ALL RIGHTS MAY 2017

Page 1

A Bilingual Monthly

Volume : 05, Issue : 04,

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May-2017

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Uttar Pradesh Uttarakhand Delhi MCD Manipur Goa Punjab

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May God bless our honorable Member of Parliament with a long, happy and healthy life on their auspicious occasion of Happy Birthday. : From Allrights family

Gadkari,Shri Nitin Jairam BJP, Nagpur(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 27-05-1957 email@nitingadkari.org nitin.gadkari@nic.in

Maurya,Shri Keshav Prasad (Kushwaha) BJP, Phulpur(Uttar Pradesh) D.O.B. : 07-05-1969 keshav.prasad@sansad.nic.in

General (Dr.) , Vijay Kumar Singh (Retd.) BJP, Ghaziabad(Uttar Pradesh) D.O.B. : 10-05-1951 vksingh.mp@sansad.nic.in

Devegowda,Shri H.D. JD(S), Hassan(Karnataka) D.O.B. : 18-05-1933 haradanahalli@yahoo.co.in

Owaisi,Shri Asaduddin AIMIM, Hyderabad(Telangana) D.O.B. : 13-05-1969 asad.owaisi@sansad.nic.in

Rawal,Shri Paresh BJP, Ahmedabad East(Gujarat) D.O.B. : 30-05-1955 paresh.rawal@sansad.nic.in mppareshrawal@gmail.com

Sushree, Uma Bharati BJP, Jhansi(Uttar Pradesh) D.O.B. : 03-05-1959 uma.bharati@sansad.nic.in

Mufti,Ms. Mehbooba J&KPDP, Anantnag(Jammu and Kashmir) D.O.B. : 22-05-1969

Mishra, Shri Janardan BJP, Rewa (Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 01-05-1956 janardan.bjp@gmail.com

Saren,Dr. Uma AITC, Jhargram(West Bengal) D.O.B. : 09-05-1984 uma.saren@sansad.nic.in

×æÙÙèØ ©U ×é Ø×´˜æè, ©UžæÚU ÂýÎðàæ, Ÿæè ·ð¤àæß ÂýâæÎ ×æñØæü ·ð¤ Á‹×çÎÙ °ß´ àææÎè ·¤è âæÜç»ÚUãU (7 קüU 2017) ÂÚU ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§UÅUï÷Sæ ÂçÚUßæÚU ·¤è ÌÚUȤ âð ãUæçÎü·¤ àæéÖ·¤æ×Ùæ°´.


Nitin Gadkari : A Visionary an Innovator, a Great Leader

N

Shri Nitin Jairam Gadkari Date of Birth : 27-05-1957

itin Gadkari was born in Nagpur, India. During his teens, he worked for the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha and the student union Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad. He completed M.Com. & L.L.B. from University of Nagpur. Gadkari is married to Kanchan Gadkari and they have three children. Nitin Gadkari served as the Minister of Public Works Department(PWD) of the Government of Maharashtra from 1995 to 1999 and restructured it from top to bottom. He has served as the president of the Maharashtra BJP. Gadkari strongly supported privatisation while he campaigned for investments in infrastructure from private firms. He addressed several meetings between private investors, contractors, builders and various trade organisations and diverted large amounts of budgeted projects towards privatisation. He managed to convince the state to allocate Rs. 7 billion for rural connectivity. In the next 4 years, 98% of the total population of Maharashtra achieved allweather road connectivity. As PWD Minister of Maharashtra, Gadkari played a crucial rule in expediting the construction of the Mumbai-Pune Expressway and having it built in a little over 2 years. The idea to build a road which takes travel between Mumbai and Pune to less than 3 hours was first conceived by Shiv Sena founder Balasaheb Thackeray. The other major achievement of Gadkari as state minister was the construction of 55 flyovers in Mumbai, which eased the city traffic problems significantly. Gadkari was appointed president of the BJP in December 2009. This was considering a tough phase for the BJP as the party had lost two successive Lok Sabha elections and needed a quick revamp. As party president, right from the start, Gadkari made his agenda very clear. He focused almost entirely on the ‘politics of development’. In his book, “India Aspires” co-authored with leading Indian author Tuhin Sinha, Gadkari spells out his development ideas for the country in great detail. Increased institutional support to green energy, alternate fuel and effective waste management hold special importance in Gadkari’s development plan. At a time when the country was plagued with the problem of policy paralysis under the UPA, Gadkari's proactive approach towards development, set a new and positive agenda for the country's politics. Gadkari contested 2014 Loksabha election successfully from Nagpur constituency and won. He defeated Congress leader Vilas Muttemwar by margin of 285,000.


Keshav Prasad Maurya : An Aggressive Leader

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Shri Keshav Prasad Maurya Date of Birth : 07th May 1969 Marriage Anniversary : 07th May 1969

eshav Prasad Maurya is an Indian politician who is the current Deputy Chief Minister of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. He is the member of the Bharatiya Janata Party and contested the Indian general elections, 2014 from the Phulpur parliamentary constituency of Allahabad district and won it. On 11 January 2016, 12 BJP party leaders were expelled from the party for attacking Maurya one week earlier in Ballia, and two other cases were filed against two more BJP leaders. On 8 April 2016, on the first day of Chaitra, he was declared Bharatiya Janata Party chief of Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state. Like his party's top leader - Prime Minister Narendra Modi - Maurya sold tea in his youth at his father's stall in their village. A member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, he also participated in the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Born in 1969, in Sirathu in Kausambhi district, adjoining Allahabad, Maurya went on to study Hindi Literature at the Hindu Sahitya Sammelan in Allahabad. Hailing from a humble farming family, Maurya sold tea and newspapers during his childhood. Maurya Family runs Petrol Pump & Schools in Sirathu Area & Also Holding the Director position of Kamdhenu Logistics private limited with his son Yogesh Maurya. The factors what went in his favour, party sources say, is his humble beginning, deep association with the Sangh and his OBC (Shakya) background. “Gareebi, Sangh and OBC, the trajectory is in line with Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” said a BJP leader, quite pleased by the likeness. Maurya is relatively young and his full-time karyakarta background is expected to boost the morale of the BJP-RSS cadre. His RSS upbringing will also provide “energy and help in connecting RSS cadre,” a senior BJP leader said. Since Mr. Maurya is an MP and “won’t have the burden of fighting elections in 2017, he will devote his time entirely to focus on winning the elections,” Mr. Chandramohan said, hailing him as an “aggressive leader.” While being active in the gauraksha (cow-protection) movements, he also participated in the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. In the BJP, Maurya has been the regional (Kashi) coordinator of the backward class cell and the BJP Kisan Morcha. He has contested the 2002, 2007 and 2012 assembly elections and was the sitting MLA from Sirathu assembly constituency before getting elected as MP from the Phulpur seat in 2014 with a thumping five lakh votes and over 52 per cent votes. As on March 18, 2017 he has been appointed as the Deputy Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.


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ALL RIGHTS

COVER STORY

A Bilingual Monthly ` 30 VOLUME : 05, ISSUE : 04, May 2017 Editor : Gopal Chandra Agarwal Consulting Editor : Amrish Goel Political Editor : Anuradha Kaushik News Editor : Rajesh Yadav Advisor : Bipin Agrwal General Manager : Namita Sharma

Contributers : Kavita – Independent Journalist Harsh Arora- Independent Journalist Sarvesh - Independent Journalist Nishant- Independent Journalist Anand Pandey- Senior Journalist Rajesh Kumar- Independent Journalist Sandhya Salam, Independent Journalist Chandan Mishra, Independent Journalist Shyam Sundar Prasad, Web & Technical Head Layout Designer - S. Bijen Singh Office Manager - Ruchi Yadav

ÖæÁÂæ ·¤è ÁèÌ ç΄è Ù»ÚU çÙ»× ¿éÙæß ×ð´ ÖæÚUÌèØ ÁÙÌæ ÂæÅUèü ·¤ô ÌèÙô´ °×âèÇè ×ð´ Õãé×Ì ç×Ü »Øæ ãñ. ÂçÚU‡ææ× °ç‚ÁÅU ÂôÜ ·¤è ¥Âðÿææ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéM¤Â ãè ãñ´. ÂÚU €UØæ ·¤æÚU‡æ ãñ ç·¤ w®vz ×ð´ ¥æ âð ÕéÚUè ÌÚUã âð ÂÚUæSÌ ãôÙð ßæÜè ÖæÁÂæ Ùð çȤÚU âð ç΄è ßæÜô´ ·Ô¤ çÎÜ ×ð´ Á»ã ÕÙæ Üè ãñ. ßñâð Ìô Ù»ÚU çÙ»× ·Ô¤ ¿éÙæß SÍæÙèØ ×égô´ ÂÚU ãôÌæ ãñ °ß´ SÍæÙèØ ÙðÌæ ãè §â·¤æ ÙðÌëˆß ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´. ÂÚU §â ¿éÙæß ×ð´ °ðâæ Ùãè´ Íæ. 06

Õ´Ïé¥æ ×ÁÎêÚUè ·¤æ δàæ 14

Maharashtra Office : State Resident EditorBipin Agrwal, 352, A1 Shah & Nahar, Lower Parel, Mumbai - 400013, Mob : 9820449873 Bihar & Jharkhand : State Resident EditorDinesh Anand, Near Prafull Plaza Apartment, Makhania Kuan Road, Patna -800004 , Mob : 09430449266 State Bureau Chief: Anjum Alam, G 88, P.C. Colony, Kankar Bagh, Patna- 800020, Mob : 09334103868 Reporter : Pankaj Kumar Choudhary, Samaspur, Fatwa, Patna Photographer : Shrawan Raj, Mirjapur, Nohda, Fatwa, Patna Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh Office R-26, Gandhi Nagar Gwalior, M.P. Mob no. 7415991313 Lucknow Bureau Chief : Deepak Chandra, 09839800616 Lucknow Office : C-186, Nirala Nagar, Lucknow-226020, Uttar Pradesh Bareilly & Kumaon Division : Chandan Singh Negi Mob : 9258740435 Bareilly Office : D-89 IVRI Road Near Izatnagar Police Station Bareilly-243122 Co-Operative Bureau Chief : Suresh Sharma , Mob : 9015892666 Add-Flat No. Peral-1206, Gardenia, Glamour Society, Sec-3, Vasundhara, Ghaziabad-201012 Moradabad : Anuj Agarwal (Advocate) Gandhi Nagar, Muradabad Haryana : Bureau Chief - Mrs. Nandini Kumar House No. 733, Sector-29, Faridabad-121008 Phone. No. 9910510014

Owner, Editor, Printer & Publisher : Gopal Chandra Agarwal Published At : 17, Maurya Complex B-28, Subhash Chowk, Laxmi Nagar Delhi-110092, Phone: 011-42147246, Printed At : Neeta Press, Shed No. 19, D.S.I.D.C. Indl. Complex Dakshinpuri, New Delhi- 110062

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The views expressed by authors are personal and do not necessarily reflect views of All Rights. The magazine is protected under copyright laws, all Content, unless stated, is owned by All Rights and its content providers and may not be used in any form without prior consent. The jurisdiction for all disputes concerning sale, subscription and published matter will be settled in courts/forum/tribunals at Delhi.

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Pained by the attack in Manchester. We strongly condemn it. Our thoughts are with the families of the deceased & prayers with the injured. -Narendra Modi

Tweets âÖè »¸ñÚU-ÖæÁÂæ§ü ÎÜô´ ·¤ô w| ¥»SÌ, »æ´Ïè ×ñÎæÙ, ÂÅUÙæ ×ð´ ÖæÁÂæ ·ð¤ ç¹Üæȸ¤ Ȥý´ÅU-ȤêÅU ÂÚU ÕËÜðÕæÁè ·¤ÚU À€·ð¤ ÀéǸæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° âæÎÚU ¥æ×´ç˜æÌ ·¤ÚUÌæ ãê´UÐ -ÜæÜé ÂýâæÎ ØæÎß

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AIMPLB can not be trusted. They are just trying to get off the hook. 3 divorce should be legally banned n declared a cognizable offence. -Javed Akhtar

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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Issue

Triple talaq case

Why Muslim women should welcome a Uniform Civil Code T

he BJP has stirred a hornet’s nest by reigniting the debate on a uniform civil code (UCC) in India. The government has requested the Law Commission to examine the issue and make relevant recommendations. On the other hand, the practices of triple talaq, halala (bar against remarrying a former husband unless you have married another man in between) and polygamy have been challenged before the Supreme Court in Shayara Bano vs Union of India, with the demand that they be deemed unconstitutional. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) has opposed the implementation of aUCC in an affidavit filed before the Supreme Court. Amidst all the hoopla surrounding the UCC, manyMuslim women in India remain unsure on which side they stand. On the one hand, Muslim ALL RIGHTS

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personal law ordains certain practices that have proved to be derogatory for the rights of women; on the other hand, the ruling party has not been able to instil confidence in India’s Muslim population. However, one thing is clear: gender justice cannot be achieved through personal laws, especially in the case of Muslim women. Muslim personal law, as followed in India, is inherently biased against women and many times leads to their exploitation. Moreover, because of the application of personal law in the matters of marriage, divorce, maintenance, inheritance and the like, Muslim women are precluded from enjoying the benefits accrued to them through secular law, which their counterparts from other religious communities enjoy. Maintenance The best example to understand the predicament


Issue that surrounds the rights of women under Muslim personal law is maintenance. The Shah Bano case and its aftermath very aptly illustrated the problem arising due to the lack of a UCC in India. The question before the court in Shah Bano was whether a Muslim woman is entitled to claim maintenance under section 125 of the Criminal Penal Code (or secular law) from her former husband even after the period of iddat has expired. The husband claimed that he did not need to pay maintenance any longer as Muslim law stipulates that maintenance must only be paid during the period of iddat and not beyond it. The court, taking a secular view, allowed Shah Bano to claim maintenance even after this period. The Shah Bano judgment was seen as a blow to Muslim personal law and, under pressure from the religious orthodoxy, the government was forced to pass the Muslim Woman (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986. The Act specifies that a reasonable amount of maintenance is to be paid to a divorced wife within the iddat period by her former husband. The validity of this Act was challenged before the Supreme Court in Danial Latifi. The court, though upholding the validity of the Act, held that the duty of a Muslim man to his divorced wife is not confined to the iddat period and that a reasonable and fair provision extending beyond that must be made by the former husband within the iddat period. Had the Supreme Court not acted as a saviour in cases where former husbands refused to pay maintenance, thousands of Muslim women would have been divorced and forced to live without any support. It is only due to the decision of the Supreme Court in Danial Latifi thatMuslim women are able to enjoy the fruits of Section 125 of the Criminal Penal Code in the same manner that Hindu and Christian women do. Although the question of maintenance to Muslim women has been settled by the Supreme Court, the judicial decisions came through long-drawn litigation process, cumbersome legislations and political chaos. From Shah Bano to Danial Latifi, it took 15 years for Muslim women to get where they are today. Things would have been much easier for them had aUCC been in place. Triple talaq The archaic practice of triple talaq is not only antiwomen, it is also anti-Islam. It has already been abrogated in more than 20 countries, including Pakistan and Bangladesh. A triple talaqdivorce is valid even if the husband says “talaq” three times on the phone, in a letter or even on WhatsApp. The AIMPLB has, time and again, opposed the abolition of triple talaq in India by arguing that it is based on sharia law. However, the Quran does not mention triple talaq as a method for divorce. According to the Quran, the correct way to get a divorce is to pronounce it three times on three different occasions, following a three-month waiting period wherein there is ample opportunity for the couple to reconcile. Another method the Quran prescribes fortalaq is to pronounce it during two successive peri-

ods of purity (tuhr), during which the talaqremains revocable. If the talaq is not revoked and is pronounced a third time, it becomes irrevocable. Even if the AIMPLB agrees to abolish triple talaq and replace it with the Quranic form of talaqdescribed above, the right to talaq as well as the right to revoke it stays with the husband. Some Islamic scholars argue that Islam also gives a woman the right to divorce her husband in the form of khula (a wife separating from her husband after returning a payment). However, khula and talaq cannot be equated because a woman can only seek khula from her husband at the cost of returning her mehr (dower) to him. Halala Halala is the procedure prescribed for remarrying a divorced spouse. It entails the (former) wife marrying another man, consummating the marriage and subsequently getting a divorce using the same elab-

Contrary to popular belief, a UCC will not take away all the personal entitlements of an Indian Muslim; it will only make those entitlements unenforceable in a court of law. Parties will still be free to practice their religion as they like, though the legal enforceability attached to these practices will be extinguished. orate procedure. Only after that is she eligible to marry her first husband again. While Muslim scholars rightly argue that halala should not be seen as a procedure to legalise the reunion, problems regarding the validity of a marriage arise in case a husband remarries his wife without observing halala. This issue came before the Bombay high court when singer Adnan Sami challenged the validity of his marriage. He married his wife in 2001, divorced her in 2004 and then remarried her in 2007. Since halala was not performed by the parties, the family court held the second marriage to be invalid. The Bombay high court, however, held that a wife is not obliged to perform halala before remarrying the same husband if she is divorced by khula ortalaq-eahsan (the prescribed mode under the Quran) meth11

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Issue ods. Halala is mandatory only if the couple divorced using triple talaq, the court said. Imagine the plight of a woman who has been divorced by her husband using triple talaq in a fit of anger or in a drunken state. They both want to be married again. The wife has two choices – she can either marry another man, consummate the marriage and hope that the second husband also divorces her so that she can remarry her first husband, or she can marry the first husband without performing halala (against the tenets of Islam) and lose all her matrimonial rights in the marriage because the validity of the second marriage will become questionable. She will find no court to enforce her matrimonial rights because as soon as tries, her husband will claim that the second marriage between them was void. A UCC is urgently needed to do away with the practice of halala, which violates the basic rights and dignity of a woman. Polygamy There are various reasons given by Muslim scholars to justify polygamy. The Quran is often cited to show that polygamy is allowed only under certain special circumstances, that it is not a rule but only an exception and that Islam actually limited the number of wives a man can have to four. But the focus of this debate shouldn’t be the limits Islam puts on polygamy; it should be whether polygamy as a practice is at all acceptable in the 21st century. If the wife of a Hindu or a Christian man has the right to bring criminal charges against her husband for bigamy, why should a Muslim wife be deprived of this right? An oft-cited argument to justify polygamy is that if a woman is ill or unable to bear children, her husband can marry another woman to procreate instead of divorcing her and sending her away. However, given the progress society has made in the field of medical sciences and the number of options available for childless couples, this argument has become increasingly redundant. Contrary to popular belief, a UCC will not take away all the personal entitlements of an Indian Muslim; it will only make those entitlements unenforceable in a court of law. Parties will still be free to practice their religion as they like, though the legal enforceability attached to these practices will be extinguished. For example, a divorced Muslim woman can marry anyone after her divorce, and if her second husband also divorces her, she is free to remarry her first husband. The law does not limit a woman’s choice – she is free to practice halala if that is what she wants. However, if a wife chooses not to do so and still remarries her first husband, he will not be allowed to claim before any court that such the marriage is void because of the non-performance of halala. Of course it is true that a UCC has its own pros and cons, and that political parties promoting a UCC may have ulterior motives. But for Muslim women, a UCC will definitely be a boon – it will bring more ALL RIGHTS

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gender equality to personal laws and expand their rights when it comes to marriage, divorce, inheritance, guardianship and other personal matters. Triple talaq case, originative from the petition filed by Shayara Bano in a case of divorce from her husband, is not the first matter relating to personal laws before the Supreme Court. The apex court has dealt with several such cases before but surprisingly it has not given a consistent interpretation of the laws and provisions of Constitution. The conflict arises when personal laws are perceived to be in violation of the fundamental rights. Article 13 of the Constitution states that any law, which goes against the provisions of fundamental rights, shall be void to the extent of contravention. SUPREME COURT'S STAND ON PERSONAL

LAWS Personal laws in India are codified and uncodified - existing in custom and practice. Over the years, the Supreme Court has taken differing views on the question of precedence of personal laws over the fundamental rights. In Krishna Singh vs Mathura Ahir case of 1980, Maharshi Avdesh case of 1994 and Ahmedabad Women Action Group case of 1997, the Supreme Court held that personal laws could not be challenged for being in contravention of the provisions of fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution. Many believe that this interpretation of the Supreme Court has been based on a ruling of the Bombay High Court in Narsu Appa Mali case of 1951. In this case, the Bombay High Court has enunciated that personal laws are not 'laws' under Article 13 of the Constitution. But, a three-Judge Supreme Court bench in Mudaliar case of 1996 held that personal laws are void to the extent that they are in violation of the fundamental rights. All these aspects and arguments are likely to


Issue be placed and reexamined the Supreme Court during the seven-day hearing of the triple talaq matter this summer. SOME RECENT CASES OF PERSONAL LAWS: SHAH BANO MATTER The most famous case relating to personal laws was that of Shah Bano, who had fought long drawn legal battle seeking maintenance from her exhusband. In 1985, the Supreme Court had directed Shah Bano's husband to pay her alimony according to the laws applicable to other Indians. The Supreme Court had rejected the argument of Shah Bano's ex-husband that since she was paid during the period of iddat - the waiting period after divorce and also the amount of mehr, she was not entitled to any further maintenance under the

Muslim personal law. MARY ROY CASE The very next year, the Supreme Court decided another case relating to Christian personal law in the 1986-case of Mary Roy. The Supreme Court ruled that Syrian Christian women were entitled to equal share in their father's property. Before the Supreme Court order, the Syrian Christian community settled property inheritance issue as per the Travancore Succession Act, 1916 and Cochin Succession Act, 1921 while other Christians followed the Indian Succession Act of 1925 for the same. As per the Travancore and Cochin Acts, women received only a quarter of their male siblings or Rs 5,000 whichever was less. DANIAL LATIFI CASE Danial Latifi was the lawyer of Shah Bano, who has won a maintenance case against her ex-husband in the Supreme Court. But, the apex court verdict was not received well by the conservative segment 13

of Muslim society. In order to pacify the swelling sentiment of the community, the then Rajiv Gandhi government enacted the Muslim Women (Protection on Divorce Act), 1986. The new Act overturned the judgment of the Supreme Court providing that a man was required to pay maintenance to his divorced wife only during the period of Iddat. Danial Latifi challenged the constitutional validity of the Personal law. The Supreme Court, in 2001 during the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government, held that the Muslim Women (Protection on Divorce Act), 1986 did not violate the Constitution or the fundamental rights. The Supreme Court maintained that the personal laws need not be tested on the touchstone of the provisions of the fundamental rights. TRIPLE TALAQ CASE IN BOMBAY HIGH COURT In another case of triple talaq, the Bombay High Court held in 2002 that if wife contests this practice of divorce, it needed to be proved in a court of law. In its 88-page judgment, the Bombay High Court ruled that "divorces between Muslims couples will now have to be convincingly proved under Civil Procedure Act and Indian Evidence Act. A mere statement, written or oral, by a Muslim man seeking divorce will not be enough proof of his having obtained the divorce." The Bombay High Court also held that a Muslim man did not have a unilateral right to divorce his wife by triple talaq. The man is bound to provide good reasons for a divorce. ADOPTION BY MUSLIM WOMEN The Supreme Court again delivered a landmark judgment in 2014 on the question of adoption of child by a Muslim woman. The Muslim personal law does not give women of the community the right to adopt children. A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court headed by the then Chief Justice of India P Sathasivam ruled that Muslim women had the right to legally adopt children like any other Indian citizen. The Supreme Court held that the right to adopt children could not be denied by Muslim personal law. RIGHT OF UNWED MOTHER Under the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act of 1956 father was held as the natural guardian of a Hindu child. If a child was born out of wedlock, only then the mother could be considered a natural guardian. But, in 2015, the Supreme Court held that an unwed mother can legally become the sole guardian of a child. The apex court held the consent of the biological father is not necessary for the mother to become legal guardian of the child. The Supreme Court observed that the father could not have 'a preferential right over the mother in the matter of guardianship'.

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

ALL RIGHTS


Struggle

Nobody will watch it

Jeeja Ghosh, disability rights activist

- Sruthi Ganapathy Raman

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lad in a burgundy salwar kameez, with a bag slung over her shoulder, she strides along one of Kolkata’s bustling footpaths. As the traffic light hits red, Jeeja Ghosh makes her way along the zebra crossing. An unruly biker hollers at her inability to walk. Hurling an abuse at him, she picks up her pace and walks away. “Who can think that I am also in a hurry? Firstly a woman then disabled…and she is going to work. Just unimaginable!” she remarks with an ironic smile. Swati Chakraborty’s documentary I’m Jeeja explores the lives and battles of people living with cerebral palsy through Ghosh’s stirring story. The disability rights activist got into the public eye in 2012 when an airline deplaned her owing to her condition. Chakraborty, who has been working closely with ALL RIGHTS

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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the Indian Institute of Cerebral Palsy for three decades, made her documentary debut with Easy Tech, a film on inclusive technologies for the differently abled. I’m Jeeja was named the Best Film on Social Issues in the Non-Feature films category at the 64th National Film Awards. Equality is about providing a level playing field for all, Chakraborty told Scroll.in in an email interview. Why does I’m Jeeja have a first-person narrative? people with cerebral palsy in most cases face multiple challenges. Many of them have bright minds trapped inside disobedient bodies. And many of them have associated problems such as speech impairment leading to complex communication needs. Sadly, public awareness about disability is still at a low level and people with CP are less heard of, less visible and less understood. Even inside the commu-


Struggle nity of PWD (People with Disability), PWCP (People with Cerebral Palsy) are kind of marginalised. Hence, I wanted to make a film with a changed perception about disability and PWDs, which shows someone, who has proved to be no less than any human being in achieving her dreams. It had to be a first person narrative as it would present the undiluted perspective and the voice of the stakeholder. Moreover, it was also a question of rights. I wanted my audience to accept Jeeja, my protagonist, as she is – a bright sparky woman with jumpy gait and movements, slurred speech, deformities and drooling. I’m Jeeja. When did you first meet Jeeja? I first met Jeeja when she paid a visit to IICP. At that time she was studying at La Martiniere for Girls and I was a young computer teacher at IICP. She came to ask me whether I could teach her computers. It was a sultry summer afternoon. When she came in and saw that I had an AC room, she said that she would now come by and talk to me as frequently as possible as such talks are bound to be “cool”! And immediately we were friends. When she went to Presidency College, our camaraderie remained unchanged with her flooding me with stories of many adventures of student life and her boyfriend. I had the privilege of watching her journey closely and to know the person that she is. A vibrant, bright, witty, caring, fiery and courageous Jeeja is what I treasure. I have also known her moments of despairs and depressions, but she has always fought back. As an activist, she talks about responsibilities when she talks about rights. She is a born fighter, a rebel who has fought with her body from the very childhood. If someone tries to abuse her or any other person in front of her, she doesn’t think twice about confronting that person. She is not a conformist, she

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loves to challenge taboos. Jeeja was an integral part of the film’s research and scripting. What was it like working with her? I was coaxing Jeeja from 2012 about making this film on her. She would laugh and say, “Nobody will watch it.” When PSBT approved my proposal, I asked her to work with me for script writing. I wanted her to stick to her own way of speaking, her choice of words. So, she wrote those words. When I worked on the visual part and started binding all the bits and pieces of experiences together, I discussed with her and finally the script evolved. Jeeja has faced many road accidents in real life, and I wanted to use one such incident to start off the film. We had a debate about showing Jeeja hurling abuse at an unruly biker who would taunt Jeeja. The audio had to be beeped later. Jeeja laughed and said, “Now, people will wonder what this naïve looking poor girl may have said!” Jeeja and her husband Bappaditya Nag. Courtesy Public Service Broadcasting Trust. Jeeja and her husband Bappaditya Nag. Courtesy Public Service Broadcasting Trust. Apart from the struggles Jeeja has overcome, the film also deals with her personal life and marriage. Actually, it depends on what we mean by success. I think it is all about having a positive attitude towards life. It is true that for Jeeja, even small things are challenging. There are some days when because of spasticity, she has to depend on others for dressing and grooming, for eating or drinking, for walking etc. Considering that, going out every day, travelling by bus, studying (we didn’t have any assistive technology while she was growing up), especially a subject like social work, living alone in Delhi and abroad, maintaining a job are herculean tasks that she has done successfully. Indian attitudes towards PWDs is a combination of neglect and pity. So, I thought it was important to show that someone with so many challenges can share a responsible and beautiful relationship with a person without disabilities whom she loves and is loved back. Moreover, sexuality is at the core of human identity; I think, with the episode of love Jeeja’s character portrayal achieves completeness, we can relate to her and she can touch our soul. Bappaditya Nag, Jeeja’s husband, is a wonderful person. I think it is a most charming relationship that they share. It is special because it is most normal. They met each other at the workplace, dated like any other young boy and girl of this generation and finally married. They do fight also and then make up like all couples do. I think their marriage is one of the central themes that I wanted to portray from the beginning. ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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Struggle What went into the film’s production? I wanted to tell a positive story and I wanted Jeeja as the narrator, using her on screen and using her speech without any dubbing. I had difficulties convincing people that this would be effective. Then, Ladly Mukhopadhaya, a senior documentarian filmmaker, advised to send the proposal to PSBT. I got the film fellowship grant for Doordarshan and it was really easy! PSBT never put any pressure on me, they gave me complete freedom regarding content and treatment, which was just wonderful. We did the shooting in Delhi, Kolkata and Chinsura (suburban West Bengal). Shooting was tiring for Jeeja, at times she was unwell, but Jeeja being Jeeja was most supportive. IICP, naturally extended wholehearted support to us. Ladly Da kindly agreed to do camera for me and handled all the technical issues. My crew members, were just fabulous. I had a tough time fitting in Jeeja within 28 minutes that we had to accomplish. I faced some personal challenges though when my husband was detected with lung cancer; I had to take time off for his treatment and the film got delayed. Nearly half of India’s disabled population is illiterate. What are your thoughts on the national policies on people with disability in India? The main problem is in the attitude. We have problems in accepting differences. So, as a whole, the society is not inclusive. What we need is access and

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opportunities for all irrespective of physical, cognitive, emotional, social, economic, caste, religion etc. When we construct a building, even a public space, we do not ever think whether PWDs will be able to come in. Our roads, transport, schools, universities, theatres, hotels – nothing is accessible. The school system does not yet allow access to special software and devices. The issue of rights for PWDs is to be looked at in the bigger perspective of human rights issues. When such a large population in the country is still below the poverty line, with little access to education, health and sustainable livelihood, having little scope to exercise their constitutional rights, obviously, national policy and the ACT will only remain as a documents. It needs lots of activism to change attitudes and the social situation. How is disability, in particular, cerebral palsy, treated in Indian films? In India, mainstream films in most cases portray disability either in a negative way or submerged in pity. Feature films lack in real life research and fictional presentation, and are often far away from reality. I don’t want to name films, but some of the popular films fall into this category. In fact, I have rarely seen PWDs in the film industry, either in the capacity of actors or technicians. I think involvement of PWDs and stakeholders can only bring out the real situation, sentiment and perspective in light.


Understanding Delhi gang rape verdict O

n May 5, a packed courtroom broke into applause as a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court confirmed the death sentence to four convicts in the December 2012 Delhi gang rape case. A room otherwise attuned to the sound of dispassionate arguments heard a scream from someone in the crowd demanding castration of the condemned men, echoing the public mobilisation around the case as well as the near governing influence of public opinion on the verdict. Indeed, in their concurring opinions, Justice Dipak Misra – writing for himself and Justice Ashok Bhushan – and Justice R Banumathi recognised this influence when they remarked that the crime was “bound to shock the collective conscience which knows not what to do” and a lesser punishment would “shake the confidence of the public” in the criminal justice system. Now ubiquitous, the phrase “collective conscience” was first used by the Supreme Court in 1983 in Machhi Singh’s case, which had brought an anti-climatic end to

decade-long resistance to various facets of the death penalty in India. After the court rejected a constitutional challenge to the death penalty in 1973, the Parliament introduced “special reasons” as a judicial pre-requisite for imposing it. In the judgements that followed, the Supreme Court chose reformative justice over retribution and recited MK Gandhi’s words against harsher punishment. In 1980, the majority of four judges in Bachan Singh case restricted the death penalty to “the rarest of rare cases when the alternative option is unquestionably foreclosed”, effectively making death as punishment the exception rather than the rule. The sole dissenter, Justice PN Bhagwati, declared the death penalty unconstitutional. Crucially, the judgement warned future judges against becoming “oracles or spokesmen of public opinion”, and directed that great weight be given to mitigating factors. In 1983, the court struck down even the mandatory

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Opinion

death penalty for murder by a person already sentenced to life, arguing that it compelled judges “to shut their eyes to mitigating circumstances.” Was public opinion in the 1970s and the early 80s sliding against the death penalty? Certainly not. The impediments created by the court to the use of the death sentence were not down to judicial reflections of public opinion, but a cognisance of the thinking on punishment globally. The apex court’s judgements in this era were rich with references to the experience of other countries and constitutional courts that chose the abolitionist route without witnessing a crime surge. This judicial movement was soon to get stunted. Unpredictable judgement Justice MP Thakkar was elevated to the Supreme Court in March 1983 and was almost immediately entrusted with authoring the judgment in a case of 17 murders. Machhi Singh and three others, sentenced to death, had challenged the sentence before the Supreme Court. As a judge of the Gujarat High Court, Thakkar had invoked “collective conscience” as mere rhetoric in judgements covering far less serious matters such as municipality meetings. Not only had he never authored a reported judgement on the death penalty, he was the junior most of the three judges in Machhi Singh. Yet, he was entrusted the task. In his judgement, Thakkar overlooked the warning to judges in Bachan Singh to avoid being “oracles of pubic opinion” despite his being a bench of lesser strength. The ruling instead articulated that the court must consider public opinion when deciding who must hang and endorsed the death penalty in cases where the “collective conscience is so shocked” that the society “will expect the holders of the judicial power centre to inflict death penalty irrespective of their personal opinion”. Thakkar even re-imagined “rarest of rare” as comprising five factors, including brutality and extreme societal indignation. Not one of these factors pertained to the criminal. The legacy of Bachan Singh and the “rarest of rare” standard was burdened now by the rhetoric of “collective conscience”. The silence of the senior judges on this liberal factoring of public opinion despite the larger bench’s contrary view in Bachan Singh, seems inexplicable today. Several judgements since 1983 have employed this rhetoric as a convenient heuristic and used “collective conscience” as a driving conALL RIGHTS

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sideration. Often, this is justified by claiming that the process of delivering justice is not “judge centric” but “reflected by the will of the people”. This umbrella justification has been used across all classes of capital offences, most notably in the cases of Afzal Guru and Dhananjoy Chatterjee, in which the Supreme Court relied not upon the lack of mitigating circumstances but “a necessity” to answer the “society’s cry for justice”. Subsequently, though, in Bariyar’s case in 2009, the court warned against judicial reliance on “collective conscience”, stating that the death penalty policy may not be “attuned to public opinion”. Despite these warnings, “collective conscience” remains entrenched in judicial imagination and reasoning as evidenced by several judgements pronounced since, including the one in the Delhi gang rape case. Judicial attempts to assess the “society’s cry for justice” can be dangerous, owing to underlying prejudice in both


Opinion public and media outrage. If a crime involves a spectacle of visible physical brutality, if the victim is relatable to a media-consuming and producing populace, if the crime is committed in a metropolitan area, the shrill pitch of “collective conscience” is sure to reach the verdict. The assumption of a monolithic “society” with an objective “cry for justice” creates a differing standard for unrelatable victims and popular culprits. Further, the judicial conflation of harsh punishment as victim justice invalidates any punishment short of the death penalty, and alienates victims who cannot subject their perpetrators to the harsh penalties. The Delhi gang rape judgement would prod victims to peg closure with harsher punishments. While the victim’s family in this case received public support to their demand for the harshest punishment, families of victims without such geographical access and societal support are bound to claim injustice if a lesser punishment is given out. Besides bias, judicial outrage for the “collective” creates a smokescreen, blinding judges to mitigating factors. In the May 5 judgement, the court was confronted with several mitigating factors such as young age suggesting the possibility of reform, lack of prior criminal conduct suggesting that the accused were not hardened criminals, the dependents of the family suggesting a negative psychological impact on those innocents in case a father or a husband is hanged. Unfortunately, the mitigating circumstances in this case were treated with a formalistic “considered and rejected” approach with “the nature of the crime” as justification, inverting the pre-Machhi Singh priorities in sentencing. A day before the Delhi gang rape judgement was delivered, the Bombay High Court decided Bilkis Bano’s case related to 14 murders and rape of three women by a Hindu mob during the Gujarat riots in 2002. The Cen-

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tral Bureau of Investigation sought enhancement of punishment to the death penalty for certain accused citing “collective conscience”, but the High Court considered mitigating factors such as lack of prior criminal conduct and lack of premeditation, and rejected the plea. Public outcry for punishment is “determinative” as it seeks to decide the punishment based on the manner of commission of the crime. The court, however, cannot face the other way in disgust, and complex issues such as the background of the accused or mental imbalance require thorough investigation by an unprejudiced mind. A populist declaration of the accused as sub-human, at play in the Delhi gang rape case, betrays our commitment to an unbiased appreciation of the circumstances of the criminal. AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi on Friday questioned the "double standards" in awarding death penalty to rapists, especially when it came to communal riots. Reacting to a Bombay High Court judgment... Further, the court may have missed an important alternative of extended life imprisonment without possibility of release as created by Swami case of 2008 and affirmed by a Constitution bench of the Supreme Court in Sriharan case in 2015. In his opinion in the Delhi gang rape judgement, Misra has not discussed the merits of extended life imprisonment as an option, and Banumathi has simply stated her rejection of the option without reasoning. Public outcry, often emotive and seeking visible solutions, also does not consider the nuance of such harsher punishments available to the court that fall short of the death penalty. The court has abdicated its duty, especially as the death penalty can be imposed only when lesser punishments are “unquestionably foreclosed”. Even the judicial vocabulary associated with the “collective conscience” model can create a feedback loop justifying harsher punishment in the public imagination, antithetical to the restrictive death penalty regime and further diluting the court’s duty to consider mitigating evidence. In Misra’s opinion in this and earlier death penalty judgments, sexual offenders are “monstrous”, “beastly”, “diabolical”, causing a “tsunami of shock to the collective conscience”, and “destroying the civilised marrows”. In the immediate aftermath of the judgement, TV channels read out Misra’s characterisations with approval, and called for the death penalty for all “monsters”. The circumstances related to the criminal are now a mere footnote to the public agenda. Such judicial posturing about crimes is bound to shape the public’s post-December 2012 idea of sexual violence and the death penalty, and increase space for extreme responses. Acutely aware of the dangers of such a path, the South African Constitutional Court, while declaring the death penalty unconstitutional, observed that “public opinion may have some relevance to the enquiry, but in itself, it is no substitute for the duty vested in the Courts to interpret the Constitution and to uphold its provisions without fear or favour...It is only if there is a willingness to protect the worst and the weakest amongst us, that all of us can be secure that our own rights will be protected.” ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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SoftBank and Foxconn Bring India Some of World's Cheapest

Solar - Anindya Upadhyay

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ompanies led by SoftBank Group Corp. of Japan and Taiwan’s Foxconn Technology Co. Ltd. are bringing India some of the cheapest solar power in the world, helping Prime Minister Narendra Modi reach his ambitious clean-energy goals. In two auctions this week for renewable-energy power-purchase contracts, bids from companies to supply clean electricity slid to as little as 3.8 cents a kilowatt-hour. The record is sharply below the previous bids around 5 cents and within striking distance of the lowest recorded bids in the United Arab Emirates and Chile as of quarter three of 2016, according to Bloomberg New Energy Finance. India is already among the most competitive generators of solar power after establishing auctions for capacity that drew capital both from western utilities and from development banks anxious to help Modi clean up his country’s notorious smog. Each new auction over the past two years has helped India’s renewable-energy generators close the gap with the lowest cost fuels such as natural gas and coal, said Shantanu Jaiswal, an analyst for BNEF in New Delhi. “The low bids leave very little cushion for absorbing any unforeseen expenses, and thus pose a risk for investors and lenders,” Jaiswal said, adding that several new power producers have successfully underbid incumbents to gain entry into India’s rapidly expanding solar market. In a contest to win contracts for 500 megawatts of solar capacity through a competitive tender, India’s ALL RIGHTS

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Acme Group quoted 2.44 rupees (3.8 cents) a unit to win 200 megawatts. SBG Cleantech Ltd. -- the clean-energy joint venture between Japan’s SoftBank Group Corp., India’s Bharti Enterprises Pvt. and Taiwan’s Foxconn Technology Group -- quoted 2.45 rupees to scoop up the remaining capacity, said Sanjay Sharma, general manager at the Solar Energy Corp. of India, the government agency for renewable targets in India. The projects will be built in the sunny state of Rajasthan in the Bhadla solar park. On Wednesday, the price of solar power in India fell to 2.62 rupees a kilowatt-hour in a competitive tender for contracts to build 250 megawatts in the same solar park. Of the total 750 megawatts auctioned this week in two federal tenders, including today’s, conducted by the Solar Energy Corp. of India, SoftBank’s India clean energy venture scooped up a total of 400 megawatts quoting lowest tariffs. Friday’s auction was the third for solar this year. The first, held in February, brought down solar tariffs to 3.30 rupees (5 cents) a kilowatt-hour, from 4.34 rupees (7 cents) a year earlier. India is among a growing list of countries stretching from Asia to Europe and South America that have used auctions to make clean energy more affordable. Modi’s government has an ambitious plan to install 175 gigawatts of renewable capacity by 2022 to meet the fast-growing country’s electricity needs and to curb pollution.


Pollution

At the Cost of Water and Soil Pollution I

t was nearly dusk in Killai village in coastal Cuddalore district, Tamil Nadu, on a warm summer day. In a barren field lined with coconut trees and date palm, a pair of loudspeakers tied to an electric pole blared Tamil folk music. In a slow procession, men and women of all ages trickled into the empty field where a stage was set, bearing a red banner with the words “Iraal Pannaigal Edhurpu Manadu”. A meeting to oppose shrimp farming. The villagers were residents of 15 villages around Killai who complained that shrimp aquaculture had turned their groundwater salty over the last 15 years and rendered all their drinking water sources unusable. The soil in these villages has turned so saline that groundnut and paddy, once harvested in plenty, no longer grow. The natural water holes, or oothu, from where they drew sweet potable water are now simply salt water springs. Making matters worse, the lush Pichavaram mangrove forests that garland the backwaters near Killai – a popular tourist attraction – are dying a slow death as a result of chemical waste from the shrimp farms. “At first we thought the shrimp farms would help

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in the development of our village and provide us with jobs,” said N Ravichandran, a farmer from Radhavilagam village. “Only much later did we realise that our drinking water sources would be ruined.” The 1990s were boom time for shrimp farming in Tamil Nadu. But the business suffered in the wake of the 2004 tsunami – which caused widespread damage to the state and resulted in over 6,000 deaths – according to Senthil Babu of the Coastal People’s Rights Movement. Major importers, such as the United States and the European Union, cut down on import volumes citing high toxicity in shrimp bred in India. In the last few years, though, there has been a resurgence in shrimp aquaculture, Babu said. The business picked up with the introduction in 2009 of Litopenaeus vannamei or the white-leg shrimp in the country. Today, the vannamei shrimp accounts for 80% of all shrimp or prawn exports and close to half the shipment value of all outbound marine products, reported The Financial Express. Moreover, the export value of the variety has multiplied almost six times between 2011-’12 and 2015-’16, ac-

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Pollution cording to data from the Marine Products Exports Development Authority. The Indian government is keen to ride that wave. In March, at a public gathering in Rajkot in Gujarat, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced plans for a Blue Revolution through welfare schemes for fishermen and coastal development. “[The] Country’s vast coast can bring revolution,” he said. “We have prepared ‘Sagar Mala’ scheme for its development and it will attract 8 lakh crores investment. It will create industrial and tourism development along coastal line.” Since brackish water is ideal for breeding crustaceans and molluscs, most shrimp farms are located near river estuaries or backwaters, where the water is slightly salty. Given the estuarine location of the Pichavaram reserve forests, villages in its neighbourhood are lined with aquaculture farms. For over two decades now, environmental concern over shrimp farming has been growing. For aquaculture, artificial ponds are made on plots of land surrounded by raised mud walls. Smalls channels lead the river water to these ponds, through an inlet valve, where the shrimp are bred. “There are several visible, blatant violations of canals being dug out from the mangrove forests,” said Babu. “Pichavaram is a reserve forest, which means that any single human activity including fishing and grazing should be regulated. But no action is being taken against these illegal canals.” The salt water that flows into the fields is mixed with medicines to keep the shrimp disease-free, and this seeps into the groundwater and often contaminates drinking water sources. Additionally, the salinity of the top soil is irreversible and the land cannot be used for agriculture once the shrimp culture season is over, pointed out Babu. Shrimp aquaculture is not new in India and neither is resistance to shrimp farming, which has a long history. Its formal introduction in government policy can be traced to the 1970s. In the Fifth FiveYear Plan, the Central government sponsored organisations such as the Fish Farmers Development Agency, followed by the Brackish Water Fish Farmers Development Agency, to develop aquaculture techniques and practices, fish breeding and exports. Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, especially, saw a boom in shrimp production in subsequent years. But, as this research paper in the academic journal Economic & Political Weekly notes, the real boom happened in the early 1990s, when shrimp farms were established on a war footing in coastal states. Big and small companies partnered with major international importers to make crores in profits. But as more investment flowed into the shrimp farming business, along with government incentives promoting this export-led model, resistance to shrimp farming rose too. “The prawn farming boom is causing bloody conflicts, where on the one hand farmers and fisherfolk are bringing work to a grinding halt in various upcoming prawn farms; and on the other, companies ALL RIGHTS

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with support from local rich people, police and administration, are commencing production. The Central and state governments, however, are caught in a contradictory situation. Though they are committed to the development of shrimp aquaculture projects to cater to export market, they are now considering its ecological and social aspects as well.” At Radhavilagam, which has several shrimp farms, residents are in despair over the state of their water sources. M Rajakumari, a farmer who owns two-and-a-half acres of barren and uncultivable land, had to move in with her two sons in nearby Chidambaram town, where they work in the construction industry. “Nothing can be grown on this land,” said Rajakumari. “Ever since the shrimp farmers have come, little by little the salt content in the water has grown. I have not been able to get proper yield for 15 years.” She recalled that back in 1964, when she first came to Radhavilagam after marriage, the soil was fertile and there was plenty of water available. “Before, people from surrounding areas would travel


Pollution to our village to draw water,” she said. “Now, they are not even willing to give their daughters in marriage to men in our village.” Her sister, Vennila, said that till 15 years ago, farmers dug small, waist-deep water holes by their fields and these were always filled with sweet, pure water. “Then, there was no need for any pipes or canals,” she recalled. “Now, we are buying water cans for Rs 40 each.” After the shrimp culture season is over, the land cannot be used for agriculture because of the soil's salinity. After the shrimp culture season is over, the land cannot be used for agriculture because of the soil's salinity. At the end of Radhavilagam village lay acres of aquaculture ponds shimmering in the afternoon sun. Near one such pond was a small shack where S Sivasamy, a shrimp farmer, took his afternoon nap on a netted cot. Sivasamy is from neighbouring Ariyalur district but spends six months every year in Cuddalore tending to his brother’s pond. Five years ago, they leased two-and-a-half acres of land and began

prawn culture for two seasons each year. “It is a great field for gaining a good profit,” said Sivasamy, who admitted to being drawn to the business because of its high profitability. “We sell it to exporters at a good rate, Rs 500 for one kg. In a good year, your costs may be Rs 25 lakhs, but you can easily make Rs 50 lakhs in sales in three or four months.” Sivasamy said that compared to others in the area, his farm was relatively small. Most of the shrimp farms are owned by wealthy people who live in other districts and visit occasionally. They employ technicians with scientific knowledge of aquaculture to tend to the farms, along with labourers, who are usually from the neighbouring villages. Sivaswamy said one such farm owner from Dharmapuri district had nine ponds in the area and was the most successful among them. “In a year, he made more than Rs 2 crores,” he said. Sivasamy is aware of the bubbling resentment among villagers against shrimp farmers. He admitted the groundwater does get contiminated because of shrimp farming, but said it was not to the extent the villagers claimed. The villagers accuse the shrimp farmers of making huge profits and getting rich at their expense. “On TV, they see clips of us scooping up tonnes of prawns in our nets,” said Sivasamy. “But they do not know anything about the business and the risks involved.” “You may have great yield one year but the next year, a disease could kill all your shrimp,” said Sivasamy. In Thasuapettai village, Rukmini (name changed), who owns two ponds, has a huge debt that has accumulated over the last 10 years. “The villagers all think we are rolling in wealth,” she said. “But I have Rs 25 lakhs to repay in loans. They do not know anything about my problems. I cannot get out of this business until I repay the loans.” Ramesh Babu of the Coastal People’s Rights Movement came to hear of the severe drinking water crisis in villages near the Pichavaram mangroves during a visit to the area two months ago to organise a union for tourist boat workers. Traveling through the backwaters, his team of activists came across illegal activity by shrimp farm owners along the reserve forest. They conducted a water test and found the groundwater to be highly contaminated and unfit for use. After receiving these reports, the collector formed a committee led by the district revenue officer to address the problem. On April 26, the Coastal People’s Rights Movement organised a meeting in Killai village to bring together villagers and political leaders to strengthen the movement against the illegal actions of shrimp farms. “If all the shrimp farms are removed, the water in our area will be much better within five years,” said N Ravichandran, the farmer from Radhavilagam. “Before this, nobody took the initiative to tackle this problem. Now that 15 villages have come together, we are united in this fight.” 29

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Review

The story of Sita, a Pakistani woman

Sita’s parents rushed to the police and managed to get a kidnapping case registered. Finally, one day, they got a phone call from their daughter. A frantic Sita told them that she had escaped, furthering instructing them about where to pick her up. Earlier that day, when her kidnappers were away in the fields, the young woman had managed to escape under the guise of fetching water.

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ixteen-year-old Sita was picking cotton in the fields of Darshi Kohli near Samaro, Sindh. Like many other Hindus in rural Pakistan, she along with her parents worked on land owned by a Muslim family. Her family has been working as farmers since generations. While this seemed like any other day, it was one that would change her life forever. Out of nowhere, a group of armed men stormed towards the family. Two men held Sita’s mother, ALL RIGHTS

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Lakshmi, and her father, while a few others forcefully took Sita with them. Reliving the dreadful day two years later, Lakshmi says, “They belonged to the Khashkheli tribe from a nearby village” – the same tribe who owns the land on which she and her family continue to work. “We could not stop them and watched our daughter taken away right in front of us. It is so cruel,” she laments.


Review A Hindu activist talks to Lakshmi about her daughter’s disappearance at her house in a village near Mirpurkhas, Sindh. Hindu activist talks to Lakshmi about her daughter’s disappearance at her house in a village near Mirpurkhas, Sindh. Sita’s parents rushed to the police and managed to get a kidnapping case registered. Finally, one day, they got a phone call from their daughter. A frantic Sita told them that she had escaped, furthering instructing them about where to pick her up. Earlier that day, when her kidnappers were away in the fields, the young woman had managed to escape under the guise of fetching water. The family breathed a sigh of relief. The worst, they falsely thought, was over. Subsequently, Sita’s kidnapping case was presented in the court. Over the next 40 days, her family took her for court sessions in Umerkot twice. After the first hearing, while members of the abductor’s family were also present in the court, Sita’s family was approached by an intermediary from the Khashkheli tribe who threatened them to drop the charges. Determined to pursue the case, the complainants did not back off. They showed up to the second court hearing at a later day. Sita, her brother and uncle were riding back from the hearing in a rickshaw when masked armed men attacked them. “They started firing upon us,” says Lakshmi. In the firing, her son was shot in the arm and her husband’s younger brother was shot in the shoulder.

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Before their very eyes, the men grabbed Sita as she continued to scream and yell. They tied a cloth on her face and took her away a second time, with her family unable to resist yet again. Reliving the horror The parents were back to square one. They filed another case of kidnapping and rape with the police. Soon enough they found themselves back in court. Sita was present for the hearing this time around too, but she was with the Khashkeli men instead of her family. The men had a clear message for Lakshmi.

Sita, her brother and uncle were riding back from the hearing in a rickshaw when masked armed men attacked them. “They started firing upon us,” says Lakshmi. In the firing, her son was shot in the arm and her husband’s younger brother was shot in the shoulder. Before their very eyes, the men grabbed Sita as she continued to scream and yell. They tied a cloth on her face and took her away a second time, with her family unable to resist yet again.

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Review India. If the situation improves for us and our “Your daughter has converted to Islam and is girls, we will never want to leave.” married in the family,” she was told. Speaking on the matter, Dr Ramesh Kumar Just outside the court premises, while her kidVankwani, a Pakistan Muslim League (N) memnappers stood by her, Sita sternly asked her ber of the National Assembly of Pakistan, says, “It mother to drop the case and forget about her. is so unfortunate that our Hindus are leaving PakA shocked Lakshmi saw the helplessness on her istan and are forced to go take refuge in India. daughter’s face. Clearly, Sita did not want her There is lack of political will in Pakistan and espefamily to continue struggling. cially in Sindh to pass the bill on Hindu forced Lakshmi and her husband have four younger conversions. There are pressures from religious daughters and three sons. Defeated, and realising groups. The Hindu families are vulnerable and the gravity of the threat, they stepped back. desperate. They are no longer able to protect their They have not heard from Sita ever since. daughters and the way out for them is to migrate With despair and pain in her eyes, Lakshmi carto India.” ries out her everyday chores. “I feel so lost. Sometimes I feel I have lost my mind. Now we have to Abduction of teenage Hindu girls and their protect our other girls and we want to be left forced conversion to Islam alone,” she says. is an ongoing issue in PakFourteen-year-old Rani istan – and especially in hardly speaks out of terror. Abduction of teenage Hindu Sindh province. Frustrated, the only thing she Girls in the community says is that her sister will girls and their forced conare made aware of this dannever come back. ger. As soon as the girls are Other families in Darshi version to Islam is an oneight or nine years old, they Kohli and nearby Hindu comgoing issue in Pakistan – are instructed on how to be munities are similarly terrified careful while working in the and angry. No one wants to and especially in Sindh fields or fetching water. discuss the incident. province.Girls in the com“Our mothers tell us not Lakshmi’s relatives encourto go near Muslim villages, age her not to speak to acmunity are made aware of and to never make eye contivists and journalists about tact with any Muslim man,” the abduction. They are worthis danger. As soon as the says 10-year-old Kavita. ried for the safety of the rest of girls are eight or nine years According to a 2015 the girls. Out of fear, Lakshmi Aurat Foundation report, and her husband, like many old, they are instructed on every year nearly 1,000 girls other families in the village, from minority religions are are considering migrating to how to be careful while forcefully converted to India. working in the fields or Islam in Pakistan. The reLooking outwards port states that wilful con“Many Hindu families have fetching water. versions do take place but migrated to India from our there is no doubt that forced village due to threats. The conversions are a reality. Muslims in this area tell us we Upon much protests by minority activists, the are a minority and also that we are infidels... If we Sindh Assembly passed a bill that criminalises go to the courts, the judges there are also Muslims; forced religious conversions and forced marriages so is everyone in the police. There is no one to hear in November last year. But this too led to much our voice. Me and my family are prepared to leave controversy and was labelled “anti-Islam” by Pakistan. I just got our passports and obtained hardline religious groups. “The religious leaders visas. Until there are laws to protect us, we do not are objecting to the age limit. They say anyone can have future in this country,” says Parak Khan, a be converted to Islam at any age and there should Hindu farmer. be no age limit stated in the bill. We are being Nawal Rai, a Hindu social activist in Umerkot, pressurised by a group who are not represented says, “The feudal are influential people and they in the Assembly and who are just a few percentare crushing and exploiting the Hindus who are age of a total population. We say that let this bill poor and work as farmers on their land.” take its due course and become a law and then we “Everyone around us who is in authority is a can discuss amendments,” Majida Rizvi, director Muslim. Who will want to save us from trouble?” of the Sindh Human Rights Commission, had obasks Sampa, an elderly woman in Krishan Kohli served. village near Mirpurkhas. The Sindh government decided to review the Sampa, whose family has owned land over genbill in December last year, and early this year, the erations, is now forced to consider leaving the bill was returned. country. “Last month we got passports made for the entire family and we are considering going to

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Rejected

Election a democratic process, can't be interfered with: SC

T

he Supreme Court rejected a plea alleging duplication in the voters' list for the upcoming Bhiwandi municipal polls in Maharashtra, saying election is a democratic process which cannot be interfered with. The apex court made the observation while hearing a plea challenging the Bombay High Court order dismissing a petition which alleged that there was duplication of 50,922 names in the voters' list prepared for the Bhiwandi civic polls, which is scheduled on May 24. "The election process cannot be interfered with, otherwise it could create a havoc in the election. In almost every voters' list, you may find this. If the court will stay election on these reasons, there will be no elections in India. It is a democratic process. We are not going to hear it," a vacation bench of Jus33

tices Arun Mishra and Navin Sinha said. The plea before the apex court had alleged that out of the total 4,79,369 voters, 50,922 names have been repeated in the same ward or different wards. Besides this, there were thousands of voters whose addresses were not mentioned in the list and it was not possible to identify whether these voters were from the same ward or different wards, it said. The petitioner, a voter in the civic election there, said he had approached the state election commission on the issue and the poll panel had accepted that there were defects in the voters' list. It said that municipal commissioner had also suspended some employees of the civic body for making serious mistakes while preparing the voters' list without following the instructions of the state election commission. ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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Trouble for Gandhis T

he Congress on Friday suffered a jolt in the National Herald case as the Delhi high court refused to stay the income tax proceedings against Young Indian Pvt Ltd, whose major stakeholders are party president Sonia Gandhi and her son and vice president Rahul. “We are not inclined to entertain your writ petition. It is better that you withdraw it and approach the income tax assessing officer,” a bench of Justices S Muralidhar and Chander Shekhar said. The order makes it clear that the income tax proceedings will continue in the case. The court also said that the company has not moved the assessing officer and raised its grievances, so it should first approach the IT department and submit its documents. In case it is still not satisfied, the company can move the court thereafter, the bench added. What is the National Herald case all about? Sensing the mood of the bench, senior advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi, appearing for the firm, withdrew the petition which was allowed by the court that termed it ‘dismissed as withdrawn’. ALL RIGHTS

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Young Indian, which was incorporated in November 2010 with a capital of Rs 50 lakh, had acquired almost all the shareholding of the Associated Journal Ltd, which is the owner of the National Herald newspaper. Bharatiya Janata Party MP Subramanian Swamy, in a private criminal complaint filed before a trial court, had accused the Gandhis and others of conspiring to cheat and misappropriate funds by paying just Rs 50 lakh, through which YI had obtained the right to recover Rs 90.25 crore which the AJL owed to the Congress party. YI had approached the high court seeking a direction to stay the IT proceedings and quashing of reassessment notice issued against it with regard to the National Herald misappropriation of assets case. The firm had challenged a notice issued under sections 147/148 of the Income Tax Act by which the department had sought to reopen a past assessment on the ground that certain income had escaped assessment for the year 2011-12. The counsel for the Income Tax Department had opposed the petition, saying the firm has not moved


Trouble the assessing officer and hence its plea was not maintainable. The trial court had summoned the Gandhis and others as accused persons, besides Young Indian on June 26, 2014. The Gandhis and other accused -- Motilal Vora, Oscar Fernandes, Suman Dubey and Sam Pitroda -had denied the allegations levelled against them. On December 7, 2015 the high court had rejected their pleas for quashing the summons issued against them by the trial court in the case. On December 19, 2015, the trial court had granted bail to Sonia, Rahul, Vora, Fernandes and Dubey, who had appeared before it pursuant to summons. Pitroda was granted bail on February 20, 2016 when he had appeared in the court. Sonia, Rahul, Vora (All India Congress Committee treasurer), Fernandes (AICC general secretary), Dubey and Pitroda were summoned for the alleged offences of dishonest misappropriation of property, criminal breach of trust and cheating read with criminal conspiracy of the Indian Penal Code. The IT department’s move to issue the notices fol-

lowed its probe on Swamy’s complaint alleging that the Gandhis had misappropriated AJL’s assets while transferring their shares to the newly formed Young India. According to IT records, 83.3 per cent of Young Indian was held by Sonia and Rahul, 15.5 per cent by Vohra and the remaining 1.2 per cent by Fernandes. Govt spreading misinformation in National Herald case: Congress Accusing the government of spreading misinformation in the National Herald case, the Congress said it was proud to be associated with the newspaper that stood up in pre-independence times against the British for throttling free speech, similar to the present day climate. Congress spokesperson Abhishek Singhvi alleged that government agencies by proxy were engaging 35

in distorted, slanted misinformation possibly bordering on contempt. “This shows the unambiguous, clear insecurity and vindictive approach,” he said. He said it is quite astonishing to see the amount of misinformation and distortion going on in the case. Singhvi said he wondered if the government has better things to do or focus on governance in the country than to circulate unsigned notes of briefing to the media ‘which are actually campaigns of misinformation and distortion’. “Yes, we understand that the ruling party wants to indulge in this campaign of misinformation only because either they want to supply information to their proxies who are fighting us in court or they do not want to go by the facts because they are scared of the fact,” he said. Singhvi said he had withdrawn the case as the high court in its written orders said that all points raised by Young Indian can be raised before the IT department including the point that it had no reason to believe to reopen the case. “In view of the matter, because of that, I withdrew the writ,” he said. AICC in-charge of communications department, Randeep Surjewala, said Young Indian had raised certain fundamental jurisdictional issues challenging the authority of Income Tax authorities and the Delhi High Court directed IT authorities to decide all issues with IT department and satisfied with it, Young Indian withdrew the petition. He said Young Indian is a ‘not for profit’ company that runs the National Herald newspaper which is the last vestige of freedom movement which contributed to India’s freedom struggle. “No one can withdraw a single rupee of profit, salary or dividend from it or benefit from it any manner as per the Companies Act. We are proud of protecting this important symbol of the freedom struggle and will always protect this trust of people of India. “Witch hunt or malice of the current BJP government will not deter us from upholding our bounden duty to the nation," he said. Attacking the government for its ‘false propaganda’, Singhvi said, ‘terrified government proxies who have nothing else to do are using all adjectives’ and claimed that they were circulating an unsigned note stating that this is a direction issued by the court and the department has been directed to investigate. “We will apologise to you if the order shows this. Is it not contempt of court? Some of you are told to publish that the order says Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi have been asked to appear. “This is all government agencies are doing, feeding the press misinformation when our grievance is known to all...Is this fair reporting, is this fair for the ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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government agencies,” he asked. He said the Congress is ‘proud to be associated with the newspaper which in the pre-independence era stood up for free speech when the Britishers were tightening and throttling free speech very similar to the present-day climate’. Singhvi said the National Herald stood up for certain ideals and the Congress fully supports with pride this initiative. On the IT case involving the newspaper, he said, nobody has benefited financially from it as it is registered as a Section 25 ‘Not for Profit’ company. The Act prohibits paying out dividend and giving ALL RIGHTS

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of pecuniary perks as it is a Section 25 Company and no financial gain is possible, he said. “Is it a real estate company, is a somebody's fertile imagination to think so? These are properties owned by this company for decades. And who can benefit, it will remain property of 'Not for Profit Section 25 Company’,” the Congress leader said. Explaining the case, he said the Income Tax authorities had sent out a notice in 2014 while reopening a six-year- old notice to the company owning the newspaper and claimed that it had no jurisdiction to reopen that after a six-year period.


Neighbour

I've special association with tea : Modi

‘I

have a special association with tea’ was how Prime Minister Narendra Modi made an instant connect with the Tamil community members in Dickoya in the tea-growing Central Province of Sri Lanka. Modi, while addressing thousands of Tamils at a rally in the presence of Lankan President Maithripala Srisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, also invoked ‘chai pe charcha’, saying it was not just a slogan but a ‘mark of deep respect for the dignity and integrity of honest labour’. He lauded Ceylon tea, saying it was world famous but what was lesser known was the sweat and labour behind it. "If Sri Lanka today is the third largest exporter of tea, it is because of your hard work. It is your labour of love which is instrumental in Sri Lanka meeting almost 17 per cent of the world’s demand for tea, and earning more than 1.5 billion US dollars in foreign exchange," Modi said. He hailed the Indian-origin Tamils, many of them tea plantation workers, saying, “You are that indis37

pensable backbone of the thriving Sri Lankan tea industry that justly prides itself on its success and global reach today.” Hailing the hard work of the tea plantation workers, Modi said their contribution was ‘deeply valued’ across Sri Lanka and beyond. "You and I have something in common. As some of you may have heard, I have a special association with tea,” the prime minister said, in a reference to his tea-selling days. "Today, we remember your forefathers. Those men and women of strong will and courage, who undertook the journey of their life from India to then Ceylon. Their journey may have been uphill and their struggles hard, but they never gave up. Today, we remember and salute that spirit,” Modi said. Noting that the current generation had also faced relentless hardships, the prime minister said they encountered the stiff challenge of making their own mark and identity in a newly independent nation.

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Viable Alternative to the Death Penalty S

ince the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence to the four remaining convicts in the Delhi bus rape of December 16, 2012, there have been two categories of extreme reaction from the public – one is the cheerleading of the death penalty, and the other is disgust that such a punishment continues to exist. Among those who believe the death penalty is wrong, there are three kinds – those who take issue with the arbitrariness with which a crime is deemed “rarest of rare”, those who worry about the innocent being punished with death, and those who believe the state should not have the right to take a life away. Even as the media reports on the reactions of the convicts and the plans of their lawyers to file review petitions, I find myself unable to disagree with the death penalty in a case where the involvement of the culprits have been proven beyond all doubt, and where the crime is so horrendous one wonders whether we are not better off without the perpetrators walking the earth. In an ideal world, there would be no crime. In an ideal system, there would be such firm deterrence that no one would have the chance to repeat an offence. I cannot convince myself that everyone is capable of reform, or that remorse – even if truly felt, and not simply shown – can last through one’s lifetime to the extent that one never repeats such extreme cruelty. How can one even tell whether the remorse was for having committed the crime, or for having got caught for it? There are certain crimes the commission of which speak to the psyche of the perpetrator. The word “monster” is popularly used, to describe child molesters, serial killers, and others with a record of viciousness against those who have no defence. What is it in some people, we wonder, which allows them to inflict such pain on someone else? We search for reasons that would allow us to treat them not as monsters, but as fellow human beings – was it their upbringing, perhaps? Were they beaten or molested or subjected to other forms ALL RIGHTS

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Issue We must acknowledge that there are those who grow up in the same circumstances, hearing the same ideas, crippled by the same poverty, who do not allow these factors to define who they are or what they do. There are only two possible explanations for the infliction of brutality – either it is a compulsion, or it is a choice. If it is a compulsion, is the perpetrator capable of resisting the next opportunity that presents itself?

of cruelty when they were helpless to defend themselves? Did they have the wrong role models growing up? Is it poverty which needs to be tackled? Is it the mindset that needs to be changed, so that they will realise no woman is “asking for it” unless she literally asks for it? But we must acknowledge that there are those who grow up in the same circumstances, hearing the same ideas, crippled by the same poverty, who do not allow these factors to define who they are or what they do. There are only two possible explanations for the infliction of brutality – either it is a compulsion, or it is a choice. If it is a compulsion, is the perpetrator capable of resisting the next opportunity that presents itself? If it is a choice, what does that say about the perpetrator, about someone who derives pleasure or satiation from such a deed? One may argue that for as long as someone is in prison for life, he presents no direct danger to the world outside, unless there is a prison break – which is not impossible. But then, unless he is denied all human contact, is it not possible for him to influence others within the prison, who could then get out and present a bigger threat than before? If the perpetrator is not put away for life – as the juvenile was not – would it not be possible for him to meet kindred spirits among other inmates and form a partnership when they are both outside? It is often argued that the death penalty is not an effective deterrent, that there is no recognisable drop in a particular crime after the death penalty is awarded to a perpetrator. But then, it does deter that particular perpetrator from repeating the offence. The only other foolproof way to deter him would be to lock him up in a room and throw away the key, with no access to anything except food and water, no walks for fresh air, no interaction with anyone else – a punishment arguably worse than death, with enough time for the criminal to feel remorse for what led him to banish himself from society and see out the rest of his life in a miserable hell-hole.

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˜淤æçÚUÌæ

×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ â×æÙæ‹ÌÚU ¹Ç¸æ âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ àæ ·¤è ÙÚUð´Îý ×ôÎè âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤è çâ‚Ùð¿ÚU ÅUñ» Üæ§Ù ãñ ×ðÚUæ Îðàæ ÕÎÜ ÚUãæ ãñ ·¤è ãè ÌÚUã €UØæ §Ù çÎÙô´ ßæSÌß ×ð´ Îðàæ ·Ô¤ ÂýÁæÌ´˜æ ·¤æ ¿õÍæ ÂýãÚUè ·¤ãÜæØæ ÁæÙð ßæÜæ ç×çÇØæ Öè ×ð´ ÕÎÜ ÚUãæ ãñ, Øæ ×èçÇØæ ×ð´ ãô ÚUãð ÂçÚUßÌüÙ ·Ô¤ Øð â´·Ô¤Ì §â ÕæÌ ·¤è ¥ôÚU §àææÚUæ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´ ç·¤ ¥Õ ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ çÎÙ ÜÎ ÚUãð ãñ´ ¥õÚU ¥æÏéçÙ·¤ ×èçÇØæ ×ð´ ÖèÁô ÂçÚUßçÌüÌ ãô ÚUãæ ãñ ßã Îðàæ ·¤ô çÇçÁÅUÜ §´çÇØæ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Üð ÁæÙð ·¤è ÚUæã ×ÁÕêÌ ·¤ÚU ÚUãæ ãñ. ÂýÁæÌ´˜æ ·Ô¤ §â ¿õÍð ÂýãÚUè ×ð´ ¥æ ÚUãð §â ÂçÚUßÌüÙ ·¤ô ÖÜð ãè ¥æ× ÁÙÌæ Ù Îð¹ Âæ ÚUãè ãô ÂÚU Øð âˆØ ãñ ç·¤ §â ÂçÚUßÌüÙ ·Ô¤ ÂçÚU‡ææ× Öè ÏèÚUð ÏèÚUð ÁÕ ©Áæ»ÚU ãô´»ð, ÌÕ Ì·¤ ÕãéÌ ÎðÚU ãô ¿é·¤è ãô»è. Øð ·¤ãÙæ ¥Öè ÁËÎÕæÁè ãô»è ç·¤ Øð ÂçÚU‡ææ× âé¹Î ãô´»ð Øæ Îé¹Î. €UØô´ç·¤ Îðàæ ·Ô¤ ÕÎÜÙð ·Ô¤ âæÍ ãè ¥Õ Îðàæ ×ð´ Øéßæ¥ô´ ·¤è ÌæÎæÎ ×ð´ §ÁæȤæ ãô ÚUãæ ãñ ¥õÚU ¥æÏéçÙ·¤ ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ ©ÂØô»·¤Ìæü¥ô´ ·¤è ÌæÎæÎ ×ð´ Öè. ¥æ× ÁÙÌæ âð â´ßæÎ SÍæçÂÌ ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ÙÚUð´Îý ×ôÎè Ùð ×Ù ·¤è ÕæÌ ·¤ô ·¤ãÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÁÕ ÚUðçÇØô ·¤æ âãæÚUæ çÜØæ Íæ, ÌÕ Ü»æ Íæ ç·¤ ¥æÁ ·Ô¤ §â ÎõÚU ×ð´ ÁÕ ¥æ× ¥æÎ×è ·Ô¤ Âæâ â´¿æÚUR¤æ´çÌ ·¤æ çÁóæ ØæÙè §´ÅUÚUÙðÅU ãñ, ÌÕ §â ÂÚU ÂÚUæ»Ì â´âæÏÙ ØæÙè ÚUðçÇØô ·¤æ ,çÁâð ¥æÁ ·Ô¤ ÎõÚU ×ð´ ÕèÌð Á×æÙð ·¤æ âæÏÙ ·¤ã ·¤ÚU Ù·¤æÚU çÎØæ Íæ ©â·¤è ©ÂØôç»Øæ Õɸæ Îè »Øè Íè. ¥æàææ ·¤è °·¤ ç·¤ÚU‡æ Á»è Íè ç·¤ ÚUðçÇØô ·Ô¤ ÂéÚUæÙð âéÙãÚUð çÎÙ ÜõÅU ¥æØð´»ð. ãæÜæ´ç·¤ °ðâæ Ùãè ãô â·¤æ. Ÿæè ÙÚUð‹Îý ×ôÎè Ùð âÙ w®vy ·¤æ ¿éÙæß §âè §´ÅUÚUÙðÅU ×èçÇØæ ØæÙè âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ ·¤æ ©ÂØô» ·¤ÚU ÁèÌæ Íæ ¥õÚU Øð âæçÕÌ Öè ·¤ÚU çÎØæ Íæ ç·¤ âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ ÂÚU ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ ÕÚUæÕÚU ãè ¥ãç×ØÌ ÚU¹Ìæ ãñ. âÚU·¤æÚU ×ð´ ¥æÙð ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ ·¤æ ßð çÁâ ÌÚUã ©ÂØô» ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´ ¥õÚU ¥ÂÙð âãØôç»Øô´ ·¤ô Öè §â·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂýðçÚUÌ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´ ßã §â ÕæÌ ·¤ô ÎàææüÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ âð ’ØæÎæ ©‹ãð´ âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ ÂÚU ÖÚUôâæ ãñ. ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ ˜淤æÚUô´ ·¤è ÌÚUã §â ×èçÇØæ ×ð´ ©Ùâð ·¤ô§ü âßæÜ Øæ Ì·¤ÚUæÚU Ùãè´ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìæ ¥õÚU ¥õÚU ©‹ãð´ ¥ÂÙè ÕæÌ ·¤ãÙð ·¤è çÕÙæ ç·¤âè L¤·¤æßÅU ·Ô¤ Âê‡æü ¥æÁæÎè ãñ. ¥ÂÙð Îô âæÜô´ ·Ô¤ ·¤æØü·¤æÜ ×ð´ ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè Ùð ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·¤è Á»ã âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ ·¤æ ’ØæÎæÌÚU ©ÂØô» ãè ç·¤Øæ ãñ, ÂÚU ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ âð M¤ÕM¤ Øæ Âýðâ ·¤æ´È¤ýðâ ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ ¥ßâÚU ·¤× ãè ãé° ãñ. ãæÜæ´ç·¤ ßð ¥Ùð·¤ ÅUè ßè ¿ðÙÜô´ ·Ô¤ âæÍ âßæÜ ÁßæÕ ×ð´ âæÍ ÙÁÚU ¥æØð ãñ´, ×»ÚU §Ù ×ðÜ ×éÜæ·¤Ìô´ ·¤ô ÂýæØôçÁÌ Øæ °·¤ ÌÚUȤæ â´ßæÎ ·¤è Ÿæð‡æè ×ð´ ÚU¹æ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ . ØæÙè ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ·Ô¤ âæ×Ùð ßÙ ÅUê ßÙ ·¤ÚUÙð ßæÜæ ˜淤æÚU, ¥ÂÙð ¿ñÙÜ ÂÚU ç·¤Øð ÁæÙð âÚU·¤æÚUè çß™ææÂÙô´ ·Ô¤ ÕôÛæ âð §ÌÙæ ÎÕæ ÚUãÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ßô ×é¹ÚU ãô ãè Ùãè´ â·¤Ìæ, ÁÕç·¤ ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·¤è ˜淤æÚU ßæÌæü ×ð´ ¥Ùð·¤ °ðâð âßæÜ ©Æð ¥õÚU ©Ææ° Áæ â·¤Ìðãñ´ ,Áô ç·¤âè ·Ô¤ çÜ° Öè Öè ¥âãÁ ãô â·¤Ìð .Øãæ¡ âßæÜ âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ Øæ ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ »é‡æÎôá ç»ÙæÙð ·¤æ Ùãè´ ÕçË·¤ ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×èçÇØæ ·¤ô ãæçâØð âð ÕæãÚU ç·¤Øð ÁæÙð ·¤æ ãñ. ×ðÚUð Áñâð ¥Ù𷤠˜淤æÚU çטæ ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì

Îð

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ç×çÇØæ ·Ô¤ ãô´»ð Áô ¥æÁ §â çÜ° Ù·¤æÚU çΰ »Øð ç·¤ ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ ÕÎÜÌð ÂçÚUßðàæ ×ð´ ©Ù·Ô¤ çÜ° Á»ã Ùãè´ Õ¿è. â×æ¿æÚU °Áð´çâØô´ ·¤è Âýæâ´ç»·¤Ìæ Öè¥Õ ©ÌÙè Ùãè´Õ¿è çÁÌÙè ÂãÜè ·¤Öè ãé¥æ ·¤ÚUÌè Íè. ×éÛæ𠥑Àè ÌÚUã âð ØæÎ ãñ ·¤è Sß. ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè §´çÎÚUæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è ÁÕ ãˆØæ ãé§ü Íè ×ñ´ â×æ¿æÚU °Áð´âè ×ð´ ·¤æØüÚUÌ ×ð´ Íæ ©â â×Ø ¥Ùð·¤ çטæô´ Øãæ¡ Ì·¤ ·¤è ¥Ùð·¤ ¥çÏ·¤æçÚUØô´ Ùð Öè ÁÕ Ì·¤ Ÿæè×Ìè »æ´Ïè ·¤è ×ëˆØé ·¤è ¹ÕÚU ÅUðÜè çÂý´ÅUÚU ÂÚU Ùãè´ ¥æ§ü Íè, ÌÕ Ì·¤ Ø·¤èÙ Ùãè´ ç·¤Øæ Íæ. ãæÜ´ç·¤ ©Ù ãé° ·¤çÌÜæÙð

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most common Home Loan problems faced by borrowers in India

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G

etting a home loan is a lengthy procedure. However simple it might look in the bank's advertisement, the fact remains that there are a lot of hiccups in the entire process. Here are the 7 most common problems faced by home loan borrowers in India. Each problem is discussed in detail and appropriate remedies are mentioned along with it. The objective of this article is to ensure that your home loan becomes a hassle-free experience. 1 Rejection at the first stage Strange but true, many of the home loan applications do not pass even the first test. They are out rightly rejected due to incompatibility between the borrower's qualifications and lenders requirements. It could be the age criteria, income criteria, proper documents not being submitted, the bank not being able to verify your details properly, not passing the field investigations conducted by the bank and many more. The best way to avoid being rejected in this way is to check the eligibility requirements of lending banks carefully and apply only to that bank which matches your profile. Keeping proper documents ready and providing accurate, verifiable details to the banks will ensure that you sail through the preliminary verification process. 2. Processing fee not refunded With every application form for home loans, banks require about 0.25% to 1% of the loan amount to be submitted as the processing fees. This processing fees is generally NOT REFUNDABLE. In simple words this means that for whatever reasons, if the bank finds that you don't deserve the home loan, this fees won't be returned. This is the cost of applying for home loans. If in any case, the bank you have applied to states that it will refund the processing fees in case the bank doesn't sanction you the home loan, it is better to get any such declaration in writing and make sure that the clause is enforceable. A verbal statement by bank authorities won't be of any use unless it is properly and 42


Issue legally documented. In all other cases there is little remedy for processing fees being not refunded. 3. Desired loan not sanctioned The loan amount sanctioned is based mostly on repayment capacity of the borrower. Many things come into picture, when the bank decides how much home loan a person can get. The monthly income, financial history, other unpaid loans with the borrower, past repayment record, credit card usage history if any, bounced checks, average balance with the banks, continuity in present employment, total years in employment, nature of employment etc. These factors all clubbed together help the bank to decide whether it will be able to recover its money satisfactorily or not. If you get rejected due to any such criteria, you can increase your eligibility by clubbing together your spouse's, father's, son's, relative's income and make them a co-borrower. In addition to it, if you have sufficient funds in NSC's, provident funds, LIC policies etc. you can keep them as collateral and ask the bank to finance your home loan. 4. The interest rate dilemma Whether to go for a fixed rate or floating rate interest for home loans is a dilemma which almost every home loan borrower faces. Even after deciding on a particular loan regime, the home loan terms and condition fine prints can create havoc with your interest rates. For ex-

loan dropped during low interest periods. Ask your bank for some historic floating rate changes. Advantages of taking a home loan Considering the huge amount and the long tenure involved, a home loan is surely a liability. But it also offers you some benefits Buying a home is a big step. It is a source of anxiety, frustration -- and a huge sense of accomplishment. With the zooming property rates, it is difficult a buy a home through our savings entirely. Almost all of us have a to avail a home loan. Usually, a home loan is one of the biggest liabilities. Considering the huge amount and the long tenure involved, However your home loan also offers you some benefits. The below write-up highlights the advantages of taking a home loan. Buying a home is one of the biggest financial investments you may make in your lifetime; and that's not just because of the sentimental value. The sum that most of us sink into our home does make it the largest component of our investment portfolio! For each one of us who has seen property prices boom over the last five years, the prospect of mouth-watering capital appreciation is the biggest argument for buying a home. Construction costs alone, which account for more than 70 per cent of the flat's cost, have risen at 15 per cent annually in the past decade. Rents too seem to keep up with inflation; making a home one of the few investments can shield you from inflation for the long term.

ample even if a borrower has opted for fixed rate home loan and the bank has promised him a rate which he feels is good, the catch is in the fine prints which authorizes the bank to vary this fixed rate every 2 years, things can go worse for the fixed rate borrower. Similarly if the bank doesn't pass you the benefit of lowered interest rates in floating interest rate regime, it will be of a little value. Avoiding such a situation essentially means that you study the terms and conditions of home loan carefully and clearly ask the bank about such things. In case of floating interest rates the facts can be verified by checking how the interest rates on home

Buying a home is a long-term decision of over a 10-year period; the interest rates may go through several up and down cycles. Therefore, you can be sure that you will benefit from falling rates at some point in the cycle. There could also be situations in which the interest rates fall, allowing you to prepay your loan and own your home. For instance, those who bought property in 1995, at an interest rate of 18 per cent, not only saw interest rates fall dramatically over the next decade, to bottom out at about 7.5 per cent, property prices too appreciated steeply. This works as a double boost to wealth.

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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çßÎðàæ

India gets the first feel of Trump’s ‘America First’ P

rime Minister Narendra Modi happens to be only the second world leader with whom US President Donald Trump spoke with after the inaugural on January 20. The conversation took place on January 24, two days after Trump spoke with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Presumably, a long ‘waiting list’ lies on Trump’s table. At any rate, do not feel flattered. The White House readout of the conversation with PM Modi makes sombre reading. The purple prose characteristic of the halcyon days under the last two US presidencies is absent. The readout is completely devoid of hyperbole – except in regard of fight against terrorism, which is close to Trump’s heart. In that fight, Trump expects Modi to stand “shoulder to shoulder” with him. Of course, it goes without saying that India must bear its expenses in the fight. Trump intends to go ‘dutch’ with his allies – paying for the US’s expenses if it becomes absolutely unavoidable.

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קüU 2017

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Trump calls India a “true friend and partner in addressing challenges in the world”. It is a statement of fact and it is well-earned. The Modi government has gone more than half way to meet the US’ demands. The signing of the Logistics Agreement itself is a glaring instance where the accord is of no use to India in practical terms and the geopolitical gains are dubious. Trump and Modi “discussed opportunities to strengthen partnership” in the fields of economy and defence. In Trumpian terms, this means US exports to India, civil and military, are top priority. Unsurprisingly, there was no reference whatsoever to ‘Make in India’. It is unclear whether Modi brought it up. Unlikely. But then, how does India promote exports for the US industry in the Indian market at this odd time by restarting ‘reforms’ to facilitate greater market access for US exports? The GDP growth is stalling and the priority is to inject some dynamism. Again, the domestic political climate is turning against the ruling


çßÎðàæ party and the smart thing will be populist policies, as Modi has realised. Arguably, where we can help Trump will be by buying more weapons from American vendors. But Modi will have to throw out of the window all notions of ‘co-production’, ‘joint development’, et al. Trump will sell, Modi should buy. Technology transfer that meets Indian aspirations a laAshton Carter? Just forget about it. In regard of regional security, Trump and Modi discussed South Asia and Central Asia (read Afghanistan). India-Pakistan tensions probably figured. Kashmir? (PMO is yet to put out a readout giving its version of the conversation.) The stunning thing is that Trump didn’t discuss Asia-Pacific or South China Sea. Troubling questions arise: Is Trump aware that there is a historic document titled the U.S.India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and

Indian Ocean Region, which is displayed on the White House website? Or, is it another Obama legacy that he intends to dump in the waste paper basket? Ironically, Trump spoke to Modi on the day after tearing up the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement. Modi should have reminded Trump about the ‘defining partnership’ between the two countries. Is Trump altogether devoid of emotions? Not really. He was an altogether different man when he spoke with Netanyahu two days ago. Just look at the White House readout, here. Doesn’t it hurt our national pride that after all this brouhaha about US-Indian defining partnership, Trump didn’t have a similar conversation with Modi Not that Netanyahu is in a position to make investments in American highways or manufacturing plants and other infrastructure costing trillions of dollars. Yet, Trump is determined to win the favour of the Jewish lobby.Not that Trump won on Jewish votes. But then, he’s looking ahead. American Jews control the US media and think tanks and the academia – and the Congress – who have been systematically debunking his credibility as president and can make things extremely difficult for his presidency. We see here another grotesque side of ‘America First’. Don’t bring in ‘values’ and all that crap. Ask what we can do for Trump. Probably, the Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar should be tasked to do that during his extended tenure in South Block. The White House readout never once mentions US-Indian affinities based on cherished common values of democracy and human rights and so on. It rankles to see Modi holding a can of worms all by himself.

Is Trump altogether devoid of emotions? Not really. He was an altogether different man when he spoke with Netanyahu two days ago. Just look at the White House readout, here. Doesn’t it hurt our national pride that after all this brouhaha about US-Indian defining partnership, Trump didn’t have a similar conversation with Modi Not that Netanyahu is in a position to make investments in American highways or manufacturing plants and other infrastructure costing trillions of dollars.

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× ¹êÕ ×çãÜæ çÎßâ ×Ùæ Üð,´ Üðç·¤Ù â¿ Ìô Øãè ãñ ç·¤ çã‹ÎéSÌæÙ ×ð´ ×çãÜæ°´ Ù ƒæÚU âð ÕæãÚU âéÚUçÿæÌ ãñ´, Ù ƒæÚU ×ð´ âßü- ×æçÙÌ. ãæÜ ãè ×ð´ ÂçÚUßæÚU SßæS‰Ø âßðüÿæ‡æ ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁð ÁæÚUè ç·¤° »° ãñ´. §Ù ÙÌèÁô´ ×ð´ Ì×æ× ×æÙ·¤ Ìô Øãè ·¤ãæÙè Âðàæ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´. Øã âßðüÿæ‡æ ¹éÎ ÖæÚUÌ âÚU·¤æÚU ÂêÚUð Îðàæ ×ð´ ·¤ÚUßæÌè ãñ. çÂÀÜæ âßðüÿæ‡æ (ÌèâÚUæ) v® âæÜ ÂãÜð w®®{ ×ð´ ¥æØæ Íæ, w®v{ ×ð´ §â·Ô¤ v| ÚUæ’Øô´ ·Ô¤ ÂçÚU‡ææ× ãè ÁæÚUè ç·¤° »° Íð, ¥Õ ØêÂè ·¤ô ÀôǸ·¤ÚU ֻܻ âÖè ÚUæ’Øô´ ·Ô¤ ÂçÚU‡ææ× ¥æ »° ãñ´. §ââð ÂêÚUð Îðàæ ·¤è ÌSßèÚU ÂÌæ ¿ÜÌè ãñ. §â âßðüÿæ‡æ ×ð´ ÕãéÌ ãè

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¿õ´·¤æÙð ßæÜð ¥õÚU ¥æ´¹ð´ ¹ôÜ ÎðÙð ßæÜð ÂçÚU‡ææ× âæ×Ùð ãñ´. ¥æ§°, ×çãÜæ çÎßâ ·Ô¤ ×õ·Ô¤ ÂÚU ×çãÜæ¥ô´ âð â´Õ´çÏÌ ×æÙ·¤ô´ ÂÚU »õÚU ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´. ã×æÚUð Îðàæ ×ð´ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤è ÂêÁæ ·¤è ÁæÌè ãñ, ÂÚU ßæSÌß ×ð´ ©‹ãð´ ç·¤ÌÙæ â ×æÙ ç×Ü ÂæÌæ ãñ. âßðüÿæ‡æ ·Ô¤ ×éÌæçÕ·¤ ÖæÚUÌ ×ð´ w} ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ °ðâè ãñ´, çÁ‹ãô´Ùð ·¤Öè Ù ·¤Öè ¥ÂÙð ÂçÌ ·Ô¤ ãæÍô´ ×æÚU ¹æ§ü ãñ. âôç¿°, ÁÕ ƒæÚU ×ð´ ã×âȤÚU ·¤æ ÃØßãæÚU Øã ãô»æ Ìô Õæ·¤è Üô» €UØæ ×æÙ ·¤ÚUð´»ð. v® âæÜ ÂãÜð ÁÕ Øã âßðü ç·¤Øæ »Øæ Íæ, ÌÕ x| ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ °ðâè Íè´, çÁ‹ãð´ ÂçÌ Ùð ·¤Öè Ù ·¤Öè ÂèÅUæ. §Ù v® âæÜô´ ×ð´ ÕãéÌ ·¤éÀ


×égæ ×çãÜæ°´ ·¤æ× Ìô ¹êÕ ·¤ÚUÌè ãñ´, Üðç·¤Ù ©Ù·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ ×Á¸ÎêÚUè Ùãè´ ¥æÌè. âßðü ·Ô¤ ×éÌæçÕ·¤ °ðâè ·Ô¤ßÜ wy ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ ãñ´, çÁÙ·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ âèÏð ÌõÚU ÂÚU ×Á¸ÎêÚUè ٻΠ¥æ ÁæÌè ãñ, ¥õÚU ’ØæÎæÌÚU ×æ×Üô´ ×ð´ ×çãÜæ ·Ô¤ ÂçÌ Øæ çÂÌæ Øæ ¥‹Ø ÃØçQ¤ ãè ×ÁÎêÚUè ãǸ ÁæÌð ãñ´. ×Áð ·¤è ÕæÌ Øã ãñ v® âæÜ ÂãÜð w} ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ×ÁÎêÚUè ©Ù·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ ç×Ü ÁæØæ ·¤ÚUÌè Íè, ¥Õ Øã ¿æÚU ÂýçÌàæÌ Ì·¤ ·¤× ãô »§ü ãñ. §ââð ÂÌæ ¿ÜÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ¥Õ Öè â×æÁ ×ð´ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ Ÿæ× ·¤æ ·¤ô§ü ×ôÜ Ùãè´ ãñ ¥õÚU Áô ×ôÜ ãñ Öè, Ìô ©â ÂÚU ©Ù·¤æ ¥ÂÙæ ·¤ô§ü ã·¤ Ùãè´.

ÕÎÜæ, çß·¤æâ ÎÚU ¥õÚU ÁèÇèÂè Õɸæ Üè, çÇçÁÅUÜ ¥õÚU S×æÅUü çâÅUèÁ¸ ·Ô¤ ÎõÚU ×ð´ ¿Üð »°, ÂÚU Øã ÌSßèÚU ç·¤ÌÙð Ïè×ð-Ïè×ð ÕÎÜ ÚUãè ãñ. Øãè Ùãè´, »ÖæüßSÍæ ×ð´, ÁÕ »ÖüßÌè ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ÖæÚUè ßÁÙ Ù ©ÆæÙð ·¤è âÜæã Îè ÁæÌè ãñ, ÌÕ Öè ßã €UM¤ÚUÌæ âãÌè ãñ´. âßðü ·Ô¤ ×éÌæçÕ·¤ »ÖæüßSÍæ ·Ô¤ ÎõÚUæÙ Öè x.x ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô çã´âæ ·¤æ çàæ·¤æÚU ãôÙæ ÂǸæ ãñ. €UØæ Øð ¥æ´·¤Ç¸ð â×æÁ ·Ô¤ çÜ° àæ×üÙæ·¤ Ùãè´? ×çãÜæ°´ ·¤æ× Ìô ¹êÕ ·¤ÚUÌè ãñ´, Üðç·¤Ù ©Ù·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ ×Á¸ÎêÚUè Ùãè´ ¥æÌè. âßðü ·Ô¤ ×éÌæçÕ·¤ °ðâè ·Ô¤ßÜ wy ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ ãñ´, çÁÙ·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ âèÏð ÌõÚU ÂÚU ×Á¸ÎêÚUè ٻΠ¥æ ÁæÌè ãñ, ¥õÚU ’ØæÎæÌÚU ×æ×Üô´ ×ð´ ×çãÜæ ·Ô¤ ÂçÌ Øæ çÂÌæ Øæ ¥‹Ø ÃØçQ¤ ãè ×ÁÎêÚUè ãǸ ÁæÌð ãñ´. ×Áð ·¤è ÕæÌ Øã ãñ v® âæÜ ÂãÜð w} ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ×ÁÎêÚUè ©Ù·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ ç×Ü ÁæØæ ·¤ÚUÌè Íè, ¥Õ Øã ¿æÚU ÂýçÌàæÌ Ì·¤ ·¤× ãô »§ü ãñ. §ââð ÂÌæ ¿ÜÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ¥Õ Öè â×æÁ ×ð´ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ Ÿæ× ·¤æ ·¤ô§ü ×ôÜ Ùãè´ ãñ ¥õÚU Áô ×ôÜ ãñ Öè, Ìô ©â ÂÚU ©Ù·¤æ ¥ÂÙæ ·¤ô§ü ã·¤ Ùãè´. Øã ÁM¤ÚU ãñ ç·¤ ¥Õ ×ÁÎêÚUè ¥õÚU Âð´àæÙ ØôÁÙæ¥ô´ ·¤ô âèÏð çãÌ»ýæãè ·Ô¤ ¹æÌô´ âð ÁôǸ·¤ÚU ©âð Âãé´¿æÙð ·¤è ·¤ôçàæàæ ·¤è Áæ ÚUãè ãñ, Üðç·¤Ù Øã ·¤Î× ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô âèÏð ÜæÖ Âãé´¿æÙð ·¤è ¥Âðÿææ ÖýCæ¿æÚU ÚUô·¤Ùð ·¤è ·¤ôçàæàæ ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ ¥çÏ·¤ ãñ, ©ââð Øã âéçÙçpÌ Ùãè´ ãôÌæ ç·¤ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ©Ù·¤è ×ÁÎêÚUè ©Ù·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ ãè ç×Üð»è. â×æÁ ¥õÚU ÂçÚUßæÚU ·Ô¤ Éæ´¿ð ×ð´ ×éÎýæ ·¤æ çÙØ´˜æ‡æ ÂéL¤á âžææ ·Ô¤ ãè ãæÍô´ ×ð´ ãñ. âßðüÿæ‡æ ·¤æ °·¤ çÕ´Îé §â·¤è ÂéçC Öè ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñ. ÂçÚUßæÚU ×ð´ çÙ‡æüØ ×ð´ àææç×Ü ãôÙð Øæ Ù ãôÙð ·Ô¤ ÁßæÕ ×ð´ v{ ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ Ùð ÁßæÕ çÎØæ ç·¤ ©Ù·¤è ÂçÚUßæÚU ·Ô¤ çÙ‡æüØô´ ×ð´ ·¤ô§ü Öæ»èÎæÚUè Ùãè´ ãôÌè. âßðü Øã Öè ·¤ãÌæ ãñ ç·¤ zx ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ Âæâ Õñ´·¤ ×ð´ ¥ÂÙæ ¹æÌæ ãñ. ØçÎ ¹æÌô´ ×ð´ âèÏð ×ÁÎêÚUè Á×æ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è ÃØßSÍæ ·¤ô ¥æÎàæü M¤Â ×ð´ Üæ»ê ·¤ÚU Öè çÎØæ Ìô àæðá y| ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ¹æÌð ¹ôÜð ÁæÙð ¥õÚU Õñ´ç·¤´» âðßæ¥ô´ Ì·¤ Âãé´¿ ÕÙæ° ÁæÙð ·¤æ °·¤ Ü´Õæ ÚUæSÌæ àæðá

ãñ, Øã ãæÜæÌ ÌÕ ãñ´, ÁÕ çÂÀÜð âæÜô´ ×ð´ âÚU·¤æÚU Ùð ÕÇð Âñ×æÙð ÂÚU ÁÙÏÙ ¹æÌð ¹éÜßæÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ·¤æ× ç·¤Øæ. §â·Ô¤ ÕæßÁêÎ Õñç·¤´» âð€UÅUÚU ·¤è ÕɸÌè ×éçà·¤Üô´ ¥õÚU Õñ´ç·¤´» âðßæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ çÜ° Ì×æ× ÌÚUã ·Ô¤ àæéË·¤ ßâêÜÙð ·Ô¤ Õè¿ Øã ÃØßSÍæ ÌèâÚUè ÎéçÙØæ ·¤è ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ç·¤ÌÙè ×éçà·¤Ü ãô»è, â×Ûææ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ. Øã àæðá ×çãÜæ°´ Á¸æçãÚU ÌõÚU ÂÚU °ðâè ×çãÜæ°´ ãè ãô´»è, Áô ¥·¤éàæÜ ÿæð˜æ ·Ô¤ ·¤æ×ô´ ×ð´ Ü»è ãô´»è. °ðâð ×ð´ ßæSÌéß ×ð´ ×çãÜæ âàæQ¤è·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤æ ÚUæSÌæ ¥Öè ÕãéÌ Ü´Õæ ãô»æ. ã×æÚUð Îðàæ ×ð´ zx ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ °Ùèç×Øæ, ØæÙè ¹êÙ ·¤è ·¤×è ·¤æ çàæ·¤æÚU ãñ´, z® ÂýçÌàæÌ »ÖüßÌè ×çãÜæ°´ Öè °Ùèç×·¤ Âæ§ü »§ü ãñ´. ·Ô¤ßÜ zv ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô »ÖæüßSÍæ ·Ô¤ ÎõÚUæÙ ¿æÚU ¥çÙßæØü Áæ´¿ô´ ·¤è âéçßÏæ ç×Ü ÂæÌè ãñ. x® ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ ãè ¥æØÚU٠ȤæòçÜ·¤ °çâÇ ·¤è v®® »ôçÜØô´ ·¤æ âðßÙ ·¤ÚUÌè ãñ´. ·Ô¤ßÜ x{ ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô â´SÍæÜ»Ì Âýâß ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ×æÌëçˆß ÜæÖ ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ çßžæèØ âãæØÌæ ç×ÜÌè ãñ. Øã âÕ çÙc·¤áü ãè ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ Âÿæ ×ð´ Ìô Ùãè´ ãñ´. Øãè Ùãè´, ×æãßæÚUè ·Ô¤ ÎõÚUæÙ âéÚUçÿæÌ âæÏÙô´ ·¤æ z|.{ ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ Ùð ãè ÂýØô» ç·¤Øæ ãñ. âæÜô´-âæÜ ¥çÖØæÙ ¥õÚU Âý¿æÚU-ÂýâæÚU ·Ô¤ ÕæßÁêÎ ·Ô¤ßÜ w® ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô °¿¥æ§üßè Øæ °Ç÷â ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×ð´ ·¤ô§ü ÁæÙ·¤æÚUè ãñ. ww.~ ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤æ ÕæòÇè ×æòâ §´Çð€Uâ âæ×æ‹Ø âð ·¤× ãñ ¥õÚU w® ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ ã×æÚUð Îðàæ ×ð´ ×ôÅUæÂð ·¤è çàæ·¤æÚU ãñ´. ÕæÜ çßßæã ·¤è ãæÜÌ Öè °ðâè ãè ãñ. âßðüÿæ‡æ ·Ô¤ ×éÌæçÕ·¤ âßðü ·Ô¤ â×Ø w{.} ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ ãñ´, çÁÙ·¤è v} âæÜ âð ÂãÜð ·¤è ©×ý ×ð´ ãè àææÎè ãô »§ü. ¥æ´·¤Ç¸ô´ ×ð´ Öè Îðàæ ×ð´ Ì·¤ÚUèÕÙ °·¤ ·¤ÚUôÇ ww Üæ¹ °ðâð Õ‘¿ð çÙ·¤ÜÌð ãñ´, çÁÙ·¤æ ÕæÜ çßßæã ãé¥æ ãñ. §Ù×ð´ Ì·¤ÚUèÕÙ vz âæÜ âð Üð·¤ÚU v~ âæÜ Ì·¤ ·¤è |.~ ÂýçÌàæÌ ×çãÜæ°´ âßðü ·Ô¤ â×Ø »ÖüßÌè Âæ§ü »§ü´. ÁÚUæ âôç¿°, ÁÕ vz âæÜ ·¤è ¥ßSÍæ¤ ×ð´ ãè ·¤ô§ü ÜǸ·¤è ×æ´ ÕÙ Áæ°»è, Ìô ©â Îðàæ ·¤è ÕéçÙØæÎ ·ñ¤âð ×ÁÕêÌ ãô»è? 47

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I can help keep the game clean : Sehwag "I don't remember meeting anyone unknown in the hotels because it's my choice. If my friend comes to meet me, then I ensure that the friend comes and his friend doesn't come along. (Similarly) if someone related to me comes to meet me, I ask him not to bring along anyone else. It's all about player's awareness,"


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F

ormer swashbuckling batsman Virender Semakes allegations) I would say wipe off all my hwag said on Friday it was up to the indirecords. If players take such type of responsibility vidual players to keep away from activities (stand), then these guys (bookies) won't approach such as betting and spot-fixing after the you," said Sehwag. scourge resurfaced during the ongoing Indian PreThe three arrested people in Kanpur included a mier League on Thursday. person who worked as a sub-conThe dark underbelly of IPL was tractor in IPL who had bragged to exposed again after three people, inthe bookie that his access to GreenThe dark underbelly cluding an insider with pitch access, Park groundsmen will help him of IPL was exposed were arrested at Kanpur for allegedly tamper with the pitch, according to running a betting racket during again after three peo- the police. Wednesday's IPL match between Sehwag said it has been his polple, including an inDelhi Daredevils and Gujarat Lions. icy not to give access to any un"You can't stop all these things. It's sider with pitch access, known persons. the player's responsibility whom he "I don't remember meeting anywere arrested at Kan- one unknown in the hotels because wants to meet. It's my wish whom I want to meet. If my conscience is my choice. If my friend comes pur for allegedly run- it's clear then I can help keep the game to meet me, then I ensure that the ning a betting racket clean too," Sehwag said here when friend comes and his friend doesn't queried on the subject. come along. (Similarly) if someone during Wednesday's "You can keep enormous security, related to me comes to meet me, I IPL match between but they can't stop anything if the ask him not to bring along anyone player wants to do something (unIt's all about player's awareDelhi Daredevils and else. lawful). It's the player's own responness," he explained. sibility to ensure that no one "This game is such that it will Gujarat Lions. questions your integrity," said the give you a lot, but if your image is one-time dashing batsman at a meet tarnished then you also lose the reand greet session organised by 92.7 BIG FM. spect. People love cricket in this country. But if "If anyone makes any comments about me (allesomeone does bad with this game, they sideline gations about betting), then during my playing days them and keep talking bad about him, which no I would have said I will retire. Now (if someone player wants to hear," he added.

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Film

Baahubali 2 beats Dangal

T

he biggest money-maker among Hindi films in the country is not a Bollywood movie any more, but a Telugu film's Hindi-dubbed version Among its many achievements, the S S Rajamouli-directed Baahubali: The Conclusion now has the distinction of being the highest collecting Hindi language film. At Rs 392 crore (Rs 3.92 billion) (net, after tax), the Hindi dub of the Prabhas and Rana Dagubatti starrer has beaten the record set by Aamir Khan's December 2016 blockbuster, Dangal, which made Rs 387 crore (Rs 3.87 billion) in its lifetime at the domestic box office. With this, the worldwide gross collection of Baabhubali 2 is a staggering Rs 1,250 crore (Rs 12.5 billion), by trade estimate. Interestingly, this is not the only Hindi-dubbed movie in the list of top grossing Hindi language films. Last year, Disney's The Jungle Book's Hindi version made around Rs 115 crore (Rs 1.15 billion) in India (the ALL RIGHTS

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total across languages being Rs 190 crore/Rs 1.9 billion). Though the Hollywood flick does not figure as high as Baahubali 2 in the pecking order, it does point to a trend in content acceptance by audiences if tailored to the mass language. Baahubali 2 did have some distinct advantages to help it on its way to record highs. While not detracting from the success, it did not have to battle the cash crunch created by the government's demonetisation drive, announced on November 8, 2016. Industry estimates peg the monetary impact of this on Dangal's domestic box office was up to 10 per cent, meaning the film could have made at least 10 per cent more of its total net collection in India. Also, being the second part of a highly successful Baahubali: The Beginning (2015), anticipation for the sequel was skyhigh. The cliff-hanger the first part ended on -- why did Katappa kill Baahubali? -- became a marketing tool in


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film depends directly on how many of those audience pockets it has been able to reach and appeal to," Choudhary adds. "Baahubali reached and appealed to all segments of audiences possible. In four years of Baahubali communication, the idea was to reach and cover every district of the country." Spice was brought on board to promote Baahubali even before the release of the first part, way back in 2013. Finally, the film has had an unopposed run since its release on the last Friday of April. In the two weeks since then, the only other title to offer any competition has been Marvel's Guardians of the Galaxy Vol 2, but that would have had minimum impact, since the target audiences for the two films are very diverse. Starting this Friday, Baahubali 2 will face competition at the Hindi box office with the release of Yash Raj Films' Meri Pyaari Bindu (Ayushmann Khurrana and Parineeti Chopra) and Sarkar 3 (Amitabh Bachchan, Manoj Bajpayee and Amit Sadh). However, trade pundits are confident that the film will cross the Rs 400 crore (Rs 4 billion) mark this weekend, adding another feature to its cap. While Baahubali 2 has beaten Dangal in the race to be the highest grossing Hindi language film, the Aamir Khan starrer has been breaking records in China. Released last week, the film has beaten Guardians of the Galaxy Vol 2 at the Chinese box office, making close to Rs 150 crore ($23.04 million/Rs 1.5 billion) in its first week there.

itself, without much effort needed from the promotions team. The special effects alone attracted many movie goers to cinema halls. Incidentally, the publicity for both the Baahubali franchise and Dangal was handled by the same agency, Spice. "Baahubali has made us realise the potential of the pan-India audience," says Prabhat Choudhary of Spice. "India as a consumer society is huge and complex and we need to understand that complexity." "There are pockets of audiences divided by geographies and demographics. The quantum of success of a 51

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°ðâð çÁ°´ v®® âæÜ Ì·¤ çÙØæ ·Ô¤ ·¤§ü Îðàæô´ ×ð´ w®x® Ì·¤ Üô»ô´ ·¤è ¥õâÌ ¥æØé Õɸ Áæ°»è, ·¤éÀ Á»ãô´ ÂÚU Ìô ’ØæÎæÌÚU Üô» ~® âæÜ âð Öè Ü´Õæ Áè â·Ô¤´»ð. Üðç·¤Ù §â·Ô¤ çÜ° ßñ™ææçÙ·¤ô´ ¥õÚU ÙèçÌ çÙ×æüÌæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ç×Ü ·¤ÚU ·¤éÀ ·¤Î× ©ÆæÙð ãô»ð. ×ðçÇ·¤Ü ÁÙüÜ Üñ´âðÅU ×ð´ ÀÂè °·¤ ÕǸè SÅUÇè ×ð´ ÕÌæØæ »Øæ ãñ ç·¤ w®x® Ì·¤ Îçÿæ‡æ ·¤ôçÚUØæ ·Ô¤ Üô» ÎéçÙØæ ×ð´ âÕâð Ü´Õæ ÁèßÙ Áè ÚUãð ãô´»ð. Øã Öè çܹæ ãñ ç·¤ çß·¤çâÌ Îðàæô´ ×ð´ Ü´Õæ ÁèßÙ ÁèÙð ßæÜô´ ×ð´ ¥×ðçÚU·¤æ âÕâð ÂèÀð ãô»æ. §â SÅUÇè ×ð´ çßE ·Ô¤ xz çß·¤çâÌ ¥õÚU çß·¤æâàæèÜ Îðàæô´ ·Ô¤ ¥æ´·¤Ç¸ð çÜ° »°, çÁâ×ð´ ¥×ðçÚU·¤æ, ·¤ÙæÇæ, çÕýÅUðÙ, ¥æòSÅþðçÜØæ, ÂôÜñ´Ç, ×ðç€Uâ·¤ô ¥õÚU ¿ð·¤ »‡æÚUæ’Ø Áñâð Îðàæ àææç×Ü ãñ´. §´ÂèçÚUØÜ ·¤æòÜðÁ Ü´ÎÙ ·Ô¤ S·¤êÜ ¥æòȤ ÂçŽÜ·¤ ãðËÍ ×ð´ ÂýôÈÔ¤âÚU ¥õÚU §â SÅUÇè ·Ô¤ Âý×é¹ çÚUâ¿üÚU ×æçÁÎ °ÁæÅUè ÕÌæÌð ãñ´, Øã Ì‰Ø ç·¤ ã× ¥õÚU Ü´Õæ ÁèßÙ ÁèÌð ÚUãð´»ð, §â çÎàææ ×ð´ âô¿Ùð ·¤è ÁM¤ÚUÌ ÂñÎæ ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ã× ¥ÂÙð SßæS‰Ø ¥õÚU âæ×æçÁ·¤

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×ëˆØé ÎÚU, ×æÙß ãˆØæ ·¤è ª¤´¿è ÎÚU ¥õÚU ×ôÅUæÂð ·¤æ ¹ÌÚUæ ãñ. ØêÚUô ×ð´ Ȥýæ´â ·¤è ×çãÜæ°´ ¥õÚU çSßÅU÷ÁÚUÜñ´Ç ·Ô¤ ÂéL¤á âÕâð Ü´Õæ ÁèßÙ Áè ÚUãð ãô´»ð. Ȥýð´¿ ¥õÚUÌð´ ֻܻ }}.{ âæÜ, ÁÕç·¤ çSßâ ÂéL¤á }y âæÜ Ì·¤. §â SÅUÇè ·Ô¤ ¥Ùé×æÙô´ ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéâæÚU âÕâð Ü´Õæ ÁèßÙ Îçÿæ‡æ ·¤ôçÚUØæ ·Ô¤ Üô» çÁ°´»ð. ßãæ´ w®x® ×ð´ ÂñÎæ ãé§ü ÜǸ·¤è ¥æÚUæ× âð ~®.} âæÜ Ì·¤ ¥õÚU ÜǸ·¤æ }y.v âæÜ Ì·¤ Áè â·Ô¤»æ. Îçÿæ‡æ ·¤ôçÚUØæ ×ð´ °ðâæ ãôÙð ·Ô¤ ·¤§ü ·¤æÚU‡æ ç»Ùæ° »° ãñ´. ÕæÜ Âôá‡æ ·¤è ÕðãÌÚUèÙ ÃØßSÍæ, ·¤× ÚUQ¤¿æ ãôÙæ, Ïê×ýÂæÙ ·¤è ·¤× ¥æÎÌ, ×ðçÇ·¤Ü âéçßÏæ¥ô´ ·¤æ ãôÙæ ¥õÚU Ù§ü Ì·¤Ùè·¤ô´ Ì·¤ Âãé´¿ ·¤ô §â·¤è ßÁã ÕÌæØæ »Øæ ãñ. Îèƒæü ¥õÚU SßSÍ ÁèßÙ ·¤ô ÂæÙð ç·¤ ¿æã Ìô âÖè ·¤ô ãôÌè ãñ çȤÚU ßô ¿æãð ÚUæÁæ ãô Øæ ÚU´·¤Ð ÂÚU Øð ¿æã ãÚU ç·¤âè ç·¤ Âê‡æü Ùãè´ ãô ÂæÌè ·¤æÚU‡æ ã×æÚUæ ¹éÎ ÂÚU çÙØ´˜æ‡æ Ùæ ãôÙæÐ ¥æÁ ×ð´ ¥æ Üô»ô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ °·¤ healthy ¥õÚU long life ·ñ¤âð çÁØð´ ? §â ·Ô¤ ·¤éÀ Sßç‡æü× âê˜æ ÕÌæÙð Áæ ÚUãè ãê¡ Ð ¥»ÚU ¥æ §Ù âê˜æô´ ·¤æ ÂæÜÙ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´ Ìô ¥æ Öè ×ðÚUè ÎæÎè ×æ¡ Áñâð Ü Õè ¥æØé Áè â·¤Ìð ãñ´.. ×ðÚUð çÂÌæ Õ ââéÚU ÎôÙô´ ãè ·¤è ×ëˆØé ~® âæÜ ·¤è ©×ý âð ’ØæÎæ ×ð´ ãé§ü Ð ©‹ãô´Ùð ¥ÂÙð ÁèßÙ ×ð´ §Ù âê˜æô´ ·¤æ ÂæÜÙ Áô ç·¤Øæ ãñ.. ¥õÚU ©Ù·¤ô çßEæâ Íæ ç·¤ Áô §Ù âê˜æô´ ·¤æ ÂæÜÙ ·¤ÚUð»æ ßô Öè SßSÍ ¥õÚU çÙÚUô» ÁèßÙ Îèƒæü ·¤æÜ Ì·¤ Áè ÂæØð»æÐ Øð ¥Ù×ôÜ âê˜æ §â Âý·¤æÚU ãñ´ — ¹éÎ ·¤ô ç¿´Ìæ âð âÎæ ÎêÚU ÚU¹ð´ Ð ç¿´Ìæ âð çÁÌÙæ ãô â·Ô¤ ÎêÚU ÚUçãØð €UØô´ç·¤ ç¿´Ìæ ç¿Ìæ ãñ Ð ¥ÍæüÌ ç¿´Ìæ ç¿Ìæ ç·¤ ÌÚUã ãôÌè ãñ, Áô ×Ù ç·¤ âæÚUè ÂýâóæÌæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ÙC ·¤ÚU ÎðÌè ãñ ¥õÚU »ÚU ¥æ SßØ´ ×ð´ ¹éàæ Ùãè´ ÚUãð´»ð Ìô SßSÍ ·ñ¤âð ÚUã ÂæØð´»ð Ð ×Ù ×ð´ âÎæ Øã çßEæâ ÚUç¹Øð ç·¤ ã×ð´ ¥ËÂæØé ×ð´ ·¤Öè Öè ×ëˆØé Ùãè´ ¥æ â·¤Ìè Ð ¥õÚU ×Ù ×ð´ Øã çßEæâ ÚUç¹Øð ç·¤ ¥æ ·¤ô °·¤ Ü´Õæ ¥õÚU SßSÍ ÁèßÙ ãÚU ãæÜ ×ð´ ÁèÙæ ãñ Ð ã×ðàææ Øã çßEæâ ÚUç¹Øð ç·¤ ¥æ SßSÍ ãñ´ çÙÚUô» ãñ´, ·¤Öè Öè ÚUô» ·¤è ¥æàæ´·¤æ ·¤ô ×Ù ×ð´ ƒæÚU ×Ì ÕÙæÙð ÎèçÁØð Ð çÙˆØ çÙØç×Ì M¤Â âð ¥ÂÙè Âýæ‡ææØæ×, ¥æâÙ, ÃØæØæ× ¥õÚU Øô» ·¤ô â×Ø ÎèçÁØð Ð ÂýçÌçÎÙ ÍôǸæ ÃØæØæ× ß Øô» ·¤çÚUØðÐ ÂýçÌçÎÙ ÍôǸæ ÅUãçÜ°Ð Ù´»ð ÂñÚUô´ ãÚUè ƒææâ ÂÚU ÅUãÜÙæ SßæS‰Ø ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÕãéÌ ¥‘Àæ ×æÙæ ÁæÌæ ãñÐ ¹æÙ-ÂæÙ â´ÌéçÜÌ ¥õÚU çÙØç×Ì ãô Ð àæÚUèÚU ç·¤ ¥æßàØ·¤Ìæ âð ¥çÏ·¤ Öè Ùæ ¹æ°´ ¥õÚU ¥æßàØ·¤Ìæ âð ·¤× Öè ÖôÁÙ Ùæ ·¤ÚUð´ Ð ÎôÙô´ ãè ¥ßSÍæ ãæçÙ·¤æÚU·¤ ãñ´ Ð ÖôÁÙ ÂõçC·¤ ãô, SßæçÎC ß ÚUæÁçâ·¤ Ùãè´Ð ÂýâóæÌæ ¥õÚU àææ´çÌ Âê‡æü ßæÌæßÚU‡æ ×ð´ ÚUãÙð âð ÎèƒææüØé ç×ÜÌè ãñ, §âçÜ° ã×ðàææ ¥ÂÙð ¥æâ Âæâ °ðâæ ãè ßæÌæßÚU‡æ ÕÙæØð´ ÚU¹ð´ ¥õÚU °ðâð ãè SÍæÙô´ ÂÚU ÚUãð´ Ð


May God bless our honorable Member of Parliament with a long, happy and healthy life on their auspicious occasion of Happy Birthday. : From Allrights family

Patle,Smt. Kamla Devi BJP, Janjgir-Champa (Chha tisgarh) D.O.B. : 05-05-1966 kd.patle@sansad.nic.in

Gandhi,Shri Dilip Kumar Mansukhlal BJP, Ahmednagar(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 09-05-1951 dmgandhi@sansad.nic.in

Antony,Shri Anto INC, Pathanamthitta(Kerala) D.O.B. : 01-05-1957 anto.antony@ymail.com anto.antony@sansad.nic.in

Dubey,Shri Satish Chandra BJP, Valmiki Nagar(Bihar) D.O.B. : 02-05-1975 satishchandra.dubey@sansad.nic.in

Barman,Shri Bijoy Chandra AITC, Jalpaiguri(West Bengal) D.O.B. : 01-05-1957 bc.barman@sansad.nic.in bijoychandrabarman@gmail.com

V. Shri Elumalai AIADMK, Arani(Tamil Nadu) D.O.B. : 03-05-1955 v.elumalai@sansad.nic.in

Subba Reddy,Shri Yerram Venkata YSR Congress Party Ongole(Andhra Pradesh) D.O.B. : 01-05-1960 yvsubbareddymp@gmail.com

Rao,Shri Konakalla Narayana TDP, Machilipatnam(Andhra Pradesh) D.O.B. :04-05-1950 knro12699@gmail.com

Ram Charitra Nishad,Shri BJP, Machhlishahr(Uttar Pradesh) D.O.B. : 01-05-1964 ram.charitra@sansad.nic.in anamikaram21@gmail.com

Teacher,Smt. P.K. Sreemathi CPI(M), Kannur(Kerala) D.O.B. : 04-05-1949 pk.sreemathi@sansad.nic.in pksreemathi@gmail.com

Sarania,Shri Naba (Hira)Kumar Ind., Kokrajhar(Assam) D.O.B. : 01-05-1969 saranianabakumar@yahoo.com naba.sarania@sansad.nic.in

Adhalrao Patil,Shri Shivaji SS, Shirur(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 08-05-1956 shivajirao@sansad.nic.in shivajirao@vsnl.com


May God bless our honorable Member of Parliament with a long, happy and healthy life on their auspicious occasion of Happy Birthday. : From Allrights family Siva, Shri Tiruchi DMK, Tamil Nadu D.O.B. : 15/05/1954

Gehlot, Shri Thaawar Chand BJP, Madhya Pradesh D.O.B. : 18/05/1948

Navaneethakrishnan, Shri A. AIADMK, Tamil Nadu D.O.B. : 18/05/1956

Gujral, Shri Naresh SAD, Punjab D.O.B. : 19/05/1948

Balyawi, Shri Gulam Rasool JD(U),Bihar D.O.B. : 21/05/1969

Sasikala Pushpa, Smt. AIADMK, Tamil Nadu D.O.B. : 22/05/1976

Reddy, Shri D. Kupendra JD(S) Karnataka D.O.B. : 27/05/1960

C handrasekhar, Shri Rajeev IND., Karnataka D.O.B. : 31/05/1964

Gohel, Shri C hunibhai Kanjibhai BJP, Gujarat D.O.B. : 19/05/1955

Adsul,Shri Anandrao SS, Amravati(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 01-06-1947 av.adsul@sansad.nic.in

Ali, Shri Munquad BSP, Uttar Pradesh D.O.B. : 20/05/1962

Wanaga,Shri Chintaman Navsha BJP, Palghar(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 01-06-1950 cn.wanaga@sansad.nic.in

Jain, Shri Ishwarlal Shankarlal NCP, Maharashtra D.O.B. : 21/05/1946

Bhuria,Shri Kantilal INC, Ratlam(Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 01-06-1950


May God bless our honorable Member of Parliament with a long, happy and healthy life on their auspicious occasion of Happy Birthday. : From Allrights family Singh Deo,Shri Kalikesh Narayan BJD, Bolangir(Odisha) D.O.B. : 26-05-1974 kalikesh.singhdeo@sansad.nic.in

Ray,Dr. Ravindra Kumar BJP, Kodarma(Jharkhand) D.O.B. : 02-05-1958 ravindrak.ray@sansad.nic.in rkraibjp@gmail.com

Mohammed,Shri Faizal P.P. NCP, Lakshadweep(Lakshadweep) D.O.B. : 28-05-1975 mohammed.faizal@sansad.nic.in faizalpp786@gmail.com

Mani,Shri Jose K. KC(M), Kottayam(Kerala) D.O.B. : 29-05-1965 josekmanimp@gmail.com mani.josek@sansad.nic.in

Hazra,Dr. Anupam AITC, Bolpur(West Bengal) D.O.B. : 30-05-1982 anupam.hazra@sansad.nic.in

Desai, Shri Anil SS, Maharashtra D.O.B. : 02/05/1957

Lachungpa, Shri Hishey SDF Sikkim D.O.B. : 10/05/1967

Singh Badnore, Shri V.P. BJP, Rajasthan D.O.B. : 12/05/1948

Jayavardhan,Dr. Jayakumar AIADMK, Chennai South(Tamil Nadu) D.O.B. : 29-05-1987 jayavardhanjayakumar@gmail.com

Jain, Shri Meghraj BJP, Madhya Pradesh D.O.B. : 13/05/1943

Paraste,Shri Dalpat Singh BJP, Shahdol(Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 30-05-1950 dalpat.paraste@sansad.nic.in

Ragesh, Shri K.K. C PI(M), Kerala D.O.B. : 13/05/1970

Senguttuvan,Shri B. AIADMK Vellore(Tamil Nadu) D.O.B. : 06-05-1956

Darda, Shri Vijay Jawaharlal INC, Maharashtra D.O.B. : 14/05/1950


May God bless our honorable Member of Parliament with a long, happy and healthy life on their auspicious occasion of Happy Birthday. : From Allrights family

Mohapatra,Shri Sidhant BJD, Berhampur(Odisha) D.O.B. : 04-05-1966 sidhant.mohapatra@sansad.nic.in mpsidhant@gmail.com

Kumar, Shri Shailesh (Bulo Mandal) RJD, Bhagalpur(Bihar) D.O.B. : 06-05-1975 shailesh.kumar19@sansad.nic.in

Patel,Shri Natubhai Gomanbhai BJP, Dadra and Nagar Haveli(Dadra and NagarHaveli) D.O.B. : 04-05-1972 dnhmp2009@gmail.com

Khadse,Smt. Raksha Nikhil BJP, Raver(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 13-05-1987 nr.khadase@sansad.nic.in rakshataikhadse@gmail.com

Mahendran,Shri C. AIADMK, Pollachi(TamilNadu) D.O.B. : 04-05-1972 mahendran.c@sansad.nic.in

Baig,Shri Muzaffar Hussain J&KPDP, Baramulla(Jammu and Kashmir) D.O.B. : 08-05-1946 muzaffar.baig@sansad.nic.in

Devi,Smt. Rama BJP, Sheohar(Bihar) D.O.B. : 05-05-1949 rama.devi19@sansad.nic.in

Karadi,Shri Sanganna Amarappa BJP, Koppal(Karnataka) D.O.B. : 08-05-1950 bjpdpkpl@gmail.com

Thomas,Prof. Kuruppassery Varkey INC, Ernakulam(Kerala) D.O.B. : 10-05-1946 thomaskv@sansad.nic.in

Bhagat,Shri Bodhsingh BJP, Balaghat(Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 21-05-1955 bodhsingh.bhagat@sansad.nic.in

Kamaraj,Dr. K. AIADMK Kallakurichi(Tamil Nadu) D.O.B. : 13-05-1965 k.kamaraj@sansad.nic.in

Gawali (Patil),Ms. Bhavana Pundlikrao SS YavatmalWashim(Maharashtra) D.O.B. : 23-05-1973


May God bless our honorable Member of Parliament with a long, happy and healthy life on their auspicious occasion of Happy Birthday. : From Allrights family

Kulaste,Shri Faggan Singh BJP, Mandla(Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 18-05-1959 fskulaste@sansad.nic.in fskulaste@yahoo.com

Gupta,Shri Sudheer BJP, Mandsour(Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 19-05-1959 sudhirgupta.mp@sansad.nic.in sudhirgupta2760@gmail.com

Udasi,Shri Shivkumar Chanabasappa BJP, Haveri(Karnataka) D.O.B. : 20-05-1967 68southavenue@gmail.com

Tarai,Smt. Rita BJD, Jajpur(Odisha) D.O.B. : 10-05-1976 ritatarai@sansad.nic.in

Hegde,Shri Anantkumar BJP, Uttara Kannada(Kanataka) D.O.B. : 20-05-1968 anantkh@sansad.nic.in mpcanara@gmail.com

Verma,Smt. Rekha Arun BJP, Dhaurahra(Uttar Pradesh) D.O.B. : 20-05-1973

Udhayakumar,Shri M. AIADMK, Dindigul(Tamil Nadu) D.O.B. : 25-05-1968 m.udhayakumar@sansad.nic.in

Velagapalli,Dr. Vara Prasadarao YSR Congress Party Tirupati(Andhra Pradesh) D.O.B. : 15-05-1953 vvpr53@yahoo.com

Mishra,Shri Anoop BJP, Morena(Madhya Pradesh) D.O.B. : 13-05-1956 anoop.mishra@sansad.nic.in

Thakur,Smt. Mamata AITC, Bangaon(West Bengal) D.O.B. : 15-05-1967 mamatathakur67@gmail.com

Kaiser,Choudhary Mehboob Ali LJSP, Khagaria(Bihar) D.O.B. : 13-05-1958 mahboobali.kaiser@sansad.nic.in

Mondal,Shri Sunil Kumar AITC, Bardhaman Purba(West Bengal) D.O.B. : 16-05-1958 sunilk.mondal@sansad.nic.in


Postal Reg. No. DL(E)-20/5427/2016-18

Publishing Date : May 2017

RNI NO. DELBIL/2013/48560


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