’ resonates in the hearts of the safai karamcharis they have touched in their lifetime. Cast(e) aside Staff workers, who have served the Commission since its inception, grieve over the gradual decline of the Commission. They anxiously hope that the Commission is reformed and that they are given work commensurate with their qualifications and potential. Many of them are overqualified for their routine jobs as admin workers. And Girender Nath (private secretary), who played an instrumental role in negotiating temporary job status for admin staff who began as daily wage peons, is himself a thesis short of possessing his LLM degree. “Those in power, responsible for appointments, are non-dalits. And the admin staff and I, we come from low-caste, dalit families. Why would they want us to rise?” Nath says matter-of-factly, the hurt of discrimination concealed in his tone but evident in his eyes. “How many dalit IAS officers are there? Has a dalit ever occupied the post of Secretary, Government of India?” he asks, not expecting an answer. His pensive colleagues nod in agreement. Caste bias and discrimination in the Commission and in the Indian bureaucracy “is rampant though not explicit,” says Nath. Subtle discrimination, however, has given way to undisguised discrimination on several occasions. In 2007, the Uttar Pradesh government stopped extending the due courtesies to Members of the Commission on official tours. Such an attitude is very “discouraging and humiliating,” says Hari Ram Sood, one of the current Members. Restoring power From inside their small, shared room at Lok Nayak Bhawan in Delhi, Nath and his immediate colleagues exercise incredible discretion and redefine their slim portfolios every day. Grievance letters that reach the Commission are read and forwarded, in the chain hierarchy, to Members higher up. “We pass on these letters 33

everyday so that at least some action is taken,” says Nath, whose experience compels him to correct, inform and even disagree with Members and their personal staff. But beyond such discretion, his hands are tied. “Be it cases of dalit atrocities, land grabs, violence against women or cases of dry toilet owners, I make many calls to concerned police personnel across states and regions. But the Commission does not have the power to summon the offenders,” explains Hari Ram Sood. He and the staff are keen that the NCSK be given powers akin to a civil court trying a suit, like the Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. However, such powers will prove ineffectual if granting extensions to the NCSK under government notifications remains the norm. Making the Commission a permanent body is the only way to cement its foundation. And permanence would not only mean job security for employees and administrative staff but it would also foster continuity that would enable its members to discharge their duties responsibly and expeditiously. The employees also strongly feel that the ambit of the Commission’s responsibilities should be expanded beyond schemes and rehabilitation for ‘manual scavengers’ to encompass their overall welfare, from building their capacities, to considering cases of untouchability, harassment and atrocities. The NCSK, mandated by the NCSK Act 1993, to have seven Members, only has five. Of the five Members, one post, reserved for a woman member, remains vacant; no meaningful efforts have been made since 2010 to fill the position. Commissions like these require the services of competent and informed men and women who are able to work proactively and produce results, and in whom the safai karamchari community has confidence. Retired IAS officer P.S. Krishnan recommends a transparent procedure for selection through a multi-member panel (with the Prime Minster, leader of opposition and persons from Scheduled Caste community on board). For a nation seeking to restore dignity to a section of the population forced by the caste system to clean human excreta for a living, such selection criteria, combined with the task of restoring credibility to the NCSK, merit urgent articulation as key recommendations in the new bill on manual scavenging (awaiting its fate in the Parliament). Establishing a new commission is often the state’s immediate response to pressing concerns. This may be necessary in cases where none already exists. But where a commission does exist, constituting a new one is an unnecessary, time-wasting and bureaucratic exercise. It demonstrates a disturbing lack of will to restore credibility to existing institutions. The Government of India, by strengthening and first preventing the fall of the Commission, can initiate in real earnest a process of healing for the community of ‘manual scavengers’. Such a step may also serve as a clarion call for the fortification of existing commissions. n (Agrima Bhasin is a researcher with the Centre for Equity Studies, a research think-tank. This piece was written as a part of the Infochange Media Fellowships 2012. A different version of it was previously published on infochangeindia.org/human-rights.) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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ENVIRONMENT

Who Owns the Earth?

ith wrenching tragedies only a few miles away, and still worse catastrophes perhaps not far removed, it may seem wrong, perhaps even cruel, to shift attention to other prospects that, although abstract and uncertain, might offer a path to a better world and not in the remote future. I’ve visited Lebanon several times and witnessed moments of great hope, and of despair, that were tinged with the Lebanese people’s remarkable determination to overcome and to move forward. The first time I visited - if that’s the right word - was exactly 60 years ago, almost to the day. My wife and I were hiking in Israel’s northern Galilee one evening, when a jeep drove by on a road near us and someone called out that we should turn back: We were in the wrong country. We had inadvertently crossed the border, then unmarked - now, I suppose, bristling with armaments. A minor event, but it forcefully brought home a lesson: The legitimacy of borders - of states, for that matter - is at best conditional and temporary. Almost all borders have been imposed and maintained by violence, and are quite arbitrary. The Lebanon-Israel border was established a century ago by the Sykes-Picot Agreement, dividing up the former Ottoman Empire in the interests of British and French imperial power, with no concern for the people who happened to live there, or even for the terrain. The border makes no sense, which is why it was so easy to cross unwittingly. Surveying the terrible conflicts in the world, it’s clear that almost all are the residue of imperial crimes and the borders that the great powers drew in their own interests. Pashtuns, for example, have never accepted the legitimacy of ALL RIGHTS

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the Durand Line, drawn by Britain to separate Pakistan from Afghanistan; nor has any Afghan government ever accepted it. It is in the interests of today’s imperial powers that Pashtuns crossing the Durand Line are labeled “terrorists” so that their homes may be subjected to murderous attack by U.S. drones and special operations forces. Few borders in the world are so heavily guarded by sophisticated technology, and so subject to impassioned rhetoric, as the one that separates Mexico from the United States, two countries with amicable diplomatic relations. That border was established by U.S. aggression during the 19th century. But it was kept fairly open until 1994, when President Bill Clinton initiated Operation Gatekeeper, militarizing it. Before then, people had regularly crossed it to see relatives and friends. It’s likely that Operation Gatekeeper was motivated by another event that year: the imposition of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which is a misnomer because of the words 34

“free trade.” Doubtless the Clinton administration understood that Mexican farmers, however efficient they might be, couldn’t compete with highly subsidized U.S. agribusiness, and that Mexican businesses couldn’t compete with U.S. multinationals, which under NAFTA rules must receive special privileges like “national treatment” in Mexico. Such measures would almost inevitably lead to a flood of immigrants across the border. Some borders are eroding along with the cruel hatreds and conflicts they symbolize and inspire. The most dramatic case is Europe. For centuries, Europe was the most savage region in the world, torn by hideous and destructive wars. Europe developed the technology and the culture of war that enabled it to conquer the world. After a final burst of indescribable savagery, the mutual destruction ceased at the end of World War II. Scholars attribute that outcome to the thesis of democratic peace - that one democracy hesitates to war against another. But Europeans may also have understood that they had developed such capacities for de-

ENVIRONMENT struction that the next time they played their favorite game, it would be the last. The closer integration that has developed since then is not without serious problems, but it is a vast improvement over what came before. A similar outcome would hardly be unprecedented for the Middle East, which until recently was essentially borderless. And the borders are eroding, though in awful ways. Syria’s seemingly inexorable plunge to suicide is tearing the country apart. Veteran Middle East correspondent Patrick Cockburn, now working for The Independent, predicts that the conflagration and its regional impact may lead to the end of the Sykes-Picot regime. The Syrian civil war has reignited the Sunni-Shiite conflict that was one of the most terrible consequences of the U.S.-U.K. invasion of Iraq 10 years ago. The Kurdish regions of Iraq and now Syria are moving toward autonomy and linkages. Many analysts now predict that a Kurdish state may be established before a Palestinian state is. If Palestine ever gains independence in something like the terms of the overwhelming international consensus, its borders with Israel will likely erode through normal commercial and cultural interchange, as has happened in the past during periods of relative calm. That development could be a step toward closer regional integration, and perhaps the slow disappearance of the artificial border dividing the Galilee between Israel and Lebanon, so that hikers and others could pass freely where my wife and I crossed 60 years ago. Such a development seems to me to offer the only realistic hope for some resolution of the plight of Palestinian refugees, now only one of the refugee disasters tormenting the region since the invasion of Iraq and Syria’s descent into hell. The blurring of borders and these challenges to the legit-

Such a development seems to me to offer the only realistic hope for some resolution of the plight of Palestinian refugees, now only one of the refugee disasters tormenting the region since the invasion of Iraq and Syria’s descent into hell. The blurring of borders and these challenges to the legitimacy of states bring to the fore serious questions about who owns the Earth. imacy of states bring to the fore serious questions about who owns the Earth. Who owns the global atmosphere being polluted by the heat-trapping gases that have just passed an especially perilous threshold, as we learned in May? Or to adopt the phrase used by indigenous people throughout much of the world, Who will defend the Earth? Who will uphold the rights of nature? Who will adopt the role of steward of the commons, our collective possession? That the Earth now desperately needs defense from impending environmental catastrophe is surely obvious to any rational and literate person. The different reactions to the crisis are a most remarkable feature of current history. At the forefront of the defense of nature are those often called “primitive”: members of indigenous and tribal groups, like the First Nations in Canada or the Aborigines in Australia - the remnants of peoples who have survived the imperial onslaught. At the forefront of the 35

assault on nature are those who call themselves the most advanced and civilized: the richest and most powerful nations. The struggle to defend the commons takes many forms. In microcosm, it is taking place right now in Turkey’s Taksim Square, where brave men and women are protecting one of the last remnants of the commons of Istanbul from the wrecking ball of commercialization and gentrification and autocratic rule that is destroying this ancient treasure. The defenders of Taksim Square are at the forefront of a worldwide struggle to preserve the global commons from the ravages of that same wrecking ball - a struggle in which we must all take part, with dedication and resolve, if there is to be any hope for decent human survival in a world that has no borders. It is our common possession, to defend or to destroy. n (This article is adapted from a commencement speech by Noam Chomsky on June 14, 2013, at the American University of Beirut. ) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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COVER STORY

KILLED THEM! Mid day meal tragedy in Bihar occured due to pesticide “monocrotophos” which is banned world wide except India. United Nations Health Organisation urged Indian government in the start of the year 2009, to ban this poisonous pestiside but government rejected this advice and argued in deffence. by Neha Mayuri

onocrotophos is labelled hazardous by the World Health Organization and has fatal effects, despite of this fact; manufacturers in India have persuaded the government experts by stating the benefits of this lethal chemical. According to government officials and manufacturers, it is cheap and is also a broad spectrum pesticide that can only be replaced by four or five crop- or pest-specific pesticides. Even similar pesticides are much more expensive. Generally, A 500 ml monocrotophos’ bottle sold by a subsidiary of Godrej Industries is priced at Rs. 225, while an alternative, a bottle of 500 ml Imidacloprid costs Rs.1, 271. History has it that India always appears reluctant to ban such pesticides. If we are to look at the facts, we’ll find that Monocrotophos isn’t the only toxic pesticide used in India. According to the WHO’s classifications, highly hazardous chemicals such as Phorate, Methyl Parathion, Bromadiolone and Phosphamidon, are registered for use as well. Another lethal substance named “endosulfan” is also being widely used nationwide. The 37

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COVER STORY

India is no stranger to the dangers of pesticides. A shocking report by the WHO cited a 2007 study which mentioned that about 76,000 people die each year in India from pesticide poisoning. The nation suffered the world’s worst industrial disaster when lethal gas leaked from a pesticide plant in the city of Bhopal in 1984, killing nearly 4,500 people. ALL RIGHTS

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media reports have stated that over 1,000 people were killed and hundreds were born deformed in the Kasargod district in Kerela because of indiscriminate aerial spraying of endosulfan. The substance is is so lethal that the United Nations wants it banned worldwide. Ironically, it was banned by The Supreme Court of India in the year 2011. Apparently, the decision came a few months after the chief minister of Kerala was on a day-long hunger fast to demand the ban of endosulfan. According to sources, a senior official who has been di-

rectly involved in making decisions on the use of pesticides said one cannot afford to lose 15 to 25 percentage of agricultural produce. The answer lies in judicious use. However, the official refuses to be identified. The Indian government tried to introduce legislation for “more effective regulation of import, manufacture, export, sale, transport, distribution and use of pesticides” and the bill languished in parliament since 2008. The government has issued 15 pages of regulations as well that need to be followed when handling pesticides – including

COVER STORY

TRUTH OF NITISH'S 'SUSHASAN' ALSO CAME OUT

ihar chief minister's claim over sushasan (good governance) proved as propoganda only by mid day meal tragedy. Police have set-up an eight member SIT headed by the Sarang SP Sujit Kumar to investigate the incident. the tragedy seems to go beyond mere negligence.A forensic report conducted by the State Forensic Laboratory confirmed presence of toxic insecticide traces in the cooking oil used for making food at the school. And to make matters worse, Bihar’s education Minister said it was impossible to give an assurance that such an incident would not occur again. PK Shahi, the Education Minister, said “As a minister, how can I guarantee that in 72,000 schools across the state, there won’t be any poison in the food if somebody is hell bent on doing so.” His comments come even as it was revealed that the Bihar state government returned as much as Rs 463 crore meant for implementation of the mid day meal scheme. The sum of money had shockingly, remained unused from 2006 to 2012. The opposition has alleged that the Nitish Kumar government has failed to properly implement the midday meal scheme in the state, saying 25 percent of the fund given by the Centre for the purpose in the last financial year was returned. “Out of a total allocation of Rs 162.3 crore only Rs 127.9 crore has been spent by the Bihar government, which returned Rs 34.4 crore to the Union

wearing protective clothing and using a respirator when spraying. Pesticide containers should be broken when empty and not left outside in order to prevent them being re-used. But in a nation where a quarter of the 1.2 billion population is illiterate, a country where vast numbers live in far-flung rural districts, implementation is almost impossible. For instance, monocrotophos is banned for use on vegetable crops, but there is no way to ensure the rule is followed. According to the latest available government data, about 4 percent of total pesticide use was seen in 2009-2010 and 7 percent of production. Production of monocrotophos and demand in India was higher in 2009-2010 than in 2005-2006, according to the latest available government data. 39

government,” Bihar PCC chief Ashok Chaudhury told reporters. “Around 52 to 53 percent children only are taking advantage of the scheme in Bihar whereas the Centre provides fund for giving the facilities in 100 percent schools to 100 percent students.” Despite 100 percent allocation of fund, kitchen sheds were not constructed in 29 percent schools and surveys pointed out that the quality of food served was very low in terms of quantity and quality, they allege. One can only hope that the eight member Bihar Police special investigation team conducts a thorough investigation into the case and those responsible are brought to book

A leading environment NGO in India stated that the state of pesticide control in the country is deplorable and companies have great influence over it. Ironically, just few weeks before this unfortunate incident the government had advised farmers via a text message to make use of “monocrotophos” to kill pests.. WHO officials firmly said the school tragedy reinforces the dangers of the pesticide. Now, one has to keenly observe and await Indian Governments' stand on the use of this lethal chemical. n (Author Neha Mayuri is freelance journalist. She can be contacted neha.mayuri08@gmail.com) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

ALL RIGHTS

UPA’s next is Right to Water and this even makes sense The right to water become relevant in the context of recent events where in the capital city of Delhi, over 40 people were hospitalised after drinking contaminated water. This water didn’t come from unsafe sources. by Seetha

s ironies go, this is an unfortunate one. Barely a month after the report of a Committee for Drafting a National Water Framework Law headed by YK Alagh suggested legislating a right to water, came reports of contaminated water from India’s biggest metropolises. But, don’t roll your eyes. This right, for once, is bang-on, and moreover is not one of the famous giveaways that UPA has become infamous for. The right to water could

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come with a lot of caveats and pricing beyond an absolute personal minimum. The right to water become relevant in the context of recent events where in the capital city of Delhi, over 40 people were hospitalised after drinking contaminated water. This water didn’t come from unsafe sources. And from Mumbai come separate newspaper reports that the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation has found that 20 percent of the water samples

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it picked up for testing in June were contaminated and that residents of central and eastern Mumbai have been getting contaminated water for nearly two weeks. Clearly now water stress in our cities has moved far beyond just opening our taps to find no water. Now what kind of water gushes out is a far more serious issue. Quantity and quality are, of course, linked. As demand outstrips availability, sources of water come under extreme stress. In large parts of India, the source unfortunately is ground water and there is a complete free-for-all in tapping this. The draft Twelfth Five Year Plan document quotes the Central Ground Water Board as saying that groundwater extraction in Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Delhi has crossed 100 percent. In Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, extraction is 80 percent and 71 percent respectively. Now, the deeper one goes to extract groundwater the water quality deteriorates. Groundwater is also more vulnerable to contamination from sewage and

industrial effluents. As the draft Twelfth Five Year Plan document so grimly puts it: “India is by far the largest and fastest growing consumer of groundwater in the world. But groundwater is being exploited beyond sustainable levels and with an estimated 30 million groundwater structures in play, India may be hurtling towards a serious crisis of groundwater over-extraction and quality deterioration.” Grim situations require drastic solutions. And perhaps that is why the Alagh committee has proposed enshrining a Right to Water in its draft National Water Framework Bill, after setting out basic principles for management of water, which it rightly calls a common pool resource. Section 4 of the proposed law says tha every individual has a right to a minimum quality of potable water within easy reach of households. The minimum quantity will be set by appropriate levels of government but will not be less than 25 litres per capita per day. Unfortunately, thanks to the

overuse of the rights-based approach by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government – as a questionable magic wand to address the problem of poor public service delivery – the initial reaction is to laugh out this proposal as well. But where the proposed right to water law stands out is in steering clear of the economically unsound populism that is the hallmark of all the other existing and proposed rightsconferring laws – education, work, food and housing. Where all the others give short shrift to the basic principles of the market and even distort it, the draft National Water Framework Bill does not. While acknowledging that the primary responsibility of providing potable water to people is that of the government, it is very clear that this responsibility will have to be fulfilled within the framework of market principles. It also doesn’t rule out corporatisation or privatisation of water services, but insists that this will not in any way dilute the state’s responsibility for ensuring people’s right to water. That’s markedly different from the Right to Education law which is spelling the deathknell of budget private schools even as government schools are unable to meet the demand for education that is emerging from the lower income groups. The draft Water Framework law proposed the following: An independent statutory Water Regulatory Authority in every state for ensuring equi-

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ISSUE table access to water for all and its fair pricing. Determining water charges on a volumetric basis. These charges are to be reviewed periodically in order to meet equity, efficiency and economic principles. Incentivising the recycle and reuse of water through an

How significant this is will be evident from the extent of underpricing of water. According to water industry sources, the state spends Rs 3.8 per 1,000 litres on treating water and another Rs 10-12 per 1,000 litres on transporting it to consumers. The tariff charged is around Rs 3.5 per 1,000 litres.

appropriately planned tariff system. Adopting the principle of differential pricing for water for drinking and sanitation and for ensuring food security and supporting livelihood for the poor may be adopted. The proposed law allows governments to provide a minimum quantity of water for drinking and sanitation free of cost to eligible households, “being part of pre-emptive need” but insists that after these pre-emptive needs are met, water “shall increasingly be subjected to allocation and pricing on economic principles so that water is not wasted in unnecessary uses and could be utilised more gainfully and water infrastructure projects are made financially viable.”

So municipalities get just about one-fifth of the cost of providing water. Unfortunately, the issue of pricing water is even more sensitive than that of pricing other essential services. There’s a cultural issue at work here – water is the first thing you offer guests; even in restaurants non-bottled water is not charged. Water experts have been flagging this issue, but it has not found the kind of traction it needs. But pricing water appropriately is something we cannot get away from any more. That is the only way to stop the colossal waste of water in cities and by industry. In the middle class housing complex in Delhi this writer lives in, overhead tankers over-

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flow with abandon during supply time, powered by motors attached to the main water line. The motors run non-stop through the one-hour slots during which water is supplied twice a day. Appeals by fellow residents and warnings by the residents’ welfare association fall on deaf ears. Clearly, neither the water nor the power bills pinch hard enough for people to install water overflow alarms (which cost no more than Rs 600 to install) or keep an eye on their overhead tankers. Or refrain from using potable water for swabbing floors, washing cars and watering plants – a common sight across cities. The draft Twelfth Plan document also points out that the water cess imposed on discharge of effluent water from industrial units is “not enough of a disincentive for industries to reduce their water footprint”. The under-pricing of water also means that municipalities are stretched to find ways to augment and improve water supply and distribution systems. Right now, user charges barely cover the cost of operations and maintenance of the water network. This means that ageing pipes are not repaired or replaced. So water pipes crack and leak, leading to higher distribution losses and – more dangerously – sewage getting mixed with drinking water. This is not a sustainable situation any more. Water is no longer the apparently infinite resource it once was. We have to learn to value it and the draft Bill shows us how. Unfortunately, this is not a populist enough law for the UPA to take up as a poll promise ahead of the forthcoming elections. Or perhaps it just might – legislate the right to water minus the provisions about rational pricing. Shudder, shudder. n (Seetha is a senior journalist and author)

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SOCIETY

Dravidian 'social justice' has no answers yet to casteism That Elavaran's marrying a Vanniar girl Divya had caused her father to commit suicide late last year was an extension of 'honour killing' that is prevalent elsewhere in the country under similar circumstances. The enraged Vanniar community in the area targeted the Dalit 'colonies', leading to destruction and disquiet. by N Sathiya Moorthy

It is even more sad that in Tamil Nadu, known for its 'social justice' movement, dating back to the days of the Justice Party in the first quarter of the previous century, came to be muddled in caste politics towards the end of the very same century. In between was the era of 'social justice' 45

he death of Dalit youth Elavarasan under controversial circumstances in western Tamil Nadu's Dharmapuri district, preceded by months of street-violence, media attention and court cases has brought to fore the ugly face of casteism in Dravidian Tamil Nadu, known better for the 'social justice movement' of the 20th century. Coupled with another episode nearer to the State capital of Chennai in between, where the cadres of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), backed by the Vanniar community, which tops the list of 'Most Backward Class' (MBC) in terms of numbers in the State, they have potential for violence and voter-loyalty in an election year. That Elavaran's marrying a Vanniar girl Divya had caused her father to commit suicide late last year was an extension of 'honour killing' that is prevalent elsewhere in the country under similar circumstances. The enraged Vanniar community in the area targeted the Dalit 'colonies', leading to destruction and disquiet. It took the State Government and the district police weeks to restore normalcy of an eerie kind. When things were quietening, Divya made a dash to the Madras High Court with her mother earlier this year, wanting to part with her husband. She reiterated her position this month before the court and the ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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SOCIETY media, gathered outside, amidst charges of the mother-daughter duo being pressured by Vanniar community leaders and local PMK organisers, in the name of the girl's dead father and larger social peace in the area. The High Court which has since ordered police protection to the two after Elavarasan's suicide did not seem to have taken cognisance of the possibilities of political/casteist play when Divya went to the court, wanting to be separated from her husband. It is another matter how the High Court, which is not the forum for judicial separation, nor is a few months of marriage adequate enough to consider such separation, did not direct Divya to move the appropriate subordinate judicial authority in the matter. Nor did Elavarasan seem to have got judicial/legal advice to move such courts for the 'restitution of conjugal rights'. The State Government, alive to the possibilities, too seemed to have looked the other way, hoping that the end of the marriage could after all bring an end to the caste tension and violence in the region.

Impact on general elections? It is sad that what is essentially a communal incident, rooted in centuries-old social history, castes should influence politics and elections in the contemporary, 21st century milieu. With the Lok Sabha elections due within a few months anyway, the chances of the Elavarasan episode influencing voter-behaviour, particularly in the western and northern districts, cannot be ruled out. Despite denominational differences within the larger Dalit community in the southern districts, and also the replacement of the Vanniar

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community mostly with the equally conservative and even more militant Mukkulathore community over there, the chances are that casteism could become central to poll politics in the State in the coming year. More serious and even more relevant issues could be pushed to the back. Between the long run of the Elavarasan episode - even if he is dead, the issue may refuse to die - was the incident involving Vanniar-centric PMK cadres attacking Dalits in their homestead while returning from the annual youth conference in the coastal resort-town of Mahabalipuram, near Chennai, in April. It became a full-blown political issue after the police arrested PMK founder Dr S Ramadoss and other senior party leaders, including his one-time Ministerson Dr S Anbumani, on charges of provoking violence. In electoral terms, the two episodes could lead to the re-emergence of an anti-Dalit votebank, cutting across caste and party lines, in many, if not all parts of the State. Sadly, it would then mean that politics, rather than seeking to unite the community, would have once again divided it.

Forgotten 'social justice' It is even more sad that in Tamil Nadu, known for its 'social justice' movement, dating back to the days of the Justice Party in the first quarter of the previous century, came to be muddled in caste politics towards the end of the very same century. In between was the era of 'social justice' in which the Dravidian parties, particularly the DMK offshoot of the Justice Party, focussed on anti-Brahminism as the major part of its socio-political plank, identifying Brahmins with the

'Aryans from the North' with their Sanskritised dialect of Tamil - and by extension, the Indian National Congress. If the emergence of the INC under Gandhiji's leadership rendered the Justice Party irrelevant, the freedom movement's ability to bring the upper castes and the 'Harijans' on the same political plank meant that the intermediary castes ended up encouraging the inevitable birth of the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) under 'Periyar' E V Ramaswami Naicker first, and its electoral offshoot in the DMK, post-Independence. The emergence of a backward class leader in the late K Kamaraj as the popular Congress Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu may have stalled the electoral progress of the Dravidian political ideology for a time, but his exit from regional politics in favour of the national scene as the INC president under the 'Kamaraj Plan' of Jawaharlal Nehru meant that the DMK ended up fast-tracking its access to elected power in 1967. It is incidental that no national party has been able to come anywhere near the divided Dravidian polity (meaning the DMK and the breakaway AIADMK) in terms of reach and identification with the local populace. It was and is of no coincidence that personality politics in the DMK in particular and the electoral calculations of also the AIADMK meant that the 'social re-engineering' pioneered by the Justice Party and Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam ended up being the vehicles of caste politics. The emergence of the PMK in the nineties, and the consequent resurrection of Dalit political identity owed to the inability or the unwillingness of the DMK in the northern districts to promote a local Vanniar leader or leaders, that too in a region where the community was seen as backing the party for most parts. In the south, again for historic reasons, the Mukkulathore community

backed the DMK first, and the AIADMK later, leading to the perception that successive Dravidian governments run by these two parties were not exactly 'Dalit-friendly'. Hidden behind such calculations is also the fact that when it comes to caste issues, all nonDalit communities close ranks and ignore party diktats from the top. It was proved when PMK founder Ramadoss worked with Dalit Panthers leader Thol Thirumavalavan (since founder of the Vidudhalai Chiruthaigal Katchi, or VCK) in the mid-Nineties and drew a huge blank in successive elections. The message was clear. That a popular community leader like Ramadoss, on whose directive Vanniar youth had stalled the arterial roads to the 47

State capital for months together in the Nineties, would not vote for his PMK if he were to promote the Dalit cause simultaneously. The trend has remained, and major political parties, too have 'learnt' their 'lessons'. The 'Elavarasan episode' is thus a product of an electoral malady for which the political class would only offer words, not pro-active solutions. Better or worse still, with greater educational opportunities and industrialisation nearer home, and overseas jobs, rewriting the face of caste equations in the State's backyard, the problem has worsened, and the political will to address it squarely weakened. n (The writer is a Senior Fellow with Observer Research Foundation) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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CORPORATE

Vedanta : Havoc For Tribals Of Odisha S

by Subodh Kumar

cantily dressed, with an axe hanging from his shoulder a young member of a tribe throws away some rupee coins given by a government official, asks for a matchbox instead and quickly vanishes in Jungle. The queer scene was a part of a local Doordarshan channel’s programme depicting lifestyle of the Dongria Kondhs tribe with a subtle message that one of the oldest tribes of the country is indifferent to the urban growth story. It is hard to imagine that these populace will decide the fate of Anil Agarwal‘s Vedanta project at the Niyamgiri hills in Odisha. In infrequent but true order villagers of Niyamgiri would make a final call on the ambitious mega project’s future. Hearing a petition moved by stateowned Orissa Mining Corporations (OMC) challenging MoEF's decision to cancel the environmental clearance granted to the Niyamgiri Bauxite ALL RIGHTS

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Mining Project of Sterlite Industries Ltd, the Indian arm of UK-based Vedanta Group the apex court on April 18 this year rules a crucial verdict. The court asked the gram sabhas to understand religious and cultural aspects of tribals living in the region. The statuary body ordered the villagers would have to be provided with basic forest rights in the form of land titles and they alone can decide whether the proposed bauxite mining project would cause harm to their religious right of worshipping Niyam Raja at Hundaljali, about 10 km from the identified mines area. A bench of justices Aftab Alam, K S Radhakrishnan and Ranjan Gogoi also directed the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) to take action in two months after a report from the gram sabhas is received. Vedanta - a British company owned by Londonbased Indian billionaire Anil Agarwal - was launched on the London stock exchange as Vedanta Resources plc (VRP) in December 2003. What

CORPORATE Vedanta signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Orissa government on 7 June 2003 to set up a 1-million-tonne alumina refinery, along with a 100MW coal-fired power plant, at an investment of Rs 4,000 crore (just over US$800 million). It is the largest mining and non-ferrous metals company in India and also has mining operations in Australia and Zambia. Its main products are copper, zinc, aluminium, lead and iron ore. It is also developing commercial power stations in India in Orissa (2,400 MW) and Punjab (1,980 MW). Vedanta has constantly been in the news for various reasons ever since the Supreme Court gave its nod (on August 08,2008) for Sterlite Industries (India) Ltd and Posco-India Pvt. Ltd to start projects which were delayed over protests and land disputes in Orissa . On August 24,2010 Jairam Ramesh, then Union Minister for Environment and Forests had covered himself with everlasting glory by successfully thwarting the nefarious attempts of a coterie of international corporate gangsters called the Vedanta Resources Plc of United Kingdom which wanted to strip the thick forest cover of the Niyamgiri Hills of Orissa which range over 250 kilometres across the districts of Rayagada, Kalahandi and Koraput in the state. The Niyamgiri Hills of Orissa are home to more than 8,000 Dongaria Kondhs and other tribes who are now wholeheartedly engaged in what they have been doing for centuries: defending their hills, forests and streams. This time, however, they were facing a more formidable enemy than ever --- a mining giant that calls itself “Vedanta”, a term that in Hindu philosophy embodies centuries of spiritual knowledge and traditional wisdom. The name Vedanta, adopted from Hindu Philosophy, is only a

mask for covering the face of corporate avarice and illegal loot and colonial-style plunder of mineral resources in the Niyamgiri Hills area of Orissa State. While the Orissa State Government seems to have been purchased wholesale by the Vedanta Resources with tremendous corporate resolve, the Dongaria Kondhs and other tribals living in mountainous terrain are still fighting for their survival and existence that too with a Indian one even after the six decades of independence. But the Supreme Court decision that gram sabhas in the Dongria villages would make the final call on the proposed Niyamgiri mine has added a new twist in the tale. In a big blow to Vedanta Resources, Jairam Ramesh, categorically rejected environment clearance to its USD 1.7 billion bauxite mining project in Orissa after accepting the recommendations of its key Committee constituted for clearing such ventures. In his statement the Minister pointed serious violation of Environment Protection Act, Forest Conservation Act and the Forest Rights Act in the project and that too were the reasons for the denial of clearance. “There have been no emotions and no politics and no prejudice involved in this report. I have taken this decision in a proper legal approach” – Jairam Ramesh concluding the announcement of denial of clearance. With this avowal Ramesh clearly shown that he is the only Union Cabinet Minister duly endowed with the qualities of sound judgment, courage, integrity and long-term vision. If you believe that Union environment minister Jairam Ramesh has made life difficult for industry and project promoters by making environmental clearances as a stumbling block, you may be in a surprise for a while Environmental clear-

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CORPORATE ance for just six projects was rejected during August 2009 and July 2010, compared to 14 projects rejected during 2006-07 to 2007-08.Why the conditional approval granted to the steel project of Korean giant POSCO however clearance given by MoE stands suspended by the order of National Green Tribunal (NGT). Several such high-profile projects including the Navi Mumbai airport show that projects continue to be approved with the same speed even after July 2010. The 1984 Union Carbide plant gas scandal has put spotlight on the ministry and environmental agencies to ensure the safety related issues so that such mayhem (caused due to Carbide plant gas leak) do not recur n future. The ministry had refused the next stage forest clearance to OMC and Sterlite's mining project in Niyamgiri Hills area in Lanjigarh, Kalahandi and Rayagada districts, accepting the Forest Advisory Committee's (FAC) recommendation for withdrawal of the clearance. During the proceedings, OMC and Sterlite Industries had claimed that no ecological damage has been caused due to the mining activities in Niyamgiri Hills. This contention had been opposed by the MoEF and various tribal rights groups which had alleged that the project has violated environmental norms. The ministry had submitted before the court that the forest dwellers cannot be evicted from proposed mining sites in Niyamgiri Hills of Odisha till the "community and individual" rights of residents are decided under the law. The Supreme Court has clearly directed the government to only work as a facilitator. Vedanta has set up a one million tonne per annum alumina refinery at Lanjigarh in Kalahandi district, about 600 km from here. However, it could never operate the plant at full capacity due to shortage of bauxite, the key raw material used to produce alumina. The company shutdown the plant Dec 5, 2013, after the shortage worsened. Vedanta had entered into an arrangement with the state government for supply of bauxite through a state agency from nearby Niyamgiri hills. But the move came under attack and was challenged by anti-displacement groups. The court’s order was enough to put the state government in a catch-22 situation and can bound to resort several maneuvers against the tribes, atrocities, land-grabbing without adequate rehabilitation and compensation are few concerns involved. Local activist Satya Mahar of Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti has recently made a statement on the harassment online. Below is the excerpt of a letter from social activists who reported these abuses to the Human Rights Commission of Odisha. On June 3rd CRPF forces opened fire on a group of women and children bathing in a waterfall at Batudi village on Niyamgiri. Bullets missed the children by only a few inches as they ran away into the ALL RIGHTS

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forest. The firing continued for five minutes according to a report from activists who took statements from those present (see letter below). The children, not surprisingly, were immensely shaken after the experience, and recounted how terrified and scared they felt as the bullets flew on their sides and above their heads. Duku Jakesika, in a powerful statement, said, “This is an assault on our very lives. The CRPF has no right to shoot at us without any provocation. Villagers bathing in a stream are not Maoists. Little children are not Maoists. These are our mountains, our forests, our land. Because of the CRPF, today, we cannot roam around freely in our own area. We do not feel safe anymore, we have to live in fear and insecurity. Our lives do not matter to the state, they can kill us whenever or wherever.” Reports from the Niyamgiri hills have confirmed that CRPF special forces have been targeting villages who are opposing Vedanta’s proposed mine, threatening them not to do so, and destroying grain stores and items of worship in their homesteads. One incident involved unprovoked firing on a group of women and children bathing in a waterfall at Batudi village. A Dongria woman has been filmed reporting these abuses. Meanwhile in London, a group of UK members of parliament have expressed their concern over the Palli Sabha process, alerting UK authorities to monitor the behaviour of British mining company Vedanta Resources, who are attempting to mine the mountain with Odisha state support. Let’s talk about a group that aims to link up isolated communities fighting Vedanta and similar

CORPORATE struggles across India and worldwide- to share stories, tactics and resources and support each other. With an aim to foil the ambitious project, the group Foil Vedanta considered that grassroots to grassroots connection between localised struggles is so important and powerful. Vedanta is also revealed the saga of resettlement and false arrest of inhabitant. Tula Dei and her family, from Sindhabahili village, was among the people who had vehemently resisted Vedanta when the refinery was being built in Lanjigarh, for which twelve villages were cleared. She and her family had refused to vacate their house and did not succumb to the pressure and force tactics applied by Vedanta. I have no idea why they arrested my husband. The police and lawyers do not give us any details. False charges must have been framed against my husband. They are constantly trying to intimidate and harass us. Whenever we raise our voice in protest, they frame some charge and arrest a family member. Our family’s livelihood has been completely destroyed. Vedanta has ruined our lives ever since it came here. Fear and injustice is all we have known since then” This incident is indeed outrageous. The resettlement complex is indeed Vedanta’s ‘colony’, where it has shamelessly set up mechanisms of draconian policing —- a neo-colonial License Raj on people who lie in fear at the margins and in whose name we call for ‘development’. With the dates for gram sabhas to decide the fate of Vedanta's plan to mine Niyamgiri hills drawing

The case of Vedanta is just one illustration, amongst many, in this large country, of how governance and administrative structures, from the lowest units to the highest bodies, in the state and central government are being influenced and made to serve the interests of private corporations by corrupt governments, dispossessing communities of their resources, livelihoods and environmental rights. closer, tribals have intensified their campaign against the proposed move. Odisha’s ST and SC development minister L B Himirika informed, While Gram Sabha will be held between July 18 and August 19 in seven villages of Rayagada district, similar exercise will be done between July 23 and 30 in five villages of Kalahandi district. The case of Vedanta is just one illustration, amongst many, in this large country, of how governance and administrative structures, from the lowest units to the highest bodies, in the state and central government are being influenced and made to serve the interests of private corporations by corrupt governments, dispossessing communities of their resources, livelihoods and environmental rights. If the people of Odisha (where the project has been proposed) is fighting for their rights, survival and the existence, the fights is more about safeguarding their golden ancestors’ wealth. Let us hope that the Vedanta project provides an opportunity, not only for the larger debate on industrialisation and tribal rights, but also for revisiting India’s investment treaty programme that is central to regulating foreign investments. It will be unfortunate if this issue is reduced to a petty political tussle between the Congress and the Biju Janta Dal or is used as an example to show how the Congress-ruled Centre is discriminating against the states ruled by the political parties in Opposition. n (Author is TV journalist. He can be reached at abcsubodhk@gmail.com)

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REALITY

In Modi 'RAAJ', Rape Victim Found No Rights to Rehabilitate

Social activist demonstrated at Rajbhawan of Gujrat.

he way Narendra Modi is promoted nowadays; he seems to be emerging as the only possible savior of this country from poverty, unemployment, non developmental issues and issues of internal & external security etc. Modi has talked a lot about the development of Gujarat and transparent image of the Gujarat as far as the adminBY MAYUR JANI istration is concerned. Now on the bases of these claims, he is luring the entire nation to put their faith & belief in him. But, is he really doing what he claims..? The story that we are about to tell does not support Modi’s claim. More than 100 rape victim women in Gujarat are still waiting to get their dues. These rape victim women are unheard till today and kept abandoned from their rights. Under the "Financial Assistance to the Victims of Rape A Scheme for Restorative Justice" scheme by Central Government, Gujarat Government received a fund of Rs. 2.57 Crores in 2011-12 but it got lapsed, the pain and sufferings of rape victim women in ALL RIGHTS

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Gujarat remained unheard and ignored. Modi, in 2007 openly stated that he is the Brother of all women in Gujarat, now more 100 of his sisters are waiting for their Brother to listen to them and give them their dues. Here is the case, on 13th June 2011, Sangeeta Verma, the economic adviser to the ministry of women & child development, wrote a D. O. (No. 693/2001-WW) to the Sunaina Tomar, secretary cum commissioner, women & child development, Government of Gujarat. In the letter, Gujarat Government was informed and advised that the Government of India had launched a scheme for "Financial Assistance to the Victims of Rape - A Scheme for Restorative Justice". In that letter, it was also mentioned that the State Government had been already requested to set up Criminal Injuries Relief and Rehabilitation Boards at the State and the District levels and also to create a budget head for incurring expenditure under the scheme. The Central Government made a provision to provide a financial assistance up to Rs. 1 lac under the scheme to each victim of rape. In that letter, The GOI had also mentioned that the launched scheme was centrally sponsored w.e.f. 01/08/2011 with 100% funding from Central Government for financial year of 2011-12. During the 12th Five Plan, the states will be expected to

REALITY share 25% of the cost. The GOI Official further requested in that letter to the State Government of Gujarat to confirm the setup of boards at State and District levels and also asked that the State Government may assess the requirement of funds in the financial year of 2011-12 and intimate the same at the earliest to the GOI to be enabled to release the funds under the scheme. So what happened next? The Government of Gujarat circulated a GR to set up the Criminal Injuries Relief and Rehabilitation Boards at State and District levels but failed to implement, the GOI disbursed the fund of Rs. 2.57 Crores to Gujarat Government but more than 100 rape victim women from various districts of the state remained uncompensated till today. The ignorance shown by Gujarat Government came to light when Mr. Kirit Rathod, a social worker filed an application under RTI and demanded the status of implication of a scheme under the Criminal Injuries Relief and Rehabilitation Boards. To his shock and surprise the Gujarat Government official answered that though the boards are formed at state and district levels, no such proposal of providing a financial assistance to the rape victim women had been put forward to any board, not only that, the Gujarat Government further stated that as no such proposal had been put forward to provide financial assistance to rape victim women, not a single meeting of Criminal Injuries Relief and Rehabilitation Boards had been conducted. Now, what does it show? Is Gujarat Government unaware of the rape cases in the state OR the government machinery is deliberately trying to hide the fact of rape cases registered in Gujarat? OR they are trying to showcase that there are no rape cases in the state? Kirit Rathod, a social worker and applicant to RTI on this issue is shocked. According to him, he along with 'Mahila Adhikar Ayog' and the rape victim women met the Collectors of Seven districts personally and informed them about this scheme, none of them were aware of such scheme and the existence of such circular by Gujarat Government. When they were brought to notice about such scheme and the role of Criminal Injuries Relief and Rehabilitation Boards to provide financial assistance to rape victim women, Collectors of Surendranagar, Rajkot, Kheda, Anand, 53

Patan, Mehsana & Ahmedabad districts went absolutely blank. Rathod says" everything about this scheme is on paper only. Nobody knows what to do, how to do. Actually it seems that the Gujarat Government is not at all interested to provide financial assistance to the victims of rape." Rathod further says" on one side, Narendra Modi had publicly said that he is the brother to all Gujarati women and no woman needs to suffer from any trouble or harassment as her Brother is always there for her, only a postcard written to him would be sufficient enough for any woman to reach out to Modi to solve any problem. On the other side, Rs. 2.57 crores grant to provide financial assistance to rape victim women in Gujarat got lapsed due to the negligence of Modi Government. Opposition in Gujarat throws a punch to Modi Government by criticizing Narendra Modi's style of propagating. Shaktisinh Gohil, a prominent leader from Gujarat Congress attacked Modi "Modi said he is 'BHAI' to all Gujarati Women, now women of Gujarat have realized that Modi is 'BHAI' but not the one as a Brother to them, he is the one as the 'BHAI' from underworld." Gohil further said "Modi Government's achievements are actually a result of high profile publicity stunts, in reality; everything which Modi claims is false." According to Gohil, in such cases to provide help and assistance, the Government machinery needs to approach the victims not that the victims approach the Government. It is the duty of the Government to safe guard the broken self esteem and dignity of a rape victim but Modi Government got failed to do so. There might be some exaggeration in Shaktisinh Gohil's criticism but the facts came out in the light through RTI compels to re-think about the claims by Modi Government and forces to raise some questions. Why the Criminal Injuries Relief and Rehabilitation Boards at district levels were not formed..? Why the implementation of "Financial Assistance to the Victims of Rape - A Scheme for Restorative Justice" was not taken care of..? Who is guilty..? The rape victim women of Gujarat OR the Gujarat Government..? But wait.... if you are waiting for the answers from Gujarat Government....? Please don't waste your time because Modi Government had not cultivated a habit to answer any question...? n (Mayur Jani is state correspondent of Gujrat and can be contacted on mayur.dsa@gmail.com) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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INTELLIGENCE

Lethal Assault on Rule of Law: Citizens and World Leaders under Surveillance

“Those who surrender freedom for security will not have, nor do they deserve, either one.” Benjamain Franklin quoted by whistleblower Edward Snowden “You can’t have 100 % security and then also have 100 % privacy and zero inconvenience. Society has to make choices” Barack Obama’s reaction to the disclosure that his government has put US citizens under surveillance

nity by the same government which operates world’s largest prisons for the powerless and the poorest. The way Obama administration is pursuing the surveillance policies his predecessor, George W Bush is reminiscent of what happened during the Watergate scandal and what Gerald Ford did to Richard Nixon as according to him “law is a respecter of reality.”Republican President Richard Nixon had to resign from the presidency on August 9, 1974 fearing impeachment in the House of Representatives and a strong possibil-

ndia is the fifth most spied upon nation in the world. Iran tops the list of being spied upon. But India is being spied upon despite the fact that Government of India is the strategic partner of Government of USA. It is now open that Indian Government is also involved in putting citizens under surveillance at the behest of corporations of USA and Government of USA. Twenty nine years old, whistleblower Edward Snowden’s revelations constitute one of the world’s biggest intelligence breaches of United States of America (USA). World came to know about it after Guardian and Washington Post published the disclosures made by Snowden. It is now open that UK and US intelligence agencies spied on world leaders at the G-20 Summit in 2009. In 2005, New York Times revealed that officials in the George W. Bush led government were eavesdropping on telephone calls and e-mails of citizens of USA without warrants or judicial oversight, a felony punishable by up to 5 years in prison and a ten thousand dollar fine for each offence. Clearly, the laws were violated and the criminals responsible for breaking the law got away with murder. In 2003, Katharine Gun, a translator had revealed that US intelligence agency was eavesdropping on the United Nations. The violators have been granted immuALL RIGHTS

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ity of a conviction in the Senate for putting Democratic Party’s National Committee’s headquarters at the Watergate complex under surveillance. But his successor, Gerald Ford on September 8, 1974issued a full and unconditional pardon of Nixon, immunizing him from prosecution for any crimes he had "committed or may have committed or taken part in" as president. In a televised broadcast to the nation, Ford explained saying it "is an American tragedy in which we all have played a part. It could go on and on and on, or someone must write the end to it. I have concluded that only I can do that, and if I can, I must." Pardoning Nixon contributed to President Ford's loss of the presidential election of 1976. There were allegations of a secret deal made with Ford, promising a pardon in return for Nixon's resignation, led Ford to testify before the House Judiciary Committee on October 17, 1974. Obama’s defence of putting citizens and world leaders under surveillance echoes what Ford did earlier.

INTELLIGENCE When Ford died in December 2006, Dick Cheney who was Ford’s former Chief of Staff and the then vice-president hailed Ford for having pardoned Richard Nixon for Watergate scandal.Cheney who is accused of involvement in the establishment of “worldwide torture regime, spying on citizens of USA, outing a covert CIA agent and obstructing the resulting investigation” has called Snowden as ‘traitor’ for revealing the surveillance which helped set up. White House chief of staff, Denis McDonough has defended the surveillance regime stating that it has helped prevent potential terror attacks in the US and in more than 20 countries around the world. This claim merits scrutiny although it is an indefensible effort to justify undermining of privacy for security. Government of USA stands exposed. Its arrogance has been challenged by a citizen who loves and fights for democratic rights. Those who cherish rule of law disapprove of attempts by Government of USA to arrogate to itself the right to put anyone, anywhere, under surveillance. `War on terror’ unleashed by discredited Bush regime has become an excuse for social control by any unethical, illegitimate and illegal means. It is using undemocratic companies who are technology vendors with least regards for civil rights. What started as a wiretapping and surveillance exercise to defeat communism at any cost finds application on its own citizens and non-communist democratic countries. Snowden has informed the world that George Orwell’s prophesy about emergence of a surveillance state in communist countries has actually been found to have taken birth in capitalist countries. Led by Government of USA, these governments are ignoring, changing and manipulating the law to allow warrantless surveillance. In a bizarre and ridiculous situation, a warrant is obtained from a secret court. This court issued orders that are secret and cannot be disclosed to the public making a mockery of judicial process and rule of law. Snowden’s disclosure that even the online communication of the President of USA is under surveillance by NSA conclusively establishes what was predicted by President Dwight Eisenhower. He gave the nation a dire warning about threats to democratic government from the military-industrial complex, a formidable union of defense contractors and the armed forces. On January 17, 1961, he had said, "In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists, and will persist." World is witnessing a scenario where these fears have come true. A sliding door is being witnessed wherein personnelare movingbetween the government and corporations and facilitating surveillance and data mining companies for profit at any human cost. The first set of documents which Snowden was 55

about previously undisclosed PRISM programme of USA’s National Security Agency (NSA), the biggest spy surveillance organization of the world. PRISM programme was initiated in 2007 under surveillance laws passed under Bush regime. This was renewed by Obama administration in 2012. Under this programme NSA gathered information from world’s leading technology companies. It has now come to light that telephones and internet of US citizens and foreigners were under the programme. This creates a case for boycotting companies like Facebook, Google, Microsoft and others. Of the two programmes of surveillance, one was for collecting data on phone calls made by all customers of Verizon telephone company. A secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) court had ordered Verizon to hand over millions of records called “meta data” to NSA. It included access to details like the numbers of both the parties on a single call as well as the duration of the call. NSA accessed servers of nine internet firms. The other programme called PRISM to track online communication provided access to emails of foreigners wherein US internet companies like Google, Apple and Yahoo are complicit. It is clear that Government of India has made itself subservient to this programme. Snowden leaked highly classified secrets of Government of USA using four computers that made them accessible to him in Hong Kong’s Mira Hotel on Nathan Road in Kowloon district. He came to Hong Kong on May 20, 2013. Snowden has been working for the private defence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton at the National Security Agency (NSA), the biggest spy surveillance organization of the world. He is the most wanted man according to the Government of USA for violating the law and for committing crime against the nation.Snowden has been charged with espionage and theft of government property. World over after Julian Assange and Bradley Manning, Snowden has joined those who reveal how crime against humanity and privacy is being committed in the name of illegitimate laws by governments against their own people. While the documents that was leaked by Bradley Manning to Wikileaks was only ‘classified’ those leaked by Snowden are top secret whose access was highly limited. Snowden’s crime is that he informed his fellow citizens that their Government is illegitimately putting them under surveillance. It is a revelation akin to the earth shaking disclosure Lenin had made the Sykes-Picot Agreement of May 16, 1916 during the First World War which was printed in the Manchester Guardian on November 26, 1917. It was an agreement between France and Britain for sharing the territories of Middle East after the fall of Ottoman ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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INTELLIGENCE Empire. It partitioned the Ottoman Empire into regions which were to be controlled by Britain, France, Russia and allied powers. The agreement revealed the war was meant to benefit the control of bankers and ruling classes. Secret treaties of Europeans then and surveillance of world leaders by government of USA now reveals that such trust deficit creates an insecure world. The way Snowden’s disclosure has embarrassed Government of USA, in the same way France and UK were embarrassed then. Lenin’s disclosure is deemed the turning point for the relationship between the West and the Arab states. Several years ago a Professor of journalism from USA was asked by a student at the Indian Institute of Mass Communication as to what should a journalist choose when there is a conflict between truth and national interest. Without blinking his eyes, the Professor said, national interest. They say in times of war truth is a casualty. In the current era of embedded corporate interests which are masquerading as national interests, supreme public interest faces bipartisan assault making truth a casualty even in times of peace. When UK Prime Minister David Cameron was asked about his intelligence agencies snooping on world leaders, he hides behind the veil of conventional deafening silence. It may be remembered that Wikileaks has revealed that USA is deeply interested in the implementation of biometric UID/Aadhaar surveillance program which is unfolding dressed as a welfare measure. During his visit to India, President of USA had come with the heads of biometric and surveillance technology companies and had visited the UID/enrolment centre. Has Indian Government protested against it? Why Indian National Congress led government facilitating the cyber hegemony of US corporations and US government? In what appears to be one of the most successful secessionist ventures ruling political class have seceded from India and joined the elites in USA. There is no other way to describe the complicit and treacherous silence of the ruling parties in India. In the aftermath of Snowden’s revelations, it is clear that Obama is defending the indefensible and in the process has unmasked himself. He had presented himself to voters in 2008 as someone who will undo the acts of his predecessor George W Bush like warrantless wiretaps. If the culprits responsible for putting citizens and world leaders under surveillance are not held accountable and liable for their acts of omission and commission, this will signal the end of rule of law and equality before law, the only equality promised by the constitution of USA.Law is no more the King in USA. President was expected to be subordinate to law has made the law subordinate to him.A bipartisan consensus of sort has emerged in Washington to once again silence the voice of truth and Obama is manifestly complicit in it. US Senator Mark Udall, a leading critic of the secret programme has announced that he intends to put forward a bill that would limit the scope of ALL RIGHTS

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what is allowed under the Patriot Act.Udall said, "We owe it to the American people to have a debate in the open about the extent of this programme – you have a law that has been interpreted secretly by a secret court that then issues secret orders to generate a secret programme." The citizens world over are outraged at such unpardonable acts but the "approach of Government of USA" to pardon likes of Nixon and those responsible for inhuman torture regimes does not inspire even an iota of confidence. Their sophistry about the problem of balancing privacy with threat reduction does not sound convincing. Governments which have entered into strategic alliance with the Government of USA are colluding with those who endanger public liberty. No amount of Obama’s oratory can hide the fact that a centralized government is replicating the abuses of the kings that divided the human society into favoured and the oppressed.

Indian Situation

It is relevant to note that Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) has given contracts to

US companies like Accenture who will have access to the database of biometric information of Indian residents? UIDAI’s Chief NandanNilekani's promotion of Hernando de Sotto's book 'The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else' through his own book Imagining India argues that national ID system would be a big step for land markets to facilitate right to property and undoing of abolition of right to property in 1978 in order to bring down poverty! When surveillance is the real motive such inexplicable assumptions do not appear surprising. So far the entire political class in India and informed citizens has remained insensitive to the decision of the European Court of Human Rights about violation of the right to privacy and citizens’ rights. The

INTELLIGENCE case was heard publicly on February 27, 2008, and the unanimous decision of 17 judges was delivered on December 4, 2008. The court found that the “blanket and indiscriminate nature” of the power of retention of the fingerprints, cellular samples, and DNA profiles of persons suspected but not convicted of offenses, failed to strike a fair balance between competing public and private interests and ruled that the United Kingdom had “overstepped any acceptable margin of appreciation” in this regard. The decision is nonappealable. Unmindful of this, in India, National databank of biometric data is unfolding which is proposed to be linked to electoral database amidst the political myopia of political parties in the face of the onslaught of the foreign biometric and surveillance technology companies. The only saving grace has been Parliamentary Standing Committee that has taken on board studies done in the UK on the identity scheme that was begun and later withdrawn in May 2010, where the problems were identified to include " (c) untested, unreliable and unsafe technology; (d) possibility of risk to the safety and security of citizens; and (e) requirement of high standard security measures, which would result in escalating the estimated operational costs." It may be recalled that S.Y. Quraishi, the previous Chief Election Commissioner had sent a dangerous proposal to Union Ministry of Home Affairs asking it “to merge the Election ID cards with UID”. The same appears to have been accepted. Such an exercise would mean rewriting and engineering the electoral ecosystem with the unconstitutional and illegal use of biometric technology. This would lead to linking of UID, Election ID and Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) which is not as innocent and as politically neutral as it has been made out to be. It is noteworthy that all EVMs have a UID as well. In the meanwhile, it is reliably learnt that voter registration in Manipur is happening using biometric data. This makes a mockery of the recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee on UID which notes that “The collection of biometric information and its linkage with personal information of individuals without amendment to the Citizenship Act, 1955 as well as the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003, appears to be beyond the scope of subordinate legislation, which needs to be examined in detail by Parliament”. In India, opposition parties at the Centre and in the States appear to be feigning ignorance about these attempts at re-plumbing the electoral ecosystem and a complicit section of civil society seems guilty of practicing ‘the economics of innocent fraud’. 57

This is being done to put entire populations under surveillance forever. Notably, such biometric IDs have been abandoned in the US, Australia, UK and China. The reasons have predominantly been privacy. In the UK, the current Home Secretary explained that they were abandoning the project because it would otherwise be `intrusive bullying’ by the state, and that the government intended to be the `servant’ of the people, and not their `master’. While the current UK government assures its citizens that they will not put them under surveillance as their masters. But they admit by implication that they continue to put world leaders under surveillance. In an interview to the US Public Broadcasting Service, Nilekanisaid that “the very nature of privacy is being redefined”. He says, “I think privacy and convenience are opposites. It’s always a tradeoff”. Giving a speech at the Center for Global Development, Washington, he argues that it is about “giving up something for something”. He is clearly indulging in linguistic corruption because UID/Aadhaar is being made mandatory without citizens being given the choice to trade privacy for convenience. This choice has been made by the project proponents without any law to define its limits and its liabilities. When a question was posed to him at the Center for Global Development as to “whether or not you think by the year 2050 there could be a global system … (which) would be a real influence on knocking down the nation state, which I think needs knocking down” and the chair of the session asked, “is this the edge of the wedge for the end of sovereignty?” Nilekani responded, “I have no pretensions. But there is nothing technologically limiting for having the whole population of the world on the system.” Like in US, in India surveillance, convergence, profiling and tracking systems, a government ridden with corruption, fake encounters and unregulated intelligence agencies is gathering sensitive information of their masters, the unsuspecting citizens to turn them into servile unquestioning and obedient subjects. It is evident that USA and India do not spare even their own citizens. Underlining the assault faced by sovereign citizens, whistleblower Edward Snowden proclaims courageously and rebelliously, “I don’t want to live in a world where everything I do and say is recorded.” Government of USA faces isolation on the issue of Snowden’s heroic whistleblowing act because a human life under constant surveillance is indeed not worth living. Wheels of the surveillance regime areon the move but the silence of legislatures and citizens in the face of such lethal assault is deafening. n ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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BOOK REVIEW

A Fundamental Fear Eurocentrism and the Emergence of Islamism

by Bobby S. Sayyid By: Bobby S. Sayyid Zed Books, 2003 Problematizing Hegemony Based on Sayyid’s writings, ‘Islam’ is placed in a privileged position by virtue of it being the only available counter-hegemonic discourse to Kemalism[1] (and by extension the West). Other antiKemalist discourses such as ‘liberalism, socialism, democratization, etc’ (Sayyid, 1997, p. 88) cannot gain traction because they are ultimately based on western political theory, which is what Kemalism, in essence, is founded upon as well. What Sayyid does here essentially closes off the possibility of a discourse successfully mounting a challenge against an incumbent hegemonic discourse as long as both are based upon or share the same precepts (in this case ‘modernity’ and ‘westernization’). But this cannot be, for then contestations between hegemonies would cease to exist unless under ALL RIGHTS

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extremely strict circumstances. Furthermore, although Sayyid identifies the foundational similarity of alternative discourses to current hegemonic discourse as the reason why they fail to be a successful anti-incumbent discourse, he is silent on how such ‘foundationally similar’ alternative discourses materialize in the first place in spite of their similarity. Sayyid is also unclear on what he calls ‘dissenting elements inherent in hegemony’ (Sayyid, 1997, p. 86). Are these ‘dissenting elements’ anti-hegemonic discourse? Most pertinently, is ‘Islamism’ part of these inherent dissenting elements? Given these questions, I seek to challenge Sayyid’s keynote conclusion (that the rise of ‘Islamism’ is due to the erosion of the ‘West’) that Sayyid arrives at by problematizing several key concepts he utilized throughout the book. More specifically, I latch onto and interrogate his: usage of ‘hegemony’; articulation of the ‘Rest’ and the ‘West’; and his account of the ‘provincialization’ of Europe. I shall begin with Sayyid’s narrative of ‘hegemony’ which I find to be unsatisfactory. If Islamism is part of the aforementioned dissenting elements then it would inescapably be couched within the western/modern hegemonic discourse of Kemalism since Islamism is an inherent part of it. This poses an interesting question to Sayyid’s thesis because his argument is grounded primarily on how Islamism falls entirely outside the orbit of the West and secondly on how Islamism culturally/politically challenges the West as an al58

ternative ‘center’. On the other hand, if Islamism is not inherent in the existing hegemonic discourse, it can only form, emerge and challenge Kemalism from the ‘exterior’. Such a reading of hegemony is also puzzling. How can Islamism be exterior to Kemalism when we consider Islamism as an anti-Kemalist and anti-Modern/Western political enterprise? For Islamism to be an anti-hegemonic discourse, it has to ‘attach’ (and be the constitutive other of Kemalism) itself in opposition to Kemalist discourse in its formation, emergence and subsequent challenge. Moreover, the assertion of ‘Islamism’ as the counter-hegemony to the West would unavoidably involve ‘Islamism’ being set up in opposition to the West. Following this logic, Islamism then derives its self-identity and fills its contents precisely because of its antagonism to the West thus placing the West/Eurocentrism as the ‘constitutive other’ of Islamism. What this implies is that ‘Islamism’ is still stuck in structuring and organizing itself against the West therefore confirming the hegemony of the West. A Fair Dichotomy of ‘West’ and ‘Rest’? “It is the deconstruction of the relation between modernity and the West that produced a space into which Islamism could locate itself; and it is this positioning that can account for its emergence as a politically significant discourse.” (Sayyid, 1997, p. 120). Since Sayyid makes no attempt to create distinctions within the category of the ‘Rest’, one can thus substitute other religious-political projects of the ‘Rest’ with ‘Islamism’ in his equation. This is where I feel things get murky. While I acknowledge that his entire venture is centered on Islamism, it does not de-problematize his conflation of ‘Rest’ with ‘Islam’ when he seemingly uses the terms interchangeably. At first glance, this might seem like a trivial problem of terminology usage but this triviality gets accentuated when one considers his admonishment of Zubaida for using ‘West’ and ‘Modern’ interchangeably (Sayyid, 1997, p. 99-

BOOK REVIEW 100). Besides, if Islamism is the only viable counter western/modern discourse as he contends, it cannot be that other religious-political projects of the ‘Rest’ (which remains silenced due to his non-articulation of these projects but also remains present and ‘substitutable’ owing to his conflation of ‘Rest’ and ‘Islamism’) can also fulfill the task that Islamism does. Therefore, his conflation of the ‘Rest’ with ‘Islamism’ is problematic. Is the West Decentered/Decentering? Sayyid himself is cognizant of problems associated with this claim and attempts to pre-emptively deflect them. He raises two potential counter points to his ‘de-centering’ claim: First, Fukuyama’s ‘triumph of the west’ (which he credibly breaks down) and second, the argument that the West is still the center of power (Sayyid, 1997, p. 132). Sayyid is unconvincing in his defense against the second point. He himself notes that “…the international system is still hierarchically organized…” and he cherry-picks his way around this structural-given by his insistence that while the world is still western-dominated, it is not hegemonic anymore (Sayyid, 1997, p 132-133). There are two difficulties with such a view. The first is quite obvious; Sayyid fails in his attempt to minimize the extent to which the West is still currently dominant. He mentions globalization as a process that has destabilized the relationship between the West and the ‘Rest’ therefore eroding the economic centrality of the West. To my mind, this causal link that Sayyid puts together is somewhat spurious. According to some scholars, like Andre Frank (1998), globalization is a process that has started since the third millennium B.C. Thus, Sayyid’s location of ‘globalization’ contemporarily is problematic. Even if we do not adopt a deep historical view of globalization, one has to question why the 20th Century (when he wrote the book) is, and not any earlier time, the time for the West to de-center because of globalization. Additionally, his attempts to suture the link between globalization and the economic de-centering of the West is frail and he offers no real evidence to prove his case. Ultimately, while the West’s dominance in global economic, political, military and even ideological/cultural spheres is challenged, as it has always been, it is still the central ‘template’ by which most societies and countries are ordered with or against. The resilience of the West is due to its ability to coopt and generate new ideologies and exercise cultural leadership in almost every generation. One contemporary example would be the lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgenders (LGBT) movement. It is a movement that gained the most power and attraction in the West (White, 2008) and has slowly spread to engender other LGBT movements around the world. Governments that legalize or are legalizing gay marriages, such as America (some states), France, Denmark, Netherlands, etc are seen as ‘forward looking’ and countries that resist and silences the same movements are viewed as ‘backwards’. This (and many others) cultural-ideational production and leadership of (seemingly) ‘global’ causes serves to 59

further sediment and reproduce the unequal relationship between the West and the Rest. Instead of any ‘decentering’ taking place, we are witnessing an increasingly understated and inconspicuous affirmation and entrenchment of ‘old’ western ideals and relations masked under more benign contemporary movements. The second problem with Sayyid’s claim of a decentering West has to do with reconciling how the West can be globally dominant in almost all spheres of the world order (which Sayyid himself acknowledges) without being hegemonic. His attempts to explain this apparent contradiction is rather blithe and is encapsulated in this statement: “This loss of hegemony can be seen in the way the cultural leadership of the West has been challenged by groups who have an ‘undecidable’ relationship with the West” (Sayyid, 1997, p. 133). He does not identify who such ‘groups’ are and what is so special about them as to be able to break down the hegemony of the West. His usage of the term ‘undecidable’ is also suspect. ‘Undecidability’ according to Derrida (Sayyid cites him in the making the statement above), is an attempt to trouble and show how unstable dualisms or dichotomies are. Derrida gives the examples of ‘ghosts’ and ‘hymen’, amongst others, to show that there are constructions that falls outside an apparent dichotomous relationship or that are located in both polarities (Reynolds, 2010). Is the ghost both present and absent? Is the hymen inside, outside or both? Who then are these groups that fall outside ‘West’ and the ‘Rest’? (Do these groups co-exist with both?) Can the concept of undecidables/undecidability be employed this way? Unfortunately, Sayyid’s statements generate more questions than answers. In conclusion, Sayyid’s laudable and theoretically innovative attempts to move away from a foundationalist accounting of the ‘rise of Islam’ by theorizing ‘Islam’ as a master signifier should be recognized within international relations. However, that does not remove some of the doubts raised about his key argument (that the rise of ‘Islamism’ is due to the erosion of the ‘West’) because of the manner and way he employs several key concepts in constructing it: the problematical way hegemony was used; the questionable dichotomy of the ‘West’ and the ‘Rest’; and his unconvincing claim of the ‘decentered/decentering’ West. Dylan Loh is a Masters graduate student from the Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) in Singapore. He has a Bachelor of Arts in Sociology from the Nanyang Technological University (NTU). This book review was first written for Dr. Farish Noor. [1] Kemalism can be understood as a secular political discourse, developed in a bid to modernize Turkey, which heavily involves removing ‘religion’ from the ‘state’. This involved demolishing all religious institutions, establishments and norms of the precedential Ottoman Empire, such as the abolishment of the Caliphate and the banning of headscarves for Muslim women. n ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁéÜæ§ü-2013

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TOTAL RECAP

Food Security Ordinance

SC cracks whip on convicted MPs and MLAs

resident Pranab Mukherjee on July 5 cleared the Food Security ordinance to give two-thirds of nation’s population right to get food grains at subsidised rate amid reservations expressed by opposition including Communist parties over its current form. The ordinance on Food Security will ensure twothirds of the country’s population the right to get 5 kg of foodgrains every month at highly subsidised rates of Rs 1-3 per kg. With this programme, the UPA is eyeing on another comeback at the Centre and sees this as a game-changer before next general elections. The Food Security programme will be the biggest in the world with the Government spending estimated at Rs 1,25,000 crore annually on supply of about 62 million tonnes of rice, wheat and coarse cereals to 67 per cent of the population. The government adopting ordinance route drew criticism from its outside supporter Samajwadi Party which termed the ordinance ‘undemocratic’ and said that the programme would derail the food economy. Left parties attacked the Government for taking the ordinance route, saying the UPA-II has shown contempt for Parliament, while the BJP termed it an “election gimmick”, saying the Congress was running away from a debate in the House. n

n a historic verdict, Supreme Court struck down Section 8 (4) of the Representation of the People's Act 1951 which provided convicted MPs and MLAs immunity against disqualification on the grounds of pendency of appeal in higher courts. The apex court rules that the convicted lawmakers cannot get any immunity and will have to relinquish the office. The Court however ruled that its decision will not apply to convicted MPs and MLAs who have filed their appeals in the higher courts before the pronouncement of this verdict. The apex court's verdict came on petitions filed by a lawyer Lily Thomas and NGO Lok Prahari through its secretary S N Shukla who had sought striking down of provisions of RPA on the ground that they violate certain constitutional provisions which, among other things, expressly put a bar on criminals getting registered as voters or becoming MPs or MLAs. The BJP has welcomed the verdict. But, the Congress has reacted cautiously, saying it would review the judgement before commenting on this. Press Council of India Chairman Markandey Katju on Saturday expressed reservation over the Supreme Court verdict, saying it should be reviewed as "judiciary cannot make laws". n

IIFA 2013

nurag Basu’s ‘Barfi’ bagged multiple awards at the 2013 International Indian Film Academy (IIFA) awards show, India's version of the Oscars, held at a ceremony in Macau on July 7 that also celebrated a century of Bollywood. Here’s a complete list of the winners at the IIFA Awards 2013 : n BEST FILM : ‘Barfi!’ n BEST ACTOR : Ranbir Kapoor for ‘Barfi!’ n BEST FEMALE ACTOR : Vidya Balan for ‘Kahaani’ n BEST DIRECTOR : Anurag Basu for ‘Barfi!’ n BEST STORY : Tani and Anurag Basu for ‘Barfi!’ n BEST ACTOR IN A SUPPORTING ROLE (MALE) : Annu Kapoor for ‘Vicky Donor’ n BEST ACTOR IN A SUPPORTING ROLE (FEMALE) : Anushka Sharma for ‘Jab Tak Hai Jaan’ n BEST DEBUT (FEMALE) : Yami Gautam for ‘Vicky Donor’ n BEST DEBUT (MALE) : Ayushmaan Khurana ALL RIGHTS

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for ‘Vicky Donor’ n BEST ACTOR IN A NEGATIVE ROLE: Rishi Kapoor from ‘Agneepath’ n BEST DEBUT DIRECTOR: Gauri Shinde for ‘English Vinglish’ n BEST MUSIC DIRECTOR: Pritam for ‘Barfi!’ n BEST LYRICS: Amitabh Bhattacharya for ‘Mujhme kahin’ from ‘Agneepath’ n BEST SINGER MALE: Sonu Nigam for ‘Agneepath’ n BEST SINGER FEMALE: Shreya Ghoshal for ‘Chikni chameli’ from ‘Agneepath’ n BEST SOUND DESIGN : Shajith Koyeri for ‘Barfi!’ n BEST BACKGROUND SCORE : Pritam for ‘Barfi!’ n AUDIENCE CHOICE BEST JODI OF THE YEAR: Deepika Padukone - Ranbir Kapoor n DIGITAL STAR OF THE YEAR: Shah Rukh Khan n The winners in the technical awards category were: n BEST CHOREOGRAPHY: Ganesh Acharya for ‘Chikni Chameli’ from ‘Agneepath’ n BEST CINEMATOGRAPHY: Ravi Varman I.S.C for ‘Barfi!’

TOTAL RECAP

Violence in Egypt 82 Morsi supporters killed

Delhi Police finds Dawood involvement in IPL fixing

nly a month ago, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood ruled the country. Today the military, which deposed President Muhammad Morsi on July 3rd, seems intent on crushing the Islamist group in its entirety. Early on July 27th at least 82 Morsi supporters were killed in the worst episode of violence since Hosni Mubarak, the former president, was overthrown in 2011. Clashes broke out after Mr Morsi’s supporters began to move from the Rabea al-Adwiya mosque in eastern Cairo, where they have been staging a sit-in since the coup, towards the capital’s city centre. Many of those killed were shot with live ammunition to the chest, head and neck, though the interior ministry maintains its forces fired only tear gas. Thousands were injured. The Brotherhood has been stubborn in refusing to engage in an interim government until Mr Morsi is re-instated as president, but the latest fighting was provoked by the generals. It came in the wake of huge pro-military protests called for by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the defence minster and army chief. Millions gathered in Cairo, chanting: "The army and the people are one hand”. Demonstrators were on the streets of Alexandria and in the north and Suez, too. In the meantime, the military says it is investigating Mr Morsi, who has remained in detention since being deposed, on murder charges from when he and other Brothers were freed during a breakout at a Cairo prison in January 2011. He is also accused of conspiring with Hamas, the Palestinian militant group which rules neighbouring Gaza. The army’s apparent determination to quash the Brothers and its indifference to inflicting such bloodshed seems to worry few Egyptians. Despite decades of military misrule under Mr Mubarak, many appear happy to defer to the generals, and seem to have given the state a green light to deal violently with Morsi supporters, whom they consider terrorists. A statement by the interior ministry hailing the army’s supposed legal mandate to confront “anyone who tries to destabilise this nation” did, however, prompt an angry riposte by Tamarod, the youth movement which called for Mr Morsi’s overthrow, that its support for the state’s fight against “terrorism” did not extend to “the taking of extraordinary measures, or the contradiction of freedoms and human rights”. Some interim cabinet ministers have also spoken out, but such voices seem to be in the minority. Some Islamist thinkers have proposed a political way out, but that so far seems unlikely to gain any traction as the two sides continue to dig their heels in ever more defiantly. Yet more violence could lie ahead. n

he Delhi police, which is investigating spot fixing in cricket's Indian Premier League (IPL), has found the direct involvement of underworld don Dawood Ibrahim in the fixing scam. According to sources, the Special Cell of the Delhi police, has in its possession, a recorded conversation between Dawood and a Dubai based bookie, in which they are discussing betting in the IPL. "The recording was sent to intelligence agencies for verification as they have the resources and the means to confirm it. The agencies including Intelligence Bureau have confirmed that it's Dawood's voice," a police officer said. "The number that was used to make the call has been traced to Karachi in Pakistan. We have verified from local assets that the said number is used by Dawood," the source added. The Delhi police was tapping the phone calls of the suspects since March 2013. During one such tapping, on 26 March, the sleuths stumbled across a conversation involving Dawood and Javed Chautani, a Dubai-based bookie. During this conversation, Chautani refers to a "minister". "We have not been able to find out the identity of this minister. But by the context of the conversation it appears that he is a very important man even for Dawood," the officer said. The investigators are banking on the Central Forensic Science Laboratory report on the call intercepts that will further verify the authenticity of the conversation and confirm the identity of the persons involved in the conversation. Officers said that the taped conversation involving the voice of Dawood would be a strong corroborative evidence to prove that the IPL spot fixing was being run on a very large scale and the players were just the tools for those who were investing the money. "It is a very large conspiracy and shows the involvement of the top man of the underworld in the whole betting syndicate", said an officer. The Delhi court hearing the case has already slapped an "open" non- bailable warrant against Dawood in the case. n

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