Catalan Historical Review 4 - 2011 by ALFONS TIÑENA

Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Contents

Number 4

2011

Foreword

Carmen Aranegui

The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century

Xavier Barral i Altet

Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes

Josep M. Sans i Travé

The Military Orders in Catalonia

Ignasi Fernández Terricabras

The implementation of the Counter-Reformation in Catalan-speaking lands (1563-1700): A successful process?

Rosa Serra

101

Industrial colonies in Catalonia

Maria Campillo

121

The Spanish Civil War in Catalan narrative

Josep M. Palau i Baduell

137

Sixth centennial of the death of King Martin the Humane: The International Conference Martin the Humane, the Last King in the Barcelona Dynasty (13961410): The Interregnum and the Compromise of Caspe

Francesca Español

145

Ianua Coeli: Monumental Romanesque doorways on the Iberian Peninsula. International Congress. Barcelona-Ripoll 24-27 November 2010

Maria Teresa Ferrer

149

Manuel Riu i Riu (1929-2011). In memoriam

Mariàngela Vilallonga

153

Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

157

Historical publications of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans during 2010

163

Erratum

165

Catalan Version

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Barcelona • Catalonia

Cob Catalan Historical 4.indd 1

Catalan Historical Review Number 4 / 2011

2011

Albert Balcells

Catalan Historical Review

Institut

d’Estudis Catalans

Barcelona • Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Number 4 / 2011

Institut dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Estudis Catalans

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Barcelona â&#x20AC;˘ Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Free online access via http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/ Visit our blog:

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Aims and scope The Catalan Historical Review, the international journal of the History and Archaeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), aims to enable the current state of knowledge about the history of the Catalan-speaking lands − Catalonia, the Valencian Land, the Balearic Islands, and other lands related to them − to be known throughout the world. It will achieve this by publishing articles of synthesis dealing with ongoing research into major topics of political, social, economic, legal, literary and artistic history of all periods, from the most ancient to the most recent, on the basis of bibliography published in recent years. Copyright Submission of a manuscript to the Catalan Historical Review implies: that the work described has not been published before, including publication on the World Wide Web (except in the form of an abstract or as part of a published lecture, review, or thesis); that it is not under consideration for publication elsewhere; that all co-authors have agreed to its publication. The corresponding author signs for and accepts responsibility for releasing this material and will act on behalf of any and all co-authors regarding the editorial review and publication processes. If an article is accepted for publication in the Catalan Historical Review, the authors (or other copyright holder) must transfer to the journal the copyright, which covers the —non-exclusive— right to reproduce and distribute the article, including reprints, translations, photographic reproductions, microform, electronic form (off line, online) or any other reproductions of a similar nature. Nevertheless, all articles in the Catalan Historical Review will be available on the internet to any reader at no cost. The journal allows users to freely download, copy, print, distribute, search, and link to the full text of any article, provided the authorship and source of the published article is cited. The copyright owner’s consent does not include copying for new works, or resale. In such cases, the specific written permission of the Catalan Historical Review must first be obtained. This work is subject, unless the contrary is indicated in the text, the photographs or in other illustrations, to an Attribution − Non Commercial −

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No Derivative Works 3.0 Creative Commons License, the full text of which can be consulted at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. You are free to share, copy, distribute and transmit the work provided that the author is credited and re-use of the material is restricted to noncomercial purposes only and that no derivative works are created from the original material.

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Disclaimer While the contents of this journal are believed to be true and accurate at the date of its publication, neither the authors and the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for any errors or omissions that may be made. The publisher makes no guarantee, expressed or implied, with respect to material contained herein.

Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans Carrer del Carme, 47 E-08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU Tel. +34 932 701 629 Fax: +34 932 701 180 E-mail: cathistorical@iec.cat

Subscription information ISSN print edition: 2013-407X ISSN electronic edition: 2013-4088

Editorial Office Alfons Tiñena, Journal Manager Josep M. Palau, Assistant

Editorial support Mary Black, Catalan-English translation. Cover illustration

1 issue will appear in 2011. The annual subscription fee (including handling charges) is 40.00 € (VAT not included). Subscription orders should be sent to: Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans Carrer del Carme, 47 E-08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU Tel. +34 932701620 Fax: +34 932701180 E-mail: cathistorical@iec.cat Cancellations must be received by 30 September to take effect at the end of the same year. Change of address: allow six weeks for all changes to become effective. All communications should include both old and new addresses (with postal codes) and should be accompanied by a mailing label from a recent issue. Electronic edition An electronic edition of this journal is available at <http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/>

La Teixidora (The weaver, 1882). Oil on canvas by Joan Planella (1850-1910). 182 x 142 cm. Trinxet Collection. Evidence of the importance of women’s work in factories from premature age. Printed in Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Number 4 / 2011

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF* Albert Balcells, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

ASSOCIATE EDITORS* Manuel Ardit, Universitat de València Francesc Fontbona, Biblioteca de Catalunya Josep Guitart, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Josep Massot, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Tomàs de Montagut, Universitat Pompeu Fabra

ADVISORY BOARD* Géza Alföldy, Universität Heidelberg Josep Amengual, Universidad de Deusto Xavier Barral, Université de Rennes Thomas N. Bisson, Harvard University Dolors Bramon, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Joan-Ferran Cabestany, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Pere Casanelles, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Hebràics Jordi Castellanos, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Efrem Compte, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Dominique de Courcelles, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique Miquel Crusafont, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics Núria de Dalmasses, Universitat de Barcelona Eulàlia Duran, Institut d’Estudis Catalans

Romà Escalas, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Francesca Español, Amics de l’Art Romànic Gregori (Francesc) Estrada, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Georges Fabre, Université de Pau Gaspar Feliu, Universitat de Barcelona M.Teresa Ferrer, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Paul Freedman, Yale University Josep M. Font i Rius, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Joaquim Garriga, Universitat de Girona Joaquim Garrigosa, Societat Catalana de Musicologia Carme Gràcia, Universitat de València Miquel Gros, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Litúrgics Christian Guilleré, Université de Savoie Enric Guinot, Universitat de València Albert G. Hauf, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Jocelyn N. Hillgarth, University of Toronto Nikolas Jaspert, Ruhr-Universität Bochum Manuel Jorba, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Simon Keay, University of Southampton Giovanni Lilliu, Università di Cagliari Gabriel Llompart, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Henry de Lumley, Musée National d’Histoire Naturelle de Paris Tomàs Martínez, Universitat Jaume I

Joan Mas, Universitat de les Illes Balears Marc Mayer, Universitat de Barcelona Concepció Mir, Universitat de Lleida Joaquim Molas, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Anscari Manuel Mundó, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Olimpio Musso, Università di Firenze Alexandre Olivar, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Antoni Pladevall, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Olivier Poisson, Université de Paris Paul Preston, London School of Economics and Political Science Antoni Riera, Universitat de Barcelona Santiago Riera, Universitat de Barcelona Josep Maria Salrach, Universitat Pompeu Fabra Joan Sanmartí, Universitat de Barcelona Eva Serra, Universitat de Barcelona Antoni Simon, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Jaume Sobrequés, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Històrics Narcís Soler, Universitat de Girona Eliseu Trenc, Université de Reims Jürgen Untermann, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Jill R. Webster, University of Toronto Michel Zimmermann, Université de Versailles-Saint-Quentin-enYvelines

* Members of the History and Archeology Section and Presidents of its Affiliated Societies of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Barcelona • Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Contents

Number 4

2011

Albert Balcells

Foreword

Carmen Aranegui

The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century

Xavier Barral i Altet

Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes

Josep M. Sans i Travé

The Military Orders in Catalonia

Ignasi Fernández Terricabras

The implementation of the Counter-Reformation in Catalan-speaking lands (1563-1700): A successful process?

Rosa Serra

101

Industrial colonies in Catalonia

Maria Campillo

121

The Spanish Civil War in Catalan narrative

Josep M. Palau i Baduell

137

Sixth centennial of the death of King Martin the Humane: The International Conference Martin the Humane, the Last King in the Barcelona Dynasty (13961410): The Interregnum and the Compromise of Caspe

Francesca Español

145

Ianua Coeli: Monumental Romanesque doorways on the Iberian Peninsula. International Congress. Barcelona-Ripoll 24-27 November 2010

Maria Teresa Ferrer

149

Manuel Riu i Riu (1929-2011). In memoriam

Mariàngela Vilallonga

153

Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

157

Historical publications of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans during 2010

163

Erratum

165

Catalan Version

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Barcelona • Catalonia

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 7-8 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Introduction

In this issue, we continue to offer up-to-date surveys of the latest knowledge on important topics in the history of the Catalan-speaking lands in all their facets and historical periods. The first article examines the leading Roman cities in what is the region of Valencia today until the 3rd century AD, complementing the information provided in the previous issue on the Roman cities in today’s Catalonia. The early Romanisation of the eastern seaboard of the Iberian Peninsula can be explained by geographic reasons, and this zone soon became a part of the new system after the second war between Roman and Carthage, beginning with Sagunt, even though none of the cities here ever reached a significant size. The historiography of Romanesque art in Catalonia has a prestigious arc of more than 100 years. However, the vision and interpretation of Romanesque religious architecture has undergone significant changes in recent decades, as shown in the article on this topic published in this issue, an extensive text which far exceeded the preordained limits. This historiographic revamping has spotlighted the former church in Egara, today the city of Terrassa, after the recent excavations, and the latest studies on the cathedrals in La Seu d’Urgell, Girona and Vic. It is still difficult to pinpoint the late transition from Romanesque to Gothic in Catalonia, when it had already taken place in northern France. In former times, the Catalan Romanesque used to be considered the first “national” style; however, a comprehensive vision of Europe as a whole has come to prevail. Comparative studies of the structures and the relations of the buildings’ forms with the liturgy are quite possibly the most highly developed aspects lately, even though the economic and technical imperatives went beyond the liturgy and the monastic reforms, such as the Cistercian. The article notes that Romanesque architecture in Catalonia lasted until well into the 13th century, with an eclectic synthesis of new elements. The military orders have always been a focal point of particular attention by historians. They emerged around the first crusade to establish Western Europe’s dominance over the Holy Land. Their members included half monks and half warriors, and they played a prominent role in Catalonia and Aragon in the expansion against Islamic power on the Iberian Peninsula, without the need to focus on the expeditions to the eastern Mediterranean, although they did depend on the headquarters established there. An entire county in the northeast of the Kingdom of Valencia is called Maestrat because it was governed by the masters of the Orders of the Temple and the Hospital. From Ramon Berenguer IV to James I the Conquerer, the

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kings enlisted the aid of the knights from the military orders for their conquests and in return granted them important domains with castles. Upon the dissolution of the Knights of the Temple, the source of so many subsequent legends, King James II of Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia obeyed the Pope’s ruling, instigated by the King of France, but he did not mercilessly pursue the Knights Templar as his neighbouring king did; rather he absolved and indemnified them despite the armed resistance they put up against the dissolution of the castles of Montsó and Miravet between 1308 and 1309. Part of the Templars’ assets went to the Hospitallers and the other new local order of Montesa. This was the second military order created in locally after the Order of Saint George of Alfama, founded in 1201. The life and resources of these military orders’ convents are analysed, where people of both sexes who had not taken religious vows also lived, albeit separately. The article contains significant new information on the female branches of the military orders in Catalonia. The Counter-Reformation of the Church through the Council of Trent was the orthodox response to the Protestant Reformation. The article published in this issue believes that a definitive conclusion on the success or failure of the Catholic Reformation in the Principality of Catalonia and the Kingdoms of Valencia and Mallorca in the 16th and 17th centuries is not yet possible, despite the fact that a host of resources and efforts were spent on it with the wholesale involvement of the monarchs and the interference of the Crown in the zeal to ensure Castilian preeminence in lands that enjoyed political autonomy. Immigrants from Occitania and the neighbours in France led them to fear penetration by the Calvinists. The phenomenon of banditry and the presence of Moriscos (Muslims who had officially converted by force) hindered the success of the Catholic Reformation, which penetrated the minority urban world more easily than the majority rural world. The tradition of the provincial councils and diocesans synods facilitated the spread of the Catholic Reformation in Catalonia, as well as the enforcement of the Tridentine reforms, which dictated using the vernacular in catechism and preaching. The magical notions associated with witchcraft were slowly replaced by the new orthodoxy. The use of hydraulic energy as an alternative to the coal consumed by steam engines was not exclusive to Catalonia in the 19th century, but here it was exceptionally dense thanks to the proliferation of the industrial colonies in rural settings along the Llobregat and Ter Rivers. By industrial colonies we mean nuclei with workers’ homes built next to the factory by the company itself. There are

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8 Cat. Hist. Rev. 4, 2011

around 80 of these industrial colonies, today either fallen out of use or repurposed. The extensive literature on the subject serves as the foundation of the survey published in this issue. The periodisation of a complex phenomenon with a multitude of factors and causes necessitates a timeless view. It has been difficult to overcome the prejudices both in favour and against the industrial colonies which were formulated polemically in the late 19th century. In addition to drawing up a model, we need to note the particular features of each case. Today these industrial colonies are one of the most noteworthy parts of Catalonia’s industrial heritage, and some of them have been restored partly as museums for cultural tourism. Literature written in Catalan was in the midst of a phase of consolidation and maturity when the Spanish Civil War broke out from 1936 to 1939. The conflict prompted short stories, more appropriate for war chronicles and journalistic reporting than realistic fiction, which required a longer gestation time. The most recent referent was the literature generated by World War I. Few book-length publications were issued during the Civil War itself, the exceptions being Pere Calders’ Unitats de xoc (Shock Troops), which avoided an epic tone, and Manuel Valldeperes’ Els perills de la rereguarda (The Perils of the Home Front), which was more moralistic in tone. The purpose of the last article in this issue is to examine the characteristics of and evolution in this narrative until reaching anthological examples of novels with translations into several languages, such as Joan Sales’ Incerta glòria (Uncertain Glory) and Mercè Rodoreda’s La plaça del Diamant (translated as The Pigeon Girl or The Time of the Doves). To commemorate the sixth centennial of the death of King Martin the Humane, the History-Archaeology Department of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans organised an international congress from the 31st of May to the 4th of June 2010 at its headquarters. The congress examined diverse facets – political, social, economic and cultural – of the reign of that monarch of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Mallorca, Sardinia and Sicily who died without a direct descendant. This in turn yielded an interregnum that led to the Compromise of Caspe, a hotly disputed event which led to a change in dynasty with the enthronement of the Castilian house of the Trastamara in the Crown of Aragon. This issue offers a chronicle of the congress, just as a previous issue did for the 2008 congress on James I also organised by the History-Archaeology Department of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. In another area, we echo the conclusion of the international congress Ianua Coeli: The monumental Roman-

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esque doorways, which was organized in Barcelona and Ripoll by the Amics de l’Art Romànic (Friends of Romanesque Art), an affiliate of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. The scientific gathering aimed to study the large doorways that emerged in the Christian territories in the west and east of the Iberian Peninsula in the 12th century and the early years of the 13th century. The issue also includes a list of books and journals on historical topics published by the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in 2010. The cover shows a reproduction of an oil painting, La teixidora (The Weaver) by Joan Planella i Rodríguez (1850-1910). This work dates from 1882 and depicts one of many girls who worked in the factories in the cities and industrial colonies of Catalonia which are examined in this issue of the Catalan Historical Review. An official survey conducted in 1883 revealed that working-class children began to work at the age of seven and toiled between eleven and thirteen hours per day. This was the social cost of industrialisation in Catalonia and in other countries. The painting reproduced here does not seem to be critical in tone; rather it reflects an everyday fact, re-creating it in the charm of the girl, who is lit from above, leaving foreman who is watching over her work in the shadows. Joan Planella was a famous realistic painter, as well as the author of large-scale paintings on historical or propagandistic topics such as Los Comuneros de Castilla (1887) and General Prim in the Battle of Tétouan, from 1859. In the previous issue of the Catalan Historical Review, we were pleased to report on the journal’s classification in several databases of Spanish and international journals. Now it has just been included in the highest category in the official evaluation system of scientific journals on the social sciences and humanities in Catalonia, the Carhus Plus System of the Management Agency of University and Research Aid (AGAUR). Apart from this wonderful piece of news, we are currently mourning the loss of historian Manuel Riu i Riu, who joined the History-Archaeology Department of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in 1990 and was one of the most renowned experts in mediaeval archaeology, and the historian Robert B. Tate corresponding member in 1966 for having promoted relations between Catalan and British scholars in the field of cultural history. Obituaries featuring their work and career have been included. May they rest in peace. Albert Balcells Editor

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 9-26 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.49 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century Carmen Aranegui *

Universitat de València Received 15 June 2010 · Accepted 20 September 2010

Abstract The region of Valencia is the geographic link between southern and northern Mediterranean Iberia, between the Betis Valley and the islands of Ibiza and Formentera. Its strategic location is the reason behind the early Romanisation of Saguntum, Valentia and Ilici. They were neither large cities nor had costly monuments compared to Hispania as a whole; however, their interest lies in the fact that they display a model of integration into Roman lifestyles that preserves some traits from the local past, as can be gleaned from their reputation (see Sagunt) or their epithets (Valentia Edetanorum). Keywords: Roman cities, romanisation, Valencia 2nd century BC/3rd century AD

Introduction Lying between the south of the conventus Tarraconensis and the north of the conventus Carthaginensis, the cities in the region of Valencia had gradually been gestating since proto-history via different processes. The Xúquer River served as the dividing line between a southern area that was more heavily affected by the Phoenician-Punic culture and a northern area where less contact was recorded and which instead had closer ties with the region around the Ebro River. When Rome created Hispania Citerior, the entire central sector of the Mediterranean side already had an organisation: the oppida had a clearly defined radius of action, there were roadway systems with the Via Heraclia as the main artery, which eased transport from the Mediterranean corridor to Upper Andalusia, and some settlements even had simple port infrastructures.1 Under these circumstances, early Romanisation focused on functional considerations, such as improvements in communications (Fig. 1), accompanied by a symbolic action, the construction of temples wherever there was a ritual area or sanctuary where people were likely to congregate. The start of the transformation engineered by Rome has earned preferential treatment in research into a geographic area that had no large Roman cities but that

* Contact address: Carmen Aranegui. Departament de Prehistòria i Arqueologia, Facultat de Geografia i Historia, Universitat de València. Av. Blasco Ibáñez, 28. E-46010 València, EU. Tel. +34 963 864 065. E-mail: Carmen.Aranegui@uv.es

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joined the new system at an early date and efficiently adapted the exploitation of its resources.

Romanised cities in the Republican period Saguntum (Sagunt) After the Second Punic War (218-202 BC), Saguntum (Liv. 21.8.10) underwent an intervention that is acknowledged as being the prime example of Roman urban planning in the region of Valencia. Its proponents had enough city planning clout to suggest that a contingent of publicani be settled in the civitas foederata (Cic. Pro Balbo, 23), the focal point of the early Romanisation south of Tarraco. Recent excavations on the northern slope of Plaça d’Estudiants in the castle (177 metres over sea level) have revealed the irregularly-shaped foundations joined with soil of a stone building that consists of a double wall 1.1/1.2 metres thick with at least one powerful square tower. Next to its western flank is a 1.5 metre wide postern. This is the Republican wall of Saguntum (Fig. 2), which expanded the area of the Iberian oppidum of Arse towards the western peaks of the current castle until it covered an area measuring around 20 hectares. The new wall was built by carving up previous structures from the opus africanum with paving stones separated by drainage canals located at first northeast of the oppidum, quite possibly outside the walls. The areas that stand out here have a cistern a la bagnarola inside; however, its dates are uncertain, as the study on the cultural attribution of the complex under the wall has not been conclusively finished. Back in that time, the castle’s Plaça d’Armes (Weapons Courtyard) was entered by going by a sacellum where

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10 Cat. Hist. Rev. 4, 2011

Carmen Aranegui

Figure 1. Roman road network, according to F. Arasa and P.P. Ripollès.

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The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century

Cat. Hist. Rev. 4, 2011 11

Figure 2. Computer graphic of the excavated sector of the Republican wall of Saguntum (drawing: Museum of Sagunt).

bronze statuettes have been recovered, some of them in the Italian style. Between this sector and Plaça de la Coni llera an important religious complex was built at around the same time as the wall; it dominated an area open to the sea which was delimited to the south by a ramp entrance that housed a cistern. Its northern side was presided over by a small temple (14.28 m × 11.90 m) with a tripartite cella and a pronaos with a cistern. The module used to build it was based on an Italian-influenced foot measuring 0.2975 metres, as confirmed by noting that not only did it remain in use but it also determined the orientation of the subsequent municipal forum dating from the reign of Augustus (Fig. 3). Coevally, the Grau Vell, the port area of the ancient city, was equipped with the best infrastructures, including a watchtower built over more ancient layers which served as a beacon in this settlement until it was abandoned in around the 6th century. In the meantime, the mint of Arse with its Iberian inscriptions gradually adopted monetary styles and designs that came to resemble those of the Romans, as can particularly be seen in the series dating from the last third of the 2nd century BC.2 Dianium (Dénia), Lucentum (Tossal de Manises), Ilici (L’Alcúdia d’Elx)3 The toponym Dianium (Str. 3.4.6) evokes an ancient port area protected by Artemis-Diana whose first settlement, however, is unknown. In Dénia, the excavations

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at the intersection of Temple de Sant Telm and Pont Streets revealed human occupation on the eastern side of the castle dating back to the 2nd century BC. This area was protected by a wall and had simple devices to facilitate naval transport as a result of its strength compared to the productivity of its hinterland. All of this was probably the result of an early intervention in the town by Rome, despite its legal status as a civitas stipendiaria. El Tossal de Manises is a small hillock perched on the northeast of the bay of L’Albufereta, whose pre-Roman occupation included the Iberian settlement in El Tossal de les Basses to the southwest, as well as the corresponding necropolis areas. Therefore, it is one of the inhabited areas (three hectares) of that coastal landscape whose interest lies in having housed a Barcid fortress (Liv. 23.2.6) with room for ballistae, cisterns and barbicans built over poorly documented earlier levels perhaps dating from the 4th century BC. Towards the end of the Second Punic War, this fortified site was destroyed, and the wall only began to be reconstructed on Roman initiative in the late 2nd or early 1st century BC (Fig. 4). This new area was given rectangular ledges (7 m × 3 m) enclosed in walls made of ashlars and adobe, including the so-called “torre del brau” (bull tower), so named after the relief that appears at the centre of the outer facade (tower iii). The eastern doorway, which underwent successive reconstructions and served as the main access to Lucentum, has been thoroughly documented.

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12 Cat. Hist. Rev. 4, 2011

Carmen Aranegui

Figure 3. Stratigraphic superimposition in the Weapons Courtyard of the Castle of Sagunt.

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The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century

In the mid-1st century BC, a public square was built in the central area, delimited by an inverted L-shaped wall with a columned enclosure over limestone pavement in the centre, as indicated by the archaeological layers excavated under the municipal forum from the age of Augustus. This public space, perhaps religious in nature, contributes to dating the Romanisation of the city to the 1st century BC.4 Ilici (L’Alcúdia d’Elx) (Ptol. Geog. 2.6.14) was an important city in Contestania with close ties to Kart Hadast (Cartagena), and probably to Lucentum (Tossal de Manises) as well, which encompasses an area measuring ten hectares. It was also furnished with a wall in around the 1st century BC, while it simultaneously adopted Roman housing models, as deduced from a mosaic floor with a towered border and Iberian names written in Latin. The series of local coins of Q. Terentius Montanus with simpulum on the back suggests that it was a colonia immune (CCIA) in 42 BC, although its legal status would later change. From the Republican period, Portus Ilicitanus (Santa Pola) was the marina and fishing area in that city, from which remains have been found under the fisheries that were active until the late empire.

Settlements founded during the Republican period Valentia (Valencia)5 Inclusion in a maritime and terrestrial communications network, a water supply, drainage of the urban land, the centuriation of the farming area needed for subsistence in accordance with the local settlements and military security must have been the prerequisites for the founding of the Latin colony of Valentia (138 BC) (Liv. Perioch. 55) in a swampy area through which, however, the Turia River could be forded. Archaeological interventions have revealed the vestiges of wooden stakes driven into the riverbed of the site under the Roman buildings in Plaça del Cronista Chabret and next to Plaça de Nules. Even though the Romans commonly used wood to stabilise the clayey subsoil, in Valentia those stakes might have been part of pile dwellings, huts and shacks for the ranks of operators who built the colony, perhaps Iberians housed in provisional dwellings at the service of the Roman magistrates who, judging from the names that appear on the local coins, were related to Latium and Samnium and who performed these jobs from the start. Under the city, it is common to find tiny holes with ram horns or the remains of young animals, or rows of buried vessels, such as the ones documented under the Parliament building. They are most likely the remnants of propitiatory ceremonies for the new city and its inhabitants. Archaeology has certainly supplied new developments6 since Tarradell confirmed the founding date of 138 BC based on the ceramics from the Campanian region of Italy found in the 1958 and 1959 excavations near the cathe-

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dral. The excavations performed at different points (gardens of the Palace of the Generalitat, car park in Plaça de Saragossa, Avellanes and El Salvador Streets) have documented an opus caementicium wall with towers preceded by a trench whose hypothetical outline enables us to estimate the area occupied during the Republican period as being a dozen hectares and the number of early colonists at two thousand. There are topographical reasons for situating the main northern gateway near Torres dels Serrans, where there used to be a river port next to a service area near the entrance to the city along Via Heraclea. The western gateway was located at the beginning of Cavallers Street and the southern exit was halfway down Avellanes Street across from Cabillers Street, considering that the main axes of the urban layout would have the decumanus maximus on the Bailia-Almodí axis and the first cardo maximus aligned with the western facade of the mediaeval granary. The stone used to build Valentia came from Alcublas and Godella, with a selective use of stone from Sagunt. All the quarries near the city must have been run by the Roman authorities when the grid of the colony was laid out, given that it is both an indispensable material and one that is nonexistent in the subsoil of the capital. The consequent transport must have also required the support of the Roman army, which was expert in organising public works. In Valentia, many of the architectural elements, such as the columns, capitals, corbels and friezes, were clad with coloured stucco to mimic the more highly prized marble, which was archeologically absent in the early stage of the colony. Therefore, Valentia’s programme was based on regional building materials, which entailed an average level of investment. Not a single complete house layout from early Valentia remains, although we are aware of several porticoed streets. The oldest domus are built of stone, adobe and tiles, the major new development in sloped roofs on Roman buildings compared to the Iberian tradition. The tiled roofs could be decorated with acroteria and antefixes (Roc Chabàs Street). Some walls were clad with terra cotta plaques decorated with ornamental motifs (L’Herba Street). The most carefully tended floors were the signinum, occasionally with ornaments made with tesellae (in L’Almoina, in the Courts of Valencia, on Almirall Street and in Plaça de Cisneros). In other cases, the floors were made of crustae. The inner walls must have been stuccoed and painted. The colony’s forum was always between Plaça de la Mare de Déu and the land of L’Almoina, and virtually nothing is known about its beginnings, when the ground was made of packed dirt (Fig. 5). Such important features as the temple (perhaps under the western side of Plaça de la Mare de Déu) are still undefined. Nor have the curia for the meetings of public leaders, the juridical basilica and the tabernae been reliably identified, so the lack of knowledge of the porticoed square that housed these civic buildings detracts from the research.

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Figure 4. General layout of the architectural complex of Lucentum (drawing: MARQ).

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Figure 5. Buildings from the Republican period in L’Almoina, Valentia (drawing: SIAM).

From, the start diverse water-related buildings were concentrated in the eastern part of the archaeological site in L’Almoina (2,500 m²), perhaps due to the existence of a spring there. A large well that suggests ritual use aimed at fostering the successful settlement of the new inhabitants is of enormous interest, as ceramic vessels and objects were deposited there. Near the well is a sanctuary with a large pond,7 possibly dedicated to Asclepius, the deity for whom votive dedications dating from after the change in era have been found. These sanctuaries tended to house water reservoirs and pools for the curative ablutions of those who frequented them. However, right now the clearest building in the city from the late 2nd century BC is the baths in L’Almoina, which are highly characteristic of the time in which they were built in terms of both their type and construction. They have parallels in Iluro (Cabrera de Mar, Mataró) and La Cabañeta (El Burgo de Ebro). They are modest public baths, accessible from a kardo. The rooms are not overly large, nor do they have complete built-in heating systems (hypocausta) or air conduits embedded in the walls, which are common in later years. Running from south to north, the four sites contain the furnace (praefurnium), which heated up a water deposit that poured into a reservoir; the hot room (caldarium), with the pool (alveus) over the hypocaustum;

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the warm room (tepidarium), with a bench in the middle; and a changing room (apodyterium) with hypothetical latrines next to it, as was common. All of this was abandoned after the destruction of Valentia by Pompey’s forces in 75 BC. On the northern part of this site, coeval with the baths, was the city granary, whose powerful, solid shape built with ashlars contained four parallel rooms measuring approximately 6 × 12 metres, preceded by a porticoed facade. Built with technical guarantees of ventilation and thermal insulation, it endowed the central sector of Valentia with a certain degree of monumentality. This is the oldest granary in Hispania Citerior, although we are aware of other examples dating from the Republican period (Botorrita and La Cabañeta, both in the province of Zaragoza). Current research underscores the decisive importance of the interaction among locals and foreigners in the process of colonisation. From the modern perspective, no colony would be able to thrive without this cooperation. This forces us to see the founding of Valentia as the culmination of an earlier policy, which would therefore imply a consensus with the closest Iberian cities (such as Paterna, Montcada, Saguntum and Edeta). This, in turn, probably required some adjustments that were not neces-

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sarily peaceful; indeed, 30 years before the colony was built, there had been traumatic destruction all over the region of Edeta. Earliest necropolises The oldest burial sites in Valentia were discovered between 1992 and 2000 (Cañete and Quart Streets) around 750 metres west of L’Almoina, therefore in a sector of the large western necropolis that reached as far as the southern shore of the river. These burial sites are probably the ones used by the Romans the longest. The excavations have revealed a topography which is common to funerary alleys: delimited areas with numerous graves inside, with ways across and water channels used for the agapes or to maintain the gardens and cremation areas. There is proof of cremation coexisting alongside inhumation, although neither of these practices entailed ethnically differentiated rituals. Over time, layers of tombs were gradually superimposed on each other, sometimes with a vertical stratification that attests to the fact that the streams from the Túria River system ran through at least part of the cemetery and that later new funeral deposits were made over the layer of flood mud, to which gravel was added. These floods might have destroyed the architecture that indicated the layout of the burial sites, as archaeologists have only unearthed structures excavated under ground level and we are unaware of any epitaph from the earliest period. Both circumstances limit our ability to study these sites. The largest examples of burials from the late 2nd century BC include five trenches (2.45 m × 1.1 m) whose long sides show a slightly higher ledge where the shrouded corpse rested, accompanied by offerings. These offerings (including bronze strigiles, glass vessels, unguentaria and Italian amphorae) clearly stood apart from the Iberian traditions. Particularly noteworthy is the discovery of sectioned boar heads near the deceased, as this denotes the ritual of the porca praesentanea (Cic. De Leg. 2). This ritual consisted of sacrificing a boar in honour of Ceres to purify both the deceased and his or her family, given that death was viewed as a contamination that could be spread and thus had to be warded off. For the period between 75 BC and the rule of Augustus, a group of six cremations are worth note because the human remains were deposited in urns whose typology and painted decoration are considered to fall within the Iberian tradition. There have been attempts to relate this fact to the arrival of Iberians in Valentia after the war with Pompey’s forces, which had such dire consequences for the city. Even though some paintings are Iberian-Edetan in style (ivy leaves, tri-petal flowers, etc.), the continuity of their use should be sought either in more distant settlements coeval with this phase of the necropolis on Quart Street, or in workshops with relations with Valentia, indeterminate until now because the traditional pottery workshops from Camp de Túria were not yet operating at that time.

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Finally, it should be borne in mind that it is risky to posit a person’s origin based on one component in his or her tomb. The New Archaeology from the 1960s and 1980s advocated deducing from burial sites what the individual had been in life: their profession or their family lineage. Despite this, the Archaeology of Death soon met with serious detractors, including Humphrey, Schnapp and Vernant, as they noted that today it is impossible to objectively determine the direct relationship between the funerary goods and their cultural significance, as the structure of the social system is what imposes the principles that govern the symbolic realm, which is determined at burial sites by the high emotional charge of the moment. The population reflected in the first necropolis of Valentia is barely old enough to be considered war veterans, judging from the anatomical indications provided by the skeletons. Therefore, it is not logical to consider these discoveries representative of the main targets of the newlyfounded city; rather they are more likely other settlers who moved to Valentia with the former, some of whom, however, were purified by a rite well-known in Rome. Likewise, the Iberian urns containing the remains of cremations, accompanied by Italian pottery and amphorae and unguentaria from a later date, may either suggest a reinvention of the Iberian roots by the Roman community in the city, to help their integration into the region, or the availability of those objects for burials at a certain echelon, as there are also painted urns at the burials sites in Torre la Sal (Cabanes), Parc de les Nacions (L’Albufereta, Alicante) and Torre Cega (Cartagena). This constant flow between the foreign and the local is what confers special interest on the study of the Republican phase in places like early Valentia, when the willingness to accept and adopt alien cultural practices was an enriching strategy for Roman culture.

Augustus and the Julio-Claudian era8 Colonia Iulia Ilici Augusta (L’Alcúdia d’Elx) In 26 BC, Ilici was re-founded, leading to a new contingent of Roman citizens, war veterans. A bronze tablet9 provides points to the division of land to ten beneficiaries from Italy, the Balearic Islands, Baetica and Mauritania. The newly minted coins from the local mint from that period were stamped with ciia. In terms of urban planning, there is still no reliable information on the building programme from this period (Fig. 6), although the major axes along which the colony was laid out are known. A fragment of a bronze inscription with letters dating from around 50 BC makes express reference to the paving of the forum; on the first line it mentions the name most likely of one of the local magistrates while on the second line the word ‘forum’ can be clearly read. The location of the baths and a domus area came into clearer focus compared to earlier erroneous identifications thanks to the projects supervised by Abad.

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Figure 6. General layout of the architectural complex of Ilici.

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Municipalities Lesera (La Moleta dels Frares, Forcall)10 Lesera (Ptol. Geog. 2.6.63) is the only Roman settlement with privileged status located in Castellón. It is located in the inland county of Els Ports and earned the status of municipality during the reign of Augustus. It is a city whose maximum size was over three hectares, distributed among different terraces, with residential areas, a necropolis and public buildings which bear many Latin inscriptions, including the dedication to Jupiter for asking for the indemnification of Caracalla (CIL II2 14, 770). This inscription is preserved in Morella, and it played a key role in Alföldy’s identification of the res publica Leserensis in 1977. Since 2001, this city has profited from the studies conducted by Arasa. Saguntum, oppidum civium romanorum It is no coincidence that Augustus granted Saguntum the category of town of Roman citizens (Plin. Nat. III, 4,20) when he also granted the same status to Emporiae, Roses and Gades, ancient colonial towns, along with other indigenous cities on the Iberian Peninsula (Baetulo, Ilerda, Osca, Calagurris, Olissipo), even though neither Edeta nor any other city in the region of Valencia was included. This is because Sagunt was handpicked because of its history. The urban renewal it underwent when it became a privileged city stands out not for the sumptuousness of the buildings but for the concepts and symbolism, which must have turned it into one of the ancient Iberian nuclei that was the most recognisable as a Romanised city in the landscape of Tarragona. The declaration of Sagunt as a municipium, according to the local epigraphy (CIL II2 14/305), was complete in

4/3 BC, the outcome of the policy established by Augustus in his second sojourn in Tarraco in around 15-12 BC. It led to a radical transformation in the urban area. Given the fact that the town was laid out on sloping land (Fig. 7), the urban planning model followed a succession of descending terraces that reached Udiva (today Palància River), the same design that was applied on a larger scale in Tarragona, the provincial capital. The town forum The leading monumental complex in Sagunt was the town forum in Plaça d’Armes, which was built over the religious area dating from the Republican period and kept the old temple as its anchor and prime building. However, the new project required a larger flat expanse, so a retaining wall was built that would level the watercourse separating the eastern crests of the castle, which were visible on the northern and western perimeter of the base of the forum. In this way, the public square extended south of the temple, encompassing an area measuring 54 metres long and 36 wide in compliance with the 3:2 proportions set forth by Vitruvius. With the exception of the temple’s facade, it is a porticoed square onto which official buildings of the curia, which were taller here, opened, along with the juridical basilica and the smaller areas of the taverns. It was closed off by a porticus duplex whose foundations housed a splendid cistern (Fig. 8). From the forum area, there still survives a sculpture of a young man wearing a toga missing both head and arms, made of marble from Luni-Carrara. It dates from the Julio-Claudian era, and he is wearing a golden bulla that denotes his youth and noble family line. This work perhaps portrays Caius or Lucius, Augustus’ sons who died pre-

Figure 7. The peak of the Castle of Sagunt and its division into squares.

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Figure 8. The municipal forum of Saguntum.

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Figure 9. The rehabilitated Sagunt theatre.

maturely, and it bears stylistic parallels with the sculptures found in the theatres of Tarragona and Cartagena, which might be attributed to a workshop in the provincial capital that worked with marble imported from Italy. The other toga wearer, also incomplete and made of marble from the same provenance, shows stylistic features from the Flavian period and resemblances with some of the ones in Baelo Claudia (Bologna). However, surely the most spectacular piece is the larger than life-sized imperial portrait, now reduced to fragments of the head and body, made of marble from Paros. The civic crown made of holm oak leaves ensures that this is an emperor, perhaps Tiberius, who was paid tribute after his death, or perhaps Caligula. The sculptures on pedestals fared better, probably because they were made of local calcareous rock. Several come from the basilica, although there is a base in the square of the forum which merits attention for the text it displays, a compendium of the city’s historical memory:11 “P(ublio) Scipioni co(n)s(uli) / imp(eratori) ob restitu/tam Saguntum ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) bello punico secundo” (CIL II2, 14/237), alluding to the event described thus in the sources (Liv. 18.39.18). In 1987, we identified several slabs measuring five feet high and 2.48

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metres long laid out east to west with alternating joints as the pavement from the square of the forum. We also noticed the existence of a channel to help rainwater drain along the western flank of that plot of land, and we adjudicated a known previously inscription to that pavement. The text was originally written crosswise in gilt-bronze letters one foot tall over the northern third of the square, from which the negative imprint of the letters on the stone and the orifices for the lead that attached them to the ground remain. We are fortunate that the inscription has been studied by Alföldy based on twelve fragments preserved (CIL II2, 14/374): “Cn. Baebius Cn. F. G(al). (Ge)min(us) Testam(ento) Foru(m) (de su pecun)ia D(onavit Cn. Baebius Cn. F. Gal...) ...ni Fra(ter heres dedicavit).” Thus, it stands as proof of a local case of euergetism. Cn. Baebius Geminus belonged to one of the most important families in Sagunt and its environs, where, in Augustus’ reign, he held posts as pontifex, magistrate and salii. Likewise, it is fascinating that his brother and heir was the author of the dedication, as it illustrates how taxes were paid on inheritances, leading to improvements in the public heritage, a practice that was accepted by Roman tax law.

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The theatre Moving along the urbanisation of the town towards the northern side of the castle, the theatre was laid out on the northwest side of the forum, presiding over the middle terrace of the Julio-Claudian city (Fig. 9). The central sector of the cavea used the slope to build the stands, but the rest of the building shows a variety of foundation system with radial substructions where it had to negotiate a steep slope, as well as a broad corridor for reaching the different vomitoria in the cavea. The stage covers a considerable slope until becoming embedded in the rock. The theatre successfully resolved the problem of sewers to drain rainwater, and they are still perfectly conserved today. Nonetheless, more striking than the building technique is the proportionality of its architecture, through a play of proportions that is the best example of the harmony sought by Roman architecture as clearly expressed in Vitruvius’ treatise. The 22-metre diameter of the orchestra is the measurement around which the building is organised: the entrances, the succession of the cavea and therefore the number of stands in the ima, media and summa moeniana, as well as the height, which dovetails with the superimposition of the three orders of scaenae frons. The refurbishment of the monument following the Grassi and Portaceli project respects the original typology while also facilitating a variety of cultural uses at this point in Sagunt’s historical heritage. There are no sculptural remains that might indicate which magistrates, emperors, gods or muses, among other possibilities, appeared in the theatre. Therefore, through architecture, the central rectangular space that crowns the cavea, which serves a religious function, is regarded as unique. The semicircular layout of the exedrae at the front of the stage is a choice common to many theatres, while the structure for the curtain or aulaeum that the 1993 excavations documented in the hyposcaenium is less frequent. They consist of two parallel walls with a space between them and perpendicular subdivisions for installing the pulleys and machinery that would enable a decorated backdrop to be hoisted onto the front of the stage to hide the actors, who recited or chanted sight unseen. The area corresponding to an expansion of the theatre quite a bit later than its creation exceeds the dimensions cited above, including the outer ring added to the cavea to improve the audience’s circulation towards the higher seats and the rectangular rooms on either side of the stage, called basilicas. Just as the 1984 excavations provided a chronological context of AD 50 for the construction of the theatre, the 1993 digs confirmed something that the measurements of the building hinted at: the remodelling of the theatre, which might date from the mid-3rd century. Elements from the architectural decoration wrought in local limestone and stone from Viver-Sogorb were recovered in a trench under the eastern stage, including several Corinthian capitals with smooth leaves that appeared on the

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front of the stage with a stucco finish that enriched their appearance. Another result from the latest excavations of the theatre is an incomplete Iberian inscription (“...ku.e ba...”) with part of a personal name that must have marked a place in the stands. Yet it is not this difficult-to-date piece but the characteristics of the Corinthian capitals which, along with the ceramics and the construction information, provide an archaeological facies that is not JulioClaudian but confirm a later intervention in the monument. This intervention included improvements in the access to the stands along with a small extension of the seating capacity and the stage quarters. This came at a critical juncture for Roman civilisation, when we might posit what in colloquial terms we could call aquatic diversions and combats among gladiators, common in the late Empire. In Sagunt, the eastern basilica from the extension of the stage is waterproofed inside with a cladding of opus signinum to build a water reservoir which might have held enough to flood the semicircle of the orchestra and turn it into a lake (colimbetra) for comical performances. However, this kind of performance was banned by Christianity, so the reconstruction of the theatre inadvertently revealed the scarce influence of the religion that became official in the life of Sagunt residents during the reign of Constantine (AD 313). The circus and its environs On the banks of the Udiva, the circus is the predominant building on the lower terrace of the city. It was planned at the same time as the other monumental complexes but concluded in the late 1st century. The documentation on this circus starts with the scholarly descriptions from the 18th century, even though it was never declared an historic monument. As a result, it remained exempt from the legal measures to protect the heritage that would have required it to be conserved that were handed down when the area it occupied was declared buildable in the 1960s. The first person to conduct archaeological excavations of the circus was Chabret. In the late 19th century, he documented the porta triumphalis 2.84 metres tall on the extreme eastern end of the building and noted that the ruts etched into the stone pavement came from wagons with wheel spans of 1.70 metres. He also discovered the spina with the euripus, as well as several hydraulic conduits which must have belonged to the feeding system, even though the chronicler imagined that they were used to stage naumachies. However, this would have exceeded their capacity, and today this theory has been discredited. Yet there is no question that the greatest contribution to our knowledge of the circus in Sagunt comes from Bru i Vidal (1922-2000). The latest urban excavations performed in conjunction with the city’s Archaeology Museum have enabled us to verify, specify and rectify the status of this question. They have provided technical data on the building, chronostratigraphy and especially a platform

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uncovered in the 1997 excavations which expands our knowledge of this monument. The circus in Sagunt extends over 354 metres from east to west along the southern bank of the Palància River, and it measures 73 metres wide. It is a small building of its kind, with an estimated capacity of around 15,000 or 20,000 spectators depending on the area occupied by the boxes and platforms. It is similar to the one in Valentia which, since it is only 25 kilometres away, entails a case of unusual geographic proximity between two Roman circuses, which might explain their respective sizes. The construction has a foundation of opus caementicium over the river terrace, which was reinforced by a deposit of river pebbles laid out on the banks. The elevations are clad with vittatum, except in some of the most noble areas which have ashlars (opus quadratum), like the northern wall, which is the closest to the river, and the southern doorway, among the parts documented, because only the foundations of this building are preserved and little information remains about its elevation. However, we do know that the perimeter walls were raised by superimposing rows of decreasing thickness, and that the rectilinear sides were made of two walls separated by 3.4 metres, with perpendicular partition walls joining them, rendering the foundation compartmentalised. The wall closest to the arena served as the podium that separated the spectators from the race tracks. In this way, we know the layout of the area where the seats were, but not the elevation. The spina measured 190 metres long, and the channel that housed it was 4.5 metres wide; the metae was 4.8 metres in diameter. Next to the southern doorway on the eastern side of the circus we have identified the platform at the finish line of the races (alba linea) which was connected to the arena via staircases as in other Roman circuses. From there, the race was monitored and the winner’s finish was certified by a professional referee. The only part of the southern doorway (1.2 metres tall) remaining today is a secondary element of the circus built with large ashlars. Over the door, there are two bases with cyma reversa-shaped moulding associated with the height of the facade. Recent excavations not only revealed the aforementioned tribunal iudicum next to the door, they also revealed the fact that this monument was built by altering the lines and purpose of a sector that had been previously occupied. According to the dating of the ceramics recovered, this would have been the mid-2nd century, a time when the forum on the upper part of the city was no longer in use and other sectors of Saguntum were becoming more prominent. Of all the Roman remains that converge in the circus area, the most important is the Roman bridge over which Via Augusta presumably crossed the river. Therefore, this roadway was oriented towards the theatre, the forum and the castle through a scenic constructive play. Some of the most important funerary monuments in the city lie on both sides of this artery, either as elements from the public necropolis or, as seems more likely, linked to the sub-

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urban villas where the owners built their own mausoleums, which as a whole formed an area in which private mansions alternated with landscaped grounds. The circus was built on this landscape at a very wellconnected point, albeit one that was exposed to the flooding of the river, which displays the usual functional characteristics of a circus (distance from the urban centre, accessibility and spaciousness for the circulation of carts and horses). However, it amortised the area’s previous uses and interrupted the exit from the bridge, which has been archaeologically documented. Therefore, it might have been displaced to the east in order to not hinder the traffic on Via Augusta. In effect, the surroundings of the circus were gradually urbanised as the city grew downwards. Thus, what were initially villas and vegetable gardens turned into streets, an indication of the beginnings of a compact form of urban planning in the sector. These are symptoms of Sagunt’s adaptation to the middle and late Imperial period. Regarding chariot races, we have information from a fragment of engraved marble (CIL II2, 14/376) which commemorates a donation to sponsor the stage and circus games; this document was found in the Tres Pouets zone of the castle next to the former entrance to the Iberian oppidum, where there is a late Roman settlement to which the inscription corresponds, dated from around the 3rd century AD. Grau Vell (The Old Port) Around the change in era, the large tower still stood; next to it, a row of long, narrow (3 × 6.5 m) structures were built by the sea, some of them with a line of column or pilaster supports along the central axis. They were built over stone plinths using a technique called opus africanum and had adobe walls covered in stucco with roofs made of imbrex and tegula. The lower storey of these buildings was probably used as storage, judging from their extremely simple floors (packed dirt, brick, gravel), while the upper floors were reserved for other uses. Some zones in the site show deposits of amphora rubble to elevate and drain the foundations, which easily flooded from the waves or storms. It is through this ceramic filling that we have documented the predominance of Hispanic products in the commercial trade during the late empire, as well as the importance of Sagunt-made wine in this traffic. This wine was packaged in Dressel 2-4 amphorae. During this period, the port of Sagunt was still a stopping point in the traffic of Dressel 7-11 salt fish amphorae and lead ingots. The connections from the old port were now extended towards Rome through the Strait of Bonifacio or by following the coastline up to Emporiae, from which the trade continued on towards Narbonne and could even reach the Atlantic by crossing the corridor in Aquitaine. The dispersion of discoveries from Sagunt around the geography of the late empire points to these routes. Sigillate earthen pottery from Italy and southern France and the

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common and cooking ceramics from Italy, among other products, were introduced in Sagunt and its area of influence through this port.

Municipium Edetanorum The extensive Iberian centre in Edeta was Sant Miquel de Llíria hillock until 175 BC, when it underwent destruction that can be attributed to the socio-political readjustments of those days. The population documented in the 1st century and afterward is located under today’s Llíria, the site of constant archaeological discoveries today. We are not totally certain that it earned the rank of municipium during the reign of Augustus. Nevertheless, a Latin inscription found in the past mentions a temple devoted to the nymphs of the former Edeta (Ptol. Geog. 2.6.62) next to a spring that supplied the city with water, according to a recent proposal. This discovery ensconces the city in the vein of water worship that found such an avid following in the Roman cities in the region of Valencia. One important feature in this city is the bath complex in the Mura area dating from the midyears of the Empire. It is comprised of two complete baths; the largest has a heating system under the floor and in the walls of the warm rooms, while the smaller has a sophisticated reservoir for hot water. Both of them are on the outskirts of the city next to a small temple with a crypt that might predate the baths. This entire complex is relatively well preserved. It is the most complex spa known in Hispania, possibly a pilgrimage site if we take into account its size and its purported healthful effects. Today this archaeological complex is open to the public, as are the mausoleums on Duc de Llíria Street and the Iberian settlement in Tossal de Sant Miquel, which is currently being restored. Saetabis Augustanorum, municipium romanum12 During the reign of Augustus, the city regarded as one of the most important in Iberian Contestania, the site of a coin mint that was prominent between the 3rd and 1st centuries BC, today Xàtiva, became a municipim romanum (Plin. Nat. 3.2.25) that could be reached along Via Augusta. The urban planning was designed as far as the coast of El Castell, the site of the hermitage of Sant Feliu, from which many of the Latin inscriptions come since they were reused in late Roman or mediaeval buildings. From these inscriptions, we know that Saetabis erected a statue to the Genius of the town, a custom that enshrined the memory of the local genealogy or identity. A fragment still remains of the inscribed pedestal, carved from pink stone from Buixcarró, the stone that most closely resembles the marble from the Valencia quarries which was commercially mined by the Romans, who transported it to many other towns. However, Saetabis mainly extended along the western half of the mediaeval town inside the walls, as far as Argenteria Street and Camí de la Bola. In this sector (Sariers Street), an urgent inter-

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vention performed in 2002 revealed part of a public Roman pool that most likely belonged to a sanctuary that had a nymphaeum. It consists of a semicircular apse with quadrangular spaces on either side, very similar to the typology of the Sanctuary of Fortune in Murcia, which was Italian in inspiration. Some local spring (the one that burbles in the fountain of the Vint-i-cinc Canelles) must have fed this facility, which once again associates water with urban prestige.

Between the flavians and the Antonians Valentia After the city’s destruction by Pompey’s forces, Valentia lacked much public investment until the mid-1st century. It regained prominence primarily in the Flavian period (Mela 2.92) and underwent an expansive period that led it to occupy an area measuring 20 hectares (Fig. 10), with improvements in the sewer system and water conduits.13 The citizenry had to be reinforced by settling a second round of Roman colonists there; this gave rise to the advent of a double senate – an infrequent occurrence – made up of the representatives of the old and new guard in Valentia, as recalled in the inscriptions that cite the Valentini Veterani et Veteres (CIL II, 3733, 3734, 3735, 3736, 3737, 3739 and 3741) in reference to a duality that echoed the original contrast between natives of Italy and Edeta. In around AD 100, the porticoed square of a renovated forum was paved with stone from Alcubleas. A double curia converged there on the southeast along with a basilica with an Aedes Augusti associated with a lintel inscribed in the form of a tabula ansata on the southern flank, which is only partly documented. The city abounded with public baths (there was one under the Palace of Benicarló, the headquarters of the regional parliament, on Cabillers Street, in the Palace of the Admiral and in more sites). However, the most important facility was the circus (350 m × 70 m), unearthed between Trinquet de Cavallers Street and Plaça del Palau in the course of recent urban excavations that have revealed the end and the parts of the stands, the spina, the arena and the carceres. This circus was in use until the 5th century. Allon (La Vila Joiosa)14 After a debate that was both prolix and extended, the latest research situates the Flavian municipality of Allon under the urban nucleus of La Vila Joiosa, the site of an important settlement in the Iberian period. This claim is supported by reliable arguments derived from the urban excavations that provide a context for both the inscription engraved on the mensa of a macellum upon the occasion of its reconstruction (CIL II, 3570), common to urban areas, and the mausoleum of Torre de Sant Josep outside the town, known since ancient times. Wiegels’ reinterpretation of the pedestal of the duumvir Q. Manlius

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Carmen Aranegui

Figure 10. General layout of Valentia (SIAM).

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The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century

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Figure 11. Baths of Allon (La Vila Joiosa) (Photo: A. Espinosa).

Celsinus from the Quirina tribe (CIL II, 3571) was decisive, as Alicante thus pinpoints the location of a city between Dianium and Lucentum which both Benidorm and Santa Pola, further south, had previously claimed. The baths excavated on Canalejas Street (Fig. 11) suggest a city with sound infrastructures, and the port warehouses in Plaça de Sant Josep indicate that it channelled the redistribution of production from a territory that different towns (Sant Josep, Barberes Sud, Plans, Ribetes, Jovada II, Xauxelles) defined as entrepreneurial.

Notes and references [1]

[2]

C. Aranegui (coord.). Els romans a les terres valencianes. IVEI, Valencia 1996; L. Abad, S. Keay and S. Ramallo. Early Roman Towns in Hispania Tarraconensis. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) 2006. C. Aranegui. Sagunto. Oppidum, emporio y municipio romano. Bellaterra, Barcelona 2004; P. P. Ripollès and M. M. Llorens. Arse-Saguntum. Historia Monegal de la ciudad y de su territorio. Bancaja, Sagunt 2002.

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[3] [4] [5]

[6] [7]

[8]

J. M. Abascal and L. Abad (coord.). Las ciudades y los campos de Alicante en época romana. Alicante 2003. M. Olcina (ed.). Lucentum (Tossal de Manises, Alicante) arqueología e historia. MARQ, Alicante 2009. J. L. Jiménez and A. Ribera. “La arquitectura y las transformaciones urbanas del centro de Valencia durante los primeros mil años de la ciudad”. In Historia de la ciudad. Vol. III. Colegio Territorial de Arquitectos de Valencia, Valencia 2004, pp. 18-30. J. Uroz, J. M. Noguera and F. Coarelli (ed.). Iberia e Italia: modelos romanos de integración territorial. Tabularium, Murcia 2008. R. Albiach, I. Espí and A. Ribera. “El agua sacra y su vinculación con el origen y desarrollo urbano de una fundación romana. El santuario (¿Asklepeion?) de Valentia (Hispania)”. In: P. Mateos, S. Celestino, A. Pizzo and T. Tortosa (ed.). Santuarios, oppida y ciudades: arquitectura sacra en el origen y desarrollo urbano del Mediterráneo occidental, Anejos a AEspA, Madrid 2009, pp. 417-446. J. M. Noguera (ed.). Fora Hispaniae. Paisaje urbano, arquitectura, programas decorativos y culto im-

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perial en las ciudades hispanorromanas, Universidad de Murcia, Murcia 2009. [9] J. J. Chao, J. F. Mesa and M. Serrano. “Un nuevo bronce hallado en La Alcudia”. In: J. González (ed.). Ciudades privilegiadas en el occidente roma no. Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, Seville 1999, pp. 417-424. [10] F. Arasa. La ciutat romana de Lesera. Forcall Town Hall, Vinaròs 2009. [11] G. Alföldy (et al.). Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Vol. II, 2/14, fasc. 1, Berlin 1995.

Carmen Aranegui

[12] J. Pérez Ballester (coord.). “De la Saitabi ibèrica a la Saetabis romana”. In: Història de Xàtiva. Faculty of Geography and History, Universitat de València, Valencia 2006, pp. 137-193. [13] I. Escrivà, A. Ribera and J. Vioque. Guía del centro arqueológico de L’Almoina. Valencia Town Hall, Valencia 2010. [14] A. Espinosa. “Sobre el nombre de la ciudad ibérica y romana de Villajoyosa y la ubicación del topónimo Alonís/Alona/Allon”. Lucentum, no. 25, 2006, pp. 223-248.

About the Author Carmen Aranegui has been a full professor at the Universitat de València since 1986. She has researched the Mediterranean contacts that can be seen in Iberian culture (ceramics, necropolises and sanctuaries) and was the curator of the international exhibition entitled “Los Iberos” (The Iberians) (1997-1998, Paris, Barcelona and Bonn). The transition of Roman civilisation is another key point in her studies based on the case of Sagunt (Valencia), analysed in its facets of urban design (port, forum, theatre) and economy (amphorae, wine production). Since 1995, she has been the co-director of an archaeological project in Lixus (Larache, Morocco), a settlement founded by the Phoenicians; the project is studying the effects of the Eastern colonisation of peoples in the Strait of Gibraltar and the historical significance of Mauritanian culture from a post-colonialist standpoint.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 27-51 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.50 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes Xavier Barral i Altet *

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Received 26 July 2010 · Accepted 20 October 2010

Abstract In Catalonia, the historiography of the Romanesque started a full half-century later than the earliest European movements, particularly in France. This historiography manifested itself with studies that helped to understand, classify and compare the movement to other architectures, with restoration and the protection of monuments, as well as with new architectures that harked back to the mediaeval past. Elies Rogent (1821-1897), Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1850-1923) and Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867-1956) were the pioneers in these studies. This article considers the most pressing issues today and takes part in the current debates on Catalan religious Romanesque architecture. The complex containing the former church see in Egara, now Terrassa, which was recently excavated, is a prime example. The article shall also analyse the issue of the earliest Romanesque art in the 11th century, compare the monastic churches in Ripoll and Cuixà, present new studies on the cathedrals in La Seu d’Urgell, Girona and Vic, and consider interesting problems involving architecture and liturgy, the still undefined transition from the 11th to 13th century and the late Romanesque-style architecture from the 12th to 13th centuries, when Gothic architecture had already taken root in northern France. Keywords: architecture, cathedrals, historiography, liturgy, Romanesque During the second half of the 20th century, Catalan Romanesque architecture, just like Romanesque architecture in other Western European countries, had suffered from the often negative result of its own success, from mass tourism and from the nationalistic tone with which the nations of today have aimed to imbue Romanesque.1 The literature is extensive, in Catalonia as well.2 Today, however, new studies are reviving the discipline both monographically and thematically.3 The Romanesque is the art that dates from the feudal period between approximately the 10th and 13th centuries. The term is conventional and was coined during the 19th century when it was believed that Romanesque art derived purely and simply from Roman art. Pre-Romanesque or proto-Romanesque art, early Romanesque art, Second Romanesque art and late Romanesque art are all terms that conventionally define the evolution of the style.4 The history of architectural restoration is an essential part of the history of Romanesque architecture. We do not see Romanesque monuments the way they were in the

* Contact address: Xavier Barral i Alter. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Carme, 47. E-08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932 701 620. E-mail: xbarral@iec.cat

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Middle Ages; rather we see them as they have been shaped by the different restorers from the 19th century until today. What prevails is the wholly erroneous idea of a black and white Romanesque church, utterly empty and bare, as if the goal was to encourage visitors to only look at the stones on the wall one by one. The stripping of the decoration and later additions, the result of post-Vatican II liturgical dictates and the taste for monumental bareness, as well as photographic reproductions in black and white, photogravures, have contributed to giving us an erroneous idea of Romanesque art as bereft of colour. Back in the late 19th century, Elies Rogent had imagined the Romanesque basilica in Ripoll totally polychromed. Perhaps his insight will be recognised one day and the basilica that he restored will be painted once again. Taste evolves, and we must imagine that Catalan Romanesque church architecture will once again boast those coats of striking colours that totally blanketed them in the Middle Ages through the actions of restorers or the creativity of new artists.5 In Catalonia, the historiography of the Romanesque started a full half-century later than the earliest European movements, particularly in France. In the first third of the 19th century, the taste for the Gothic, which is synonymous with a return to the Middle Ages, triggered greater awareness of the mediaeval monuments from which the

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Figure 1. Romanesque church of Sant Climent de Taüll. It shows a basilica layout with three naves, an apse and two apsidioles, plus a tower on the southern facade facing east very close to the apse. The belfry is square and freestanding, although it is built very close to the bulk of the building on the corner of the southern wall next to the chevet. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

Romanesque drew. This re-encounter with the national origins associated with the Romantic movement and experienced in every European state led to greater knowledge of the past, the study of this past and systematic campaigns to conserve remnants of the Middle Ages.6 During the 19th century, the return to the Middle Ages and the rediscovery of a national past – different to the one that Rome had disseminated – signalled a reassessment of the very origins of Catalonia at a time when Romantic, literary and artistic movements were coming alive. This return to the Middle Ages was voluntarily conditioned by nationalistic positions which tended to provide every state with specific powerful and sovereign origins, consequently differentiating them from their neighbouring states. People were not content to simply underscore these differences; rather they also sought to demonstrate the greater importance of Romanesque art in their own state compared to their neighbour. What is more, the Middle Ages was also attractive because of its mysterious side that the Romantics so glorified. 7 This mediaeval past was rediscovered along three main lines, primarily during the second half of the 19th century: studies that helped to understand, classify and compare the movement with other architectures; the restoration and protection of monuments; and the new

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architectures that harked back to the mediaeval past with designs for religious buildings constructed in the neomediaeval style and blithe restorations of monuments in ruins.8 But the architects who have restored and reconstructed have sometimes also contributed to creating supposed regional Romanesque styles which have often served as the cornerstone for veritable theories.9 Elies Rogent (1821-1897), Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1850-1923) and Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867-1956) were the pioneers of the modern study of religious architecture from the Catalan Romanesque.10 They were also the ones who restored and reconstructed Romanesque architecture and who studied, classified and theorised about the Catalan Romanesque. These three architects, each in his day, were also the authors of an important written oeuvre, often erudite, while at the same time as architects they participated in constructing new architectures at the service of the mediaeval past, reinventing the style. In order to understand our vision of Catalan religious Romanesque architecture at the start of the early 21st century, we should examine Rogent’s intervention in the basilica in Ripoll. This prominent architect had gotten his training in contact with the erudition of France and Germany, and he concurred with Eugène Viollet-le-Duc’s

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Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes

(1814-1879) ideas on reconstruction.11 Rogent was the first person in Catalonia to publish historical-archaeological monographs on mediaeval religious monuments like the ones in Sant Cugat del Vallès and Sant Llorenç del Munt, thus historically justifying the restoration projects. This also holds true of Ripoll, as demonstrated in the report on the Santa Maria basilica, which justified the sources of his restoration, today considered more a reconstruction.12 Before the definitive restoration process of the basilica of Ripoll got underway, in 1860 Rogent had laid down a series of criteria and procedures regarding the intervention, which included drawing up floor plans and elevations that would provide proof of the appearance of the building from the 11th century, back in the days of Abbot Oliba, the cleansing of all the additions and proposed transformations aimed at reconstructing the building as it was assumed to be back in the Romanesque era. The new basilica was consecrated in 1893. Rogent decided that the church would have five naves instead of three, that the vault and windows would be the way they are today, that the capitals would be Corinthian with Caliphal inspiration, and that the chevet would be surmounted by the outer cimborio that it still has today. I personally believe that the building refurbished by Rogent must continue to appear in the manuals of mediaeval architecture as one of the greatest monuments from the Catalan Romanesque, but that it must be presented from a critical vantage point. I also particularly believe that this building must be included in the surveys of religious Catalan architecture from the 19th century as well. When Rogent began the restoration, the basilica of Ripoll was Gothic, and its vaults had collapsed after the fire in 1835. It also had later additions. He took the decision to freeze it at a given point in its history, imagining how it was at the precise date that it was consecrated by Abbot Oliba (1032) and setting out to eliminate everything from before that date and subsequent additions. Josep Puig i Cadafalch defended many of the actions undertaken by Rogent, with whom he had been trained and whom he regarded as “one of the first revolutionaries against the neoclassical tyranny”. He also recalled that “Rogent mainly investigated Catalan Romanesque art with a keen sense of history, but also as a form fated to flourish once again, doing with it in Catalonia what the Italian cities had done with classical art, which by copying and reproducing it had engendered the Renaissance”. However, times had changed, and during the first quarter of the 20th century, Puig undertook to demonstrate that Catalonia had had its own national Romanesque architecture with a personality of its own that had exerted an influence abroad.13 Puig began by studying Catalan Romanesque architecture monographically, using modern criteria, and he decided to make it play a role in the history of the European Romanesque. Giovanni Teresio Rivoira and Adolfo Venturi were doing the same in Italy,14 while in France the regionalist theory of Arcisse de

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Caumont15 was still in vogue, as other schools of thought were also being forged, such as the École des Chartes. In 1909, he wrote in L’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya: “The geographic scope of our study is not a country that is a state today; [it is] a land divided between two states, part in Spain and part in France, [which] has an organic art history [that is] a reflection of a national unity, of a natural grouping of people with collective thinking”.16 Methodologically speaking, the historiography of the history of Romanesque architecture demonstrates that the different interpretations of the relations between modern politics, historical geography and Romanesque art have led to opposite conclusions about the same monuments. While the theories of Josep Puig i Cadafalch represent the scholarly application of a nationalistic bent, the studies by Marcel Durliat about Roussillon, well into the second half of the 20th century, illustrate a way of seeing the history and social realities of the Middle Ages as a projection of a certain political, centralist and even Jacobin notion of contemporary France. While historians of French or Spanish art during the entire first half of the 20th century disagreed on the chronological priorities of the churches laying along the Way of Saint James, the hostilities between Josep Puig i Cadafalch and the Andalusian archaeologist and historian Manuel Gómez Moreno (1879-1970) often turned into opposing points of view that later had major repercussions on the general vision of artistic priorities.17 The mixture of politics, geography and Romanesque architecture triggered impassioned debates during the first third of the 20th century in France as well from radical stances, particularly when referring to the peripheral zones or borderlands, where today’s reality is no longer a faithful reflection of mediaeval geography. These areas included Roussillon, Alsace and Corsica, for example. These discussions were more or less impassioned according to the authors’ stance, but they have had clear consequences on the historiography of the discipline.18 It is within this context that Puig i Cadafalch openly turned from compiling a catalogue of monuments in his volumes about Catalan Romanesque architecture to writing a theory, first on a style19 and later on its dissemination throughout Europe.20 However, Puig’s theories on Romanesque architecture would not have had the repercussions they did without the arrival of the personality of Henri Focillon into the art history scene in France. Focillon marked much of the 20th century, especially for the influence his viewpoints have attained in posterity. An heir to the wisdom of the formalist school of Vienna, Henri Focillon defended an autonomous life of forms in his book La vie des formes published in 1934. To his mind, the Romanesque work of art was a reality that in itself brings together different factors independent from the external conditions of creation. The form is the work of art and makes it evolve. Admired for the quality of his writing and the force of his words, the formalist theory of Focillon, a talented mediaevalist, found powerful resonance

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when he applied his positions to Romanesque art. It was in this context that Focillon divulged Puig’s views, especially in the vast survey of Western art published in Paris for the first time in 1938.21 Nonetheless, before reaching a survey of southern Europe which included Catalonia but not Spain, back in the days of his university education when he had experienced the Renaixença movement firsthand, Puig i Cadafalch had gradually been ripening the idea of contributing to creating a national individuality through mediaeval art.22 In order to construct a national Romanesque, Puig understood that he had to systematically study the monuments of the country, describe them one by one and analyse them in order to define their originality within a series as the expression of a national whole. With this spirit in mind, he published the work L’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya 23 as a first step towards salvaging the country’s heritage. He researched the book through expeditions to the Pyrenees to take photographs and draw up floor plans and elevations. He already had a vision of developing a catalogue of monuments to contribute to safeguarding the architectural heritage. At the same time as Puig i Cadafalch in Vic, Josep Gudiol i Cunill pursued similar objectives taking a different pathway,24 just as Josep Pijoan25 had set out to do. Both Gudiol and Puig came from two different traditions within French scholarly circles, the one proposed by Arcisse de Caumont and the other set forth by Jules Quicherat. The latter, from Paris’ École des Chartes, reached Catalonia mainly through a French archivist heading to Roussillon, Jean-Auguste Brutails,26 who spread the notion of viewing monuments as historical documents. Puig i Cadafalch was an architect, and both his studies and his political leanings and training exerted a heavy influence on his restorations of Romanesque churches, from Montserrat to Cuixà, from Sant Joan de les Abades ses to Sant Benet de Bages, and including less important monuments such as Sant Jaume de Vilanova in El Bages (between 1931 and 1933). He always endowed his interventions with theoretical and deeply ideological connotations. Josep Puig i Cadafalch’s oeuvre survives today through the accumulation of information it contains. L’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya, written in conjunction with A. de Falguera and J. Goday and published between 1909 and 1918, was first an endeavour at cataloguing, recognition and organisation. It enabled a coherent history to be written that became both the beacon for future studies and a monumental catalogue of Catalan Romanesque architecture from its origins to the Late Middle Ages. From this vantage point, the contribution of Puig and his helpers27 is like a veritable archive on Romanesque architecture in Catalonia.28 His theories, however, gradually came to be disputed.29 He viewed the Romanesque as follows: “Romanesque art is the result of a long development and separate influences from the Byzantines, the East and Muslim civilisation. Some of the stages in this development can be

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found in Spain, such as in 9th century Asturian art and 10th century Mozarabic art.” 30 Today these matters are regarded with greater complexity.

From late antiquity to the Romanesque The survival of the religious architecture from late antiquity until the 7th and 8th centuries, and even until the mediaeval period in some cases, contributed to imposing local and traditional forms as well as a technical and stylistic continuity that Romanesque architecture harnessed later on. We are aware of several specific instances of this use of palaeo-Christian basilicas even in later periods in Barcelona, Tarragona, Terrassa, Bovalar (Seròs, Segrià), Empúries and Sant Cugat del Vallès. The architecture that spans the period from late antiquity to the Romanesque period in the Middle Ages is called late mediaeval and then pre-Romanesque. The roots of this art lay in the creative expansion of the architectural forms from the palaeo-Christian days, which paved the way for and led to the monumental Romanesque forms. In order to define and name this art that developed in Catalonia between the 8th and 10th centuries, today the terms Mozarabic, Carolingian and Resettlement art have been abandoned, although they are suitable for the art of other regions on the Iberian Peninsula or in Europe whose artistic realities are different to those of late mediaeval Catalonia. The monuments preserved in Catalonia do not permit us to situate the late mediaeval architectural reality within the general debates on Carolingian art.31 Regarding the pre-Romanesque,32 however, Catalonia is a regionally coherent architectural reality which can at times compete with important monuments elsewhere. In Catalonia, preRomanesque and Romanesque architecture must be viewed as having a strict continuity.33 The religious architecture from the late Middle Ages that is conserved in Catalonia is often the simplest kind found in rural settings that benefit from the survival of practical construction techniques that had become common, such as the opus spicatum or the vault atop a cane falsework.34 It should be borne in mind that the humblest constructions are the ones that most often use local materials and reproduce functional floor plans or elevations, often for many centuries, and that this is not always an indication of the age of the architecture. It is not easy to date many of these small buildings because of a lack of documentary information external to the architecture itself. Given this, we mainly have information on the acts of consecration, such as the one at Santa Maria church in La Seu d’Urgell on the 1st of November 839 by Bishop Sisebut with the consent of the Emperor Louis the Pious and Count Sunifred of Cerdanya-Urgell. In this case, the document mentions the parishes that existed at that time within the bishopric of Urgell, Cerdanya, Berguedà, Pallars and Ribagorça, but it does not provide any insight

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Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes

into the architecture itself. What is more, the date of consecration does not necessarily indicate when construction was completed. Among the series of monuments from the transition between antiquity and the Middle Ages, the complex that has contributed and continues to contribute the most to the debate is the former church see in Egara, now the town of Terrassa. The churches of Egara, just like their see, are documented from the 5th century until the Arab invasion. It is known that in the mid-5th century the bishopric of Egara developed independently of the bishopric of Barcelona, and that it still existed in the 7th century. The latest information that we have from the period is from Bishop Joan, known in 683 and 693. In 1017, a group of personalities met in the presence of the Count of Barcelona Ramon Borrell and his bishop at Santa Maria church; Eduard Junyent assumed that this meeting was to once again consecrate the churches after the invasions. The next documents we have refer to the consecration of the new building of Santa Maria in 1112 and Sant Pere building one century later. The archaeological continuity of the churches in Terrassa was demonstrated by the excavations of first Josep Puig i Cadafalch and later Josep de Calassanç Serra i Ràfols. In front of and outside Santa Maria, vestiges of palaeo-Christian buildings used for worship have been found, and the two superimposed levels of mosaics from earlier churches in the 4th and 5th centuries are also important. I myself had suggested that this continuity from late antiquity until the Middle Ages might even extend as late as the 11th century, which I believed and still believe is the date of a pavement mosaic conserved in the presbytery of Sant Pere church.

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The apse seen today in Santa Maria, which is square outside and horseshoe-shaped inside and has three simple openings, dates from a repair of a building with three naves and perhaps with a transept as well. In contrast, Sant Pere has a trilobe chevet with three wide windows and a transept with long wings, elevated and covered with a barrel vault. Sant Miquel has a centralised layout and is square both inside and outside, with four niches on each corner. This structure led Puig to believe that it might have been used as a baptistery, although the presence of a crypt poses several problems of affiliation and liturgical use. During the excavations conducted there, Puig i Cadafalch reconstructed – the outcome of a quarrel with Gómez-Moreno – the baptismal font in the middle of the building under the cimborio, which is supported by eight columns with interesting capitals. On the easternmost part, jutting up because of the presence of the trilobe crypt, is the apse with its typical horseshoe shape inside and polygonal shape outside, which also has three windows. It should be borne in mind that the timeline of all three religious buildings in Terrassa – architectural bodies added to older chevets – has always been the subject of scholarly controversy and heated debate. Puig i Cadafalch had initially defended the Visigothic origin of the current chevet in Santa Maria and the Sant Miquel building, which he dated from the 6th century, an opinion shared by Joan Ainaud. However, Eduard Junyent, Pere de Palol and I have always seen these constructions as late mediaeval vestiges that might date from around the 9th century. Yet everyone has agreed that these elements existed before the 10th century churches with

Copyrighted image

Figure 2. Layout of the church see of Egara.

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Copyrighted image

Figure 3. Layout of the church of Sant Miquel de Cuixà. Floor plan of the church and the other buildings and quarters of the monastery as they are today on a 1:400 scale, with indications of the historical stages of their construction. The layout of the crypt of the Nativity Scene is on the lower right corner. (Source: Fototeca.cat - R. Mallol)

their irregular shapes, small windows and trapezoidal apses. In Terrassa, we saw wide windows and Romanstyle walls with rows of small ashlars alternating with rows of terra cotta. In the case of Santa Maria, the problem of interpretation has always lain with the correspondence between the apse and the shape of the threenave chevet dating from the 5th century.

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After an international symposium on the churches of Terrassa held in 1991, a comprehensive archaeological excavation project was conducted in several campaigns between 1995 and 2004, resulting in a proposed reinterpretation of the church complex and its historical evolution. The continuity of its occupation since the Iberian period (4th century BC) has been confirmed. Roman

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structures, namely funeral chambers, have been confirmed from prior to the church phase in the 5th century. The rectangular building with a square apse outside and semicircular apse inside, which is believed to date from the 5th century, has been attributed to area for Christian worship in the second half of the 4th century, therefore before the church phase. Two chapels on the side walls have also been more accurately identified. In a slightly later phase which the authors date at between 380 and 420-430, there must have been a series of overhauls and extensions which included the construction of a new baptistery behind the apse with a quadrangular-shaped font. The mosaic pavement still conserved in Santa Maria today must date from this phase. The authors identify a phase of pre-church construction in around the 5th century. The designation of Egara as the church see for Bishop Nundinari of Barcelona between 450 and 460 fostered the creation of a large religious complex presided over by Santa Maria as the cathedral, Sant Miquel as the martyrium, and Sant Pere as a parish church. The new Bishop Ireneu was charged with carrying out the architectural appearance of the new church see. The three buildings were laid out on three terraces around a central area used for funerals. The archaeological campaigns provide many new interpretations of the religious architecture, as well as new proposed timelines. The main basilica, Santa Maria, is a building with three naves separated by columns and capitals. The three initial apses have been replaced by a single apse that is square on the outside and circular inside. Remains of the central nave with a funeral crypt have been identified, and it is suggested that the baptistery was located at the foot of the building. Regarding Sant Miquel, an external corridor with burials would confirm the use of this building for funerals. We knew that Puig i Cadafalch had hastily restored a baptistery. At the foot of Sant Pere basilica, a double corridor has been identified that connects the parish church with the cathedral avoiding through the funeral area. Of all the results published, the timelines are still prompting debate. The parts of the complex under discussion – the chevets of Santa Maria and Sant Pere and the entire Sant Miquel building, with the archaeological vestiges uncovered that have been mentioned here – are once again attributed to the early Visigothic period in the 6th century. This also includes Sant Pere parish church (but not the late Romanesque nave) and the murals in Sant Miquel. Personally, I think that the debate on the historical-chronological interpretation of the late mediaeval buildings is still not resolved.35 Religious complexes from the late Middle Ages with two or three churches and a baptistery have always been recognised in Catalonia. However, recently a highly original connection has been found among the Catalan Benedictine monastic groups in three churches regarded as dating from the Carolingian period, yet with a tradition

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that lasted until the Romanesque period and with the church groups from late antiquity as their typological, structural and spiritual source. This concept of monastic complex would be applicable for Cuixà and Ripoll, but not for other monasteries like Sant Martí del Canigó.36 Little information and few buildings survive from the 9th century. However, we do know that many of them were in poor shape and that they were repaired during the 10th century, such as the cathedral of Elne, or that they were rebuilt in the early Romanesque period, such as the cathedrals in La Seu d’Urgell and Vic. Two documents prove the abandonment and ruin of Catalan churches in the late 9th century: the Carolingian precept from 898 granted to the Bishop of Elne, and King Charles’ 899 authorisation to the Metropolitan of Narbonne, which stressed not only the ruinous state of the churches in the diocese but also the impossibility of restoring them. During the 9th and 10th centuries, the building campaign reached the monasteries as well. This holds true for Ripoll (935), Serrateix (940), Sant Pere de les Puelles of Barcelona (945), Santa Cecília of Montserrat (957), Sant Benet of El Bages (972) and Sant Miquel de Cuixà (953). The church in Cuixà offers us a good sense of the possible appearance of the large abbatial churches or cathedrals of Catalonia in the second half of the 10th century. They were dominated by rectangular naves, triple naves in the most important churches, and were covered with

Figure 4. View of the southern side nave in Sant Miquel Cuixà from the southern wing of the transept. The ultra-semicircular arches can be seen.

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Figure 5. Belfry in Sant Miquel de Cuixà. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

wood. The building in Cuixà has three short naves separated by rectangular pillars and arcades and surmounted by a noteworthy transept, from which the tip of the northern wing has disappeared. The arcades are ultrasemicircular in shape, with transoms that jut out, and they are built with the help of staggered stones on the lower part of the arcades which radiate out on the upper part. This kind of arcade might derive from a late ancient and local tradition. The main nave, which is covered with wood, is longer than the side naves and has an extra stretch on the western side. The presbytery is made up of five deep apses, the main one rectangular while the others are deep semicircles. It was traditionally believed that on either side of the main apse there must have been two doors which originally led outside. However, today doubt has been cast on this claim.37 The magnificence of the architecture in Cuixà demonstrates a clear desire to revamp the palaeo-Christian basilica.38 The separation between the naves and the wooden roof comes from the palaeo-Christian tradition, as does the formula of the large jutting transept and several apses, five in this case, as only the most important buildings in the late ancient world had. It also inherited the rectangular shape of the main apse from this period. The pathway leading to the Romanesque can be glimpsed

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with the elongated semicircular shape of the lateral apses, which in Cuixà were covered with vaults in the 10th century. In the more modest churches, the apse, usually small and covered with a stone vault, had a ultrasemicircular shape inside and a rectangular shape outside in their most ancient period. However, over time ultrasemicircular layouts also began to appear on the outside (Sant Quirze de Pedret), until they became semicircular (Sant Andreu de Sureda). The transept could vary and be either higher than the nave (Canapost or Sant Pere of Terrassa) or lower than it (Sant Genís les Fonts or Sant Andreu of Sureda). Many small rural churches still survive from this period. They are built of stone and reinforced on the corners, with a single rectangular nave and a horseshoe-shaped, triangular or trapezoidal apse, generally covered with a stone vault. The naves, first covered with wood, gradually came to feature vaults supported by frames resting on main arches, or more frequently on lateral buttresses. There is a difference in height and width between the nave and the apse, the latter being lower, creating a very characteristic relationship between external and internal volumes. Likewise, the windows are small and simple to open, and they tend to appear in the apse walls or the southern wall. There are two kinds of arches: the first, from a clearly Roman tradition, is the semicircular arch over transoms that jut out over the peak of the arch. The second kind, which is also local, is a ultrasemicircular shaped arch which rests on two imposts, with the transoms jutting out over the peak of the arch. The doorway generally faces south so the nave can be lit naturally during the mass. The churches of Santa Maria del Marquet, Obiols, Canapost, Sant Quirze de Pedret and Sant Julià de Boada fall within this type.39 In Sant Miquel de Cuixà, we can note the continuity between the pre-Romanesque and the 9th century Romanesque, as the former still survives amidst the new constructions and Romanesque enlargements. In smaller structures, these reuses and enrichments are common, a phenomenon that characterises all the architecture built around the turn of the millennium.40

The question of the earliest Romanesque art in the 11th century Using a comparative method, and within the historical positivism of his day, Puig i Cadafalch defined the architecture of the early Romanesque as an itinerant style from southern European characteristic of the first third of the 11th century. The common feature was the reappearance of the vault, an element whose different modalities enabled him to develop a structural, chronological and geographical classification.41 Puig used his theory to situate Catalan Romanesque art in the world, while also endowing his clear and open national struggle to architecturally define the origins of his country with content.

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Based on very specific characteristics (the small arches misnamed “Lombard” arches, the stonework and the roofs with stone vaults), he established a sequence that sprang from the eastern zone of Moldavia and the Balkans and was consolidated in northern Italy and Catalonia before heading towards northern Europe, where the 10th century Ottonian architectural tradition42 and the traditions of the previous Carolingian tradition43 had taken root. Early 11th century religious architecture is particularly interesting in that once the large pre-Romanesque constructions from the second half of the 10th century were completed, while the mortar was still fresh and the paintings barely completed, the patrons of the Church and those who had the economic wherewithal were already considering improving a society that in less than 50 years set out to reconstruct cathedrals, monasteries and all kinds of churches. This was clear shortly after 1000, when the historian from Cluny, Raoul Glaber, noted that the West was being covered by “a white mantle of churches”. Within the theoretical realm of the earliest southern Romanesque art, a unique role has been attributed to the Lombard masters.44 We should recall the historiographic use made of the existence, one century later, of a contract dated 1175 for a master builder named “Ramon, dit Lambard” to build a roof of the temple and other constructions in the cathedral of La Seu d’Urgell, and the recent proposition of considering the surname “Lambard” synonymous with builder.45 For many years, the theory – erroneous, to my mind –46 has been upheld of groups of itinerant yet highly celebrated stonecutters from Lombardy who travelled around the north of the Iberian Peninsula and southern France and finally reached northern Europe.47 Recently, Joan Duran-Porta has revisited the issue by arguing from several different standpoints that the term “lambard” in Catalonia was synonymous with builder and that it had nothing to do with the purported itinerant masters who must have come from Lombardy to build churches during the first half of the 11th century: one of the most uncertain, if not totally nonexistent, “historiographic certainties” around.48 Without leaving the 11th century, in this geographic region of southern Europe, established based on the architectural examples conserved through central and northern Italy, Provence, Catalonia and the Rhone and Saône valleys, we can find a kind of architecture with common features, more or less standard decoration characterised by the presence of elements like small arches incorporated into the frieze and vertical trim.49 Certainly the earliest Romanesque art is not a phenomenon limited to the Lombard expansion of the Comacini masters;50 rather we must also consider the survival of a prior Roman tradition51 enriched by the presence of the Muslim culture on the Iberian Peninsula,52 contacts with Byzantium in Italy and the legacy of the Carolingian and later Ottonian world in Burgundy.53

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In this period, we can note the rising strength of the monastic cultural movement, which is primarily perceptible thanks to the figure of Oliba, the Abbot of Ripoll, Sant Miquel de Cuixà or Sant Pere de Fenollet and Santa Maria d’Arles in the Tec Valley, following the Clunian trend of a single abbot shepherding several abbeys in order to make the renovation more effective. In his mandate, he spearheaded an active architectural policy and commissions of sumptuary works. In contrast, few buildings were built in Catalonia through a direct link with Cluny, and we could say that the architectural influence exerted by the large Clunian constructions is paradoxically almost nonexistent in Catalonia in both the 11th and then throughout the 12th centuries.54 This is surprising if we bear in mind the importance of Cluny and its cultural, political and religious clout.55 Abbot Oliba’s religious architecture has recently undergone a new reflection as a whole, in addition to the surveys of many specific cases by Gerardo Boto.56 Topographical considerations and occasional observations have led this author to temper Oliba’s voluntary Roman influence, stressing the contacts with more northern regions while insisting on our scarce knowledge of monastery architecture, with the exception of church spaces. In the cloister in Sant Cugat, Boto suggests guessing at the architectural structures of a processional liturgy, while in Cuixà he suggests a new interpretation without the openings to the outdoors that the chevet of the 10th century basilica was always assumed to have. This observation leads to the assumption of a chevet with seven apses built under Abbot Garí in the 10th century. This would mean that Oliba had created a liturgical circulation that had totally enveloped the chevet closed in the 10th century. Oliba’s chevet in Ripoll, according to the same author wielding discerning arguments, would reference northern models more than the tradition of Saint Peter’s in Rome, given that it in fact did not have seven jutting apses as Ripoll did. In contrast, the system of naves would have been drawn from the Roman tradition, while the circular structures in Cuixà and Vic, located on the west, would evoke prestigious Mariological prototypes with funerary connotations. Many buildings in Catalonia conserved from this period have benefitted from specific studies. Sant Vicenç de Cardona, which Eduard Junyent described as “one of the most finished and characteristic models of a period”, is what has achieved the historiographic rank of emblem of the early Romanesque style thanks to a skilful distribution of spaces and a vault which has even been deemed bold.57 The stonework on the wall, simultaneously constructive and decorative, is characteristic, as is the relationship of volumes both indoors and outdoors. Cardona is the best example of architectural quality that Puig i Cadafalch studied and that the Frenchman Henri Focillon disseminated.58 To formally define the Romanesque art that was built, Henri Focillon believed that the most characteristic feature of the church in Cardona was the distribution of

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Figure 6. Interior of the central nave of Sant Vicenç de Cardona. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

outside volumes. Certainly, if the indoor space is finely wrought in terms of the amount of light and the structure of the different architectural elements, outside the volumes are what truly draw the eye. An element like the transept, which is practically concealed at ground level, takes on a great deal of strength in the building’s outer shape, clearly marking the Latin cross of the floor plan. The outside is not only a faithful transcription of the liturgical space inside; rather it very clearly conveys the Romanesque masters’ concern with the building’s structural balance by resting the vaults atop each other. In this sense, the massive appearance of the building, especially inside, was sought or, even more accurately, needed. The higher elevation of the central nave and the overall height of the building required it to rest on sturdy supports (walls and pillars) and simultaneously required the side naves to be narrower so they could act as buttresses. To complete the balance of forces, each stretch in these side naves was subdivided into three smaller areas covered with groined vaults. This entire articulation visually led to a verticality that is rarely seen in Catalan Romanesque architecture. The illumination of the church in Cardona is original and achieved through a combination of direct and indi-

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rect light that helps to shape the building’s internal volumes. The openings that enable light to directly enter the main nave are the upper windows in this same nave (perhaps one of the modifications to the initial design) and the windows in the apse and the facade. The indirect light filters in through the windows on the side naves, the dome in the crossing and the ends of the transept. This is not the usual way Romanesque churches were illuminated, as they rarely had openings on the central nave. In this case (just like in Santa Eulàlia de Fullà in El Conflent), the higher elevation of this nave, which is also unusual, enables direct light to reach the main area of the building. The architectural role, the originality and the importance of the church of Sant Martí del Canigó have recently been promoted with a clear tendency to confer more importance on this building than what it has traditionally been given. The construction of the two levels of this monastery church on a difficult site in the first few decades of the 11th century meant that the current trends were adopted, but in an original way. This included the presence of seven chapels with altars which, instead of being arranged around the chevet, as in Ripoll, were dis tributed at different levels, while the lower nave served as a crypt with a highly original structure and a three-part chevet.59 Other important buildings within 11th century architecture also deserve our attention, including the canonical church in Àger, which has a single monumental complex along with the possibilities and limitations of early southern Romanesque art. These two churches contrast with the monastic basilica in Sant Pere de Rodes, where the superimposition of orders and a unique chevet provide evidence for an origin within a classically-rooted tradition which must have coexisted alongside the local Romanesque propositions and their innovations and fashions in the 11th century.60 After the death of Abbot Oliba, we can find churches like the one in Sant Jaume de Frontanyà with a facade organised in a monumental style, the one in Sant Martí Sescorts, which bears similarities to the former, and the monastery in Sant Llorenç del Munt, a good example of a basilica with a rectangular layout.

The comparative lessons of the monastery churches in Ripoll and Cuixà As the year 1000 drew closer, these two monasteries had just opened two churches which were exceptional due to their size and the scope of the project, which stemmed from neither physical problems nor recent fires. Abbot Oliba was a building abbot comparable in many respects to other great European prelates at the time,61 and he decided to reconstruct them out of prestige and taste, to integrate a new style that was quickly making pre-Romanesque art seem obsolete. None of these monasteries needed a larger church either to serve the monastic com-

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munity or for public use. However, his approach as a builder was different in each case. The pre-Romanesque buildings in Cuixà and Ripoll were the most spectacular examples of pre-Romanesque architecture in Catalonia, but Abbot Oliba neither could nor wanted to remain on the sidelines of the new developments in architecture and ordered them rebuilt. In Ripoll, he tore everything down to build a new church, whereas in Cuixà he might have thought that the size of the monument, the site where it was located and the evolution of the internal history of the complex in relation to the monumental setting did not justify wholesale demolition and reconstruction, unless driven solely by ideology. In Cuixà, I believe that he tried to perform an even more symbolic act: to conserve the church just as it was and to envelop the most sacred part, the apse, with a chevet rendered in the new style, like a kind of architectural crown to even further ennoble the faithfulness to the past by conserving the roots of the site in all their glory. At the same time, he supplied it with two belfries that were supposed to mark the holy monumental landscape which was to be imposed all over the region, and he added a building on the west centred over a crypt, which was very fashionable at the time, which he dedicated respectively to the Trinity and to the Virgin Mary. The two best-known architectural phases in the churches in both Cuixà and Ripoll are very close chronologically. The pre-Romanesque basilicas were consecrated in 974 and 977, respectively, and it was impossible that the builders of two large buildings consecrated only three years apart were not keeping an eye on each other as they built. Both early Romanesque basilicas, consecrated in 1040 and 1032, respectively, were almost certainly also the subject of major debates, especially since they had the same patron. The decision to once again build two buildings that were only a little over 50 years old at the time was taken by the same man, Abbot Oliba, who likewise soon after becoming the Bishop of Vic took a similar decision to reconstruct and consecrate the cathedral of Sant Pere in this city in 1038, despite the existence of a previous church complex that was still being used in 1017. In Ripoll, the current state of research does not allow us to say whether the 1032 basilica preserved any of the structure from the preceding one. The problem revolves around how the enlargement was undertaken, that is, to what extent the existing structures were reused. Junyent posited an enlargement of the chevet with a transept and seven apses, and of the facade with two towers. This structure of a chevet with three apses aligned on each wing of the transept and a larger one surmounting the central nave confirms the unity and balance of the design. Likewise, the breadth of the central nave allows us to consider the reuse of pre-Romanesque structures. Another element that has been debated is the kind of roof that the building had back in Oliba’s day. While Junyent was in favour of the wooden roof remaining until the 12th century, what Puig i Cadafalch clearly viewed as the coexist-

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ence of wood and stone roofs in the early Romanesque leads us to believe that the roof of the nave with a barrel vault must have been one of Abbot Oliba’s interventions in the early 11th century. Recently, the political and symbolic nature of the 11th century basilica in Ripoll has been spotlighted, which was reflected in the act of consecration. Imma Lorés and Carles Mancho have re-examined photographs of the building prior to Rogent’s intervention and have reached the conclusion that part of the pre-Oliba building was conserved in the reconstruction of a building where the enlargements had not ceased.62 If we continue to think that he was the one who took the decisions on architectural symbolism, Abbot Oliba must have decided to go from five apses – although we do not know whether this was the number of apses in preRomanesque Ripoll – to seven, aligning them around the transept. This has been interpreted as the reflection of a clearly unifying and programmatic desire to somehow reproduce the layout of the chevet of the most prestigious monument in Western Christianity: Saint Peter’s Basilica in Rome. I have personally stressed the Roman bent of the architecture promoted by Oliba as a specific example of the sights on Rome that obsessed the builders in the Romanesque period.63 Oliba had personally gone to Rome at least twice when he was still an abbot, in 1011 and 1016. Once he was the Bishop of Vic, he most likely returned there another time. In Ripoll, in around 1032 his abbey decided to inspire a construction that looked towards the chevet of the most symbolic temple in Roman Christianity: Saint Peter’s Basilica. In Vic, six years later, he had a circular church built devoted to the Virgin Mary. With it, in around 1038 he aimed to directly echo the celebrated circular building which, after being the Roman Pantheon, became a church that Pope Boniface IV had dedicated to the Virgin Mary and all the saints on the 13th of May 609 as Santa Maria dei Martiri. Oliba probably did not have the economic wherewithal to transport all the ancient materials needed to build his prestigious basilicas from Rome to Ripoll and Vic. Instead, he wisely used local forms of construction, materials and master builders, for both economic and also probably ideological reasons, to carry out a Roman idea and policy that he managed to capture in architectural forms. At that time, the prestige of Rome stemmed not only from the palaeo-Christian basilicas dating from the time of Constantine and the tombs of the saints and martyrs; rather it mainly came from the ancient works of art, the colossal architecture of the Pantheon and the Coliseum and even more from the monuments that associated the symbols of history with the prestige of architectural and artistic creation: the Arch of Constantine and the historical columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, for example. In Vic, in front of the cathedral, I have proposed that Oliba wanted to draw inspiration from the Roman Pantheon as part of an ideological and political architecture pro-

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gramme64 which reflected a widespread trend among the elites of the day.65

Studies on the cathedrals in La Seu d’Urgell, Girona and Vic Cathedrals were the most important religious monuments in mediaeval Catalonia and in the Middle Ages in general because of both their presence in the city and the wealth of creativity they inspired.66 The main religious architectural forms were devised in the cathedrals at each point in the Middle Ages.67 Despite their importance in the study of mediaeval art, only recently have cathedrals benefitted from monographic studies,68 and we now have more exhaustive excavations of cathedrals – chiefly in Vic and Girona – which shed further light on the formal and constructive aspects of the periods that predated the current building. Until a few years ago, the cathedral of Santa Maria in La Seu d’Urgell was the only testimony shedding clear light on what church complexes were like in the Romanesque period in Catalonia. In the late Middle Ages, the main temple was dedicated to the Virgin Mary and the other two churches to Saint Michael (Sant Miquel) and Saint Peter (Sant Pere), and Saint Andrew (Sant Andreu). The complex also had a church dedicated to Saint Eulalia. After the year 1000, the church of Sant Miquel was once

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again consecrated in 1035, as were Sant Pere and Santa Maria in 1040, after having undergone wholesale overhauls which would last throughout the 11th century, as demonstrated by the testimonial legacy preserved. However, the building in La Seu d’Urgell that we see today is a much later one stemming from a number of religious and secular contributions. The contract that a man named “Ramon, dit Lambard” signed with the cathedral chapterhouse in 1175 is a document of particular importance which stated that this builder was to roof the entire church, finish it faithfully and without cheating, and build the belfries, all within seven years.69 By the end of the century, the building had been fully covered and the belfries were underway, although they were not finished as construction was halted in 1195 because of the battle between the Bishop and the Count of Castellbò, who attacked the city and the cathedral.70 In terms of its floor plan, the cathedral in La Seu d’Urgell seems to be laid out based on prototypes of the monumental Romanesque church. It has a basilica layout with three naves crossed by a large transept, like the ones found in Sant Miquel de Cuixà and in Santa Maria of Ripoll, and a chevet made of five semicircular apses. The crosssing, which was supposed to be finished with towers on either side that were ultimately never built, has such thick walls that the side apses are embedded within them. As result, thanks to the importance of the presbytery, the central apse stands out and takes prominence. The central

Figure 7. Exterior of the chevet of the cathedral of La Seu d’Urgell. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

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nave is covered with a barrel vault reinforced with main arches that start from a cornice running around the nave held up on corbels. The side naves have ribbed arches; the wings of the transept have a barrel vault without main arches; and the crossing has a dome made of a vault with large ribs. The most spectacular part of the outside of the cathedral is its chevet, especially the central apse. Attached half-columns, inspired by the pilasters of the early Romanesque, articulate the apse, which has three large windows with graduated arches and a fascinating upper gallery which is clearly indebted to Italian models. This gallery, which has semicircular arches, confers a great deal of transparency and monumentality on the apse while also illuminating the transept. The cathedral in La Seu d’Urgell is proof of an overall trend in mediaeval religious architecture to gradually unify the area of worship, which in the late Middle Ages tended to multiply the spaces and churches in a single place. In La Seu d’Urgell, the main church, Santa Maria, was surrounded by four other churches which a recent study have indicated might have been major pilgrimage sites.71 The cathedral of Girona was very poorly known in the periods prior to the Gothic. First the excavations and then Marc Sureda’s doctoral thesis and numerous articles have shed a great deal of light onto the Romanesque cathedral of Girona and its forerunners thanks to the physical remains detected in the area. Sureda has gradually combined this with abundant information from written sources and a comparative study. In his thesis, the historiographic section reveals the different opinions on the history of the cathedral and its buildings since the 17th century. The complex dating from Roman times consisted of the religious square of the city’s forum. Because the centuries of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages left no identifiable physical traces, the next architectural complex revealed today is the 11th century cathedral (started in around 1010), each of whose parts Sureda outlines in detail along with their general features (placement, building techniques and decoration).72 In Girona, the cathedral consecrated in 1038 had a massive body on the west that we now know about thanks to the excavations and liturgical texts. It had a symmetrical layout with a central body as wide as the nave, flanked by two side bodies that were almost perfect squares. It was a monumental complex that played the role of an entry tower, perhaps with two levels. The building had a single nave 11.5 metres wide inside and less than 20 metres tall. It had a transept whose wings barely jutted out, and a little-known chevet which is assumed to have been made up of a single, large apse that stood out considerably, like the one in Vic. In Vic, after my monograph on the cathedral was published,73 the discovery of a 17th century floor plan in the Municipal Archive of Mataró, along with the new proof yielded from the archaeological excavations in the transept, has enabled us to get a better grasp of the cathedral’s layout. The transept is straight and the square-shaped side apses are shallow and embedded in the walls.74 Another important recent contribution was the excavations

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in front of the basilica of Sant Pere, which revealed the rotunda dedicated to the Virgin Mary that Oliba consecrated in 1038 on a site where no earlier building of Christian worship has been found, although a necropolis had been located there. It was a small building measuring 10.5 metres in diameter with an apse, which was rebuilt and enlarged in the 12th century in a project promoted by Guillem Bofill in 1140. Its internal diameter was 25 metres, and it had a small, central crypt located inside the apse of the previous basilica.75

Typology of the structures In his treatise, Josep Puig i Cadafalch, as a good historian of architecture, often classified monuments according to the typology of their structures. Many certainties remain from his study, but there are also dubious areas awaiting clarification in future studies. Perhaps an even more serious lack in Catalonia today is a documentary and archaeological study of the construction, the organisation of work and the technical aspects oriented at the social history of architecture.76 When evoking the studies on the cathedral of Girona, I have already mentioned the new developments in the western part of the building77 which Francesca Español had guessed at when studying this reality in Catalonia.78 The field of architecture is now paying more attention to these new developments than it has in many years.79 Another conceptual realm in which 11th century architecture in Catalonia fully expressed itself was monumental crypts. There are remarkable examples in Cuixà and Vic, and the crypt hall pattern started to be disseminated in the first few decades of the 11th century.80 In this realm, one of the greatest gaps in our knowledge of crypts is the one in the basilica of Ripoll, according to Elies Rogent’s observations. In this vein, it has been claimed that the typology of the building must include a crypt, a statement which is based on the interpretation of some 19th century historical notes that mentioned the presence of abbots’ tombs under the pavement. In reality, the excavations conducted in the presbytery have yielded no results to confirm this, although we can assume that the hypothetical crypt might be located further along, inside the nave of the church. In fact, there is an underground vaulted cavity under the main nave, although it is quite difficult to enter.81 Elies Rogent had noted this crypt in his elevations. New surveys must be conducted in the three naves beyond the excavations performed under the crossing and the chevet. One of the most characteristic and popular features of the Catalan Romanesque is belfries, which also served to keep watch over and defend the church and towns and were veritable hallmarks of identity. As the Romanesque period progressed, these structures are increasingly less massive and more slender. The square-shaped belfry four or more storeys tall with windows crowned with semicir-

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cular arches gained in popularity in the first half of the 11th century.82 In Santa Maria of Ripoll, for example, the belfries are located on either side of the building’s facade. In Sant Miquel de Cuixà, two belfries are located on the ends of the crossing, while in the cathedral of Vic there is only one belfry, although according to certain ancient descriptions, there might have been plans for two of them flanking the transept. The Romanesque belfry in the cathedral of Girona is one of the prime examples of this model, with a square floor plan and cubic elevation divided into different levels decorated with pilasters and blind arches and changing windows on the upper and lower parts of the main body. It has seven levels separated by friezes of arches which are virtually blind on the two lower levels. The belfry of Sant Pere of Vic is documented as far back as 1059. It is made of small, regular stones and is situated on the northern side of the cathedral near the Sant Joan doorway of the transept. A floor plan preserved from the 16th century shows that the belfry was freestanding from the main building and was only connected to it via a narrow walkway. This is not a unique solution but can also be found in Sant Miquel de Fluvià.

Religious architecture and liturgy Another fundamental issue that has helped to break the stalemate in studies on religious architecture is the relationship between the form, the architectural typology and the function.83 This follows a tendency from abroad that had gotten underway with reflections on Carolingian processional liturgy84 and was enriched more recently with the studies by Eric Palazzo, often in contact with realities from mediaeval Catalonia.85 Several contributions have been promoted by the Catalan Society of Liturgical Studies,86 and new reflections have focused on the importance of the monastic reflections on the Trinity in the development of the pre-Romanesque and Romanesque architectural programme of the basilica of Sant Miquel in Cuixà.87 As part of these reflections, the relations between privileged burials and architecture,88 between altars and architecture89 and between cloisters and church space90 are stimulating as subjects of study in order to better understand how architecture operated during the Romanesque period. The study that Marc Sureda has just devoted to a 1388 pastoral visit to the cathedral of Vic illustrates everything that can be extracted from these late documents in order to understand Romanesque buildings and their liturgical functions back when they conserved the majority of their original features that date back to the 11th century, as Vic does.91 It should become more and more difficult to study mediaeval religious architecture without first reflecting on the liturgy.92 A recent study on the cathedral in La Seu d’Urgell has related the urban topography and cathedral

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with its churches with holy sites of pilgrimage and seasonal liturgy, demonstrating that it is impossible to understand the relations among the different buildings of worship in an architectural complex without knowing how they were used.93 However, sometimes historians err methodologically when they forget that religious architecture has economic and technical imperatives that go beyond the liturgy.94

The transition from the 11th to 12th centuries The major construction projects that had gotten underway before 1050 were completed during the second half of the 11th century, and the process of renovation and reconstruction of church and monastic buildings that characterised what is called the early Romanesque continued unabated. Throughout the last few decades of the 20th century, a historiographic trend developed in studies on mediaeval art which exaggerated the effects of the Church reform known as the Gregorian Reform after Pope Gregory VII, who died in 1085. In some cases, it has been extended to the entire religious artistic output of the period and even to geographic regions quite far from the Rome of the reforming pope from the late 11th century.95 In many cases, historians even depart from the conceptual framework of images and figuration to enter religious architecture understood as a discourse.96 In Catalonia, the absence of major figurative monumental works from this period that are directly related to Rome means that the subject must be approached in more general and less chronologically limited terms out of the desire to re-appropriate the ancient in the architectural and artistic creation from a period which is in no way limited to the late 11th and early 12th centuries.97 This issue is related to another important aspect of the Romanesque Middle Ages: pilgrimages and religious architecture.98 In Catalonia, the issue of the Ways of Saint James99 poses no architectural problems of affiliation or dependence as it does in other areas, and in any event it cannot compete with the pilgrimage to Rome.100 Starting in the second half of the 11th century, the monastic orders in Catalonia embarked on a process of expansion, especially the canonical orders, beyond the apogee of Benedictine monasticism. This phenomenon, which started particularly in the monastery of Santa Maria de Vilabertran, was unquestionably grounded on the canonical reform of Saint Rufus of Avignon. Saint Ollegarius himself, who had served as the prior in this canonical church, was a driving force behind the reform in Catalonia when he became the Bishop of Barcelona and reinstated the Metropolitan of Tarragona. The fact that many parishes were reconverted into canonical churches or priories unquestionably fostered the revamping of the architecture.

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This profusion continued during the 12th century, when new religious orders were established in Catalonia that would supply their own constructions. In 1110, the Order of the Hospital arrived, followed by the Order of the Temple in 1130 and the Order of the Holy Sepulchre in 1150. The master builders who had worked in Catalonia on the renovation and reconstruction of the large cathedrals in the first few decades of the 11th century had formed a school and continued working either on the continuation of these projects or on the reform of other churches that had not undergone this process earlier. This reconstruction movement extended from the countships in the easternmost part of Catalonia towards the Pyrenees, and then headed towards the western part of the country towards the lands that had just been conquered back from the Muslims. In some cases, this renovation meant building from scratch and tearing down the previous structures, while in others the existing building was only partly modified. Therefore, the country opened itself up to new lands which had to be Christianised and economically and socially reactivated. The lands conquered from the Muslims became virgin territory for the construction of cathedrals and monasteries, churches and chapels, or for the reconversion former mosques, such as the Seu Vella (old cathedral) of Lleida. All of this bustling architectural activity came hand in hand with the vast wave of church renovation and reform

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in the second half of the century, mainly spurred from France and Italy, which meant that more or less close ties were forged with monasteries abroad. Logically, the construction reform was propagated in the countships closest to Roussillon, including Besalú, Empúries and Girona. There, the basilica structure, mainly with a single nave either with or without a transept, received a new impetus. In the bishopric of Urgell, the old churches had practically not been reformed since the 10th century, so the renovation movement gained special momentum there. The most emblematic project was the construction of the new cathedral, which adopted the well-known forms of the basilica layout with a single nave, transept and rather simple chevet. This typology also reached the Vall de Boí region, even though some structures still retained their wooden sloped roof held up by columns, most likely due to a simple lack of resources to finance the high cost of a stone vault. The tradition of the early Romanesque continued in the inland regions of Catalonia with the addition of new elements like the early attempts at a pointed vault, a more prominent presence of sculptural decorations and the use of columns either attached to pillars and apses or flanking the doorways. The monumentality of the early Romanesque was enhanced by the decorative component and the profusion of sculpture, works by artists with close ties to Roussillon which could also be seen in the sculpture of Toulouse.

Figure 8. Interior of Sant Pere of Besalú, showing the deambulatory of the chevet. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

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In this sense, there has been talk of eclecticism at the turn of the century, in which Catalan architecture opened up to a wide range of influences that foreshadowed the Cata lan religious architecture scene of the 12th century. A good example of the diversity of solutions that this eclecticism fostered are the three churches in Besalú, all from around the same date but with totally different appearances: Santa Maria, with its outstanding quality of architecture and sculpture which has aroused so many debates about their original dates; Sant Vicenç parish church, with an archaic three-nave layout;101 and Sant Pere, with a deambulatory with columns and capitals as if it aimed to reflect what was being done in certain regions in France.102 Excavations in Santa Maria have helped shed light on the layout of the church prior to 1000, with three naves and three apses, as well as how the archaeological sequence is organised.103 Regarding major construction projects, generally speaking the architecture from that period provides evidence of an opening to the outside world; perhaps towards Italy in La Seu d’Urgell, towards Provençal forms in Sant Cugat del Vallès and towards Toulouse in the cathedral of Solsona. Based on evidence from the first half of the 11th century, a typology of building had been developed with a basilica layout with one or three naves covered with a barrel vault in the central nave and with half-barrel vault on the side naves. The model of a chevet with three apses with a transept open to a single nave was increasingly rare, al-

Xavier Barral i Altet

though some examples of it were built at a later date, including the church at the monastery of Sant Joan de les Abadesses. The pillars, which tended to be rectangular in shape, gradually took on a more cruciform shape and supported the decorative arcades in the apses and vaults with their attached columns. The crossing could be more or less obvious. Regarding the external appearance of the building, blind arches were the main decorative element, especially in the apse, but they gradually gave way to attached columns and corbels under serrated friezes. The belfries retained their previous structure, but they were increasingly slender. The continuing validity of the structural models created almost one century earlier is clear in cases like the church of Santa Maria in Besalú, where the chevet seems to have been reformed in the 12th century, although the three naves of the church consecrated in 1055 were left standing. If this hypothesis is accurate, it would not be the only example in Catalonia since we can find similar interventions in Santa Maria of Serrabona and in Santa Maria of Cornellà de Conflent, for example. Among the new developments contributed by French architecture we can mention not only the more decorative appearance of the sculptures but also the apsidioles embedded inside the thick walls. Churches like the new cathedral in La Seu d’Urgell and Sant Pere of Besalú are good examples of this influence.

Figure 9. Interior of the Seu Vella (old cathedral) of Lleida. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

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Likewise, starting in the late 11th century, we gradually see much more meticulous stonecutting wrought by master stonecutters who were highly skilled in their trade. The ashlars were larger and better squared, and the blocks were arranged in a much more orderly fashion. The neatness of the cutting technique made it possible to craft decorative architectural elements (cornices, attached columns, imposts) which gradually came to enrich the monumentality of the basilicas from the 11th century. These ornamental elements, which started out quite simple, gradually evolved towards more complex forms until becoming large capitals and tympana rendered in the second half of the 12th and the 13th centuries. Monastery cloisters would play a key role in this, with their galleries and double columns holding up the arcades, which offered vast possibilities for developing ornamental sculpture. Another element imported from abroad is the chevet with a deambulatory, which was used in buildings like Sant Joan de les Abadesses, Sant Pere of Besalú and the monastery of Poblet and was directly inspired by the 11th and 12th century French models, although ultimately they did not prosper in Catalonia.

Late Romanesque architecture (12th – 13th centuries) The late Romanesque got underway in Catalonia – and it is worth stressing again – right in the midst of the Gothic period. Romanesque architecture from the middle and second half of the 12th century, both in Catalonia and elsewhere, is characterised by the use of large sculpted facades which follow a strict architectural composition. In Catalonia, the triumphal feel of the large doorway in Ripoll is highlighted by the shape and composition of the architecture of the sculpted façade. It is no longer a carbon copy of a classical triumphal arch; rather it reveals such profound knowledge among the builders of this kind of monument that they were empowered to organise the whole into two superimposed levels set off by two staggered columns on either corner crowned by a continuous frieze. The comparison with the decoration of Carolingian reliquaries in the shape of triumphal arches offered by Eginard in the Abbey of Saint Servatius of Maastricht reveals the triumphal symbolism: in both cases the upper register appears occupied by an image of Christ triumphant which dominates the figures of the historical personages who have announced, prepared or contributed to the fact that the Kingdom of Christ has been realised on Earth. This is a Christian version of the Roman programmes aimed at glorifying the emperor.104 In Provence, for example, an exceptional monument dominates the architectural structure of the 12th century facades: the facade of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard. Three doorways decorated with statues and reliefs brimming with iconography invade the facade, which is in turn enriched with pillars, porticoes and columns. They form a coherent

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whole linked to a meticulously planned architectural and iconographic programme whose style influenced many aspects of late Romanesque art in the Mediterranean. In the neighbouring town of Arles, another large-scale construction project was undertaken during the same period: the western doorway of Saint Trophime, embedded in the facade, has a structure similar to that of Saint-Gilles but reduced to a single doorway. There we find a composition based on architraves and friezes which are completed with a colonnade interspersed with statues, like a kind of monumental Romanesque religious tribute to the great triumphal monuments of the ancient world.105 In the 13th century, the main developments in Catalonia included not only the expansion of the Cistercians but also the construction of the Seu Vella (old cathedral) of Lleida and the cathedral of Tarragona.106 The functional architecture of the Cistercian order had arrived before that, however, and had begun to gain ground since the first half of the 12th century with the founding of large monasteries like Poblet (1149), Santes Creus (1160) and Vallbona de les Monges (1157). The functionality that was supposed to dominate Cistercian buildings meant that they were developed using new technical solutions, such as the pointed arch and new concepts of how to lay out the architectural spaces and support the roofs. The Cistercian order, which played an essential role in defining a highly characteristic early Gothic style,107 contributed to Catalan architecture not only new technological solutions for constructing and supporting buildings, such as the use of pointed arches and ribbed vaults, but also and more importantly new ways of conceiving and structuring the architectural space. In this sense, the specific architectural elements were nothing other than the logical outcome of giving the building a certain shape according to needs which were also quite precise. If a monastery needed to create a single meeting area (a chapterhouse room, the naves of the church or the cellar), new architectural resources had to be found that would make it feasible. Cistercian architecture was above all functional, and this is how it came to develop a series of technical solutions, some which would clearly survive into the Gothic period. In Catalonia, Romanesque architecture survived for many years, until well into the 13th century. The kind of architecture grounded on a synthesis between the Romanesque structural tradition and new architectural elements from the Gothic which had taken root in northern France since 1145 was disseminated mainly through the construction of parish churches in rural settings which show a wide variety of structural solutions. Generally speaking, Catalan religious architecture in the 13th century was characterised by the traditional substrate dating from the second half of the 12th century, in terms of both the spatial and structural conception of the building and the visual appearance of the architecture itself. The floor plan did not vary, while in the elevation of churches the pointed shape became widespread in both

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arches and barrel vaults. Oftentimes, the only change in an architectural style that kept to the pathway laid down in the previous century was the introduction of different decorative elements. In fact, the shift from semicircular barrel vaults to pointed vaults did not entail substantial changes in the structure of these buildings. Likewise, the pointed vault was not an innovative feature in the 13th century if we bear in mind that it can be found in churches like Santa Maria of Colera, which had been built in the first few decades of the 12th century. The most common floor plan was rectangular with a semicircular or flat apse, although apses in the Latin cross or more rarely basilica shape could also be found. The cathedrals in Lleida and Tarragona are the two major works of architecture from the 13th century and simultaneously mark the shift from fully Romanesque architecture, whose typological schemas had been developed in the 11th century, to a kind of architecture that began to draw from the Gothic vernacular. They span two different worlds not only because their construction lasted until the 14th century but also because at the late date when the new technical solutions spread by the Cistercians were already widely known, the builders of these cathedrals chose an old typology yet one that was deeply rooted and had yielded proven results. At the same time, these two complexes have similar features, such as (primarily) their constructive unity, despite possible variations in their construction and the combination of a Romanesque architectural substrate with elements that can be regarded as Gothic. Likewise, we cannot lose sight of the fact that they became two centres that not only spurred new constructions but also became major sculpture workshops. Construction on the new cathedral of Tarragona began in the late 12th century, as gleaned from the testimony left by the construction process preserved since 1167. The apse was finished by around 1184. The new structure was consecrated in the first third of the 13th century, which at least indicates that construction was at an advanced stage. Since it was located at the highest point within the ancient urban nucleus, the shape of the building had to be adapted to space constraints, and this conditioned its shape, especially the cloister. The church follows the usual model of a Latin cross basilica layout with three naves and a well-defined transept, similar to Lleida, which juts out from the naves. The chevet is made of three staggered semicircular apses with deep presbyteries, in which the central one stands out for being deeper and wider than the ones on the side naves. However, the crossing does not have symmetrical wings, given the fact that the cloister is attached to the northern side. Nor does the apsidiole on this side have the same proportions as its counterpart. The naves are covered with vaults with moulded ribs, and the cruciform pillars holding them up show the usual attached columns, here in pairs, which are actually an extension of the arches of the vaults.

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The main nave in Tarragona is the tallest of all the previous examples of Catalan architecture. However, while the proportions can be considered Gothic, the concept of the spatial layout of the volumes still falls within the Romanesque, despite the size. For example, at first there were apparently plans for a graded chevet with five apses, but the presence of the cloister prevented it from being built, so the layout of the entire area of the transept and presbytery was changed. In contrast, the cruciform pillars indicate that the naves were probably originally supposed to be covered with ribbed arches. Another exceptional element in Catalan late Romanesque religious architecture is the presence of a high number of windows in the central apse, three on the lower level and seven on the upper. Despite their pointed shape, however, the windows still show an archaic form. The octagonal cimborio, on the other hand, which was built in around the mid-13th century, is also covered with ribbed vaults and held up by angular squinches, following a pattern quite similar to that of Sant Cugat. For the cloister in Tarragona, the builders resorted to a typology that we can also find in the Cistercian abbeys from the late 12th century, including Santa Maria of Poblet or Vallbona de les Monges. This typology is made up of four covered galleries with ribbed vaults. The arcades that run around the entire perimeter are structured on two levels: on the upper one there is a frieze bearing polylobulated elements, as well as six large pointed blind arches with two rose or round windows at the peak. The case of Lleida is no less interesting. The city of Llei da was conquered from the Saracens in 1149. As a result of this deed, Bishop Guillem Pere de Ravidats consecrated the main mosque, built in 832, dedicating it to the Virgin Mary. There have been many hypotheses about the location of this first cathedral: it has been identified as the chapel of the king’s castle or La Suda, and it has also been situated near the northern wing of the cloister of today’s cathedral in the same place, but with a smaller size. It likely occupied part of the land where the new basilica was built after 1203. During the 12th century, there were plans to build a new cathedral beginning with the left wing of the transept in 1203 and continuing towards the apsidioles on the right wing of the transept until the Anunciata doorway, which was finished in around 1215. Bishop Guillem de Montcada consecrated the new cathedral of Lleida on the 31st of October 1278. The short time span in which the Seu Vella of Lleida was built (1203-1278) leads us to posit a highly unitary construction programme with very few modifications. We can see two clearly differentiated stages in construction: the first, which falls within the Romanesque period, until before the roof, and the second, which entailed a readaptation of the Romanesque structure so it could support the Gothic vaults. The whole is balanced, proportional, harmonious and homogenous. The hypothesis of a change in approach to the structure of the roof can be justified by the archaeological interventions, which have re-

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vealed that the columns on the ends of the transept, the first part to be built, were designed from the foundations up, which leads us to believe that a ribbed roof might have been planned from the start, instead of a barrel vault as previously thought. The Seu Vella of Lleida falls within the typology of the Romanesque building with a basilica floor plan, with three naves and a transept that is clearly marked both horizontally and vertically. It originally had five apses, only the second of which is preserved on the northern side, and a central apse, which has a large presbytery. It was a perfectly symmetrical structure that included a staggered chevet with five semicircular apses decreasing in size. The structure of the chevet is similar to the one in Tarragona, but in this case it is much more unitary and skilfully resolved. The naves, which are quite short, are arranged into three stretches clearly marked by arcades covered with ribbed vaults held up by complicated cruciform pillars with attached columns, which start from one podium and receive the ribs of the vault and the reinforcement arch. In the middle of the transept is an octagonal cimborio covered by an eight-part ribbed vault raised over four squinches and four arches. In the wings of the transept, on the southern and western facade, the doors of the building follow the traditional schemes of Romanesque art, while the cloister with its quarters and the belfry are located in front of the temple’s main facade, which has three doors, one per nave. However, the main entrance, and therefore the main doorway into the church, is known as Els Fillols doorway and is located on the central part of the “Epistle” nave. Despite the late date, the use of ribbed vaults and the introduction of elements from Gothic architecture such as the pointed arch, we cannot consider the Seu Vella of Lleida a Gothic building in that the layout of the architectural elements and space and the treatment of light are clearly Romanesque. Another element that reinforces the presence of a Romanesque idea is the fact that it retained the semicircular windows in the nave with archivolts and columns, even though the cimborio features a Gothic arch and simple tracery. The Seu Vella of Lleida thus represents the maturity of Catalan Romanesque architecture at a late date, when the previous formulations were very coherently compiled and combined with the new contributions, without this synthesis breaking the unity of the design. The late 12th and early 13th centuries was a time in which the West witnessed a unique artistic paradox in the history of art. The regions in northern France had been undergoing the revolution of a new style, Gothic architecture, for almost half a century, while further south along the Mediterranean, yet also in other regions of Europe, a traditional style, the Romanesque, was experiencing another renaissance, another life, not because of a lack of knowledge of the Gothic being built near, Paris but out of the sheer will of the designers of these buildings.

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Notes and references [1]

[2]

[3]

Regarding the perception and use of Romanesque architecture and the art from the early mediaeval period in general in the 20th century, see: Xavier Barral i Altet. L’art romànic català a debat. Edicions 62 (Llibres a l’abast, 405), Barcelona 2009. See also the more general reflections in the context of Europe as a whole which I published in the book Contre l’art roman? Essai sur un passé réinventé. Fayard, Paris 2006, with extended translations into Italian (Jaca Book, Storia dell’arte, 39, Milan, 2009) and Croatian (Institut za povijest umjetnosti, Zagreb 2009). Regarding Catalan Romanesque architecture, a complete bibliography and status of the main questions for each monument, site, complex, city or county can be found in the corresponding section of the 27-volume work Catalunya romànica published by the Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana in Barcelona between 1984 and 1998. More generally, see the 17-volume collection “Art de Catalunya Ars Cataloniae” published in Barcelona, L’Isard, 19972003, and in particular the volume on mediaeval religious architecture, iv, 1999. On the Iberian Peninsula, an encyclopaedia of Romanesque has been published, Enciclopedia del románico, while in Italy the monumental Enciclopedia dell’arte medieval is not yet completed. On a more summary level, worth noting is Francesca Español and Joaquin Yarza. El romànic català. Angle, Manresa 2007, and the catalogue of the exhibition El romànic i la Mediterrània. Catalunya, Toulouse i Pisa, 11201180 (Barcelona, MNAC, 29th February – 18th May 2008). Ed. Manuel Castiñeiras and Jordi Camps. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona 2008. Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps (dirs.). Els Comacini i l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. Simposi internacional (25 i 26 de novembre de 2005). Ajuntament de Girona-Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalu nya, Girona-Barcelona 2010. For a historiographic perspective, see: Xavier Barral i Altet. “Els estudis sobre l’art romànic de Catalunya”. In: Catalunya romànica. I. Introducció a l’estudi de l’art romànic català. Fons d’art romànic català del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1994, pp. 169-188. For France, see: Eliane Vergnolle. L’art roman en France. Architecture, sculpture, peinture. Flammarion, Paris 1994. Regardless of the specific subject being studied, an indispensable work is the annual series I Convegni di Parma. Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. 11 v. Electa, Milan 1999-2009. Roland Recht. Le croire et le voir. L’art des cathé drales xiie-xve siècle. Gallimard, Paris 1999; Carlo Tosco. Il castello, la casa, la chiesa. Architettura e società nel Medioevo. Einaudi, Turin 2003; Arti e

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storia nel Medioevo. Ed. Enrico Castelnuovo, Giuseppe Sergi. 4 vol. Einaudi, Turin 2002-2004. [4] Marcel Durliat. L’art roman. Citadelle-Mazenod, Paris 1982; Xavier Barral i Altet, François Avril and Danielle Gaborit-Chopin. Le monde roman: 1060-1220. 1: Le temps des croisades. Gallimard (L’Univers des formes), Paris 1982; Xavier Barral i Altet, François Avril and Danielle GaboritChopin. Le monde roman. 2: Les royaumes d’Occident. Gallimard (L’Univers des formes), Paris 1983; Xavier Barral i Altet. Haut Moyen Âge. De l’Antiquité tardive à l’an Mil. Taschen, Cologne 1997; Idem. Le Monde roman: villes, cathédrales et monastères. Taschen, Cologne 1998; Nicolas Reveyron and Véronique Rouchon Mouilleron. L’ABCedaire de l’art roman. Flammarion, Paris 2000; Initiation à l’art roman, architecture et sculpture. Ed. Anne Prache. Zodiaque, Paris 2002; Andreas Hartmann-Virnich. Was ist Romanik? Geschichte, Formen und Technik des romanischen Kirchenbaus. Primus Verlag, Darmstadt 2004; Alain ErlandeBrandenburg. L’art roman. Un défi européen. Gallimard, Paris 2005; Nicolas Reveyron. L’art roman. Le Cavalier Bleu éditions, Paris 2008, p. 126. [5] Boí, Burgal, Pedret, Taüll. Imitació o interpretació contemporània de la pintura mural romànica catalana. Amics de l’Art Romànic, Barcelona 2000. [6] Françoise Bercé. Du monument historique au Patri moine. Du XVIIIe siècle à nos jours. Flammarion, Paris 2000. [7] Christan Amalvi, Xavier Barral i Altet and Dominique Iogna Prat. “La France de l’an Mil au miroir de l’historiographie romantique”. In: La France de l’an Mil. Ed. Robert Delort. Seuil, Paris 1990, pp. 311-323; Emile Mâle. “La mosquée de Cordoue et les églises de l’Auvergne et du Velay”. Revue de l’art ancien et moderne, no. xxx (1991); Idem. “Les influences arabes dans l’art roman”. Revue des deux mondes, 1923; Xavier Barral i Altet. “Sur les supposées influences islamiques dans l’art roman: l’exemple de la cathédrale Notre-Dame du Puy-enVelay”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel-de-Cuxa, no. 25 (2004), pp. 115-118. [8] Xavier Barral i Altet. Catalunya destruïda. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2005. [9] Raquel Lacuesta. Restauració monumental a Cata lunya (segles xix i xx). Les aportacions de la Diputació de Barcelona. Diputació de Barcelona (Monografies, 5), Barcelona 2000; El paper de l’IEC en la història de l’art i en la restauració de monuments medievals a Catalunya i Europa. Colloquium proceedings. Diputació de Barcelona, Barcelona 2009. [10] Domènech i Montaner i la descoberta del romànic. Ed. Manuel Castiñeiras, Gemma Ylla-Català. MNAC, Barcelona 2006; Enric Granell and Antoni Ramon. Lluís Domènech i Montaner: viatges

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[11] [12] [13]

[14]

[15]

[16] [17]

[18]

[19] [20]

[21]

per l’arquitectura romànica. Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya, Barcelona 2006. Jean-Marie Leniaud. Les Bâtisseurs d’avenir. Portraits d’architectes xixe-xxe siècle. Fayard, Paris 1998, pp. 102 and forward. Elies Rogent. Santa María de Ripoll. Informe sobre las obras realizadas y las fuentes de la restauración. Barcelona 1887. A similar proposal for France would be put forth shortly thereafter by Robert de Laysteyrie. L’Architecture religieuse en France à l’époque romane. Picard, Paris 1929. Xavier Barral i Altet. “Adolfo Venturi, l’arte romanica e i nazionalismi del primo Novecento europeo”. In: Adolfo Venturi e la Storia dell’arte oggi. Ed. Mario D’Onofrio. Panini, Modena 2008, pp. 133-140. Arcisse de Caumont (1801-1873), érudit normand et fondateur de l’archéologie française. Colloque International (Caen, 14-16 juin 2001). Texts compiled and published by Vincent Juhel. Rouen 2005 (Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie, vol. xl). Josep Puig i Cadafalch, Antoni de Falguera and Josep Goday. L’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. I. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1909. Manuel Gómez-Moreno. Iglesias mozárabes, Arte español de los siglos ix a xi. Centro de Estudios Históricos, Madrid 1919 (Patronato de Alhambra, Granada 1975); Idem. El arte románico español, esquema de un libro. Blass, Madrid 1934; Idem. Provincia de León. Catálogo monumental de España. Ministerio de Instrucción Pública y Bellas Artes, Madrid 1925 (Nebrija, León 1980). Xavier Barral i Altet. “Tra vecchio e nuovo: la disfatta europea del romanico francese”. In: Il Medioevo delle Cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle immagini (secoli xi e xii). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Skira, Milan 2006, pp. 335-344; Idem. “Francia e arte medievale: appunti per un percorso storiografico”. In: Medioevo: arte e storia. Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Electa, Milan 2008, pp. 73-85. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Le premier art roman. L’architecture en Catalogne et dans l’Occident méditerranéen aux xe et xie siècles. H. Laurens, Paris 1928. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. La géographie et les origines du premier art roman. H. Laurens, Paris 1935 (Catalan edition: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1930). Regarding Focillon: A. Ducci. “Henri Focillon et l’histoire. Réflexions à partir de l’an Mil”. Revue de l’Art, no. 150 (2005), pp. 67-73; La vie des formes. Henri Focillon et les arts (Lyon, 22nd January – 26th April 2004). Snoeck, Gand 2004; Henri Focillon. Actes du colloque (Paris, 11-12 mars 2004). Ed. Pierre Wat. Kimé, Paris 2007.

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[22] Xavier Barral i Altet. “L’étude de l’art roman catalan ou la construction d’une identité nationale”. In: Catalogne romane. Sculptures du Val de Boí (Paris. Musée National du Moyen Âge, September 2004 - January 2005). Ed. Jordi Camps i Sòria and Xavier Dectot. Réunion des Musées Nationaux, Paris 2004, p. 23-33. [23] Puig i Cadafalch i la Catalunya contemporània, actes del col·loqui. Ed. Albert Balcells. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2003. [24] Xavier Barral i Altet. “Catolicisme i nacionalisme: el primer manual català d’arqueologia”. Qua derns d’Estudis Medievals, no. 23-24 (1988), pp. 7-21. [25] Xavier Barral i Altet. Josep Pijoan, del salvament del patrimoni artistic català a la història general de l’art. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1999. [26] Olivier Poisson. Jean-Auguste Brutails. L’arqueo logia francesa i l’aparició de l’arqueologia monumental catalana a finals del segle xix. Amics de l’Art Romànic, Barcelona 2006. Previously, the observations included in the article cited in note 24 above and Puig i Cadafalch’s text on Brutails in Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, vol. vii, 1921-1926, 1931, pp. 209-211, reproduced in Escrits, cited below, note 29, pp. 811-815. [27] See Xavier Barral i Altet. “L’arquitecte i l’art medieval de Catalunya”. In: Josep Goday Casals. Arquitectura escolar a Barcelona de la Mancomunitat a la República. Ed. Albert Cubeles Bonet and Marc Cuixart Goday. Barcelona Town Hall, Barcelona 2008, pp. 51-57. [28] Xavier Barral i Altet. “Pròleg. Una fita historio gràfica de la cultura catalane”. In: Josep Puig i Cadafalch, Antoni de Falguera and Josep Goday. L’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. I. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2001, pp. 5-39. [29] Xavier Barral i Altet. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Escrits d’arquitectura, art i politica. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2003; Idem. “Puig i Cadafalch: le premier art roman entre idéologie et politique”. In: Medioevo: arte lombarda. Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Electa, Milan, 2004, pp. 33-41. [30] He said this in the abstract of the lectures delivered in London in 1938 on the art of the Visigoths. A book of his on these issues was ready for publication in 1944 (L’art wisigothique et ses survivances. Recherches sur les origines et le développement de l’art en France et en Espagne du ive au viie siècle), but it was not published in Paris until after his death in 1961, primarily thanks to the friendship of the French experts and more particularly of Pierre Lavedan. [31] Jean-Pierre Caillet. L’art carolingien. Flammarion, Paris 2005; Gianluigi Ciotta. La cultura architettonica carolingia: da Pipino III a Carlo il Grosso (751888) Storia dell’architettura e della città antica, medie vale e moderna. Franco Angeli, Milan 2010.

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[32] Vorromanische Kirchenbauten. Katalog der Denkmaeler bis zum Ausgang der Ottonen. Ed. Friedrich Oswald, Leo Schaefer and Hans Rudolf Sennhauser. 3 vol. Prestel, Munich 1966-1971 (19901991); Carol Heitz. La France pré-roman. Errance, Paris 1987. [33] Xavier Barral i Altet. L’art preromànic a Cata lunya. Segles IX-X. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1981; Jacques Fontaine. L’Art préroman hispanique. I. L’Art préroman hispanique; II. L’Art mozarabe. Zodiaque, Paris 1973 (L’arte mozarabica. Jaca Book, Milan 1983). Also Eduard Junyent. L’arquitectura religiosa a Catalunya abans del romànic. Curial, Barcelona 1983. [34] Montserrat Pagès i Paretas, Les esglésies preromàniques a la comarca del Baix-Llobregat. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1983. [35] Gemma Garcia i Llinares, Antonio Moro Garcia and Francesc Tuset Bertran. La Seu episcopal d’Egara, arqueologia d’un conjunt cristià del segle iv al ix. Institut d’Arqueologia Clàssica (Documenta 9), Tarragona 2009. [36] Nazaret Gallego Aguilera. “Els reflexos d’un mirall. Definició arquitectònica i funcional dels monestirs benedictins carolingis dins la tradició dels grups episcopals tardoantics”. In: Els monestirs benedictins a l’antic comtat de Besalú. Síntesi. Quaderns dels Seminaris de Besalú, Besalú 2009, pp. 23-32. Also highly interesting and suggestive are the observations about Catalonia by Gerardo Boto. “Topografía de los monasterios de la Marca de Hispania (ca. 800-ca. 1030)”. In: Monjes y monasterios hispanos en la Alta Edad Media. Ed. José Ángel García de Cortázar and Ramón Teja. Aguilar de Campoo 2006. [37] Gerardo Boto Varela. “Monasterios catalanes en el siglo xi. Los espacios eclesiásticos de Oliba”. In: Monasteria et Territoria. Élites, edilicia y territorio en el Mediterráneo medieval (siglos v-xi). Ed. Jorge López Quiroga et al. BAR International Series S1719, 2007, pp. 281-319. [38] Stimulating observations by Jean-Pierre Caillet. “Le mythe du renouveau architectural roman”. Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, no. 43 (2000), pp. 341-369. [39] The research on rural settings is contributing more realities every day, including: Cristian Folch and Jordi Gibert. “Als segles ix-xi: vil·les, vilars, esglésies i castells”. In: Gabriel Alcalde, Maria Saña et al. Sis mil anys vivint a la vora dels aiguamolls de la vall d’en Bas. Amics de Besalú i del seu Comtat, Besalú 2009. For several more observations, see Xavier Barral i Altet. “Chiese e paesaggio rurale in epoca romanica: qualche riflessione a partire dal ricamo di Bayeux”. Hortus artium medievalium, no. xiv (2008), pp. 113-118; Idem. “Observations sur l’organisation narrative de la broderie de Bayeux et

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[40] [41] [42] [43] [44]

[45] [46]

[47] [48]

[49]

[50]

ses rapports avec l’Antiquité”. Les cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, vol. 39 (2008), pp. 31-46. Le Paysage monumental autour de l’an Mil. Ed. Xavier Barral i Altet. Picard, Paris 1987. Joseph Puig i Cadafalch. Le Premier art roman. L’architecture en Catalogne et dans l’Occident méditerranéen aux xe et xie siècles. H. Laurens, Paris 1928. Louis Grodecki. Au seuil de l’art roman. L’architecture ottonienne. Armand Colin, Paris 1958. Xavier Barral i Altet. “El primer arte románico en la Península ibérica”. Hortus artium medieva lium, no. iii (1997), pp. 131-140. Marcel Durliat. “Problèmes posés par l’histoire de l’architecture religieuse en Catalogne dans la première moitié du xie siècle”. Les cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, núm. 3 (1972), pp. 43-49. Joan Duran-Porta. “Sobre l’origen de Raimon Lambard, obrer de la catedral d’Urgell”. Locus Amoenus, no. 8 (2005-2006), pp. 19-28. Xavier Barral i Altet. “Contre l’itinérance des artistes du premier art roman méridional”. In: Le vie del Medioevo. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Parma 1999). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quinta valle. Electa, Milan 2000, pp. 138-140. A highly disputed point of view today: Elisabeth den Hartog. Romanesque Architecture and Sculpture in the Meuse Valley. Eisma, Leeuwarden 1992. Joan Duran-Porta. “The Lombard Masters as a deus ex machina in Catalan First Romanesque”. Arte Lombarda, n. s. 156 (2009), pp. 99-119. Previously, Idem. “¿Lombardos en Cataluña? Construcción y pervivencia de una hipótesis controvertida”. Anales de Historia del Arte, 2009, pp. 247-261; Idem. “Una reconsideració sobre els orígens de l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya: el mite dels mestres llombards”. Catalan Review, no. xxii (2008), pp. 227-238. Also Manuel Castiñeiras, “La cuestión lombarda en el primer románico cata lán”. In: Arturo C. Quintavalle (dir.). Il medioevo delle cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle immagini (secoli xi e xii). Milan 2006, pp. 345-355. Jacques Henriet. “Saint-Philibert de Tournus. L’œuvre du second maître”. Bulletin monumental, 1992, pp. 101-164; Idem. Saint-Philibert de Tournus. L’abbatiale du xie siècle. SFA, Paris 2008; SaintPhilibert de Tournus. Histoire, archéologie, art. Actes du colloque (Tournus, 15-19 June 1994). Ed. Jacques Thirion, Le Centre, Tournus 1995. Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps (dirs.). Els Comacini i l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. Simposi internacional (25 i 26 de novembre de 2005). Ajuntament de Girona-Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, GironaBarcelona 2010. This volume was published after the writing of this text and contains a number of papers in which authors develop issues that often have been treated in their other works. However, this volume completes information on topics that I treat in this

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[51]

[52]

[53]

[54]

[55]

[56]

[57]

[58] [59] [60] [61]

paper such as Cardona, Àger, Sant Pere de Rodes, Girona, Vic, Ramon Lambard of la Seu d’Urgell, and other issues such as relationships in art, technology and relationships between Italy and Catalonia. Roland Recht. “La circulation des artistes, des œuvres, des modèles dans l’Europe medieval”. Revue de l’art, 1998, pp. 5-9; Vers et à travers l’art roman: la transmission des modèles antiques. Actes des XXXVIII journées romanes. Les cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, no. 37 (2006). Marco Rossi. Milano e le origine della pittura romanica lombarda. Commitenze episcolapi, modelli iconografici, maestranze. Scalpenze editore, Milan 2011. Manuel Castiñeiras. “La cuestión lombarda en el primer románico catalán”. In: Il Medioevo delle Cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle immagini (secoli xi e xii). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Skira, Milan 2006, pp. 345-355. For Burgundy, see: Archéologie et architecture d’un site monastique ve-xxe siècle. Dix ans de recherches à l’abbaye Saint-Germain d’Auxerre. CTHS, Paris 2000; Christian Sapin. Bourgogne romane. Ed. Faton, Dijon 2006. Xavier Barral i Altet. “Observacions sobre les relacions historiques i artístiques entre Cluny i la península Ibèrica (segles x-xii)”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 24 (1994), pp. 925-942; Carlos Reglero de la Fuente. Cluny en España. Los prioratos de la provincia y sus redes sociales (1073 ca.1270). León 2008. Anne Baud. Cluny: un grand chantier au cœur de l’Europe. Picard, Paris 2003; Idem. “Cluny. La maior ecclesia. 1088-1130?. Expression monumental de l’Ecclesia cluniacensis”. In: Vom Umbruch zur Erneurung? Das 11. und beginnende 12. Jahrhundert – Positionen der Forschung. Fink, Munich 2006, pp. 219230; Cluny, onze siècles de rayonnement. Ed. Neil Stratford. Editions du Patrimoine, Paris 2010. Gerardo Boto Varela. “Monasterios catalanes en el siglo xi. Los espacios eclesiásticos de Oliba”. In: Monasteria et Territoria. Elites, edilicia y territorio en el Mediterraneo medieval (siglos v-xi). Ed. Jorge López Quiroga (et al.). BAR International Series S1719, 2007, pp. 281-319. Eric Fernie. “Saint-Vincent de Cardona et la dimension méditerranéenne du premier art roman”. Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, no. 43 (2000), pp. 243-256. Henri Focillon. Art d’Occident. I. Le Moyen Âge roman. Armand Colin, Paris 1938. Eliane Vergnolle. “Saint-Martin du Canigou. L’église du xie siècle”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 40 (2009), pp. 133-143. Imma Lorés. El monestir de Sant Pere de Rodes. Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 2002. Xavier Barral Altet. “La basilica patriarcale di Aquileia: un grande monumento romanico del pri-

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[62]

[63]

[64]

[65]

[66] [67]

[68]

[69]

mo xi secolo”. Arte medievale, no. vi (2007), pp. 29-64. Immaculada Lorés and Carles Mancho. “Hec domus est sancta quam fecit domnus Oliva: Santa Maria de Ripoll”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 40 (2009), pp. 205-219. Xavier Barral i Altet. “Culture visuelle et réfle xion architecturale au début du xie siècle: Les voya ges de l’abbé-éveque Oliba. 1ère partie: Les premiers voyages, avant l’itinéraire vers Rome”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 40 (2009), pp. 177-196; Xavier Barral i Altet. “Culture visuelle et réflexion architecturale au début du xie siècle: les voyages de l’abbé-éveque Oliba. 2ème partie: Les voyages à Rome et leurs consequences”. Les cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, no. 41 (2010), pp. 212-226. See also Manuel Castiñeiras. “Ripoll et Gérone: deux exemples privilégiés du dialogue entre l’art roman et la culture classique”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 39 (2008), pp. 161-180. Xavier Barral i Altet. «L’art monumental a Catalunya entorn de l’any 1000. Una mirada cap a Roma». Actes del Congrés Internacional Gerbert d’Orlhac i el seu temps Catalunya i Europa a la fi del 1r. mil·leni (Vic-Ripoll, 10-13 de novembre de 1999). p. 247-254. Xavier Barral i Altet. “Du Panthéon de Rome à la Rotonde de Vic: la transmission d’un modèle d’architecture mariale au début du xi siècle et la politique ‘romaine’ de l’abbé-évêque Oliba”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 37 (2006), pp. 63-75. Michel Zimmermann, “Le souvenir de Rome en Catalogne du ixe au xiie siècle”. La mémoire de l’Antiquité Tardive dans le Haut Moyen Âge, Michel Sot, Paris 2000, pp. 149-159. Alain Erlande-Brandenburg. La Cathédrale. Fayard, Paris 1990. Xavier Barral i Altet. Les catedrals de Catalunya. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1994. See also Les canòniques catalanes. Arquitectura i art medieval. Actes du colloque = Lambard. Estudis d’art medieval, no. xii (1999-2000). Regarding the literature, the situation has changed in the past 20 years after the congress of the Seu Vella of Lleida, published in 1991; the monographic volume of the journal D’Art published by the Universitat de Barcelona in 1993 on the cathedral of Barcelona; the colloquium published by the journal Lambard in 1999-2000; and my book Les catedrals de Catalunya, Edicions 62, Barcelona 1994. See the observations of Joan Duran-Porta, “The Lombard Masters as a deus ex machina in Catalan First Romanesque”. Arte Lombarda, n. s. 156 (2009), pp. 108-119, for the cathedral of La Seu d’Urgell. Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps (dirs.). Els Comacini i l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. Simposi internacional (25 i 26 de novembre de 2005). Ajuntament

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[70] [71]

[72]

[73] [74]

[75]

[76]

[77]

[78] [79]

[80]

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de Girona-Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Girona-Barcelona 2010. Pere Beseran, Joan-Albert Adell and Gisbert et al. La catedral de la Seu d’Urgell. Manresa 2000. Eduardo Carrero Santamaría. “La Seu d’Urgell, el último conjunto de iglesias. Liturgia, paisaje urba no y arquitectura”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 40 (2010), pp. 251-291. Girona. Redescobrir la Seu romànica. Ed. Pere Freixas. Girona 2000; Marc Sureda. “La catedral de Girona, matèria històrica. Historiografia a l’entorn de la seu”. Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Gironins, no. xlv (2004), pp. 94-102; Marc Sureda. “Intervencions arqueològiques a la nau de la catedral de Girona”. In: VIII Jornades d’arqueologia de les comarques gironines (2004), Roses 2006, pp. 377380; Marc Sureda. Els precedents de la catedral Santa Maria de Girona. De la plaça religiosa del fòrum romà al conjunt arquitectònic de la seu romànica (ss. i a.C.-xiv d.C.), doctoral thesis, 2008. Xavier Barral i Altet. La catedral romànica de Vic. Artestudi, Barcelona 1979. Lluís Adan and Rafael Soler. “La planta de la catedral romànica de Vic”. Fulls del Museu-Arxiu de Santa Maria de Mataró, no. 54 (1996), pp. 21-23; Joan Albert Adell and Josep Pujades. “Noves aportacions al coneixement de l’estructura arquitectònica de la catedral de Vic”. Lambard, no. viii (1995), pp. 139-148. Carme Subiranas. “Les églises de Vic au temps de l’évêque Oliba. Santa Maria la Rodona”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 40 (2009), pp. 187203. See also my article cited in note 64. Martin Warnke. Bau und Überbau. Sociologie der mittelalterlichen Architektur nach den Schriftquellen. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt 1976; Bauwerk und Bildwerk im Hochmittelalter. Anschauliche Beiträge zur Kultur und Socialgeschichte. Ed. Karl Clausberg, Dieter Kimpel, Hans Joachim Kunst and Robert Suckale. Anabas, Giessen 1981; Artistes, artisans et production artistique au Moyen Âge. Ed. Xavier Barral i Altet, 3 vol. Picard, Paris 1986-1990; Cantieri medievali. Ed. Roberto Cassanelli, Jaca Book, Milan 1995. Marc Sureda i Jubany. “Architecture autour d’Oliba. Le massif occidental de la cathédrale romane de Gérone”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 40 (2009), pp. 221-236. Francesca Español. “Massifs occidentaux dans l’architecture romane catalane”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 27 (1996), pp. 55-77. In general: Avant-nefs et espaces d’accueil dans l’église entre le ive et le xiie siècle. Actes du colloque du CNRS (Auxerre, June 1999). Ed. Christian Sapin. CTHS, Paris 2002. Joan Duran-Porta. “Les cryptes monumentales dans la Catalogne d’Oliba. De Sant Pere de Rodes à la diffusion du modèle de crypte à salle”. Les cahiers

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[81]

[82]

[83]

[84] [85]

[86] [87]

[88]

[89] [90]

de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 40 (2009), pp. 325339. Luca Fabbri. Cripte. Diffusione e tipologia nell’Italia nordorientale tra IX e XII secolo. Cierre edizioni, Sommacampagna 2009. For the first time, a photograph of this space was published in the study cited in the previous note (Figure 11), which the author hypothetically ventures to relate to the 10th century basilica. Maria Teresa Matas i Blanxart and Josep M. Palau i Baduell. “Els campanars de torre de tipologia llombarda de la comarca de l’Alt Urgell i del Principat d’Andorra: anàlisi comparative”. Lambard, no. xx (2007-2008), pp. 123-146. See the highly stimulating study from that time by Friedrich Möbius. Buticum in Centula. Mit einer Einführung in die Bedeutung der Mittelalterlichen Architektur. Abhandlungen der sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Berlin 1985. Carol Heitz. L’architecture religieuse carolingienne. Les formes et leurs fonctions. Picard, Paris 1980. Eric Palazzo. Liturgie et société au Moyen Âge. Aubier, Paris 2000; Idem. “La liturgie de l’Occident médiévale autour de l’an Mil. État de la question”. Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, no. 43 (2000), pp. 371-394. Often published in the journal Miscel·lània Litúrgica Catalana put out by the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Carol Heitz. “Beata Maria Rotunda. À propos de la rotonde occidentale de Saint-Michel de Cuixà”. In: Études roussillonaises offertes à Pierre Ponsich. Ed. Michel Grau and Olivier Poisson. Mélanges d’archéologie, d’histoire et d’histoire de l’art du Roussillon et de la Cerdagne. Le Publicateur, Perpignan 1987, pp. 273-277; Daniel Codina. “La chapelle de la Trinité de Saint-Michel de Cuixà. Conception théologique et symbolique d’une architecture singulière”. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 36 (2005), pp. 81-88; Miquel S. Gros Pujol. “Le culte des trois Archanges et de la Trinité à l’abbaye de Saint-Michel de Cuxa”. Études roussillo nnaises, no. 21 (2005), pp. 93-98. Sépulture, mort et répresentation du pouvoir au Moyen Âge. Tod, Grabmal und Herrschaft-repräsentation im Mittelalter. Ed. Michel Margue (et al.). CLUDEM, Luxemburg-Gasperich 2006. Now the 2010 congress on Sant Miquel de Cuixà (Mémoires, tombeaux et sépultures à l’époque romane). Frances ca Español, «Panthéons comtaux en Catalogne à l’époque romane. Les inhumations privilégiées du monastère de Ripoll». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. 42, 2011, pp. 103-114. The Altar from the 4th to the 15th Century. Actes du colloque (Motovun 2004). = Hortus artium medievalium, no. xi (2005). Die mittelalterliche Kreuzgang. Architektur, Funktion und Programm. Ed. Peter K. Klein. Schnell und Steiner, Regensburg 2004.

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[91] Marc Sureda i Jubany. La catedral de Vic a finals del segle xiv. Edició i comentari de la visita pastoral de 1388. Miscel·lània Litúrgica Catalana, no. xviii (2010), pp. 323-361. [92] Anne Baud. “Liturgie, circulation et espace monastique à Cluny”. In: Architecture et pratiques religieuses. VI Colloque biennal de Pommiers. SaintGermain Laval 2008, pp. 85-94. On the question of relics, a specific case can be found on Francesc Fité, “Arnau Mir de Tost i el culte a les relíquies. Un exponent pirinenc en la promoció dels santuaris”. Urgellia, vol. 16, 2006-2007. pp. 511-549. [93] Study cited above in note 70. [94] This is the case of Dominique Iogna-Prat. La maison Dieu. Une histoire monumentale de l’Église au Moyen Âge (v. 800-v. 1200). Seuil, Paris 2006. [95] All the bibliographic references and a critical viewpoint on the issue can be found in Xavier Barral i Altet. “Arte medievale e Riforma Gregoriana. Riflessioni su un problema storiografico”. Hortus artium medievalium, no. xvi (2010), pp. 355-364. [96] Il Medioevo delle Cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle immagini (secoli xi e xii). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Skira, Milan 2006. [97] Rilavorazione dell’antico nel Medioevo. Ed. Mario D’Onofrio. Viella, Rome 2003; Xavier Barral i Altet. “Apropiació i recontextualització de l’antic a la creació artística romànica mediterrània”. In: El romànic i la Mediterrània. Catalunya, Toulouse i Pisa, 1120 - 1180 (Barcelona, MNAC, 29th of February – 18th of May 2008). Ed. Manuel Castiñeiras and Jordi Camps. Museu Nacional d’Art de Cata lunya, Barcelona 2008, pp. 171-179. [98] Marcel Durliat, “Pèlerinage et architecture romane”. Dossiers de l’archéologie, no. 20 (1977), pp. 22-35; Xavier Barral i Altet. Compostelle. Le grand chemin. Gallimard, Paris 1993. [99] Gerardo Boto Varela, “Cartografía de la advocación jacobea en Cataluña (siglos x-xiv)”. El camí de Sant Jaume i Catalunya. Actes del Congrés internacional, Barcelona, Cervera, Lleida, 2003. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2007, pp. 277-296. [100] Romei e Giubilei. Il pellegrinaggio medievale a San Pietro 350-1350 (Roma, Palazzo Venezia, 29 ottobre-26 febbraio 2000). Ed. Mario D’Onofrio. Electa, Milan 1999; Pellegrini alla tomba di Pietro. Ed. Giovanni Morello. Electa, Milan 1999. [101] Laura Bartolomé Roviras. “La seqüència arquitectònica i ornamental de Sant Vicenç de Besalú (s. x-xiii)”. In: La parròquia de Sant Vicenç, un eix religiós, social i artístic en la història de Besalú. Ed. Miquel Àngel Fumanal Pagès. Besalú Town Hall, Besalú 2008, pp. 44-81. [102] Laura Bartolomé Roviras. Fundació, consagració i renovació del temple benedictí de Sant Pere de Besalú. Ressenya històrica. Idem. “El context d’una re-

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Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes

lació artística entre Sant Pere de Besalú i les canòniques provençals durant el regnat d’Alfons el Cast (1162-1192)”. In: Sant Pere de Besalú 1003-2003. Una història de l’art. Ed. Miquel Àngel Fumanal i Pagès et al. Besalú Town Hall and Diputació de Girona, Besalú 2003. [103] Jordi Sagrera and Marc Sureda. “El poblament antic i medieval al voltant de Santa Maria de Besalú: les dades arqueològiques”. In: Relíquies i arquitectura monàstica a Besalú. Ed. Gerardo Boto Varela, Diputació de Girona, Besalú 2006, pp. 105-150; Nazaret Gallego Aguilera. Santa Maria de Besalú. Arquitectura, poder i reforma (segles x-xii). Amics de Besalú i el seu Comtat, Besalú 2007.

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[104] Salvador Alimbau Marquès, Antoni Llagostera Fernández, Elies Rogent i Amat and Jordi Rogent i Albiol. Pantocràtor de Ripoll. Portada romànica del monestir de Santa Maria. Ripoll Town Hall, Ripoll 2009. [105] Withney S. Stoddard. The Façade of Saint-Gillesdu-Gard. Its Influence on French Sculpture. Wesleyan University Press, Middletown 1973. [106] Antoni Pladevall (dir). L’art gòtic a Catalunya. Arquitectura (3 vols). Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2002-2003. [107] Caroline A. Bruzelius. Cistercian High Gothic. The Abbey Church of Longpont and the Architecture of the Cistercians in the Early Thirteenth Century. Editiones Cistercienses, Rome 1979.

Biographical Note Xavier Barral i Altet is an Emeritus Professor of Mediaeval Art History at the Université de Rennes, a fellow of the Ins titut d’Estudis Catalans and a correspondent of the Real Academia de la Historia and the Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando of Madrid. He has served as the Director-General of the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya and has directed the collective seven-volume work, Art de Catalunya = Ars Cataloniae. He is an art critic for the newspaper Avui, and his publications include L’art i la política de l’art (Galerada, Barcelona 2001), Chronologie de l’art du Moyen Âge (Flammarion, Paris 2003), Dictionnaire critique d’iconographie occidentale (Presses Universitaires, Rennes 2003), Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Escrits d’arquitectura, art i política (Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2003), L’art du vitrail, xie-xvie siècles (Mengès, Paris 2004), Catalunya destruïda (Edicions 62, Barcelona 2005), Contre l’art roman? Essai sur un passé réinventé (Fayard, Paris 2006, translated into Italian and Croatian), L’arte gotica (Jaca Book, Milan 2008), L’art romànic català a debat (Edicions 62, Barcelona 2009) and Abecedari Tàpies (Base, Barcelona 2009).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 53-82 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.51 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Military Orders in Catalonia Josep Maria Sans i Travé * Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya

Received 23 July 2010 · Accepted 20 October 2010

Abstract The Jerosolimitan Orders of the Hospital, the Holy Sepulchre and the Temple reached Catalonia at a very early date, among other reasons because of its relationship with Provence through the marriage of Ramon Berenguer III and Dolça de Provença, as well as through the propaganda spread by the Catalan pilgrims who had visited the Holy Land. The counts and the nobility were the main instigators of donations of land, rights and goods to the orders, which encouraged them to move to the Principality. By the second half of the 12th century, they had already set up their respective networks of convents here, with particular influence in Catalunya Nova.1 Even though they depended institutionally on the central convents in the East (Jerusalem, Saint John of Acre, Cyprus and Rhodes, the latter the headquarters of the Order of the Hospital), the Catalan houses disassociated themselves with their original Provencal provinces and formed their own districts, which encompassed Aragon, as well as Mallorca and Valencia after they were conquered. The provincial Catalan masters, almost all of them from the middle class and petty nobility, represented the central convents. They managed the districts under the advice of the chapterhouses or annual meetings of the knight commanders or heads of the different houses, who also governed and administered the commandries. Part of the revenue was remitted to the central convents each year. Apart from money, the Catalan provinces also sent foodstuffs, horses, weapons and especially staff to the East. Some Catalan brothers would reach the top echelon of the orders, including Brother Arnau de Torroja, Grand Master of the Knights Templar from 1181 to 1184; and Antoni de Fluvià and Pere Ramon Sacosta, Grand Masters of the Order of the Hospital in 1421-1437 and 1461-1467, respectively. The military orders participated in the territorial expansion campaigns in the 12th and 13th centuries and in the military actions of the Catalan monarchy in the 14th and 15th centuries. The Knights Hospitallers and the Order of Saint James founded convents in Catalonia which noble women entered. Only one military order was founded on Catalan soil, the Order of Saint George of Alfama created in 1201 by Peter the Catholic. Despite the protection of the monarchy, it was subsequently incorporated into the Valencia-based Military Order of Montesa in 1400. Keywords: military orders, Temple, Hospital, Saint George of Alfama, establishment and organisation, mediaeval Catalonia

Reasons for setting up the military orders in Catalonia The Jerosolimitan orders came to Catalonia very early on, a fact determined by two circumstances, among other factors.2 The first was its geographic location at the time of the first initial expansion of the Order of the Temple and the Order of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem shortly after they were founded in the early 12th century. The marriage of Ramon Berenguer III to Dolça de Provença had placed the Catalan lands in close contact with Pro-

* Contact address: Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya. Carrer de Jaume I, 33-51. E-08195 Sant Cugat del Vallès, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 935 897 788. Fax +34 935 898 035. E-mail: jmsans@gencat.cat

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vence, where these orders were soon established through the relationship between the port of Marseille and the East, and specifically through trade with the ports along the coastline of Palestine after it was occupied by the West in the wake of the First Crusade.3 The second circumstance can be found in the knowledge that some swaths of Catalan society had of these organisations in the first half of the 12th century. The stream of Catalan pilgrims to Palestine had risen noticeably after the First Crusade, which culminated with the seizure of Jerusalem in July 1099.4 Even though many people who made the pilgrimage to the Holy Land did not return, others did after overcoming the difficulties of a long and often perilous journey. The ones who visited Jerusalem after 1120 – when the Order of the Temple was founded – were able to witness the missions that some Church institutions had set up in that

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land: the canons of the Holy Sepulchre strove to keep up the church built over the site where tradition had it that Jesus was buried,5 while the Knights Hospitallers tended to the pilgrims that arrived in the Holy City.6 The Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ, an association of soldiers affiliated with the convent of the Holy Sepulchre, ensured that the pilgrims’ journey from the ports on the Palestinian coastline to Jerusalem and other cities and sites made sacred by Christ’s presence on earth7 took place safely through the use of weapons, if necessary. When the recipients of these acts of piety, beneficence and policing of the roadways returned to their countries of origin, it should come as no surprise that they often rewarded them with donations of goods.8 Before the canonical approval of the Order of the Temple at the Council of Troyes in early 1129, this order, the Order of the Hospital and the Order of the Holy Sepulchre were already the recipients of the generosity of people of Catalonia. For example, on the 4th of January 1124, the Urgell native Erovis left many pious donations in his will and granted his mule “to the Holy Sepulchre, the Hospital and the cavalry”.9 In the following year, 1125, before embarking on a journey he was planning to the Holy Land, the Ampurdan knight Arnau de Cabanes left a will bequeathing his goods; his pious legatees included the Order of the Hospital and the Order of the Temple.10

The donations from counts The approval of the rules and the order of the Council of Troyes led the Knights Templar to deploy a propaganda campaign in the different European kingdoms: they presented their mission to defend pilgrims and the land of Jerusalem to society, including the monarchies, the Church, the nobility and the people, and they enlisted Western aid to help them bring this plan to fruition, especially economic support and the staff needed to conduct the enterprise. Where the Templars’ project yielded the most positive response was on the Eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula, especially in the territories whose sovereigns were struggling to expand their domains by pushing out the Muslims. A few days before his death in July 1131, Ramon Berenguer III joined the Order of the Temple, and, trusting that it would help to promote this feudal conquest of new lands under Saracen control, he gave them the border castle of Granyena de Segarra.11 The following year, Count Ermengol IV of Urgell donated Barberà Castle, located on the Western frontier.12 In the neighbouring kingdom of Aragon, the 1131 will of the sovereign Alphonse I the Warrior, confirmed in a second will dating from 1134, made the most generous donation that the military orders would receive in the West when he bequeathed them his entire kingdoms.13 However, the virtual absence of these orders from Aragon, the opposition from the Aragonese nobility and the separation from Navarre meant that the will of the Aragonese monarch

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was not carried out. Instead, Ramon Berenguer IV, through his marriage with Peronella, the “heiress” of Aragon, found the solution to Aragon’s institutional problem: he secured an agreement from all three orders to renounce everything and in turn rewarded them with important donations and privileges.

Definitive establishment and territorial organisation in the Principality Initially, the warring actions of the military orders did not encompass the different kingdoms on the Iberian Peninsula, which since the Muslim occupation (711-720) had been enmeshed in a constant battle to win back lost land. Even though the circumstances in these Western lands and the lands of Palestine were parallel – the defence of Christianity against Islam – the military orders had circumscribed their actions exclusively to the East. Europe was supposed to furnish the staff and economic resources to carry out the mission they had set out to fulfil, but not become the recipient of their military actions. For this reason, initially neither the Order of the Temple nor the Hospital had a territorial network of convents in the Principality; rather, to earn revenues they appointed trustworthy representatives called bailli who were charged with collecting the yields of their rights and goods.14 However, the agreement that Ramon Berenguer IV reached with the orders and particularly with the Knights Templar regarding the inheritance of Alphonse I the Warrior granted the Templars an important legacy that included castles, lands and rights which they were to directly administer.15 On the 27th of November 1143, the Barcelona count met in Girona with the Papal Legatee Guido, other neighbouring counts, noblemen and prelates from the country, the delegate of the Grand Master of Jerusalem, the provincial master of Provence and Hispania and the leading Templar brothers from Provence and Catalonia. At that meeting, he secured the order’s pledge to also make the Iberian Peninsula the target of its military actions against the Saracens “in defence of Western Christianity”.16 Although the Templar contingent was quite small, five years later, in 1148, the brothers participated with Ramon Berenguer IV in the feudal conquest of Tortosa, and the following year they did the same in Lleida. Their collaboration in these two military campaigns and in the Catalan occupation of Miravet Castle in 1153, in addition to donations from nobles and knights – who closely identified with the Templars’ idea of combating the enemies of the Christian faith – soon gave the order important assets and rights under the administration and management of the provincial master, who was appointed by the Grand Master in Jerusalem and acted on his behalf in the territory, which was initially comprised of the realms of Hispania and Provence. The first to hold this post, documented between 1143 and 1158, was the Vallès

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native Pere de Rovira. The early provincial masters were charged with organising the order’s different establishments around the land, which were called “houses” or “commandries”. Thus, in 1145, the Masdéu commandry was organised in Roussillon in a domain that the brothers had been given in 1138, and in the 1150s the commandries in Palau del Vallès (1151), Tortosa, Miravet (1153) and Gardeny (1156) were also established. The Order of the Hospital, just like the Temple, had also received numerous donations in Catalan lands even before Pope Callixtus II approved its definitive regulation in 1120.17 From that year on, under the impetus of the brothers from Saint-Gilles in Provence, who also managed to secure the generous collaboration of counts, noblemen, knights, peasants and citizens, delegated baillis often administered the assets and revenues earned from them; the baillis collected the proceeds and forwarded them to Marseille.18 The revenues earned by Ramon Berenguer IV through the renunciation of the Order of the Hospital’s rights to its share of the inheritance of Alphonse I the Warrior, along with the gradual rise in

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donations from the countships, especially after the feudal conquests of Tortosa and Lleida, which enabled the count to generously reward their participation, fostered the appointment of a delegate with the title of “prior” who administered the assets in the Principality, documented since 1149.19 The following year, on the 8th of January 1150, the same count granted the order Amposta Castle and its extensive surrounding lands, in what is today the county of Montsià.20 The head of the Catalan and Aragonese zone, who set up his residence in Amposta starting in 1157 and was called the castellan of Amposta, administered the different possessions in the area and founded houses or commandries in important sites or places where there was the potential for growth in the future. Initially, the first commandries on Catalan soil were created in Susterris (1146), Sant Celoni (1154), Amposta (1157), Alguaire (1159), Sant Valentí-Vilafranca (1162), Barcelona (1163), Cervera (1172) and Lleida (1175).21 The commandries of these orders fulfilled a direct twofold purpose. The first was to house the religious community, while the second was to administer their assets. However, the houses also served as centres to declare the orders’ presence in order to recruit new members and receive new contributions of goods and revenues from the nobility and peasants in the respective region.

The expansion of the Order of the Temple and the Order of the Hospital in the last quarter of the 12th century

Copyrighted image

Figure 1. Brother Joan Icart, wearing the habit of the Order of the Hospital, Knight Commander of the commandry of Susterris (1491-1496) (Close-up of the altarpiece of the Archangel Saint Michael, Saint John the Baptist and Saint Sebastian. Àngel Sagarra collection. Figuerola del Camp).

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Once established in Catalonia and after the creation of the first commandries on Catalan soil, donations to the orders started to gain momentum starting in the 1180s, as did the influx of new members, which enlarged the communities. Likewise, Alphonse I’s (1162-1196) favour, manifested in new donations and the granting and expansion of new privileges, led the heads of both orders to set up new commandries. During the leadership of Arnau de Torroja (1163-1181), the Order of the Temple set up the commandries in Corbins (1167), Barbens (1168), Puigreig-Cerdanya-Berguedà (1169), Barberà (1172), Granyena (1181) and Ascó (1181).22 Before the century was over, the commandries in Selma (1190), Aiguaviva (1192), Horta (1193) and Juncosa (1199) were also established.23 The Order of the Hospital, in turn, created the commandries in Amposta (1184), Siscar (1188), Isot (1190) and Biure (ca. 1193).24 The network of religious-military houses around the land did not spread uniformly; rather there were many more in the western and southern parts of Catalunya Nova, where after their feudal conquest the sovereigns had more land to divvy up than in Catalunya Vella,25 where the Benedictine Order had already become firmly entrenched by the time these orders had arrived there. Thus, Catalunya Nova became the home to the religious

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institutions that emerged in the early 12th century: the Cistercians – with their two monasteries in Poblet and Santes Creus and their convent in Vallbona – and the Knights Templar and Hospitaller. Before the commandries of the Temple were annexed after the order was disbanded, the Hospitallers had eleven houses in Catalunya Nova and only six in Catalunya Vella and Roussillon, whereas by the late 13th century the Templars had twelve to the south and five to the north of the Llobregat River. Likewise, bearing in mind the fact that during this period land ownership was the most profitable asset, most of the commandries were created in the countryside or in small villages in the shelter of the castle, where they could often be better managed and revenues more easily collected through the sound management and administration of the assets. However, this does not mean that the orders did not also set up commandries in the main cities, given the possibilities they afforded to serve as administrative, mercantile or commercial hubs, not to mention their maritime ports, which were well-connected with other ports around the Mediterranean. On this basis, Tortosa, Barcelona and Lleida were the home to commandries of the Templars and Hospitallers. Precisely in some of these cities, taking advantage of the urban expansion in the second half of the 13th century, both orders also engaged in real estate dealings, such as the Templars’ well-known activities in the cities of Perpignan, Tortosa and Lleida, where they urbanised some neighbourhoods.26

Territorial structures: The province The Templar and Hospitaller commandries located on Catalan lands were part of the higher territorial structures known as “provinces” in the former and “priories” in the latter order. Initially, the Templar commandries in Catalonia joined the province called “Provence and Hispania” and later “Provence and certain parts of Hispania”. Apart from the commandries in Catalonia and Aragon, this district also encompassed the southernmost reaches of Castile and Navarre, in addition to those of Provence. Starting in 1178, with the appointment of a provincial master for the commandries in Castile-León, the scope of authority of the provincial master in this part of Castile was curtailed. The conquests of Mallorca and Valencia placed the commandries created in these lands under the responsibility of the Catalan-Provencal master. The presence of the Templars on the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula was equally intense and grew commensurately with the Provencal side, which in around 1240 led former province to be split. The provinces of Provence and Catalonia-Aragon were created, the latter encompassing the commandries of Roussillon, the Principality, Aragon, Navarre, Mallorca, Valencia and Murcia, the latter while it was Catalan.27 This division lasted until the order was disbanded in 1312.

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The Knights Hospitaller of the Catalan-Aragonese Crown belonged to the order’s Provencal province, although gradually the convent of Amposta gained ground as the chief of the district, and in the mid-12th century it won independence from the Provencal priory.28 With the annexation of the houses and properties owned by the Order of the Temple after it was disbanded, the Order of the Hospital created a new organisation independent of the castellany of Amposta called the priory of Catalonia. It included the commandries inside the Principality, with the exception of those located on the right bank of the Ebro River, along with Valencia, Mallorca and Roussillon. The Templar provincial masters, the castellans of Amposta and the priors of Catalonia were at the helm of their respective districts as delegates of the Grand Masters of their orders. Given their importance within the regional organisation, they were appointed by the Grand Master usually during the general chapterhouse meetings, although the Hospital suffered from frequent interference from the popes, especially in the late Middle Ages.29 These provincial heads usually came from the petty, middle and sometimes even the upper nobility of the country. Surnames like Torroja, Cardona, Montcada, Empúries, Gurb, Santjust, Ribelles, Timor, Guimerà and Oms, among others, confirm this social standing.30 However, generally speaking, the provincial heads were already known at the central convent, either because they had journeyed to the East or because they had served there temporarily. For example, the Templar provincial master Arnau de Torroja (1166-1181) was appointed to the position after his sojourn in the Holy Land.31 The prior of Catalonia for the Order of the Hospital, Brother Guillem de Guimerà, served in this capacity (1377-1396) through his appointment by his friend Juan Fernández de Heredia.32 However, at times the heads of the Catalan provinces forwarded to the central convent the names of the most suitable candidates for the posts of Templar provincial master, castellan of Amposta or prior of Catalonia. After the death of the Templar provincial master, a lieutenant usually served in the post until the central convent appointed a successor. In the case of the Hospitallers, after the death of the prior in the 14th century, the commanders elected a temporary lieutenant until the master appointed a new head. Upon the death of Brother Pere Guillem d’Oms, the Hospitaller commanders meeting in Sant Celoni chose Brother Guillem de Guimerà on the 7th of March 1372.33 Likewise, given the political importance of the provincial heads of both orders, the Catalan monarchs often tried to influence the appointments by proposing to the central convent trustworthy men for the posts, even though they did not always achieve their aims. Nevertheless, James II (1285-1327), his son Alphonse II the Benign (1327-1336) and his grandson Peter III the Ceremonious (1336-1387) conducted a number of actions that somehow signalled control of the supervisory posts of

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the castellany and the priory, either by rejecting the individuals appointed by the Grand Master or by threatening to confiscate the contributions to the order (tithes to the central convents in Palestine) or the commandries.34 Peter the Ceremonious’ intervention in the appointment of the provincial head of the Hospital can be clearly seen in the appointment of Juan Fernández de Heredia as the castellan of Amposta in 1346 and prior of Catalonia in 1372.35 Still, as Pierre Bonneaud claims, “between 1317 and 1377, the appointments of the priors of Catalonia were almost systematically contrary to the wishes of the sovereigns, who, however, had to accept them more or less willingly”.36 Likewise, the social prestige of these leaders is clear through their membership in the sovereigns’ royal councils and their participation in the ecclesiastical branch of the General Courts of Catalonia. After the creation of the Diputació del General or the Generalitat de Catalunya at the General Court of Cervera in 1359, members of the Order of the Hospital served on this body either as ecclesiastical deputies or as auditors of accounts. They also attended the councils of the Church Province of Tarragona in their capacity as religious leaders.37 Some of these dignitaries from the Catalan provinces of the Temple and the Hospital reached the top echelons of their respective orders. Some examples include Brother Arnau de Torroja, Grand Master of the Temple between 1181 and 1184, after having served as the provincial master of Provence and parts of Hispania between 1164 and 1181;38 Brother Juan Fernández de Heredia, prior of Catalonia between 1372 and 1377 and Grand Master of the Hospitallers from 1377 until his death in 1396;39 and Pere Ramon Sacosta, who had been castellan of Amposta between 1445 and 1461 and served as Grand Master of the order between 1461 and his death in 1467.40 The Templar provincial masters and the priors of Catalonia soon had a small curia located in their provincial headquarters: the Hospitallers had one in the castellany of Amposta and then Zaragoza,41 while the priory of Catalonia’s was usually at the house where the prior lived. Meanwhile, the Templars had curiae successively in Montsó and Gardeny, which were consolidated in Miravet in the late 13th century. These curiae were made up of a small number of members, including a scribe notary, often a clergyman, several brothers and knights from outside the order.42 They often welcomed the heads of the commandries, with whom they resolved affairs that were unnecessary to bring to the provincial chapterhouses because of their minor importance. These provincial headquarters collected the money and goods which were then transferred to the order’s central house in the East according to the taxation that was approved for each commandry in proportion to its wealth and revenues. The curiae also housed the provincial archive, which included the documentation that the dignitary generated while serving in office, as well as documentation belonging to other commandries yet needed for the management and adminis-

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tration of the district. In Miravet, the property of the Templar province and the documentation were conserved in a particularly solid chamber called the “torre del tresor” (treasure tower).43 In addition to materially administering the houses in the district, the provincial dignitaries also had to ensure that the convents abided by the religious life and that the members of the communities fulfilled their respective rules and other provisions issued by the central hierarchies. Promoting fulfilment of the religious obligations and detecting and halting vices and laxness was one of their missions, as was punishing the transgressors with the castigation called for in their internal rules. Ultimately, these dignitaries had to report to the central convent on the status of the province through letters or even personal appearances at the headquarters when needed. The headquarters thus controlled the province through the provincial dignitaries, although they also obtained information through the priors who travelled East for either administrative reasons or military duty. During some periods, the Templar Grand Master got information on the Western provinces and supervised the actions of their leaders through a dignitary called the “mestre deçà mar” (overseas master), who in the second half of the 13th century evolved into the figure of the visitor, to whom the Grand Master delegated many of his functions.44

The provincial chapterhouses The heads of the districts did not have absolute power; rather they exercised their power in accordance with the rules and provisions that were issued by their respective central convents, along with the agreements that were adopted collegially at the annual meetings or chapterhouses. Convened by the provincial dignitaries, the chapterhouses were usually held at the headquarters or residence of the master or prior, and it was attended by several commanders of the houses and other brothers summoned to discuss the most important affairs affecting the order in the region.45 Soon after both orders were established in Catalonia, these meetings were held at the discretion of the master; however, starting in the second half of the 13th century they gradually came to be held every year. They lasted three to four days and began on a Sunday. The Templars usually held their meetings in April or May, and their preferred venues were Tortosa, Barberà, Montsó and Miravet. The Hospitallers held this kind of meeting for the castellany of Amposta mainly in the convents of Amposta, La Almunia de Doña Godina, Samper de Calanda and Zaragoza,46 while the priory held them in Lleida, Barcelona, Vilafranca del Penedès, Tortosa, Barberà, Gardeny and L’Espluga de Francolí.47 At these meetings, the heads of the commandries and the provincial dignitary discussed and resolved the affairs related to the internal religious life of the communities,

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suitable measures were taken to ensure compliance with the rules, and most importantly the economic status of the different commandries was reviewed.48 In this vein, starting in the second half of the 13th century, the Templar commanders also had to bring a list detailing their revenues and expenditures, loans and financial obligations, as well as inventories of agricultural products available in their storehouses and the number of slaves and livestock caretakers, defensive and offensive weapons in their possession and liturgical objects and items of worship kept in their chapels.49 Furthermore, they approved the proposals for new members and decided on the correction or expulsion of current members; they confirmed the appointments of the heads of the commandries; they established each house’s contributions to the provincial

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treasury; they granted settlement charters and franchises; they resolved grievances submitted by the vassals of the order – such as the approval of municipal ordinances and other justice-related affairs; and they approved acquisitions, exchanges and expropriations of goods, the creation or disbandment of commandries and issues related to the Crown, the prelates and other religious orders, among other affairs.50

The fundamental core of the regional organisation: The commandry The cornerstone of the regional organisation of the military orders in Catalonia, just as in the other countries

Figure 2. Templar commandries of the Catalan province in the 13th century (drawn up by Josep M. Sans i Travé).

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where they were established, was the commandry, preceptory or house, which included the convent where the community lived, along with any goods and rights they owned.51 The commandries were created all over Catalonia, although there were more in Catalunya Nova, where the orders had received more wealth, mainly through donations from the Catalan counts and monarchs. The commandries were founded in large cities such as Tortosa, Lleida and Barcelona; in medium-sized towns like L’Espluga de Francolí, L’Espluga Calba, Bajoles, Avinyonet and Sant Celoni; in castles like Barberà, Granyena, Vallfogona de Riucorb, Puig-reig, Ascó, Riba-roja and Peníscola; and in the midst of the countryside, as in Barbens, Aiguaviva, el Masdéu, Bajoles and Palau del Vallès.

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Even though the community’s residence was sometimes built from scratch, they more often adapted prior structures to the members’ needs. In this vein, they built or enlarged chapels and churches, conferring on them rich ornamentation and items of worship often crafted from fine materials and precious stones; they established sites for the cemetery; and they arranged the rooms designated as common sleeping quarters and refectories. They also set up storehouses for agricultural products and stables for livestock. Starting in the second half of the 14th century, after a boost to their wealth with the annexation of the assets of the Temple and important economic resources, the Hospitallers conducted several enlargements and embellishments of their convents, building “new palaces” and new

Figure 3. Main commandries of the Order of the Hospital in the Middle Ages, showing the ones belonging to the Priory of Catalonia and the Castellany of Amposta as of 1319 (drawn up by Josep M. Sans i Travé).

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Figure 4. View of the monumental complex of Gardeny Castle located atop Gardeny hill, one of the hills in the city of Lleida.

constructions,52 some of which were completed in the following century due to their complexity. The community lived at their commandry headquarters, including religious members who had made a solemn profession of the three vows of obedience, poverty and chastity.53 They adapted their lives to fulfilment of the respective rules and observances established by the general chapterhouses, called “statutes”, which were added to the original text of the rules as they were approved.54 They also had to observe the customs and convent traditions of each house. Noncompliance with the religious rules was severely punished, especially in the Order of the Temple, which in its day was regarded as one of the most stringent orders in Christendom. The castigations imposed on offenders ranged from penitence or prison to the temporary loss of the habit or permanent expulsion. The fact that Catalan society identified the Hospital and Temple as military orders in the second half of the 12th century meant that most of their members came from the middle and petty nobility of the country, which profoundly concurred with the religious and military ideals of these two orders. However, as the 13th century drew near, both institutions opened themselves up to society, accepting people from the urban and rural elites with a certain economic and social level and generally from the groups of benefactors. Nevertheless, there was a certain degree of hermeticism which meant that not just anyone could join these orders despite the fact that the indispensable requirements were that they be free men, the slave of nobody, free from debt, unmarried, not members of the

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non-priestly holy orders, not excommunicated, not committed to another order and physically sound.55 The knights were also required to be “the son of a knight and lady procreated in a legitimately married couple”.56 According to Anthony Luttrell, the Hospitallers did not require their knights, of whom they had few, to be of noble birth until the 14th century.57 The socially diverse background of the members of the order resulted in two classes of religious men: the knights or milites and the sergeants or sergentes, who were joined by the clergy appointed through papal privilege.58 The main role of the former was limited to military action, often joined in Catalonia by the sergeants. The latter mainly helped the knights and devoted themselves to managing the wealth of the commandry or the domestic services. The clergy, which were a clear minority within both orders, tended to the spiritual needs of the other members of the community and took charge of worship in the chapel or church. The scarcity of clergy often required both orders to seek the services of secular presbyters. Still, even though the Templar clergy rarely ran houses or commandries, Hospitaller presbyters were often put in charge of convents.59 The number of members in a community varied according to the order, the house and the time. The Templars had larger communities than the Hospitallers. The former could house between four and ten religious members as a general rule, reaching as high as 20 or even more in the most important commandries: in 1212, Gardeny had 22 religious members, while in 1264 Masdéu reached

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the figure of 17.60 However, the Hospitaller convents rarely had more than six religious members, and most had between four and six.61 Nonetheless, the provincial house, at least after the founding of the castellany of Amposta, must have had a larger community. These demographic figures suggest the issue of the overall number of brothers in the Catalan provinces from both orders, a question that is difficult to resolve at this point in time. Regarding the Templars, we only have reliable data from the time of the trial. In 1319, permanent pensions were assigned to 109 brothers from the Catalan province of the order, a figure which represents the number of brothers who survived while the trial lasted, whereas between 1307 and 1319 there is proof of 194 Knights Templar.62 This would confirm the fact that at least in the early 14th century, the total number of religious members must not have been much higher than 200. Nevertheless, this number is relatively high if we compare it with other countries. On the British Isles during the same period (1308-1311), even though there were more commandries, there were only 144 brothers,63 while in the kingdoms of Castile and León there must have been almost 100.64 France is in a league of its own, given the extent of the order in this country, where there are calculated to have been around 2,000 brothers.65 Around this same time, we also have information on the ranks of 166 of the 194 known Catalan Templars: 101 or 60.84% were sergeants, 55 or 33.13% were knights and ten or just 6.02% were clergymen.66 Neither these figures nor percentages is valid for the end of the 12th century and much of the following century, the apogee of the order in our country, leading us to assume that there were more brothers, as well as a higher percentage of knights. We have no specific tallies on the overall number of Knights Hospitaller in Catalonia. Still, some authors have advanced their hypotheses: Luttrell assigns between 150 and 200 religious members of the castellany immediately after the black plague,67 a figure that Maria Bonet finds excessively low,68 while there are calculated to have been between 200 and 250 religious men in the priory in the mid-14th century.69 Among the members of the Catalan provinces of both orders, there was a preponderance of brothers from Catalonia, at least until the beginning of the 14th century. Numerous Catalan aspirants joined the commandries outside the Principality, most likely because the commandries in Catalonia had already covered the number of places they had available. This in turn suggests that there was a sort of numerus clausus for each house, determined by the revenues it generated and the capacity of the convent buildings. Several Catalan Templar brothers ran Aragonese commandries. At the Templar commandry in Huesca, just to cite an example, of the nine knight commanders between the mid-12th century and 1200, six were Catalan, and so were 36% of the total leaders over the course of its histo-

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ry.70 Likewise, Catalan was often the language used in the internal administration of some of these Templar commandries in Aragon run by Catalan brothers. Of the 12 reports from Aragonese commandries on the state of the house submitted to the provincial chapterhouse in 1289, eight were written in Catalan and only the remaining four used Aragonese or Castilian Spanish.71 Regarding the Hospitallers, despite the presence of Catalan brothers in the Aragonese houses during the lifetime of the castellany of Amposta, starting in 1319, with the creation of the priory of Catalonia, the Catalan brothers mainly resided in the Catalan commandries. However, in some cases they ran Aragonese commandries, and in fewer instances Aragonese brothers ran houses in the priory of Catalonia. For example, at the chapterhouse meeting of the castellany held in Gandesa in 1454, 13 of the 20 commanders and brothers were Catalan.72 Luttrell mentions that between 1349 and 1352, ten of the 31 commanders of the castellany of Amposta were Catalan, and six out of 60 brethren and five out of 33 priests were also Catalan.73 Without being a canonical part of the religious community, the Templar and Hospitaller convents often housed confrères and lay brothers and sisters. These were laypeople linked to the houses to differing degrees who devoted themselves to the houses “in life and in death”. In some cases, this even led the laypeople to participate in community life or served as a first step in their subsequent inclusion as religious members. When lay sisters were associated with male convents, they lived in separate houses.74 Often the convents of the military orders served as schools for the children of the nobility, where they were instructed on weapons handling or simply prepared to better perform their future duties.75 One quite famous example is that of James, the future Conquerer, who spent part of his childhood at Montsó Castle under the tutelage of the Templar provincial master Guillem de Mont-rodon (1214 - 1217).76 When James II had Miravet Castle seized after the arrest warrant was issued for all Knights Templar in his kingdoms because the Templar leaders had refused to comply with the royal orders, on the behest of the besieged residents of the castle he authorised numerous young lay people, the sons of knights being educated there, to leave before the final seizure and capitulation.77 The brothers’ community life adapted to the prescriptions of their respective canonical rules – those of the Order of the Temple somewhat followed in the Benedictine tradition, while the Order of the Hospital followed those of the Augustinians – and the statutes, customs and habits that they adopted over the years as annexes to the original texts. As religious men, their daily lives were governed by mass and offices at the canonical hours, which they generally heard from the clergyman or presbyter, who recited or chanted them. If they were unable to attend, they said a certain number of Our Fathers per day instead. For

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this reason, their convents had chapels or churches of their own to tend to the clergymen of the order appointed by papal privileges, although often, because of their scarcity, they also had to enlist the services of secular presbyters who received a salary for tending to the community.78 Often, too, because of their basic literacy training, they served as the notaries of the convent, although they also enlisted the aid of notary publics at special events. The Templars were accused of not being allowed to say confession to clergymen who were not from the order, a false accusation because, as they testified during the trial, they had received the sacrament of penitence from secular presbyters and from Franciscans and Dominicans.79 The habits differed for each member of the order, even according to their rank within the order. Thus, the Templars wore white habits and mantles emblazoned with the sign of the cross in bright red, while the sergeants and clergy wore black habits. The habits and mantles of the Hospitallers were black and emblazoned with a simple white cross. However, in battle, the habits and mantles were red, as shown in the painting depicting the battle of Malta. Another feature that distinguished the members was that the Templars wore beards while the Hospitallers were clean-shaven. When not in battle, the members of both orders wore caps on their heads.80 The military orders had a keen interest in the care, tidiness and decoration of their churches, even though they were built somewhat austerely, especially the Templar churches, which were copied from the Cistercian models. They furnished them with true crosses made of silver, glass and gold from Limoges, altar frontals and lanterns of silver, and sacred decorations crafted of silk and gold, as well as Moorish work81 The Hospitallers usually dedicated their churches and chapels – as well as many of the parish churches in the towns they ran whose construction the order had helped to finance – to their patron, Saint John, while the Templars preferred the Virgin Mary and Christ the Saviour as the patron saints of their churches. Both institutions had a keen predilection for relics, many of which they purchased in the East. They stored them in finely wrought silver reliquaries inlaid with precious stones, including the reliquaries of the True Cross, Saint Barbara, Mary Magdalene and Saint Stephen, as well as the tunics of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary. 82 Just like in the other monasteries, the houses of both the Temple and the Hospital housed the remains of the noble benefactors of the district in their churches and cemeteries, often despite the opposition of the diocesan prelates, as this tended to detract from the revenues in their parishes. Through a privilege granted in 1139, recorded in the bull Omne datum optimum issued by Pope Innocent II, regarded as the cornerstone of all the exemptions and privileges enjoyed by the Templars, the brothers were allowed to have their own churches, clergy and cemeteries where not only members of the community but also people with ties to the order could be buried. De-

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spite this, they often ran into the intransigence of the bishops. However, the brothers often achieved their purpose by appealing to the Holy See, which defended their rights, or by reaching agreements through monetary contributions from the brothers or by dividing the rights between the convent and the prelate. In 1200, the Bishop of Huesca refused to consecrate the church and bless the order’s cemetery in this city; however, after the brothers complained to the pope, he ordered the bishop to do it while, to ensure that his will was carried out, he ordered the bishop in neighbouring Lleida to consecrate the church as well.83 In this same city, in 1245 the prelate assessed the parish rights of 20 parishioners who had let themselves be buried at the cemetery in Gardeny at 500 gold coins.84 Once this friction had been overcome and after several agreements were reached, it was finally agreed that each part would receive half of the goods left to the church.85 There were similar problems in Tortosa after 1192, when the provincial master secured the bishop’s authorisation to set up a cemetery at La Suda with the condition that parishioners from the city could not be buried there. In 1281, on a request from the master, this condition was abolished, although it was agreed that onefourth of the deceased person’s bequests to the order had to be earmarked to the bishop of the diocesan church, with the exception of foodstuffs, horses and weapons, which would go wholly to the brothers.86 Oftentimes, people who had not taken religious vows lived in the convents of the orders, although they did have special ties to it; these were the confrères and lay brothers or sisters. However, most of the former kept their secular lives, and in addition to donating money or goods to the communities, they were also allowed to be buried in their churches. They could be men, women or married couples, and they came from all social classes, from nobles to peasants and everything in between, including knights, clergy, tradesmen, artisans or shepherds.87 While in Aragon and Navarre, Professor Ubieto Arteta counted 526 of them between 1135 and 1182,88 and Forey tallied 52 associated with the commandry in Novillas in the late 12th century.89 Meanwhile, Prim Bertran only counted 93 of them in Gardeny from the founding of the commandry until 1204.90 Likewise, some of the lay brothers and sisters lived in the convent, usually in residences apart from the opposite sex.91 When they were buried in the cemetery of the order, they wore the corresponding habit and only a half-cross,92 although judging from the tombs that remain in Catalonia, here they must have worn the entire habit.93 The commandry also included the goods and rights that it earned, mainly from the farming of its agricultural lands. Both orders got most of these lands as they were being established in Catalonia thanks to the magnanimity of the 12th century Catalan counts, and their holdings were later expanded by their successors. Ramon Berenguer IV generously rewarded the renunciation of their part of the inheritance of Alphonse the Warrior by granting them

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several castles and properties through an agreement in 1140 with the Hospitaller master Raymond du Puy, who travelled to Catalonia just for this purpose,94 and in 1143 through an agreement with Everard des Barrès, preceptor of France and delegate of Templar Grand Master Robert de Craon.95 Another share of their assets was acquired through the orders’ collaboration in the feudal conquest enterprises in the 12th century (Tortosa and Lleida) and 13th century (Mallorca and Valencia).96 Donations from the faithful, and especially from the nobility, who were very closely ideologically aligned with the bellicose project of both orders, brought a constant influx of new lands and rights. Just like in the other monasteries of the day, part of the lands were farmed directly by the sergeants with the help of the lay brothers, salaried staff, and starting in the second half of the 13th century the labour of slaves purchased for this purpose, along with domestic staff. The remainder of the agricultural lands were farmed with emphyteutic concessions to peasants, who paid with part of the harvest or an annual fee.97 In addition to the revenues from agriculture, the Templars and Hospitallers boosted their incomes with proceeds from the exercise of their jurisdiction over nume rous villages, as well as by running mills, ovens, tileworks and salt flats and renting urban real estate. The Templars, in turn, had livestock which they moved through seasonal pastures. Livestock was not an activity limited to rural commandries; rather certain urban commandries such as the ones in Tortosa and Gardeny also had numerous animals. In addition to cattle, sheep and goats – in the late 12th century, Gardeny had around 2,000 heads of sheep and in the middle of the following century Masdéu had around 4,000 – both orders also had a large number of horses, usually donated by the nobility and knights, which they used in military campaigns and as a means of transporting people or goods, and often as payment in transactions in which they purchased lands or goods.98

The disbandment of the Order of the Temple and the creation of the New Military Order of Montesa; The administrative reorganisation of the castellany of Amposta In the early 14th century, the disbandment of the Order of the Temple by Pope Clement V at the Council of Vienne in the Delphinate had vast repercussions on the future role that the military orders would play within the domains of the Catalan monarchs. First, after a lengthy trial brought against the Templars throughout Christendom (1307-1312), it entailed the disappearance of the Templar brothers in their regional realm of action and the subsequent assignation of their goods to the Order of the Hospital in general, as well as the creation of a new military order that would carry on with the struggle against the Saracens in the Kingdom of Valencia.99

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Throughout the Pope’s negotiations in Vienne, when the ultimate fate of both the order and especially its assets was being debated with the representatives of the European princes, there is no question that James II of Catalonia was the most keenly interested in finding a solution that would cater to his own interests. More than any other European monarch, he displayed a desire to reach agreements favourable to his position, refused to accept the excessive reinforcement that the Hospitallers might receive with the Templars goods, and advocated the creation of a new order linked to Calatrava to continue the defence of Valencian lands. His ambassadors managed to convince the Pope to make an exception to the general assignation of the assets that the Order of the Temple owned on the Iberian Peninsula. Later, in 1317, after several meetings between the nuncios and ambassadors of James II, they convinced Clement’s successor Pope John XXII to create the Military Order of Montesa through the bull Ad fructus uberes dated the 10th of June of the same year.100 The papal document stated that in order to defend the frontier, a new order would be created in Montesa Castle with brothers from Calatrava under the guidance and correction of the master of this order, but with the assistance of the abbots from Santes Creus and Valldigna. This new order was assigned the goods that the Order of the Temple had owned in the Kingdom of Valencia, as well as the assets owned by the Hospitallers, with the exception of their church in the capital and the castle and village of Torrent.101 The remainder of the goods in the Templars’ Catalan province was assigned to the Hospitallers, which significantly boosted their assets. As a result, in order to better manage these assets, in 1319 the castellany of Amposta was divided into two administrative entities: one that was called by the same name and encompassed all the commandries located on the right banks of the Ebro and Segre Rivers, and another that was called the priory of Catalonia, which consisted of the houses located on the left banks of these rivers plus the three in Roussillon and the one in Mallorca.102 In the mid-14th century, after the period of territorial reorganisation, according to Maria Bonet Donato the castellany had 31 commandries, including a female one in Sixena.103 There were other administrative units such as the “mayoralty” which included several commandries, the “members” or domains belonging to a commandry, and the “priories” and “abbacies”, which were exclusively ecclesiastical.104 Several new commandries were created during the 15th century by dividing the members of a single house. Likewise, according to Anthony Luttrell, in 1320 the priory of Catalonia set up 29 commandries, including a female one in Alguaire.105 New commandries were also established in the priory in the 15th century, such as the one in L’Espluga Calba.106 The lands run by these two Hospitaller entities were so vast that in the early 15th century the castellany controlled almost 24% of the domains in Aragon, with more than 4,300 households, around 2,700

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of them in the Catalan Ebro sector. The priory, in turn, had more than 2,280 households, a few more than it had had in 1358, when the figure reached 2,512, and jurisdiction over 111 villages.107

The provinces’ contributions to the central convents The specific purpose of the Western commandries, apart from recruiting new members, was limited to first providing the goods that ensured their mission in the East to support and tend to pilgrims, and secondly to defend the Western enclaves in the Holy Land. This meant that part of the revenues that the European commandries earned from their holdings had to be sent to the respective central convents as tithes.108 The responsibility for gathering these monies fell on the provincial master for the Templars and the castellan of Amposta or the prior of Catalonia for the Hospitallers. Even though it appears that the amount to be paid in the different European provinces was one-third of the revenues, for the Hospitallers this was lowered to one-fourth or one-fifth in the 14th century.109 These organisations’ special circumstances in both the Principality and the other kingdoms on the Iberian Peninsula in their contribution to the fight against Islam led this amount to be lowered to one-tenth.110 In any event, the central house and the province agreed to the amount each year and each period, and the total was proportionally divided among the different commandries according to their wealth and revenues. The Templars’ tithe to the East in 1304, a year for which we have figures, was 1,000 silver marks or 52,000 silver tornesels.111 In terms of the Hospitallers, the houses’ contribution to the central convent was established in the rules of Raymond du Puy, which were approved by the Pope in 1145; it accounted for one-third of each commandry’s revenues. Initially, each prior was in charge of gathering and sending this amount to the East, but the general chapterhouse meeting in Rhodes in 1358 appointed a person within each priory in charge of ensuring that the payments reached the Treasury of Rhodes. In the early 14th century, the heads of the castellany – which included all the commandries located on lands within the Catalan Crown – added the amount of 1,000 florins from Aragon, a figure that after the annexation of the assets of the Templars rose to 4,000 “florins bons” (from Avignon, Florence or Rhodes) from the castellany of Amposta and 4,000 more from the priory of Catalonia, which, however, was soon lowered to 3,000 florins.112 At the end of this century and the beginning of the next, the same amount, 3,600 florins from Aragon (equal to 3,000 “florins bons”) remained in place, although in 1415 it was lowered to 3,500 florins from Aragon. With this contribution, of all 26 priories in the order, the priory of Catalonia ranked the third in its contributions after the priories of France and Saint-Gilles in Provence.113

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The general chapterhouse held in Rome in 1446 issued a new system of calculating tithes, which resulted in 5,000 florins for the Catalan priory. Apart from these tithes, the Grand Master also requested extraordinary contributions to cover extraordinary needs. Generally speaking, these amounts were added to the tithes and were divided over three or five years. This kind of aid to the central convent started as far back as the early 14th century and continued during the ensuing century. It was usually justified by the special expenses incurred in countering the Ottoman Turks and Mongols, as well as the Sultan of Egypt’s Mamluks, who laid siege to the city of Rhodes in 1444, where the Hospitallers fought them off for 30 days. The amount of the tithes and the special contributions, called annuata, represented an annual contribution of between 5,500 and 7,000 florins for the priory in the 14th and 15th centuries.114 The province’s contributions to the central house were not limited solely to money; rather given the orders’ different needs in effectively fulfilling their missions in the East, the money was often accompanied by horses, harnesses and weapons, as well as food products including grain, oil, cheese and sausages. Despite the fact that the members of these orders in Catalonia were usually there to help in the monarchs’ military campaigns for territorial expansion, the provinces always heeded the cries of the central convent to expand its staff. Both orders constantly supplied brothers to the East, in either permanent or temporary service, especially after the first quarter of the 12th century, when the supply rose after Catalonia’s southward expansion in which all of Valencia was secured. At some point, the Catalan groups established in the central convent served as veritable lobbies that even went so far as influencing the election of a Catalan as the new Grand Master, as were the cases of the Templar Grand Master Arnau de Torroja (1181-1184) and the Hospitallers Antoni de Fluvià (1421-1437) and Pere Ramon Sacosta (1461-1467). At some points, too, there was a significant presence of Catalan brothers in the Grand Master’s curia, such as in the time of the last Templar master Jacques de Molay (1292-1307), in which they served as his closer advisors and collaborators.115 The Catalan Templar province’s collaboration in the East would last until the order was abolished, as proven by the fact that of the 76 brothers interrogated during the Nicosia trial, seven came from Catalonia, and the Catalans were the second most heavily represented nationality after the French.116 The presence of Catalan brothers in the East is also clear through the four Templars impri soned in Tripoli, whose release was finagled by James II, even after the order had been disbanded.117 On the other hand, the presence of Catalan Hospitallers in the East, generally insignificant until the early 15th century, intensified after the Western Schism was over, a period in which Benedict XIII controlled the Hospitaller posts and dignities in both the priory and the castellany.118 After the assembly held in Avignon in 1418, in

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which Grand Master Philibert de Naillac convened numerous representatives of the tongues in Spain, France, Auvergne and Provence, the castellany and priory had even closer ties with the central convent on Rhodes.119 As a result of this new situation, the Grand Master autho rised 24 knights to be inducted into the Catalan priory and sent to Rhodes. He did the same shortly thereafter with nine more knights from the castellany and 11 from the priories of Castile and Portugal, that is, a total of 44 from the Iberian Peninsula, while he only authorised a total of 31 from the remaining priories. Between 1417 and 1447, there is proof of the presence of 52 Hospitallers from the Catalan priory on Rhodes; they came from the nobility (32 members), including the Erill, Cardona and Mur families, and from knights (28 brothers) and the urban patriciate (17 members).120 The Catalan brothers’ commitment and actions in the East led to the election of Antoni de Fluvià as the Grand Master of the Order of the Hospital in 1421. During his rule (1421-1437), he surrounded himself with Catalan brothers for the main posts in the convent of Rhodes, on both the island and abroad.121 Almost one-quarter of a century later, in 1461, another Catalan was elected Grand Master of the Hospital, Pere Ramon Sacosta. He had collaborated with Fluvià, who had appointed him bailli of Rhodes, where there is proof that he visited in 1436. In 1444, he secured the post of draperius, and the following year he became the castellan of Amposta, the priory he would run from 1445 to 1461. During his stint as Grand Master (1461-1467), he was also aided by Catalan brothers.122 Finally, in the Mamluk attacks in 1440 and 1444 and the attacks by the Ottomans between 1453 and 1454, the Catalan Hospitallers played a major role in defending Rhodes, both on land and aboard the galleys.123

The orders’ participation in military campaigns124 Ever since they pinpointed the Iberian Peninsula as a target of their mission after the agreement reached in Girona in November 1143, the Templars participated in the military campaigns of the counts of Barcelona and were present in the seizures of Tortosa (1148) and Lleida (1149), where they were rewarded with much of the newly conquered land. However, the Templars’ most important contribution was in the conquest of Mallorca and Valencia, after which they also received important assets that helped them to found new commandries (one in Ciutat de Mallorca, or Palma, and others in Xivert, Burriana and the city of Valencia).125 Sometimes, as Forey has claimed,126 the Templars must have also conducted military actions in addition to the royal campaigns, either on their own initiative or to conquer the land that the monarch had granted them. For example, James I granted them the Benhamet and Mantella

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farmsteads near the town of Burriana on the condition that they conquer them.127 In addition to supplying military staff, these brothers often offered their opinions and counsel to the monarchs before the latter undertook military campaigns. Nonetheless, the Templar contingents that participated in the royal army were never that large, as can be seen by the fact that in the conquest of Mallorca they accounted for no more than 100 knights,128 and the fact that in 1303 James II initially asked them for 100 knights to repel an attack waged from Granada, although in the end he only asked for 20 or 30 knights.129 Likewise, even though they did not initially take part in the campaign to conquer Mallorca, James I later rewarded the Hospitallers with lands.130 However, they were present at the conquest of Valencia, and as a member of his royal council, the castellan Hug de Fullalquer even encouraged James I to forge ahead with the enterprise, in which the Hospitallers participated. The brothers also made monetary contributions to Peter the Catholic’s campaigns in southern France. In the wars with Castile, Genoa and Mallorca during the reign of Peter III, the monarch often enlisted the aid of numerous members of the Hospital in his endeavours. In 1358, Juan Fernández de Heredia travelled to Aragon to participate in the war against Castile, to which the castellany also contributed 150 knights and 50,000 sous,131 while several years earlier, in 1344, Brother Guillem de Guimerà had helped to win back Roussillon.132

Institutional collaboration Almost from the beginning of their presence in the country, the provincial master of the Temple was often a member of the retinue accompanying the king. While this is clear as far back as the first head of the order, Brother Pere de Rovira (1141-1158), the provincial master’s role at the most important events in the monarchy became even more prominent in the reign of Alphonse I (11621196). For example, during the 15 years that he ran the Catalan-Provencal province (1162-1196), Brother Arnau de Torroja often appeared documented by the king’s side, without neglecting his obligations to the order. This custom among Templar and Hospitaller leaders would last throughout the entire Middle Ages. In the late Middle Ages, the priors of Catalonia and the castellans of Amposta were members of the royal councils. As such, the Catalan monarchs used them for special missions, often as their ambassadors to the Holy See or to other monarchs. The Templar provincial master Guillem de Mont-rodon was a member of the embassy sent to Rome in late 1213 to arrange the recovery of the child king James I with Pope Innocent III. Another master, Brother Jaume de Pontons, presided over the embassy sent by the Conquerer to Pope Urban IV in 1262 to negotiate the marriage of the monarch’s son, Peter, with Constance of Sicily. And yet anot-

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Figure 5. Peñíscola Castle. It follows the fortress-convent model created in the Holy Land and later spread to the countries in the former Crown of Aragon by the Order of the Temple, which had been tested at Miravet Castle in the mid-12th century.

her master, Brother Arnau de Castellnou, was sent to the French court in 1272 to arrange matters for the same king, James I.133 After the death of Blanche of Anjou, James II used the Hospitallers – specifically Brother Mateu de Laodicea, whose brother was the knight commander in Cyprus – to arrange his marriage with Maria of Cyprus (1315).134 Peter the Ceremonious used the services of Juan Fernández de Heredia several times as his ambassador to Castile and Navarre, and especially to the papal curia in Avignon.135 Another example of the Templars’ and Hospitallers’ institutional dealings in Catalonia was their leaders’ participation in the General Court of Catalonia. The provincial master of the Temple attended the court as a member of the ecclesiastical branch until 1307, as did the castellan of Amposta first, followed by the prior after the creation of the priory in Catalonia in 1319. However, when the posts were absent or vacant, or when lieutenants were filling them, they or their procurators attended them.136 Nonetheless, some members of the Hospital played very prominent roles in the top representative body of the country, the Generalitat de Catalunya, which emerged from the General Court of Cervera in 1359. Back in the first government of the Generalitat, Brother Pere Arnau de Paretstortes, prior of Catalonia, was elected deputy for the ecclesiastical branch.137 In this organisation’s early stages (1359-1413), several Hospitaller brothers were elected to the General Court to hold managerial posts in the institution. Brother Pere Toló, commander of Gardeny, served as the ecclesiastical auditor in 1375 and 1376,138 and Guillem de Guimerà was the ecclesiastical deputy in 1376 and 1377.139 After the consolidation of the Generalitat at the 1413 Court of Barcelona, several Hospitallers

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came to run the institution either as ecclesiastical deputies or as auditors of accounts. Examples include Joan Desgarrigues, commander of Masdéu, who was the ecclesiastical deputy from 1419 to 1422, and Joan Despilles, commander of Barbens, who served as the ecclesiastical auditor from 1461 to 1464.140 The Generalitat was made up of three deputies, one for the ecclesiastical branch which presided, one for the military or noble branch, and a third for the royal branch or the bourgeoisie, in addition to three auditors of accounts, one for each branch.

Administrative, fiscal and economic collaboration Given the commandries’ expertise in managing economic affairs, in the late 12th and first half of the 13th centuries the Catalan monarchs often enlisted the aid of the Templar brothers in handling their finances. The brothers from the Palau del Vallès-Barcelona commandry played a particularly prominent role in this, as their commanders were in charge of collecting and supervising the accounts of the royal baillages in the late 12th century.141 Even in 1289, Alphonse II the Liberal commissioned Brother Romeu Burguet to collect the accounts of all the royal functionaries.142 From the late 13th century until the arrest of the Templars in late 1307, Brother Jaume d’Ollers served as the Procurator of the King of Mallorca in his transPyrenean states.143 Likewise, both orders lent money not only to noblemen and private individuals but also to the monarchs. Alphonse I, for example, often drew from the Templars’ credit; since he had not repaid his loans totalling 5,000

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maravedís in 1169 and 1182, he was required to give the order Riba-roja Castle, which he had pledged along with other assets as a guarantee that he would repay the loan.144 In 1247, James I acknowledged that the brothers had lent him 1,000 silver marks, which was guaranteed by several royal holdings in Tortosa and Peníscola.145 Early on, the Hospitallers also lent money to the Barcelona counts: in 1158 Ramon Berenguer IV received 1,500 maravedís from the brothers, which he promised to return by staking numerous assets.146 The Order of the Hospital, after the Temple was abolished, often contributed to the royal campaigns at the behest of the Crown, which hoped for greater collaboration after the Hospitallers were given the Templars’ assets. Thus, in 1320 the prior of Catalonia contributed 30,000 sous to the battle at the frontier of Granada.147 Between 1323 and 1324, the Hospital also contributed its own staff to the conquest of Sardinia. Furthermore, the priory of Catalonia promised James II 150,000 sous in monetary aid.148

Templars and Hospitallers as promoters of the colonisation of Catalunya Nova Most of the donations from the counts to the two orders were in Catalunya Nova, in recently reconquered lands. For this reason and in order to secure their establishment,

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the military orders performed the important task of colonising the lands given to them by attracting new settlers to live there. Thos colonisation was particularly intense in the region of Lleida through the Templar commandries in Gardeny, Barbens and Corbins. There, they granted lands to peasants, who had to pay annual tithes or give up part of their harvest.149 The colonisation was even more accentuated around the Ebro River,150 with the granting of settlement charters, particularly through the Templar commandry in Miravet and the Hospitaller commandries in Amposta, a district given to the Hospitallers on the 8th of January 1150, and Ulldecona, which the order was given in 1178. The Hospitallers’ actions were mainly conducted between 1220 and 1240. The first settlement was in Ulldecona in 1222, which was followed by Font de l’Ametlla in 1227, Sénia in 1232, Alcanar in 1239, Les Ventalles in 1257, Aldea in 1258, Sant Lluc d’Ulldecona in 1274 and Freginal in 1283.151 The Templars, in turn, colonised the extensive lands of Miravet Castle, given to them by Ramon Berenguer IV in 1153, and the commandry of Ascó, organised back in 1191. They granted settlement charters to the towns of Gandesa in 1192 and 1194;152 Pinell in 1223;153 Batea in 1205;154 Ginestar, Rasquera155 and On in 1206; Les Camposines in 1209; Prat de Comte in 1210; Vilalba in 1224; Garropte in 1237; Vall de Batea in 1244; Gandesola in 1248; Pinyeres and Algars in 1280;156 and La Pobla de Massaluca in 1295.157 Most of the recipients of these town

Figure 6. Ulldecona Castle. It was part of the Catalan frontier with the Saracens until the Valencian campaigns of James I starting in around 1230. Today, you can see a walled area with a round tower with Arab origins and the palace tower of the Order of the Hospital. The squareshaped building features a semicircular arched window. Photo: Jesús Cano Sánchez.

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Figure 7. Miravet Castle. This is regarded as one of the prime examples of military Templar architecture in Europe. In 1153 it was conquered back from the Muslims by Ramon Berenguer IV, and the same year it was donated to the Order of the Temple. The Templars expanded it and turned it into a fortification with a Romanesque-Cistercian style monastery.

charters came from villages under the dominion of the orders, especially in the western region of the Principality, although rules on the former Saracen inhabitants were outlined in some settlements. Establishing a feudal structure in the conquered and colonised lands required both orders to take measures to set up special rules that ensured the social, economic and legal organisation of their inhabitants. Even though early on most of the new peasant settlements were governed by the Aragonese legal rules of Zaragoza, or by the “Usatges” of Barcelona158 or the “Costums” of Lleida,159 the new situation spurred them to establish the most appropriate rules in view of the social, economic and legal complexity of the new inhabitants. The Templars participated in drawing up, negotiating and approving the rules of Tortosa. They also handled the drafting of the rules of Miravet, which were approved by the Hospitallers in 1319 as the Templars’ successors in the realm. The Templar provincial master Berenguer de Cardona approved the rules of Horta in 1296, while in 1517, past the threshold of the start of the Modern Age, the Hospitaller commander of Ascó approved the rules of La Torre de l’Espanyol.160 The Hospitaller leaders also authorised and signed the ordinations drawn up by several towns under their control, including L’Espluga de Francolí (1347)161 and Vallfogona de Riucorb (1393).162

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The military orders and Catalan trade in the East The presence of the Templars and Hospitallers in the East particularly fostered the trade of Catalan merchants, whom these orders provided with not only shelter but also often logistical support for their mercantile transactions. Deposits made to the Templar commandry in Barcelona could be cashed in at the Eastern convents, and viceversa. In 1270, for example, Guillem de Pujalt received a certain amount of money from the convent of Palau that he had deposited in a commandry in the East.163 Starting in the 14th century, after the Order of the Hospital was established on Rhodes, Catalan merchants started to be present on this island. However, they were not a major presence until the end of the 14th century,164 and they continued to flock there in the ensuing centuries, particularly while the orders were being governed by the two Catalan Grand Masters, Antoni de Fluvià and Ramon Sacosta. As Claude Carrère has claimed, just as the Genovese made Chios their base of operations, the Catalans used Rhodes as the platform for their commercial activities in the Levant and the Aegean Sea, from which their ships reached Chios, Cyprus, the Black Sea and even Alexandria.165 The Catalan merchants mainly exported

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Figure 8. Weapons courtyard at the Templars’ Miravet Castle.

cloth, almonds, metals and coral, and they imported spices, sugar, cotton, alum and slaves.166

The female branches of the military orders in Catalonia Some military orders also set up convents for women in Catalonia with no men present. Even though the rules of the Order of the Temple clearly banned females from joining – “that, then, women in the capacity of sisters shall not be welcome in the house of the Temple” –167 the reality was quite different, as there were female convents in several places around Europe.168 In Catalonia, there were cases of noblewomen who were part of Templar communities at several different levels. In 1133, the lady from Rousillon, Açalaida, gave herself to the Temple “in order to live under the obedience of the master with no property”,169 while Adelaida de Subirats stated in the document attesting to her donation to the order that “she gave herself as such to live under the obedience of the master and rules of the house of the Temple and its brothers”.170 A more unique case was Ermengarda de Banyeres, who after having offered herself to the Temple as a soror in

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1196,171 appeared two years later as “preceptor” of the commandry of Rourell, in El Camp de Tarragona.172 Nevertheless, this female commander existed for a relatively brief period of time, and the commandry ceased to be mixed after Ermengarda’s death.173 The women had a stronger presence in the Order of the Hospital, and we are aware of four convents: Isot, located near Bellfort in the township of La Baronia de Rialp (La Noguera), documented in 1190;174 Siscar, documented in the early 13th century;175 Santa Maria de la Ràpita, founded in the 13th century and present there until 1477, when the nuns were transferred to Tortosa;176 and Cervera-Alguaire, founded in Cervera in 1245 by Marquesa de Saguàrdia, Lady of L’Espluga de Francolí, and transferred to Alguaire between 1250 and 1262.177 The latter was the most important convent in the Principality, where girls and ladies from the Catalan nobility took shelter. The prioress had the right to attend the provincial chapterhouses of the order alongside the heads of the other commandries.178 Those who had taken their religious vows lived in private houses within the convent; however, they also had spaces for communal life including the church, the chapterhouse and the dormitories. In the convent complex, there were quarters for the chaplains, the prioress – where

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documents and books were kept – and the monarchs, the latter called the “royal chambers”.179 The convent suffered from the effects of the Catalan Civil War in the 15th century,180 and even more intensely from the Reapers’ War, when around 36 nuns were transferred to the bishop’s palace in Lleida in March 1644, and to Barcelona in late May, to return to Alguaire in 1653.181 However, the ruinous state of the convent led the Hospitaller authorities to decide to permanently move the community to Barcelona in 1699, and the Alguaire convent was abandoned.182 Despite the fact that the Order of Saint James from León and Castile had a fairly weak presence in Catalonia, unlike in Aragon, where it had a commandry in Montalbán on which all the other commandries founded in the Catalan Crown depended and another in Teruel, it did have a commander to administer the assets of Sidamon and Palau d’Anglesola; it held rights in Lleida, Alcoletge and Montblanc; and it ruled the Hospital of Olesa de Bonesvalls.183 However, the two female convents of this order were quite prominent, Sant Pere de la Pedra founded in Lleida in 1260 and especially Santa Maria de Jonqueres. The earliest information we have on the church of Sant Pere de la Pedra dates from 1260, in which James I placed the properties that the Order of Saint James owned in Lleida under his protection.184 The church patron was Constança d’Anglesola i de Montcada, who was its first prioress. Even though there were plans for a community of 13 religious women, in reality Sant Pere de la Pedra was quite small during its entire 70 years of existence. In 1320, for example, it only had two nuns.185 Its assets included several mills in the city of Lleida and the rights to the irrigation channel in Fontanet, Alcoletge and Vallseguer.186 Poor administration, a dearth of vocations and the religious volunteers’ gradual move to Jonqueres meant that by 1342 the master of Santiago merged the community with Barcelona’s Benedictine monastery of Santa Maria de Jonqueres, which was also assigned the assets of Sant Pere de la Pedra, on the condition, however, that it keep a chapel in the church to pray for the benefactors.187 The monastery of the Order of Saint James in Santa Maria de Jonqueres was founded in 1214 by a noblewoman in Sant Vicenç de Jonqueres, near Sabadell, with the authorisation of the Bishop of Barcelona, Berenguer de Palou, and under the rule of Saint Benedict.188 The same year, the community was confirmed by Pope Innocent III.189 Countess Garsenda de Provença, the benefactress of the community, managed to get it to join the Order of Faith and Peace set up in Gascony and affiliated with the Order of Saint James.190 Protected by the monarchs and privileges from the popes – in 1246 Innocent VI welcomed it under his protection and confirmed its possessions,191 in 1273 the community lived next to the Carbonell mill outside the walls of Barcelona on the edge of the township of Sant Martí de Provençals, which James I had granted it in 1270.192 The sanitary conditions derived from the existence of the irri-

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gation ditch that ran alongside it led Alphonse II in 1289 and James II in 1293 to authorise the community to move inside the city of Barcelona. In around 1300, the nuns were living in their third and permanent monastery inside Barcelona.193 The community was made up of the daughters of noblemen, knights, merchants and honourable citizens of Barcelona. The future nuns often entered the convent at a young age and received the training appropriate for their class. Later they could choose between taking their vows or leaving the convent to marry, which they were also allowed to do after having taken their vows. Even after taking their three vows, the nuns had a certain degree of freedom to dispose of and administer their personal assets and to interact with the outside world, as closure was quite lax. They lived in their own houses built inside the monastery complex, although they performed certain acts together as a community, such as mass, the prayers of the canonical hours in the choir and certain meals.194 In the Middle Ages, the community had around 30 members (24 in 1326 and 33 in 1390), although this number rose considerably in the ensuing century, when it reached its ceiling of 40 members in 1531 as deemed by the visitors for reasons of revenue.195 However, it began to experience a significant downswing in the 18th century, which was accentuated at the beginning of the following century; it had only six religious members in 1806, when it finally disappeared.196 Given its characteristics, the community hired external women to serve the community, in addition to servants who lent a hand in the sisters’ houses. There is also evidence of several male and female slaves between 1368 and 1541.197 Additionally, they also made use of the services of numerous professionals, including barristers, procurators, notaries, archivists, doctors, surgeons, vicars, sacristans and organists, who were paid their due salaries.198 The 1697 siege of Barcelona, an episode in the Nine Years’ War, led the nuns to abandon the convent, and the buildings were seriously damaged from the bombs.199 Once the quarters were restored in 1702, the siege of 1713 once again negatively affected the convent. During the occupation of Barcelona by French troops, in September 1808 the nuns had to abandon the monastery, which was turned into a hospital, while its church was turned into a gunpowder storehouse. Even though Ferdinand VII ordered the buildings and goods to be returned to the military orders in 1814, the building continued to be used as a military hospital for the Spanish troops.200 Despite the fact that in 1822 there were plans to move the university into the building, and that the nuns of Valldonzella in 1825 and the Piarist fathers in 1828 wanted to reside there, none of these three projects flourished. However, the building was used as a reformatory in 1856, and in 1868 the Revolutionary Junta, in agreement with the Barcelona Town Hall, decided to conserve just the church and tear down the rest of the complex. The former was moved to the Eixample in 1869 to become La

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Concepció parish see and church, which was officially opened in 1871. The cloister was also moved beside the parish church, albeit in a smaller form.201

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the Military Order of Montesa at the suggestion of Martin the Humane. This merger was confirmed by Pope Benedict XIII in 1400, whereupon the order because known as the Order of Montesa and Saint George of Alfama.213

The Order of Saint George of Alfama: The Catalan military order

Notes and references

The only truly Catalan military order was Saint George of Alfama (Sant Jordi d’Alfama), or the Knights of Saint George, founded in 1201 by Peter the Catholic with the mission of defending and resettling the desert-like, arid, inhospitable coastal lands stretching between El Coll de Balaguer and L’Ampolla.202 Initially, its members, which were never very numerous, were governed by the Augustinian rule until Pope Gregory XI, at the behest of Peter the Ceremonious, canonically approved the institute and the new rules in 1373, which meant adapting these rules to the order’s own needs.203 Its organisational structure was profoundly feudal, since its members were made to swear an oath of loyalty to their superior.204 The men of the cloth, most of them Catalan, could be either knights or clergy and wore habits that consisted of a white serge scapulary over which they wore a cape of the same colour with the red cross of Saint George emblazoned on the left side.205 The order’s leaders successively received the titles of “quaestor of alms”, “prior”, “commander”, “grand commander” and, starting in 1355, the definitive name of “master”.206 Until 1365, the heads of this order were chosen by the chapterhouse of the brothers; however, from that year on the monarchy exerted such a heavy influence on the institution that the Catalan monarchs came to appoint the leaders of the order.207 For many years, the order’s assets were limited to what it had been granted in the first royal donation. As a result, it mainly had use of the alms donated by the faithful and the bequests of its benefactors to fulfil its objectives. However, its participation in the conquests of Mallorca and Valencia was rewarded by James I with numerous properties in these kingdoms, which made it possible for the order to create a priory in the city of Valencia.208 Its assets extended throughout all the states in the Catalan Crown, with major possessions in Alcarràs (Catalonia), Valencia and Morvedre (Valencia), Bujaraloz (Aragon), Valldemossa (Mallorca) and Toraixa (Menorca).209 The order reached its peak in the mid-14th century, enhanced by Peter the Ceremonious’ favour:210 it increased its assets, earned the Pope’s approbation in 1373 and participated in the monarch’s military campaigns alongside the other orders. Its members lent their help to the wars against James of Mallorca, Castile and Sardinia.211 Even though these partnerships meant new donations of assets from the sovereign, as well as the granting of new privileges, the poor economic management of its leaders, the frequent internecine squabbling and the general laxity of its members at the end of this century212 triggered a crisis which ultimately led the order to be amalgamated with

[1] Catalunya Nova, or “New Catalonia”, refers to the part of the Principality of Catalonia lying to the west and south of the Llobregat River basin, which mainly encomapsses the land conquered in the mid-12th century by Ramon Berenguer IV, specifically the counties of Lleida and Tarragona. [2] An analysis of the studies devoted to the Order of the Hospital and the Order of the Temple in the Catalan Crown from 1910 until 2006 can be seen in my introduction to the reissue of the work by Miret i Sans (Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i docu ments històrics. Introduction by Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (anastatic reissue from 1910), pp. xxiii-cxl), and specifically on the Order of the Temple in Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Estat de la qüestió sobre l’orde del Temple a Catalunya: realitat i perspectives”. In: Templers i Hospitalers. Ordes Militars a Catalunya. Actes de la XXXVII Jornada de Treball. Barbens, 2006. Barbens 2008, pp. 11-62. [3] Steven Runciman. Historia de las Cruzadas. Vol. I. Alianza, Madrid 1975, pp. 271-307; Steven Runciman. Historia de las Cruzadas. Vol. II. Alianza, Madrid 1977, pp. 17-20. See, too, an overview over what the crusades were and meant in Nikolas Jaspert. Las cruzadas. Universitat de València, Valencia 2010. [4] Regarding pilgrimages to the Holy Land, see Nicole Chareyron. Les pèlerins de Jerusalem au Moyen Âge. L’aventure du Saint Voyage d’après Journaux et Mémoires. Paris, 2000. Several figures provided by P. Bonnassie include: among the military bequests analysed between 951 and 1075, seven have been found granted because of a journey to Jerusalem, while eleven were found between 1076 and 1100 (Pierre Bonnassie. La Catalogne du milieu du xe à la fin du xie siècle. Croissance et mutations d’une société. Volume I. Toulouse 1975, pp. 332-337; Pierre Bonnassie. La Catalogne du milieu du xe à la fin du xie siècle. Croissance et mutations d’une société. Volume II. Toulouse 1976, pp. 938-942. [5] Regarding the presence of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre on the Iberian Peninsula, see “Die ritterorden und der orden vom heiligen grab auf der iberischen halbinsel”. In: Militia Sancti Sepulcri. Idea e istituzioni, a cura di Kaspar ELM e Cosimo Damiano FONSECA. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale tenuto presso la Pontificia Università del Late

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[6]

[7]

[8]

[9] [10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

rano, 10-12 aprile 1996. Vatican City 1998, pp. 381410. John J. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c. 1050-1310. London 1967 (anastatic edition, Chippenham and Eatsburne, 2002), pp. 32-43; Anthony Luttrell. “The Earliest Hospitallers”. In: Benjamin Kedar, John J. RileySmith (ed.). Montjoie. Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot 1997, pp. 37-52. Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele. Sacrae Domus Militiae Templi Hierosolymitani Magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19-1314. Göttingen 1974, pp. 19-23; Malcom Barber. The New Knighthood. A History of the Order of the Temple. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994 (second edition 1995), pp. 6-12 (there is a Spanishlanguage version: Malcolm Barber. Templarios: La nueva caballería. Barcelona, 2001). Regarding the founding of the Templars and their ties with the canons of the Holy Sepulchre, see Francesco Tommasi. “‘Templari’ e ‘Templari Sancti Iohannis’. Una precisazione metodologica”. Studi Medievali, 3rd series, no. xxiv, i (1983), pp. 373-384; Francesco Tommasi, “‘Pauperes Commilitones Christi’. Aspetti e problemi delle origini gerosolimitani”. In: Militia Christi e crociata nei secoli xi-xiii. Atti della XI Settimana internazionale di studio. La Mendola, 28 agosto-1 settembre. Miscellanea del Centro di Studi Medioevali. Vol. 13. Milan 1992, pp. 443-475; Anthony Luttrell. “The Earliest Templars”, in Autour de la première croisade. M. Balard, Paris 1996, pp. 193-202. Regarding Catalans who made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem in this period, see Antoni Bach i Riu. “Pelegrins als grans santuaris medieval”. Butlletí de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona, no. 48 (2002), pp. 547-562. Agustí Altisent. Diplomatari de Santa Maria de Poblet. Volume I. Anys 960-1177. Barcelona 1993, doc. 67, p. 72. Josep M. Marquès. Monografies empordaneses. Volume I. Escriptures de Santa Maria de Vilabertran (968-1300). Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos, Figueres 1995, doc. 441, pp. 178-179. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Alguns aspectes de l’establiment dels templers a Catalunya: Barberà”. Quaderns d’Història Tarraconense, no. i (1977), pp. 13-16. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Alguns aspectes de l’establiment dels templers a Catalunya: Barberà”. Quaderns d’Història Tarraconense, no. i (1977), pp. 30-33. The will is contained in Santos García Larragueta. El gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén (siglos xii-xiii). Vol. 2. Documentos. Pamplona 1957, doc. 10, pp. 15-18. Regarding

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[14] [15] [16] [17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21]

[22]

the monarch, see José María Lacarra, Alfonso el Batallador. Zaragoza 1978, and regarding his will, see p. 136. The diversity of opinions and the controversy regarding the reasons for this will and the institutional problems derived from it are discussed in Elena Lourie. “The Will of Alfonso I ‘El Batallador’, King of Aragon and Navarre: A Reassessment”. Speculum: a Journal of Medieval Studies, no. L/4 (1975), pp. 635-651. Her vision was contested by Alan J. Forey. “The Will of Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre”. Durham University Journal, no. 73 (1980-1981), pp. 59-65. Shortly thereafter, Lourie contributed new arguments to Forey’s reflection, as can be seen in Elena Lourie. “The Will of Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre: A Reply to Dr. Forey”. Durham University Journal, no. 77/2 (1984-1985), pp. 165-172. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 97-98. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 87-95. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 90-95. Miret i Sans contains donations to the Hospital in Sant Martí Sarroca in 1108 and in Llorac and Cervera in 1111. See Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introduction by Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (anastatic reissue from 1910), pp. 29 and 13, respectively. These references have been questioned by María L. Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitalarios en el reino de Aragón. Guara, Saragossa 1982, p. 26. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, pp. 65-66. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 66. Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 34-35; Maria Bonet Donato, “Las cartas de población y la renta feudal en el dominio hospitalario del Montsià (s. xiii)”. In: Miscel·lània en Home natge al P. Agustí Altisent. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1991, p. 552. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la gue rra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 68. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de... a la

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[23]

[24]

[25] [26]

[27]

[28]

[29]

[30]

Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona 2006, pp. 62-64. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “L’orde del Temple a Catalunya”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, pp. 16-18. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la gue rra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 68. Catalunya Vella, or “Old Catalonia”, refers to the part of the Principality of Catalonia existing prior to Ramon Berenguer’s 12th century conquest. Robert Vinas. Els templers al Rosselló (Els Ordes Militars, 6). Pagès, Lleida 2002, pp. 67-68; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. Els templers de les Terres de l’Ebre (Tortosa). De Jaume I fins a l’abolició de l’Orde (1213-1312). Volume I. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1999, pp. 268-269; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca, Col·lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Gardeny (1070-1200). Volume I. Fundació Noguera, Barcelona 1998, pp. 46-54. Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, pp. 87-89. Regarding the start of the Catalan province and its ties with its Provencal counterpart, see Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de... a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona, 2006, pp. 52-54. Regarding the second provincial master, Brother Pere de Rovira, see Jaume Vilaginés i Segura. “Pere de Rovira, un templer del Vallès”. Notes, no. 20 (2005), pp. 43-61. While Pierre Bonneaud claims “in around 1150” (see Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 18), Maria Bonet posits the first mention of a Catalan dignitary in 1149 (see Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 11, notae 53). Prim, in turn, sets 1154 as the date of SaintGilles’ independence (see Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 67). Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 117-137. Unfortunately, there is a dearth of prosophographic works by the provincial heads of both orders. Regarding the Temple, however, we should mention

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the contribution by Jaume Vilaginés on Grand Master Pere de Rovira (1143-1158) (Jaume Vila ginés i Segura. “Pere de Rovira, un templer del Vallès”. Notes, no. 20 (2005), pp. 43-61). Also worth noting is the biography of Arnau de Torroja written by Josep Maria Sans i Travé (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de... a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona 2006). Regarding the provincial master Guillem de Mont-rodon (1214-1218), there are important studies by Antoni Pladevall (Antoni Pladevall i Font. “Mont-rodon. Esbós d’història del castell i família”. Taradell, no. 143-153 (1959-1960), pp. 1-42; Antoni Pladevall i Font. Guillem de Mont-rodon. Mestre del Temple i tutor de Jaume I. (Ordes Militars, 3). Pagès, Lleida 1993; Antoni Pladevall i Font. Mont-rodon: passat i present d’un gran llinatge i d’un casal osonenc. Vic 2001). A brief biography of Ramon de Saguàrdia was written by Josep Maria Sans i Travé for the Diccionari d’història eclesiàstica de Catalunya (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Saguàrdia, Ramon de”. In: Diccionari d’història eclesiàstica de Catalunya. Vol. III. Generalitat de Catalunya and Cla ret, Barcelona 2001, pp. 316-317), and he has stressed the role of the order in Catalonia during its dying days (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La defensa dels Templers catalans. Cartes de fra Ramon de Saguàrdia dutant el setge de Miravet. (Els Ordes Militars, 7). Pagès, Lleida 2002). Also worth noting are the biographies of the provincial masters who earned the rank of Grand Master discussed in the work by Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele, which contains information on Arnau de Torroja, Gilbert Eral and Pere de Montagut: Marie-Luise BulstThiele. Sacrae Domus Militiae Templi Hierosolymitani Magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19-1314. Göttingen 1974, pp. 99-105 (Arnau de Torroja), pp. 135-143 (Gilbert Eral) and pp. 170-188 (Pere de Montagut). A few brief biographies of the Templar masters and castellans of Amposta during the reign of James I can be found in the work by López Elum (Pedro López Elum. “Aportación al estudio de maestres y comendadores de las órdenes del Hospital y del Temple durante el reinado de Jaime I (1213-1276)”. Ligarzas, no. 2 (1970), pp. 39-56). Regarding the Order of the Hospital, the literature is somewhat more extensive, especially on the personality of the great Juan Fernández de Heredia, who has attracted the interest of numerous historians because of his multiple facets. I am referring to the extensive bibliography contained in my introduction to the reissue of the work by Miret i Sans on the Catalan Templars and Hospitallers (Joaquim Miret i Sans.

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Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introduction by Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (anastatic reissue from 1910), pp. cxxxii-cxxxv). The castellans of Amposta Pedro López de Luna (M. Luisa Ledesma Rubio. “Pedro López de Luna, maestre de la Orden del Hospital en Aragón y Cata luña”. Estudios de la Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón, no. 8, pp. 417-427) and Pedro Roís de Moros (Josep Alanyà i Roig. “Procés inquisitorial contra el castellà d’Amposta fra Pedro Roiç de Moros a la cúria pontifícia del papa Benet XIII (1414-1418)”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 32/1 (2002), pp. 199-292) have also been the subject of studies. Regarding the first prior of Catalonia, Brother Ramon d’Empúries, contributions to his biography include Miret i Sans (Joaquim Miret i Sans. “Un satirus del Empordà”. In: Sempre han tigut béch les oques. Apuntacions per la història de les costumes privades. First series. Barcelona, 1905, pp. 38-46), Meloni (Giuseppe Meloni. “L’attività in Sardegna di Raimondo d’Ampurias, dell’Ordine di San Giovanni di Gerusalemme”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1982), pp. 549-558) and Father Miquel Pujol (Miquel Pujol i Canelles. “La Casa del Temple de Castelló d’Empúries”. Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos, no. 28 (1995), pp. 119-179, especially pp. 130-133). Sans i Travé has devoted several studies to prior Guillem de Guimerà (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Guimerà i d’Abella, Guillem de”. In: Gran enciclopèdia catalana, vol. 8, Barcelona 1975, p. 322; Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Guillem...”, pp. 338-339), including a biography of Guimerà as President of the Genera litat from 1376 to 1377 (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Guillem de Guimerà”. In: Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Generalitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volume I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya and Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, pp. 76-80) and a study on his religious and political activities (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrés de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008). A brief biography of Antoni de Fluvià was written by Sans i Travé (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Fluvià, Antoni de”. A: Diccionari d’història eclesiàstica de Catalunya. Vol. II. Genera litat de Catalunya and Claret, Barcelona 2001, p. 184). Bonneaud, on the other hand, has stressed Fluvià’s activity as a Grand Master of the Hospital in his outstanding study on the priory of Catalonia in the 15th century (Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne

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d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, pp. 134-152), and also in Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Cata lunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 141-158. This same author compiled the activities of Pere Ramon Sacosta first as the caste llan of Amposta and later as the Grand Master of the Hospital (Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 309-348). Finally, biographical notes containing a great deal of information on the brothers of the priory of Catalonia between 1400 and 1450 can be found in Bonneaud’s work (Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, pp. 347-389). Some religious women from the Hospital in Catalonia also have their own bio graphies. The first one worth noting is on Queen Sancha, the founder of Sixena (Mariano de Pano y Ruata. La santa reina doña Sancha, hermana hospitalaria, fundadora del Monasterio de Sigena. Saragossa 1943), and the founder of the female house in Cervera, later moved to Alguaire, which has been the subject of contributions by Sans i Travé (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Huguet de Cervelló, feudatari de l’Espluga de Francolí (s. xiii)”. In: Miquel Coll i Alentorn. Miscel·lània d’homenatge en el seu vuitantè aniversari. Fundació Jaume I, Barcelona 1984, pp. 193-220; Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “La comanda de l’Hospital de Cervera”. In: Teresa Salat and Blanca Cuñé. Guia Històrica de Cervera. Dels orígens als nostres dies. Cervera 1993, pp. 52-54), by Alturo (Jesús Alturo i Perucho. “Marquesa de la Guàrdia, fundadora, comanadora i benefactora del monestir femení de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire de l’orde de Sant Joan de Jerusalem”. Ilerda. Humanitats, no. 50 (1992-1993), pp. 51-54; Jesús Alturo i Perucho. “La disputa del ciutadà de Lleida Guillem de Rees contra el monestir santjoanista de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire”. In: Miscel·lània Homenatge a Josep Lladonosa. Lleida 1992, pp. 173-184) and by Llobet Portella (Josep M. Llobet i Portella. “La comanda hospitalera de Cervera durant els segles xii, xiii i xiv, segons una carta de Jaume Pasqual (1788)”. In: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Religioso-militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix) (Montblanc, novembre de 1985). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, pp. 302-314). The prioress Margarida d’Urrea was also the subject of a study by Miret i Sans (Joaquim Miret i Sans. “La nova filla de Lot”. In: Sempre han tigut béch les oques. Apuntacions per la història de les costumes privades. First series. Barcelona 1905, reissued in Barcelona 2000) and

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[31]

[32]

[33]

[34]

[35]

[36]

[37] [38]

[39]

[40]

sister Margarida d’Erill by Luttrell (Anthony Luttrell. “Margarida d’Erill hospitaller of Alguaire. 1415-1456”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 28 (1998), pp. 219-249). Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (11181120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona, 2006, pp. 50-52. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrès de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, pp. 40-45. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrès de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, pp. 41-42. Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 66-69. Anthony Luttrell. “La Corona de Aragón y las órdenes militares durante el siglo xiv”. In: Actas del VIII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. II. Valencia 1971, pp. 71-74. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 104. Roser Sabanés i Fernández. Els concilis Ilerdenses de la província eclesiàstica Tarraconenese a l’edat mitjana (546-1460). Barcelona 2009, p. 256. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona, 2006, pp. 49-112. Anthony Luttrell. “Aragoneses y catalanes en Rodas, 1350-1430”. In: VII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1962, p. 387; Anthony Luttrell. “Juan Fernández de Heredia at Avignon: 1351-1367”. In: El Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España. Verdera y Tuells, Zaragoza 1972, pp. 289-312; Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 72-75. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la

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[41] [42] [43] [44] [45] [46]

[47]

[48]

[49]

[50]

[51]

Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 316-348. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital a Cata lunya. Els inicis”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 25. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 214-218. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 346. Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Aragón». London 1973, pp. 328-331. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 209-214. Regarding the chapterhouses of the castellany, see Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 266-275. Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, pp. 400-402. See the study by Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Les rendes de la batllia de la comanda del Temple de Barberà l’any 1264”. In: El temps sota control. Home natge a F. Xavier Ricomà Vendrell. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1997, pp. 511-521. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Armes, queviures i bestiar d’algunes comandes del Temple a Catalu nya, Aragó i València segons uns inventaris de 1289 (primera part)”. Sacra Militia. Revista di Storia degli Ordini Militari, year iii (2002), pp. 47-88. Regarding the chapterhouses in the castellany of Amposta, see Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 266-275. Regarding the priory of Catalonia, see Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 49-69. Regarding the provincial chapterhouses of the Templars, see Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 209-214. John J. Riley-Smith. “The Origins of the Commandery in the Temple and in the Hospital”. In: Anthony Luttrell and Léon Pressouyre (dir.). La Commanderie, institution des ordres militaires dans l’Occident médiéval. Paris 2002, pp. 9-18; Anthony Luttrell. “Los orígenes de la encomienda templaria”. In: Actes de les Jornades Internacionals d’estudi sobre els orígens i l’expansió de l’orde del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó (1120-1200). Tortosa, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de 2004. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 2010, pp. 55-68; Jean-Marie Carbasse. “Les commanderies. Aspectes juridiques et institutionnels”. In: Anthony Luttrell and Léon Pres-

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[52]

[53]

[54] [55]

[56]

[57]

[58]

[59] [60]

souyre (dir.). La Commanderie, institution des ordres militaires dans l’Occident médiéval. Paris 2002, pp. 19-27. The embellishment projects conducted by Brother Guillem de Guimerà at Barberà Castle are paradigmatic: see Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Genera litat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrès de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, p. 55. See also Marcel J. Poblet Romeu. Entre el Temple i l’Hospital. Arquitectura i formes de vida al castell del Temple de Barberà. Cossetània, Valls 2006, pp. 132-148. Anthony Luttrell. “Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari, 1305-1378”. In: Giovanni Minnucci and Franca Sardi (ed.). I Templari: Mito e Storia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi alla Magione Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena (29-31 maggio 1987). Sienna 1989, p. 68. Alain Demurger. Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge, xie-xve siècle. Paris 2002, pp. 81-95. This can be gleaned regarding the Templars from the answers to the inquisitors during the questioning: Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 203-205; Alan J. Forey. “Recruitment to Military Orders (Twelfth to mid-Fourteenth centuries)”. Viator, no. 17 (1986), pp. 130-171. This can also be gleaned from the declarations during the trial of Brother Ramon Oliver, knight commander of Zaragoza: Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 203-205. Anthony Luttrell. “Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari, 1305-1378”. In: Giovanni Minnucci and Franca Sardi (ed.). I Templari: Mito e Storia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi alla Magione Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena (29-31 maggio 1987). Sienna 1989, pp. 67-68; Anthony Luttrell. “Las Órdenes militares en la sociedad hispánica. Los hospitalarios aragoneses: 1340-1360”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1981), pp. 593-594. Anthony Luttrell. “Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari, 1305-1378”. In: Giovanni Minnucci and Franca Sardi (ed.). I Templari: Mito e Storia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi alla Magione Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena (29-31 maggio 1987). Sienna 1989, p. 68. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 40. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 120-121.

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[61] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 40. [62] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “El nombre de templers de la província catalana a començament del segle xiv a través de les dades que ofereix la documen tació sobre el procés (1307-1319)”. At press. [63] Helen J. Nicholson. The Knights Templar on Trial. The Trial of the Templars in the British Isles, 1308-1311. The Mill in Brimscombe Port Stroud, Gloucestershire 2009, pp. 205-217. [64] Gonzalo Martínez Díez. Los Templarios en la Corona de Castilla. La Olmeda, Burgos 1993, p. 259. [65] Malcolm Barber. “Supplying the Crusader States: The Role of the Templars”. In: The Horns of Hattin. Jerusalem 1992, p. 318. [66] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “El nombre de templers de la província catalana a començament del segle xiv a través de les dades que ofereix la documentació sobre el procés (1307-1319)”. At press. These figures fundamentally dovetail with the ones supplied by Forey in his studies in which he discusses this issue: see Alan J. Forey. “Towards a Profile of the Templars in the Early Fourteenth Century”. In: Malcolm Barber (ed.). The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick. Variorum, Aldershot, 1994, pp. 196-204; Alan J. Forey. “Templar Knights and Sergeants in the Corona de Aragón at the Turn of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries”. In: As Ordens Militares de Cavalaria na Construçao do Mundo Ocidental. Actas do IV Encontro sobre Ordens Militares. Ediçoes Colibri i Câmara Municipal de Palmela, Lisbon 2005, pp. 631-642. [67] Anthony Luttrell. “Hospitaller Life in Aragon, 1319-1370”. In: Derek W. Lomax and David Mackenzie (ed.). God and Man in Medieval Spain. Warminster 1988, p. 103. [68] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 91-92. [69] Anthony Luttrell. “El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 30. [70] Ánchel Conte Cazcarro, “Catalans n’o Temple de Uesca”. In: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Religioso-militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix) (Montblanc, novembre de 1985), Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, pp. 101-104 [71] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Armes, queviures i bestiar d’algunes comandes del Temple a Catalu nya, Aragó i València segons uns inventaris de 1289 (primera part)”. Sacra Militia. Revista di Storia degli Ordini Militari, year iii (2002), pp. 47-88. [72] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la

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[73] [74] [75] [76] [77] [78]

[79] [80]

[81]

[82] [83] [84] [85] [86] [87] [88]

[89]

Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 320, note 210. Anthony Luttrell. The Hospitaller State on Rhodes and its Western Provinces, 1306-1462, XIII. Aldershot 1999, pp. 324-328. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 139-145. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 145-146. Antoni Pladevall i Font. Guillem de Mont-rodon. Mestre del Temple i tutor de Jaume I. (Ordes Militars, 3). Pagès, Lleida 1993. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 126. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 113-116; Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 43. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 218 and 240. Alain Demurger. Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge, xie-xve siècle. Paris 2002, pp. 196-207; Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya. Els inicis”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 27. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 351-364; Sebastián Salvadó, “Icons, crosses and the Liturgical Objects of the Templar chapels in the Crown of Aragon”. In: Jochen Burgtorf, Paul F. Crawford, Helen J. Nicholson, The Debat on the Trial of the Templars (1307-1314), Ashgate, 2010, pp. 183-197. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 117. Ánchel Conte Cazcarro. La encomienda del Temple de Huesca. Huesca 1986, p. 31. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “Gardeny: els Templers a Lleida”. In: Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu Popular de Ponent, Lleida 1992, pp. 31-32. Prim Bertran i Roigé. “Gardeny: els Templers a Lleida”. In: Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu Popular de Ponent, Lleida 1992, p. 33. Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. La Comanda del Temple de Tortosa. Primer període (1148-1213). Tortosa 1984, pp. 296-298, doc. 112. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 140-142. Antonio Ubieto Arteta. “Cofrades aragoneses y navarros de la Milicia del Temple (Siglo XII). Aspectos socio-económicos”. In: Aragón en la Edad Media. Vol. III. 1980, pp. 29-93. Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, pp. 376-377.

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[90] Prim Bertran i Roigé. “Gardeny: els Templers a Lleida”. In: Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu Popular de Ponent, Lleida 1992, pp. 25-29. [91] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 143-146; Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de l’Hospital a Cata lunya. Els inicis”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 27. [92] Francesco Tommasi. “Uomini e donne negli ordini militari di Terrasanta. Per il problema delle case doppie e miste negli ordini giovannita, templare e teutonico (secc. xii-xv)”. In: Doppelklöster und andere Formen der Symbiose männlicher und weiblicher Religiosen im Mittelalter. (Berliner Historische Studien, Band 18). Ordensstudien VIII, Berlin 1992, p. 188. [93] See, for example, the tomb of Bernat Guillem de Foixà from the chapel of the Foixà Castle, preserved today in the church of Nostra Senyora de l’Esperança in S’Agaró. [94] María L. Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitalarios en el reino de Aragón. Guara, Saragossa 1982, pp. 34-35. [95] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 90-95. [96] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, pp. 15-86. [97] Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. “Les bases socials i econòmiques del poder de l’orde del Temple”. In: Àngels Casanovas and Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, pp. 42-45. [98] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, pp. 238-240. [99] Alan J. Forey. The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon. Ashgate, Aldershot 2001; Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008. [100] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 323-333. [101] Eugenio Díaz Manteca. “Notas para el estudio de los antecedentes históricos de Montesa”. Estudis Castellonencs, no. 2 (19841985), pp. 235-305. [102] Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introduction by Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (anastatic reissue from 1910), pp. 387-402. [103] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 207-208. [104] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste l lanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 208-209.

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[105] Anthony Luttrell. “El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 29. [106] Prim Bertran Roigé. “Els orígens de la comanadoria hospitalera de l’Espluga Calba. Dues butlles de Benet XII del 1405 i 1415”. In: Jornades sobre el Cisma d’Occident a Catalunya, les Illes i el País Valencià. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 19861987, pp. 383-387. [107] Anthony Luttrell. “El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 29. [108] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, pp. 323-327. [109] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 156. [110] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, p. 323. [111] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 2233. [112] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 108, note 307. [113] Anthony Luttrell. “El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 179 (1994), p. 32. [114] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 85. [115] Alain Demurger, Jacques de Molay. Le crépuscle des templiers. Biographie Payot. Paris 2002, especially pp. 177-193 and 207-212. [116] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 253-259. [117] Alan J. Forey. The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon. Ashgate, Aldershot 2001, p. 217; Pierre-Vincent Claverie. “La contribution des templiers de Catalogne à la defense de la Syrye franque (1290-1310)”. In: U. Vermeulen and J. Van Steenbergen (ed.). Egypt and Syria in the Datimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, III. Proceedings of the 6th, 7th and 8th International Colloquium organized at the Katolieke Universiteit Leuven in May 1997, 1998 and 1999. Leuven 2001, pp. 171-192. [118] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 129-134. [119] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 134-137.

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[120] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, pp. 122-134. [121] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 146-158. [122] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 309-348. [123] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, pp. 245-253 and 262-270. [124] Regarding the orders’ general participation in the military campaigns, see Alan J. Forey. The Military Orders. From the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries. London 1992, pp. 44-97; Alain Demurger. Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieuxmilitaires au Moyen Âge, xie-xve siècle. Paris 2002, pp. 131-147; María Luisa Ledesma Rubio. “Notas sobre la actividad militar de los hospitalarios”. Príncipe de Viana, no. 25 (1954), pp. 51-56. [125] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the “Corona de Aragón”. London 1973, pp. 15-86; Alan J. Forey. “Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 161 (1992), pp. 24-27. [126] Alan J. Forey. “Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 161 (1992), p. 26. [127] Alan J. Forey. “Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 161 (1992), p. 26. [128] Alan J. Forey. “Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 161 (1992), p. 27. [129] Alan J. Forey. “Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta”. L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, no. 161 (1992), p. 27. [130] María L. Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitalarios en el reino de Aragón. Guara, Zaragoza 1982, p. 34. [131] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, pp. 73 and 75. [132] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrès de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, pp. 14-17.

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[133] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, pp. 230-231. [134] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 63. [135] Anthony Luttrell. “Juan Fernández de Heredia at Avignon: 1351-1367”. In: El Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España. Verdera y Tuells, Zaragoza 1972, pp. 289-316. [136] Antoni M. Udina i Abelló. “Els Ordes religiosomilitars i les Corts Catalanes (1283-1412)”. In: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Reli gioso-Militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix) (Montblanc, novembre de 1985). Diputació de Ta rragona, Tarragona 1994, pp. 132-139. [137] Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol. “Les corts de Cata lunya i la creació de la Diputació del General o Generalitat en el marc de la guerra amb Castella (13591369)”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 34/2 (2004), p. 881. [138] Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Generalitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volu me I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya and Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, p. 71. [139] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Guillem de Guimerà”. In: Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Generalitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volume I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya and Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, pp. 76-80 [140] Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Generalitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volu me I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya and Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, pp. 123-124 and 189. [141] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 232. [142] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 233. [143] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 233. [144] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona 2006, pp. 76-81 and 71. [145] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 185. [146] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Caste llanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 36. [147] Anthony Luttrell. “The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1291-1350”. English Historical Review, no. lxxvi (1961), p. 9.

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[148] Anthony Luttrell. “La Corona de Aragón y las órdenes Militares durante el siglo xiv”. In: Actas del VIII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. II. Valencia 1971, p. 70. [149] The commandry that has been studied the most is the one in Gardeny, thanks primarily to the studies by Ramon Sarobe. The documents published by this author clearly demonstrate the colonisation efforts of the brothers in the region of El Segrià. See Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Gardeny (1070-1200). Volu me I. Fundació Noguera, Barcelona 1998. Regarding the colonising activity in the region, see particularly pages 46-66. See, too, Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. Els molins dels templers al Segrià al segle xii. Estudi a través dels seus documents. Unpublished Bachelor’s thesis. Universitat de Barcelona, 1997; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. “Deu establiments fets pels templers al Segrià durant l’any 1181”. Urtx. Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, no. 11 (1998), pp. 60-67; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. “L’evolució socioeconòmica de Rosselló de Segrià. De la repoblació a la consolidació (1149-1260)”. In: Jordi Bolòs and Joan Busqueta (ed.). Territori i societat a l’Edat Mitjana. Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 1997, pp. 191-202; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. “Gardeny, Corbins i Barbens en els seus orígens”. In: Actes de les Jornades Internacionals d’estudi sobre els orígens i l’expansió de l’orde del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó (1120-1200). Tortosa, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de 2004. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 2010, pp. 93-104. [150] See particularly the studies by Pagarolas: Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. “Els senyorius templers de les Terres de l’Ebre”. In: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Religioso-militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, pp. 54-66; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. La Comanda del Temple de Tortosa. Primer període (1148-1213). Tortosa 1984; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. Els templers de les Terres de l’Ebre (Tortosa). De Jaume I fins a l’abolició de l’Orde (1213-1312). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1999, 2 vol.; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. “Les cases del Temple de Tortosa i Miravet: creació i primers anys”. In: Actes de les Jornades Internacionals d’estudi sobre els orígens i l’expansió de l’orde del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó (1120-1200). Tortosa, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de 2004. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 2010, pp. 135-148. [151] Maria Bonet Donato. “Las cartas de población y la renta feudal en el dominio hospitalario del Montsià (s. xiii)”. In: Miscel·lània en Homenatge al P. Agustí Altisent. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarrago na 1991, pp. 551-571. [152] Anton Monner i Estopinyà. “Les cartes de poblament de la Terra Alta”. In: Actes de les Primeres Jor-

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nades d’Estudi sobre la Terra Alta (Horta, 1993). Centre d’Estudis de la Terra Alta, Horta de Sant Joan 1994, pp. 367-406; Antoni Monner i Estopinyà. La Carta de Poblament de Gandesa. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1992. [153] Josep Serrano Daura. “La carta de población de Pinell (de Brai), en la comarca catalana de la Terra Alta, de 1223”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, núm. lxix (1999), pp. 275-290. [154] Josep Alanyà i Roig. Batea i el seu terme municipal. El repoblament templer (s. xii-xiii). Vol. I. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994; Josep Alanyà Roig. “La carta de poblament de Batea i Algars”. La Vila Closa (1986), pp. 19-23, and (1989), pp. 163-170. [155] Pascual Ortega Pérez. “Un nuevo documento repoblacional de la Ribera d’Ebre (Tarragona): la carta de población de Rasquera (1206)”. In: Miscel· lània en homenatge al P. Agustí Altisent. Tarragona 1991, pp. 519-528. [156] Josep Alanyà Roig. “La carta de poblament de Pinyeres (Batea, Terra Alta) (1280)”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 21 (1991), pp. 97-141. [157] Pascual Ortega Pérez. “La carta de población de la Pobla de Masaluca (1295)”. Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaevalia, no. 7-8 (1986-1987), pp. 193-204. [157] The “Usatges” of Barcelona consist of a series of legal norms from different sources, including rulings from the countship court; common law; council canons; feudal Lombard common law; excerpts from the Visigothic “Liber Iudiciorum”; the royal constitutions of Alphonse I, Peter I, and James I; and excerpts from the “Etymologies” of Saint Isidore of Seville (even though manuscripts from the late 12th century are still preserved, its final draft was written during the reign of James I). As a source of Catalan common law, its text is gathered in several compilations from the Constitutions and other laws of Catalonia (1422-1704). [158] The “Costums” of Lleida consist of a series of laws from Lleida compiled in 1228 by the jurist and city councillor Guillem Botet. They include the rules bestowed upon the city by the counts-kings, as well as other elements of common and municipal law. In addition to the territory of the city of Lleida, its laws were applied in other towns in Catalunya Nova, especially after the new colonisation southwest of Lleida. [160] Josep Serrano Daura. La Torre de l’Espanyol (Ribera d’Ebre). Història, règim senyorial i aspectes del seu antic dret local, en particular les Costums del 1517. Tarragona 1988, pp. 171-200; Josep Serrano Daura. “L’ordenament processal a l’antic dret local de la Torre de l’Espanyol (Ribera d’Ebre)”. Quaderns d’Història Tarraconense, no. 8 (1989), pp. 57-74; Josep Serrano Daura. “L’ordenament

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jurídico-penal a l’antic dret local de la Torre de l’Espanyol (Ribera d’Ebre)”. Quaderns d’Història Tarraconense, no. 7 (1988), pp. 63-73. [161] Agustí Altisent. “Ordinacions de l’Espluga de Francolí Sobirana”. Arrels. Miscel·lània d’Aporta cions Històriques i Documentals de l’Espluga de Francolí, no. i (1980), pp. 131-157. [162] Ramon Corbella. Lo nostre poble (Aplech de noticies fahents pera l’historia de Vallfogona). Vic 1898 (reissued with the title of Història de Vallfogona. Barcelona 1975), pp. 66-68. [163] Maria Vilar Bonet. “Actividades financieras de la Orden del Temple en la Corona de Aragón”. In: VII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1962, p. 584. [164] Anthony Luttrell. “Actividades económicas de los hospitalarios de Rodas en el Mediterráneo occidental durante el siglo xiv”. In: VI Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Madrid 1959, pp. 181-183. [165] Claude Carrère. Barcelona 1380-1462. Un centre econòmic en època de crisi. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1978, pp. 126-128. See also Mario del Treppo. Els mercaders catalans i l’expansió de la Corona Catalanoaragonesa. Barcelona 1976, pp. 25-68. [166] Anthony Luttrell. “Aragoneses y catalanes en Rodas, 1350-1430”. In: VII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1962, p. 389; Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 159. [167] Laurent Dailliez. Les templiers et les Règles de l’Ordre du Temple. Paris 1972, p. 54; Judith M. Upton-Ward. El código templario. Texto íntegro de la regla de la Orden del Temple. Barcelona 2000, p. 52. [168] Francesco Tommasi. “Uomini e donne negli ordini militari di Terrasanta. Per il problema delle case doppie e miste negli ordini giovannita, templare e teutonico (secc. xii-xv)”. In: Doppelklöster und andere Formen der Symbiose männlicher und weiblicher Religiosen im Mittelalter. (Berliner Historische Studien, Band 18). Ordensstudien VIII, Berlin 1992, pp. 182-183. [169] Alan J. Forey. “Women and the Military Orders in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries”. Studia Monastica, no. xxix (1987), p. 65. [170] Alan J. Forey. “Women and the Military Orders in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries”. Studia Monastica, no. xxix (1987), p. 66. [171] The document can be seen in Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la casa del Temple de Barberà (945-1212). Department of Justice, Gene ralitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1997, doc. 185, pp. 278-279. [172] See the document in Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la casa del Temple de Barberà (945-1212). Department of Justice, Generalitat

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de Catalunya, Barcelona 1997, doc. 193, pp. 286287. Regarding this mixed Templar commandry, see Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “El Rourell, una preceptoria del Temple al Camp de Tarragona (11621248)”. Boletín Arqueológico de Tarragona, no. 113-114 (1976-1977), pp. 133-201. [173] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “El Rourell, una preceptoria del Temple al Camp de Tarragona (11621248)”. Boletín Arqueológico de Tarragona, no. 113-114 (1976-1977), pp. 182-189. [174] Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introduction by Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (anastatic reissue from 1910), pp. 192-193; Prim Bertran i Roigé. “El capbreullevador de la comanda de Susterris (1378)”. Urge llia, no. viii (1986-1987), pp. 383-384. [175] Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introduction by Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (anastatic reissue from 1910), pp. 211-213. [176] Manuel Beguer Piñol. El real Monasterio de Santa María de la Rápita de la Sagrada y Soberana milicia hospitalaria de San Juan de Jerusalén (Orden de Malta), Tortosa 1948. [177] Josep Maria Sans i Travé, “La comanda de l’Hospital de Cervera”. In: T. Salat i B. Cuñé. Guia Històrica de Cervera. Dels orígens als nostres dies. Cervera 1993, pp. 52-54. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. “Huguet de Cervelló, feudatari de l’Espluga de Francolí (s. xiii)”. In: Miquel Coll i Alentorn. Miscel·lània d’homenatge en el seu vuitantè aniversari. Fundació Jaume I, Barcelona 1984, pp. 193-220; Jesús Alturo i Perucho. “Marquesa de la Guàrdia, fundadora, comanadora i benefactora del mones tir femení de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire de l’orde de Sant Joan de Jerusalem”. Ilerda. Humanitats, no. 50 (1992-1993), pp. 51-54; Jesús Alturo i Perucho. “La disputa del ciutadà de Lleida Guillem de Rees contra el monestir santjoanista de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire”. In: Miscel·lània Homenatge a Josep Lladonosa. Lleida 1992, pp. 173-184. An overview of this Hospitaller monastery, which was later moved to Sant Gervasi de Cassoles and after that to Valldoreix, where the community was recently disbanded, can be found in Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, and in Antonio Paulí Meléndez. El Real Monasterio de Ntra. Sra. de Alguaire y San Juan de Jerusalén de Barcelona, 1250-1950. Barcelona 1951. [178] We are aware of some of the convent’s specific ordinations through Bertran: Prim Bertran i Roigé. “Les ordinacions del convent d’Alguaire”. Cuadernos de Historia Económica de Cataluña, no. 17 (1977), pp. 25-55.

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[179] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, pp. 51-63. [180] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, pp. 96-106. [181] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, pp. 185-189. [182] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, p. 189-209. In Barcelona, they lived in the former seat of the priory of Catalonia until 1835; they moved to Sant Gervasi de Cassoles in 1860 and to Valldoreix in 1977. They remained in Valldoreix until the community was disbanded in 2005, when the two surviving nuns joined the community of Saint John in Salinas de Añana (Álaba). [183] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. La orden de Santiago en la Corona de Aragón. La encomienda de Montalbán (1210-1327). Zaragoza, 1980; Prim Bertran i Roigé. Notícies històriques del Palau d’Anglesola. Segles XII-XVII. Lleida 1981, pp. 24-30; Prim Bertran i Roigé. “L’orde de Sant Jaume de l’Espasa a la Diòcesi de Lleida”, Arrels Cristianes. Presència i significació del Cristianisme en la història i la so cietat de Lleida. Volum II. Temps de consolidació. La Baixa edat Mitjana. Segles xii-xv, Lleida 2008, pp. 183-184. [184] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. “El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida”. Anua rio de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1981), p. 384. [185] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. “El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida”. Anua rio de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1981), pp. 388389. [186] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. “El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida”. Anua rio de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1981), pp. 392398. [187] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. “El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida”. Anua rio de Estudios Medievales, np. 11 (1981), p. 400. [188] María Pilar Ibáñez Leiría. “La fundación y primera época del monasterio de Junqueras (1212-1389)”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1981), p. 363. [189] María Pilar Ibáñez Leiría. “La fundación y primera época del monasterio de Junqueras (1212-1389)”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. 11 (1981), pp. 363-364. [190] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 12-13. [191] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 12. [192] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 14-15. [193] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 15. [194] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 33-49.

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[195] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 98. [196] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 102. [197] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 56-62. [198] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 51-56. [199] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 91-92. [200] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 102-103. [201] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les dames de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, pp. 105-106. [202] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 7-9. [203] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. L’orde català de Sant Jordi d’Alfama (1201-1400). Lleida 1991, pp. 72-76. [204] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. L’orde català de Sant Jordi d’Alfama (1201-1400). Lleida 1991, pp. 26-29. [205] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 21-22;

Josep Maria Sans i Travé

Regina Sáinz de la Maza. L’orde català de Sant Jordi d’Alfama (1201-1400). Lleida 1991, p. 162. [206] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 24-29, 47-51 and 62-66. [207] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 29 and 67. [208] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 35-36, 40-45, 64 and 68-71. [209] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 37-45. [210] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 67-78. [211] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 60-68 and 162-164. [212] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 85-86, 88-92 and 102-106. [213] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, pp. 99-119.

Biographical note Josep M. Sans i Travé is the director of the Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya and a full member of the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona and the Reial Acadèmia de Doctors de Catalunya. He is a member of the editorial board and publishing committees of several scientific journals and publishing houses, and he also serves on the board of several Catalan foundations. He was educated at the Universities of Barcelona and Bologna and has served as a professor at the Universitat de Barcelona and the Universitat Internacional de Catalunya. He has been the technical director of the Arxiu Històric de Protocols de Barcelona and the head of Archive Services and Director General of Cultural Heritage within the Catalan autonomous government. He has supervised the publication of Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya (ten volumes, 1994-2007) and participated in organising numerous congresses on the Courts of Catalonia, Catalan notaries and the military orders. He is the author of numerous books on the history of the Generalitat (Dietari o llibre de Jornades de Jaume Safont (1411-1484), 1992), the repopulation of Catalunya Nova (Col·lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Barberà (945-1212), 1997; La colonització de la Conca de Barberà després de la conquesta feudal. El cas de Vimbodí 1149?/1151-1200, 2002), the military orders (Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu, 1996; El setge del castell de Miravet: 1 de desembre de 1307 - 12 de desembre de 1308: un episodi dramàtic del procés dels templers catalans, 1998; La defensa dels templers catalans: cartes de fra Ramon de Saguàrdia durant el setge de Miravet, 2002; La fi dels templers catalans, 2008) and monastic history (Història del Tallat, 1986; Vallbona. Guia històrico-artística, 1998, in conjunction with G. Gonzalbo; Precedents i orígens del Monestir de Santa Maria de Vallbona (1154-1185), 2002; El monestir de Santa Maria de Vallbona. Història, Monaquisme i Art, 2010).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 83-100 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.52 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The implementation of the Counter-Reformation in Catalan-speaking lands (1563-1700): A successful process? Ignasi Fernández Terricabras *

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Received 9 May 2010 · Accepted 20 May 2010

Abstract The process of the Counter-Reformation, embarked on after the Council of Trent (1545-1563), was successful in some parts of Europe, whilst in others it did not manage to change the existing religious practices or morals. In the Catalanspeaking lands, we cannot yet reach a definitive answer on the success or failure of the Counter-Reformation. We do know that there was an intense reforming campaign undertaken by the king, the Church authorities and a major swath of the regular clergy, heightened by fear that proximity to France and Occitan immigrants would foster the penetration of Calvinism. Vast resources were poured into the propagation of the Catholic dogmas and the reform of the clergy, as defined during and after the Council of Trent. However, other factors hindered this process, including banditry and the presence of Muslim converts to Christianity. A hypothesis can be put forth that in heavily urban areas, the Counter-Reformation was ultimately imposed in the middle term, but that it encountered more difficulties in the mountainous and more rural and isolated areas despite the efforts of the reformers. Keywords: Counter-Reformation, Catholic Reformation in Catalonia, Valencia and Mallorca

From the Counter-reformation to confessionalisation The Catholic Church was slow to react to the challenges posed by Martin Luther and the Reformation starting in 1517. The constant drain from the Catholic flock to the new churches finally forced the Holy See to call a council. The bishops meeting in Trent (1545-1563) approved a series of decrees that clearly outlined Catholic dogma and pointed to the pathway on which the reformation of Catholicism should embark.1 Subsequently, the popes in the second half of the 16th century not only implemented the Council’s precepts, they also further fleshed out aspects that the Council had not mentioned, giving the Catholicism of the day its own specific physiognomy2 which has traditionally been called the Counter-Reformation or the Catholic Reformation.3 The actions of the Council of Trent were not limited to defining the Catholic dogmas in view of the Lutheran attacks. The bishops were aware that they had to satisfy the aspirations for reform held by major swaths of the popula* Contact address: Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. Department of Modern and Contemporary History, Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. UAB Campus, Edifici B. E-08193 Bellaterra, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 935 811 186. E-mail: Ignasi.Fernandez@uab.cat

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tion and to remedy the decline of the clergy, which had been a fundamental reason behind the spread of the Reformation. The Council of Trent clearly made pastoral care of people’s souls, cura animarum, the Catholic Church’s priority objective. For this reason, it designed a very clear structure in which the bishops, now required to live in their dioceses, had to keep watch over the actions of the parish rectors, who were also subjected to the residence requirement. The rectors, in turn, were required to instruct their flock in the truths of the faith as the Council had established them (especially through catechism and preaching) and to ensure their access to the sacraments (including the obligation to receive communion and confess at least once a year). The bishops became the driving force behind the implementation of the reforms in each diocese, and for this reason the Council strongly reinforced their powers, especially the power of jurisdiction.4 The desire to dignify the clergy, both secular and regular, that was to help these bishops became clear in many decrees (the obligation to wear the habit, the creation of seminaries, the obligatory enclosure of nuns, etc.). The layperson, the end of the chain, was seen as the passive recipient of the dogmas and the clergy’s instructions. The Church designed in Trent was a highly clerically-centred, hierarchical Church. In the 1980s, the historiography was poised to overcome the apparently exclusive categories of Reformation

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Figure 1. A session of the Council of Trent held at Santa Maria Maggiore church (Source: Diocesan Museum of Trent).

and Counter-Reformation through the concept of confessionalisation.5 The theoreticians of confessionalisation stressed the similarities in certain behaviours in the Catholic, Lutheran and Calvinist faiths more than their differentiating features. They particularly focused on the position of the state, which, immersed as it was in an absolutist dynamic, could not remain on the sidelines of the religious conflict: to preserve their power, all monarchs had to intervene to support one of the faiths and impose it through both persuasive and repressive means, intolerantly banning the others.6 Now, in the early 21st century, the concept of confessionalisation does not seem to inspire unanimity. The debate is whether it entails an overly vertical and hierarchical conception of beliefs, whether it blurs the importance of the differences between the faiths and whether it can be applied beyond the conflict of faith in the Germanic empire.7 New terms have been coined: Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia prefers “Catholic Renewal” and John W. O’Malley proposed “Early Modern Catholicism”.8 As we await a new term that inspires consensus, Counter-Reformation and

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Catholic Reformation, with all their historiographic baggage yet no longer with their ideological charge, are still used, often synonymously, by historians of Catholicism after the Council of Trent.9

Success or failure? Beyond discussions on the name of the process, there have also been other debates that have marked the efforts of historians of Catholicism in the 16th and 17th centuries. One of the most interesting is the discussion on the degree to which the new – or revamped – doctrines were propagated among the popular beliefs that had been solidly in place since the Middle Ages. Back in 1975, Gerald Strauss had posed the question in the Lutheran world: according to Strauss, indoctrination efforts had ended in failure and most of the evangelicals had remained ignorant of the fundamental aspects of the reformed theology in the 16th century. The main reason was the persistence of magical cults that predated the new faiths, which seemed

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The implementation of the Counter-Reformation in Catalan-speaking lands (1563-1700): A successful process?

overly abstract and dogmatic to the majority of people.10 In 1992, Geoffrey Parker contrasted this sense of failure, which is widespread in the reformed world, to the success of the Catholic indoctrination campaigns. Parker attributed this success to Catholicism’s acceptance of certain traditional practices and customs (worship of relics, processions, pilgrimages), to the use of all sorts of indoctrination resources (printed media and preaching, obviously, but also theatre, the visual arts, etc.) and to the deliberate simplification of the very theological contents that were presented to the masses.11 Eighteen years after Parker’s article, the scenario sketched by studies on different regions in Western Europe is quite diverse. There are regions where the hierarchical system implemented in Trent worked effectively. They had numerous morally decent, culturally educated clergymen, which ensured that the doctrine was transmitted to the faithful. According to all indicators, the laypeople had a sound knowledge of the underpinnings of postTrent Catholicism and showed affection for the devotions, beliefs and behaviours that the Church authorities expect of them. In contrast, there are zones that did not easily fit into this pattern: regions where an ineffective hierarchy never managed to impose basic aspects of the Catholic Reformation on the people, such as the distinction between the sacred and profane worlds, priestly celibacy, attendance at Sunday mass and annual confession. In certain places, there was still a broadly prevalent religion which, following William A. Christian’s terminology, is usually called “local religion”.12 In a recent article, we have formulated the working hypothesis that certain factors might have been crucial in the success of the Catholic Reformation: the existence of a flat or rolling plain with good roadways, the predominance of an urban network with a concentration of inhabitants and an economic system with a high level of product commercialisation. As a general rule, these factors would have favoured quick cultural circulation and, as a result, the Catholic Church’s ability to indoctrinate the people. In contrast, without falling into geographic determinism, a rugged terrain, a dispersed population and production oriented at self-consumption leads us to posit more isolated human groups that would be more reluctant to accept any new ideologies coming from the outside.13 Are these criteria applicable to the Catalan-speaking lands? Was the Catholic Reformation successful here? We already have both monographs, which we shall cite throughout this article, and more sweeping works14 that present what we know about Catholicism in the 16th and 17th centuries. However, we do not yet have enough knowledge to be able to pinpoint the map and pace of penetration of the Catholic Reformation, if it did indeed take place. The most thought-provoking contribution from this standpoint comes from Henry Kamen. According to Kamen, once the initial impetus after the Council of Trent,

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which was exhausted by about 1580, was over, a religiousness that included neither the administration of the sacraments nor the kind of worship espoused by the CounterReformation survived, one that kept up the popular communal rituals and practices inherited from previous generations. In the Catalonia described by Kamen, the Inquisition, the Crown or the clergy did not control the land and were incapable of imposing their reforms on religious practice or their moral guidelines – on issues of sexuality, for example. There, a traditional Catholicism with mediaeval, rural and popular roots coexisted comfortably at the expense of the official, institutionalised religion that the civil and Church authorities wanted to propagate. “In Catalonia the campaign of the Church against traditional subcultures and communal practices which had always formed part of traditional religion, seems largely to have failed because no radical change took place in the social framework within which those practices existed; and the Church had to content itself with a slow assertion of external discipline from above, in the areas it could most directly control or where it could count on the collaboration of secular authority”, writes Kamen.15 In the case of the North of Catalonia, Raymond Sala has gone slightly further. Sala believes there is a traditional “Catalan religion” which, despite some modifications, withstood the reforms of the 16th century, the Gallicanism of the 17th century and the Enlightenment of the 18th century and was heavily revived after the French Revolution.16 Kamen’s thesis, however, contrasts with the situation presented in studies on Catalan religion in the 18th century, particularly in the works by Joaquim M. Puigvert. One can deduce from his studies that in the century of the Enlightenment, the Church had firm control over the territory and the forms of local sociability (parishes, brotherhoods, etc.). The bishops were backed by an educated lay clergy that was disciplined and economically solvent and had close ties to the wealthy classes in the country, from whose ranks they came.17 For this reason, 17 years after Henry Kamen’s work, it is now time to re-examine the question of the success or failure of the Counter-Reformation in Catalonia, and more generally all the Catalan-speaking lands. As I understand it, Kamen extrapolates highly specific examples from rural or mountainous zones to Catalonia as a whole, and these examples figure prominently in his studies. Religion could not be experienced in the same way in the Pyrenees valleys or isolated inland regions as in the urban network which was swiftly developing in 16th century Catalonia, according to the most recent studies.18 In the cities, an overabundance of religion and ideological pressure mechanisms were being exerted on the people, under the sway of which the faithful could hardly be unmoved. For example, in the mid-16th century, Barcelona had seven parishes, thirteen male religious communities, two chapters of canons (at the cathedral and at a collegiate church) and thirteen female religious communities to meet the spiritual needs of around 30,000 inhabitants.19

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The debate is not closed, and new studies are needed with a clearly defined geographic and chronological scope in order to bring us closer to a solution.20 However, we are already in a position to assess the factors that might have borne an influence. These factors might include not only the deployment of the urban network as mentioned above but also the vast effort by Catalan Church authorities to introduce the Counter-Reformation, the proximity of the border with France, the spread of banditry and the presence of major pockets of Muslim converts.

The insistence of the Church authorities The Catalan-speaking lands were not very well represented in the Council of Trent. The participants in the Council whose origins we know include 12 Valencians, 11 Catalans and three Mallorcans. These figures include not only bishops and religious order superiors but also individuals with no vote, such as theologians, diplomats and bishops’ advisors. Regarding bishops, the Bishop of Mallorca, Giovanni Battista Campeggio, who never set foot in his diocese, participated in the first period (1545-1548). Campeggio returned to participate in the second period of the Council (1551-1552) along with the bishops of Elne and Sogorb (Segorbe in Spanish) and three auxiliary bishops. Only in the third period of the Council (1561-1563) did six bishops from Catalan dioceses and the bishop of Sogorb take place.21 Some of them figured prominently in the debates, including the Auxiliary Bishop of Barcelona, Joan Jubí, the Bishop of Tortosa, Martín de Córdoba, and the Bishop of Lleida, Antoni Agustí. However, none of them played a determining role.22 This scant participation in Trent contrasts with the speed with which the Council was accepted and began to be applied in the Catalan-speaking lands. After the Council was confirmed by Pope Pius IV and accepted by Philip II in 1564, the Archbishop of Tarragona, Ferran de Lloa ces, called a provincial council to receive the decrees from the Ecumenical Council in his ecclesiastic province. However, a specific order handed down by the king ordered this council suspended. The monarch wanted these first provincial councils after Trent to take place under his stringent control. The provincial council of Tarragona finally took place between 1565 and 1566 with the participation of the bishops of Catalonia, and the provincial council of Valencia was held with the participation of the bishops from the kingdoms of Valencia and Mallorca. Royal agents attended both councils and strictly controlled the course of the debates and the wording of the provincial constitutions.23 The appeals that the cathedral chapterhouses filed with the Roman Curia out of jealousy of losing their autonomy to the bishops did not invalidate the bulk of the council’s decisions.24 As mentioned above, the bishops became a crucial instrument in implementing the Counter-Reformation. The king appointed them through a papal concession

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granted in 1523. After the Council of Trent, Philip II fully accepted the model of the ideal bishop of the CounterReformation, seeking bishops who were not only personally and morally worthy but were also university graduates and had demonstrated their ability to govern. He sought bishops who were capable of visiting the parishes, supervising the confessors and preachers, monitoring the schoolteachers, filling Church positions with ideal candidates without falling into the trap of favouritism, pursuing the misdemeanours of clergy and laymen through diocesan tribunals, detecting cases of heresy and reporting them to the Inquisition, helping the poor and promoting charitable acts. For this reason, it was anomalous that the island of Ibiza would continue to be part of the archdiocese of Tarragona, far from the archbishop’s control. In any event, the cultural and religious level of the episcopacy improved immensely in the second half of the 16th century, when we find such prominent personalities as the Archbishop of Valencia, Saint Juan de Ribera (15681611), the Bishop of Urgell, Andreu Capella, and the Bishop of Lleida (1561-1576) and Archbishop of Tarragona (1576-1586), Antoni Agustí.25 During the reign of Philip II, 46 bishops were appointed in Catalonia whose birthplaces we know: 26 were from Catalonia, eight from Aragon, five from Valencia, one from Mallorca and only six from Castile. However, more Castilian bishops would be appointed over the course of the Modern Age. According to studies by Joan Bada, between 1563 and 1640, 41.6% of the bishops in Catalan bishoprics were Catalan. Between 1640 and 1715, this figure rose to 47.8%.26 This process was even more pronounced in the Kingdom of Valencia: only five of the 16 bishops appointed by Philip II were local. The majority were from the Crown of Castile (eight), although there was also one bishop from Navarre and two from Catalonia.27 In the case of Catalonia, an important tradition of councils and synods, which was virtually unique in all of Catholicism, was used by the bishops to implement the Tridentine reforms. Nine provincial councils were held between 1567 and 1598, and another was held every five years until 1757, except in times of war. These councils approved many measures along strict Tridentine lines on the liturgy, the status of the clergy, preaching and promoting new devotions.28 In contrast, there was no other provincial council in Valencia for the remainder of the Modern Age. Along with the provincial councils, diocesan synods were also held regularly. At the synods, the bishops met with clergymen from their diocese, listened to their opinions and informed them of their guidelines. This is how the parish activities, sacramental practices, life of the clergy and diocesan festivals were regulated. In the dioceses of Alghero, Sardinia, the synods were a crucial institution, and four were held between 1564 and 1586.29 Parallel to the reform of the lay clergy, the regular clergy, who were clearly more in favour of the Counter-Reformation, witnessed unprecedented expansion in both Catalonia30 and in Valencia31 and Mallorca.32

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Figure 2. Map of the diocese of the Catalan-speaking lands in around 1600. The two archbishoprics at the head of the Church province were Tarragona and Valencia. The bishopric of Elna was separated from the Narbonensis and added to the Tarraconensis in 1564. The years that the dioceses established in the 16th century were created appear in parentheses (drawn up by Josep M. Palau i Baduell).

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The first members of the Company of Jesus, founded by Saint Ignatius Loyola in 1540, included Catalan-speaking eminences like the Mallorca native Jeroni Nadal and the Valencian Francesc de Borja. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that the Jesuits soon founded colleges, beginning with the college in Valencia in 1544. The Jesuits’ first European university was the one in Gandia, created in 1547. In contrast, the Pious Schools, founded in Rome by an Aragonese priest from the bishopric of Urgell, Saint Joseph Calasanctius, expanded quickly around Italy and Central Europe, although they never managed to consolidate a stable base in the Crown of Aragon until the college in Moià was founded in 1683. The male order of the Discalced Carmelites founded a monastery in Barcelona in 1586 and another in Valencia in 1589. The female order of the Discalced Carmelites, created by Saint Teresa of Avila, was also set up in both cities in 1588. The Capuchins, who emerged from Italy in 1528, reached Barcelona in 1578 with the support of the municipality. They proceeded to spread like wildfire: they had 21 monasteries and convents by 1600.33 Even though they were unable to set up in Valencia until 1597 because of the hurdles that Philip II kept laying down, by 1611 they already had 13 communities scattered about the kingdom. In effect, the reform of the religious orders was disturbed by the interference of political motives. This was the case of the suppression of the Conventual Franciscans on a petition from the Crown in 1567,34 Philip II’s opposition to the expansion of the Capuchins outside Catalonia35 and the king’s refusal to accept the creation of a Recollect Franciscan province made up of the Order of Saint Francis’ Recollect houses in Catalonia and Valencia.36 It was also the reason why the king promoted the presence of Castilian men of the cloth from the reformed movements in the Crown of Aragon, such as the Augustines,37 and even why he tried to impose their superiority over their Catalan-speaking counterparts, such as the Mercedaries.38 The Crown was interested in not only driving religious reforms but also improving its political control structures over the clergy, especially in the Crown of Aragon. Both factors must be combined in the process of religious reform, although this is not often achieved harmoniously. Despite some tensions and problems, the new or reformed orders drove the Counter-Reformation through their churches, colleges and publications. Their efforts as confessors and preachers cannot be underestimated, especially at the time of the missions, which we shall discuss below.

The means of indoctrination It is difficult to ascertain the success of this vast attempt at acculturation. Historians have no tools that enable them to peer inside mind and discern the degree of sincerity

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and conviction of a person who adheres to certain postulates. Furthermore, in Catalonia we have none of the documentation that has been very useful in other lands, such as the Inquisition interrogatories used by Sara Nalle and Jean-Pierre Dedieu to ascertain the degree to which the individuals accused by the Holy Office were aware of the rudiments of the faith.39 Therefore, determining the success of the Counter-Reformation in Catalonia is tantamount to asking what we know about the instruments that the clergy had at their disposal to indoctrinate the population as a whole. The Council of Trent ordered the bishops to particularly focus on preaching in all their parishes and to ensure their adherence to the orthodoxy. In the Catalan-speaking lands, this meant deciding in what language to preach. There is a great deal of testimony showing that the influence of Baroque rhetoric led some preachers, either natives or from abroad, to preach in Spanish in the quest for greater ostentation or elegance. This might have seriously harmed the Catholic Church’s ability to communicate. It should be borne in mind that the entire Catholic liturgy was in Latin and that publishing the Holy Scriptures in vernacular languages was prohibited. The sermon became the crucial means of transmitting the Bible’s contents and the truths of the faith to the adult masses. Thus, preaching became the mass media of the day. In Catalonia, the 1591 provincial council ordered that catechism and preaching be performed in Catalan in Catalonia, in “the mother tongue and native language of that Kingdom” in the Aragonese lands falling within the bishopric of Lleida and “in the Valencian language” in the Valencian territories lying inside the bishopric of Tortosa. The survival of preaching in Spanish led the 1636 provincial council to repeat these orders.40 However, preaching in Spanish must have subsisted to a greater or lesser extent because the 1687 diocesan synod in Tortosa still felt the need to stress the exclusive use of Catalan for preaching. On Mallorca, there is no information on the bishops preaching in Spanish until the 18th century.41 In the Kingdom of Valencia, however, the evolution was apparently otherwise. According to Vicent Pitarch, there was a situation of diglossia. The aristocracy, upperlevel clergy and wealthy sectors of the urban bourgeoisie requested sermons in Spanish. Since the diocesan synods did not ban it, a “duality” evolved: the “prestigious” sermons, basically the ones in the large cities, were delivered in Spanish, while the “routine” sermons, mainly in the rural areas, were delivered in Catalan.42 Compliance with the guidelines issued by the provincial councils and diocesan synods, either on language or other issues, was verified by pastoral visits. These visits were a crucial tool for monitoring the parish clergy’s actions. The bishop in person, or a visitor sent by him, inspected the places of worship as well as the moral and religious standing of the clergy and laypeople in each parish within his diocese.43 The objection has often been voiced that these visits were overly brief and irregular to be effec-

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Figure 3. Courtyard of the College of the Patriarch, Valencia. The Royal College of the Patriarch of Corpus Christi, built by order of the archbishop of Valencia Juan de Ribera in 1583. Its purpose was to train priests in the Counter-Reformation rules issued by the Council of Trent.

tive. But recent studies show that even the rural and mountainous zones were visited constantly, and particularly that the success of the visits did not hinge upon conducting a more or less minute inspection but on the insistent repetition of these visits over the course of a century. According to information from Xavier Solà, the bishops of Girona ordered approximately one visit every four years between 1588 and 1699, while the bishops of Vic conducted visits an average of every two years and eight months between 1589 and 1647.44 On the island of Mallorca, eleven pastoral visits were conducted between 1561 and 1604.45 The popular missions are a movement that has aroused a great deal of attention from historians in recent years, yet we still know little about them in the Catalan-speaking lands. The missions were intensive indoctrination campaigns that were conducted in a parish over the course of several days. Regular clergymen from elsewhere thus complemented the efforts of the parish clergy by temporarily submerging the people in an inflamed atmosphere full of sermons, masses, confessions, prayers and explanations of Christian doctrine. In the case of Catalonia, Martí

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Gelabertó has shown that the missions were a prime tool in the attempt to reform heterodox behaviours among the lower classes. His highly provocative thesis states that there was no imposition of an official ecclesiastic culture over popular religion, rather a “process of substitution”46 of the traditional beliefs and practices by Catholic ceremonies that were acceptable from the standpoint of the reformers. Gradually, certain popular notions on witchcraft, magic, festivities or the care of the ill were banished or modified to reconcile them with the orthodoxy of the Counter-Reformation. Thus, the missioners became a kind of cultural mediator between the spiritual yearnings of the Catalan peasantry and the reforming aspirations of the Catholic hierarchy. We know more about the literacy rates in Catalonia in the 18th century than in the preceding centuries.47 Nonetheless, we also know that religious publications were the most numerous kind in the post-mortem inventories of residents of Barcelona in the 16th century, among not only the clergy but all the social and professional groups who owned books, which included nobles, lawyers, doctors, notaries, merchants and even artisans. In addition to

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Copyrighted image

Figure 4. Juan de Juanes (Joan Vicent Massip, 1523-1579): L’últim sopar (The Last Supper) (1560). The Eucharist was one of the leading subjects in the art of the Counter-Reformation. This painting follows Italian-influenced Renaissance patterns (Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid).

the specific publishing output by the clergy (collections of sermons, missals, breviaries), there were books and leaflets that reached all the social classes, such as books of hours, catechism, the Ars Moriendi and lives of Christ or the saints. According to Manuel Peña, a significant number of publications in Barcelona were printed in Cata lan. They were in the majority until 1570, while in Valencia Spanish editions were more common. Books in Latin remained important and were in the majority in Barcelona between 1561 and 1570.48 The founding of seminaries, which the Council of Trent had deemed essential in order to boost the level of the clergy, was not effective. Wherever the bishops did manage to create them, the seminaries often languished and had few students.49 The clergy were still trained in the traditional way (family, cathedral schools, etc.) or through the Jesuit colleges. The failure of the attempts to create seminaries hints at the existence of clerical sectors that stood against the Catholic Reformation whose positions must be studied, especially around the cathedral chapterhouses50 or within the religious orders.51 Preaching and missions were a decisive factor in implementing the new devotions that captured the CounterReformation’s religious spirit and the glorification of the saints, which had been questioned by the Protestants. For example, the Dominicans stood out in disseminating the practice of saying the rosary, which was institutionalised thanks to the brotherhoods of Mare de Déu del Roser

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(Our Lady of the Rosary) and the worship of the Eucharist through the brotherhoods of Minerva. Chapels consecrated to Mare de Déu dels Dolors (Our Lady of Sorrows) and the souls in purgatory sprang up everywhere, and the processions on Corpus Christi became quite important. At such a late date as 1771, according to the census of religious brotherhoods ordered by the Count of Aranda, 97.27% of the places in the district of Girona and 98% of the parishes in the district of Vic that depended on the bishopric of Vic had a brotherhood of the rosary.52 The worship of the saints promoted the most by the Counter-Reformation extended around the churches and chapels53 as part of the architectural growth of Catalan churches, which lasted until at least 1640.54 However, we must still to ascertain whether this dissemination ran counter to earlier devotions. For example, it is well known that in Roussillon the worship of Saint Gaudérique, the traditional patron saint of the peasants, was replaced by the devotion to Saint Isidore the Farmer, whose canonisation had been promoted by the King in 1622.55 A study of the pastoral visits56 and the prolific iconography left by the worship of the saints in the guise of altarpieces,57 engravings and prints should allow us to pinpoint the map and timeline of the dissemination of these devotions in a realm shared by historians and art historians.58 For example, a study of goigs (religious couplets devoted to the Virgin Mary, God or Jesus Christ) would open up the terrain to interdisciplinary research in the

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Figure 5. Main altarpiece at the church of Santa Maria of Arenys de Mar (1636) by Antoni-Joan Riera. This altarpiece is one of the most notable and significant from the Baroque period in Catalonia.

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fields of history, theology, anthropology, philology and art history.59 The devotions fostered a showy, solemn liturgy that encompassed processions with dances, theatrical performances and ephemeral architecture. Pilgrimages and romeries (pilgrimages followed by festivals at local shrines), which the authorities tried to regulate, were quite popular, along with sanctuaries that attracted pilgrims from neighbouring towns, there were internationally renowned sanctuaries such us Montserrat.60 However, faith in the power of the saints and the Virgin as benefactors and mediators had a flip side, namely the belief in witches, especially women who could cast evil spells because of a pact they had made with the devil. Both Church and civil authorities repressed witchcraft, this time particularly harshly. Agustí Alcoberro calculates that between 1616 and 1622, at the peak of the witch hunts, around 400 victims were executed in Catalonia.61 However, the repression was not limited to witches. All forms of religion that did not fit within the narrow strictures of the Catholicism of the Counter-Reformation were heavily persecuted. The Inquisition and the Church tribunals imposed a formal form of religion and passive consent and punished any leanings towards mysticism, a prominent role for laypeople in religious life or beliefs regarded as heterodox.62 Unfortunately, we must admit that there are still enormous gaps all of these areas of knowledge. Not only do subjects like preaching, religious iconography and missions leave room for a wide range of future studies, there are also issues that hold a prominent place in the historiographic debate on the Counter-Reformation in many countries which still remain to be studied in the Crown of Aragon, including the use of confession63 or catechism to convey the doctrine,64 the Church’s control of primary and secondary education and the pilgrims’ submission to Counter-Reformation patterns.

The neighbouring Protestantism and banditry The Protestant Reformation did not take root in the Catalan-speaking lands. Situations like those of the Aragon native from the area adjacent to Catalonia Miquel Servet and the Catalan Pere Galès are individual, isolated cases.65 The kings had a well-oiled repressive machinery in operation: in the 16th century, the modern Inquisition, which had been founded in 1478 to persecute Jewish converts, changed course to detect and judge others, including Protestants. The first Inquisitorial trial for Lutheranism took place in Valencia in 1524, on Mallorca in 1531 and in Barcelona in 1539. The apogee of persecution was between 1560 and 1565 in the midst of a feverish atmosphere un leashed by the discovery of Protestant coteries in Valladolid and Seville: 36% of the defendants accused by the Tri-

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bunal of the Inquisition in Barcelona were accused of Protestantism.66 In Catalonia, there was a determining factor: the border with France, blurred during the second half of the 16th century by the wars between Catholics and Calvinists, was viewed as an objective danger. Huguenot preachers could enter Catalonia via the Pyrenees and spread their ideas. The Church authorities were constantly sending messages of concern to the Crown. For example, the Bishop of Barcelona, Guillem Caçador, wrote to Philip II in 1561 after having crossed France to reach Trent: “I only ask Your Majesty [...] to recall the neighborship with Catalonia in that horrible fire, for which we should fear for all the kingdoms of Spain.”67 And despite his distance from the border, the Bishop of Cordoba, Cristóbal de Rojas y de Sandoval, felt obliged to warn the monarch: “The greatest strength of these kingdoms are the Pyrenees Mountains, and if they are damaged by heresy [...], please consider, Your Majesty, how harmful this would be”.68 The king himself had been convinced, and in 1588 he described the diocese of Urgell this way to the Pope: “so vast and so rugged and a frontier of heresies”.69 A constant stream of immigrants from Occitania between 1490 and 1630 only compounded the authorities’ concerns.70 However, it seems that these new residents were warmly received in general. One of the basic mechanisms of integration was their insertion into the parish network and Catalan brotherhoods, which was fostered by the presence of numerous French chaplains in Catalonia.71 In the authorities’ eyes, the entrance of Huguenots might have been aided by the presence of gangs of bandits. This is not the place to engage in a discussion on the origins of the banditry that was endemic in Catalonia in the 16th and 17th centuries, which is more accurately known as Valencian or Balearic banditry. However, we can attest that the authorities’ lack of control over the land was viewed as a factor that encouraged the spread of heresies. One Dominican friar wrote to his provincial from Puigcerdà in 1565: “What worries me the most is that we are neighbours to the Lutherans and we fear that they should enter this summer under the banner of the bandits [...]. We fear that they will bring Lutheran preachers to entirely pervert the land, which is ridden with ignorance.”72 Identifying Catalan bandits as Occitan immigrants was a common denominator in the documents from the period: “Of the bandits that disturb the public peace in this Principality, three-quarters are Gascons and people from the French border”, wrote Carmelite Josep Serrano in the early 17th century. Modern historians have demonstrated that these claims were inaccurate, but we must note how they affected the collective mindset of the Catalan people – and authorities – of the day.73 However, the social instability generated by banditry might have seriously affected the clergy’s pastoral endea

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vours on behalf of the Counter-Reformation. “It would be impossible to take a step in this bishopric that is not taken at the hands of the bandits” wrote the Bishop of Urgell, Andreu Capella, to Philip II in 1589.74 The case of Father Pere Font is not isolated: in 1591 he was appointed rector of the parish in Tàrrega, which just prior to his arrival received visits from gangs of bandits who pressured him to declare whether he wanted to be a “nyerro” or “cadell”, that is, to take sides with one of the two gangs that was dividing Catalan society at the time.75 There is quite a bit of testimony by clergy who had to flee from their homes out of coercion from the bandits. The cathedral chapterhouse of Urgell said in 1558: “Things in the county and border with France are so dire that ruffians and Gascons with sheer brazenness and no fear of contradiction kidnap the chaplains, oppressing them greatly to get the largest random for them and forcing the rectors in the villages to escape, leaving their residences. We are afraid that this may be the beginning of some error in the faith”.76 In 1615, the Bishop of Vic, Andrés de San Jerónimo, bemoaned the fact that the rectors did not dare come when summoned out of fear of the bandits, and that many had left their parishes because they had been threatened with death.77 Even further, we are aware of quite a few cases of clergy who themselves were enmeshed in struggles with bandits. In Catalonia, there even existed a special jurisdiction, the Tribunal del Breu Apostòlic (Tribunal of the Apostolic Brief), to judge these cases.78 The most extreme case involved Francesc Robuster, the Bishop of Elna (1591-1598) and Vic (1598-1607), who was known for his ties to the “cadells”; he used the bandits in his struggles with the canons at the cathedral so boldfacedly that his detractors accused him of instigating a murder.79 The Catalan monks on Montserrat also used the bandits to expel the Castilian monks from the abbey in 1585 at the climax of the ongoing rivalry between the two groups.80 The sense of instability was particularly acute in the Pyrenees. Just like in most European mountain ranges, the mountainous zones were viewed as territories that were difficult for the religious reformers to reach. The descriptions of the settlers of these lands as superstitious or ignorant conceal the reality of their reluctance to accept the new doctrines. In 1581, Doctor Pedro Hervás reported to the Crown that between the Sobrarb and the Cer dagne, the people lived without “anyone to preach to them and instruct them in the tenets of our faith”.81 In 1590, the Discalced Carmelite Joan de Jesús complained to Philip II “about the vast ignorance that they have and the lack of doctrine” in the bishopric of Urgell.82 Problems arose in introducing the Counter-Reformation’s guidelines on beliefs and behaviour in areas like Andorra, which fell within the bishopric of Urgell, and the Vall d’Aran, which was under the bishopric of Comenge, partly due to the existence of specific clerical institutions linked to the local families that hindered the spread of the hierarchical structure defined in Trent.83

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The Crown did not ignore the warning signals that reached it from the Catalan Church authorities. In response, first it reinforced its repressive mechanisms. All historians of the Inquisition stress that the tribunals in Barcelona and Zaragoza, which covered the diocese of Llei da, stood out from other districts because of their virtually obsessive concern with the French, who were subjected to severe vigilance.84 Of the trials conducted by the Tribunal of the Holy Office in Barcelona, 13.86% were for “Lutheranism”, a word that the Inquisition used to cover all branches of Protestantism. In contrast, in the Tribunal of Toledo only 7.3% of the trials between 1561 and 1620 were brought against “Lutherans”. However, the Inquisitorial trials show that Protestantism never took root in Catalonia: in the vast majority of cases, the accused parties were foreign soldiers or merchants passing through Catalonia. Yet political action was not limited to Inquisitorial repression. The pastoral endeavour we described in the section above also reflect this same concern. The diligent efforts of the bishops, religious orders and lay clergy never lost sight of the proximity of France. The desire to set up smaller dioceses on the border regions that could easily be controlled by the bishops, placed right where heresy was being detected, led to the creation of the diocese of Barbastro and Jaca in 1571, which split off from the diocese of Huesca, and the founding of the bishopric of Solsona in 1593 in order to cut back the districts of the dioceses of Vic and Urgell.85 It is worth noting that Catalonia remained the only land under the royal patronage of Philip II where jurist bishops prevailed over theologians. The Council of Trent had ordered that all bishops be university graduates. In the 16th century, theology graduates were deemed to be the best suited to ensure that the sacraments were administered and the doctrine preached properly; however, graduates in canon law were better for detecting or investigating heresy and maintaining the social peace and order in their dioceses. Among the bishops chosen by Philip II in the Kingdom of Valencia, including the diocese of Tortosa, 14 were theologians and seven were jurists; among those appointed in Catalan dioceses, not counting Tortosa, five were theologians and nine were jurists. While in Valencia the efforts to indoctrinate the Muslim converts, whom we shall discuss below, required theologians to be appointed, the social, political and institutional peculiarities of Catalonia led to the choice of juristbishops. In the bishopric of Mallorca, too, where there were fears of having to grapple with the people’s purported religious ignorance, the two bishops appointed by Philip II were theologians.86 Partly for the same reason, there were more former Inquisitors among the bishops in the Crown of Aragon than in the Crown of Castile. The inquisitors were much more familiar with the problems posed by both the bandits and the “Lutherans” and Muslim converts.87 Simultaneously, the Church resources in the Pyrenees and Pre-Pyrenees were reorganised using the assets of

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the Benedictines and the Canons Regular of Saint Augustine. Upon the behest of Philip II, in 1592 Pope Clement VIII approved the suppression of the Canons Regular of Saint Augustine, who had 43 churches in Catalonia, and the regrouping of the 60 Benedictine communities of the Congregació Claustral Tarraco nense i Cesaraugustana (the grouping of Benedictines from Tarragona and Zaragoza), around 20 of which went on to disappear. In a political and religious operation with profound consequences, the monastery network of Old Catalonia, which had been slowly but surely forged during the Middle Ages, was totally overhauled. In this way, not only could the dispersion of monks around many monasteries in rural areas, which were more difficult to control, be avoided, but a series of Church revenues were also freed up to be earmarked to drive the Counter-Reformation. The assets from the defunct monasteries were used to create the diocese of Solsona, the seminary in La Seu d’Urgell to train educated clergymen for the mountainous zones, and the new college of the Order of Saint Benedict in Lleida, which was supposed to make it possible to provide university training for the monks who would later guide the inhabitants of the villages near the monastery. Revenues were also earmarked to finance the Augustine monastery in La Seu d’Urgell and the Dominican monastery in Tremp, from which preachers were sent to the neighbouring areas, as well as to shore up the revenues at the University of Lleida.88

The Moriscos The presence of major contingents of people with Muslim roots was another factor that distorted the efforts to propagate the Counter-Reformation. The Moriscos, as the Muslim converts were called, were Christians descended from the Muslims who had remained on the Iberian Peninsula under Christian domination, called Mudejars. After the participants in the Revolt of Germanies forced many of these Mudejars to be baptised, in 1525 Charles V decided that all the Muslims in the Crown of Aragon had to be christened. Officially and by force, the Mudejars disappeared and they all came to be called Christians and then Moriscos. This issue affected the Catalan-speaking lands in different ways. On Mallorca, all the Muslims had been ousted during the Christian conquest. The islanders’ relationship with Islam was only through Ottoman and Berber raids and the return of the Renegados, the Christians who had converted to Islam during their sojourns in Muslim lands.89 On Mallorca, religious discrimination affected the descendants of the Jews, called Xuetes, the most harshly.90 In Catalonia, a very small core of Moriscos remained, barely 5,000 at the dawn of the 17th century. This is quite few if we consider that they did not even account for two

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percent of the population of Catalonia, yet locally they were quite important because they congregated in a few towns in the counties of Ribera d’Ebre and Segrià. There are still many aspects in the history of the Catalan Moriscos of which we are unaware, but it is possible that a higher percentage of those living near the Ebro River were undergoing a deeper assimilation process than the Moriscos in Valencia or Aragon.91 In the Kingdom of Valencia, there were approximately 125,000 Moriscos in the early 16th century, a figure that equalled one-third of the population. Even though they were scattered about the kingdom, they mainly congregated in the inland valleys and inhabited manor towns, where virtually the entire population was Morisco.92 Logically, in Valencia the issue of their conversion to Christianity was dealt with quite forcefully. The forced baptism of the Moriscos posed many problems. How could Moriscos be turned into good Christians overnight? And in fact, was that even possible? Was it plausible for them to abandon traditional practices and beliefs in which religion was mixed in with identity, cultural and social traits? Would they not continue to practise the rites of Islam, which had secular roots, more or less furtively? After all, the Moriscos were not only being asked to attend mass, receive the sacraments and learn Christian doctrine; they were also being asked to change their clothing and language, to consume food that had been forbidden until then and to avoid baths – to put an end to ablutions. In short, they were being asked to abandon the worldview they had held for centuries.93 Over the course of the almost 100 years that elapsed between the Revolt of Germanies and the expulsion of the Moriscos, the civil and religious authorities vacillated between two policies in response to these questions: first, indoctrination and acculturation campaigns, and secondly, when the former were considered condemned to failure, projects to disperse the Moriscos in order to shatter their social and cultural cohesion, and even plans for their expulsion. What prevailed in the latter perspective was not only pessimism with regard to the Church’s persuasive capacity but also fear that the Moriscos would ally with the Ottomans and Berbers, bringing the war into the heart of the Spanish monarchy.94 Pressure on the Morisco population was a basic consideration justifying the overhaul of the diocesan boundaries. This included the creation of the bishopric of Oriola (1564), which allowed the political and ecclesiastic boundaries of the Kingdoms of Valencia and Murcia to be flush with each other, and the division of the bishoprics of Sogorb and Albarrasí (1577).95 Despite this, we have little information on the indoctrination campaigns of the bishops in the Kingdom of Valencia, although we do know that they were founded upon two cornerstones: Morisco rectories and missions. The rectories in the Morisco villages, deployed since 1534-1535, were very meagrely supplied. The efforts of some of the bishops who were more cognizant of the

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problem were debated not only because of the Morisco resistance but also because of the dearth of means to execute the missions. This is the case, for example, of the instructions for preaching to the Moriscos and the bilingual Arabic-Spanish catechism published in 1566 by the Archbishop of Valencia, Martín Pérez de Ayala.96 A single, poorly paid chaplain, often in charge of a makeshift church in the midst of a wholly – or almost entirely – Morisco community could accomplish little. These rectors’ reinforcement through brief missions, usually entrusted to the regular clergy, was largely ineffective, despite the use of the missioners’ habitual tactics.97 However, usually neither the rectors nor missioners spoke Algaravia, the version of Arabic spoken by the Valencian Moriscos, many of whom – especially the women – knew neither Spanish nor Catalan. Nor were the efforts of the special schools for Morisco children, such as the one run by the Dominicans in Tortosa,98 very effective. Persuasion was complemented by repression. In each town, the agutzil (minor town official) worked alongside the rector to ensure compliance with the Christian precepts. In the most serious cases, the Tribunal of the Inquisition in Valencia, on which the diocese of Tortosa also depended, vigorously pursued the Moriscos suspected of furtively practising Islam. Their main targets were the alfaquís, that is, the leaders of the Morisco communities who had more or less precise knowledge of Islamic law. However, the Valencian nobility did not look fondly upon Christian pressure, particularly on insistence from the Inquisition. The nobility received a large swath of its income from the levies paid by the Moriscos. For this reason, the Inquisitorial actions in Valencia were sporadic: the persecution of Moriscos was constrained in 1543, but starting in 1567, as part of the Spanish monarchy’s policy of confessionalisation, it was resumed with particular fury. According to Raphaël Carrasco, between 1566 and 1620, 73.5% of the trials in the Valencian Inquisition were against Moriscos.99 At the start of his mandate, Archbishop Saint Juan de Ribera instigated a number of measures to improve the situation, including a pay rise for the rectors. However, the meagreness of the results meant that starting in the 1580s he would become one of the main proponents of the expulsion of the Moriscos, placing himself at odds with the nobles who defended them. In contrast, the Bishop of Sogorb (1599-1609), Feliciano de Figueroa, put evangelisation measures into practice until the very end.100 The Moriscos – and their feudal lords – endessly repeated that they needed more time and resources to be properly instructed in Christianity. On orders from Philip III, the Moriscos were expelled from Valencia in 1609 and from Catalonia and Aragon in 1610. The decision to send them into exile sanctioned the failure of a pastoral policy and revealed the Morisco communities’ capacity for resistance and faithfulness to their identity.

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Conclusion The failure of the policy towards the Moriscos cannot be extrapolated to the indoctrination campaigns of longstanding Christians. Underlying the status of the issue we have tried to elucidate, it is clear that we are still far from being able to draw a clear map and precise timeline of the penetration of the Counter-Reformation in the Catalanspeaking lands. However, we can state that the situation was not the same in the more urban areas, like much of Catalonia and the archdiocese of Valencia, and in the more rural and mountainous areas. In the case of the Balearic Islands, for example, we know about the situation in Palma but very little about the rest of the island, and even less about Menorca and Ibiza. In the cities and their surroundings, the religiosity of the Counter-Reformation was abundant thanks to both the network of parishes and the presence of numerous new religious orders and the vigilance of the Inquisition. The administration of the sacraments, preaching and catechism sessions, the production of literary and religious works with religious themes, the actions of the brotherhoods, processions and other liturgical activities took place normally and, in the middle term, most certainly successfully. However, in rural areas there were factors that objectively hindered the spread of the religious reforms, including displacement issues, the lower ratio of clergy to laypeople, the banditry that hindered the development of pastoral actions and the massive presence of Moriscos in the Kingdom of Valencia. The civil and Church authorities were aware of this situation, which in their minds was aggravated by the proximity of the Huguenots, who were able to take advantage of the stream of French immigrants to make inroads into Catalonia. For this reason, the king, the local authorities, the bishops and many sectors within the clergy redoubled their indoctrination efforts in order to impose a real process of acculturation on the population as a whole. The reinforcement of the actions of the Inquisition, the creation of smaller and more controllable dioceses, repeated pastoral visits by bishops or their agents, the overhaul of the monastic network, the impetus of the religious missions and other measures along the same lines were specifically targeted at remedying these problems. However, further studies are needed to determine whether this process of acculturation was fully successful.

Notes and references [1]

Hubert Jedin. Geschichte des Konzils von Trient. Herder, Fribourg 1957 (translation into Spanish: Historia del Concilio de Trento. EUNSA, Pamplona 1972-1981. 4 vol.); Alain Tallon. Le concile de Trente. Cerf, Paris 2000; Adriano Prosperi. Il Concilio di Trento: una introduzione storica. Einaudi, Turin 2001 (translation into Spanish: El Concilio de

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Trento, una introducción histórica. Junta de Castilla y León, Valladolid 2008). [2] Giuseppe Alberigo. “Du concile de Trente au tridentinisme”. Irénikon, no. 54 (1981-1982), pp. 192210. [3] The problem is clearly set forth in Hubert Jedin. Katholische Reformation oder Gegenreformation? Josef Storcker, Lucerne 1946 (translation into Italian: Riforma Cattolica o Controriforma? Morcelliana, Brescia 1957). See Paolo Prodi. “Il binomio jediniano riforma cattolica e controriforma e la storiografia italiana”. Annali dell’Istituto Storico ItaloGermanico in Trento, no. 6 (1980), pp. 85-98. [4] Joseph Bergin. “The Counter-Reformation Church and its bishops”. Past and Present, no. 165 (November 1999), pp. 30-73; Giuseppe Alberigo. “L’episcopato nel cattolicesimo post-tridentino”. Cristianesimo nella Storia, no. 6 (1985), pp. 71-91. [5] Wolfgang Reinhard. “Gegenreformation als Modernisierung? Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters”. Archiv für Reformationgeschichte, no. 68 (1977), pp. 226-251 (translation into Italian in Annali dell’Istituto Storico ItaloGermanico in Trento, no. 8 (1982), pp. 13-37); Heinz Schilling. “Konfessionsbildung und Konfessionalisierung: ein Literaturbericht”. Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, no. 42 (1991), pp. 447-463 and 779-794. An update of these authors’ ideas: Paolo Prodi (ed.). Disciplina dell’anima, disciplina del corpo e disciplina della società tra medioevo ed età moderna. Il Mulino, Bologna 1994; Wolfgang Reinhard and Heinz Schilling (ed.). Die katholische Konfessionalisierung. AschendorffGütersloher, Münster-Gütersloh 1995. [6] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Les bases ideològiques: la confessionalització i la intolerància religiosa a l’Europa moderna (segles xvi-xvii)”. In: Agustí Alcoberro et al. Per bruixa i metzinera. La cacera de bruixes a Catalunya. Museu d’Història de Catalunya, Barcelona 2007, pp. 56-68. [7] Such as: Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Confessionalització i disciplinament social a l’Europa catòlica (segles xvi-xviii)”. Manuscrits. Revista d’Història Moderna, no. 25 (2007). [8] Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia. The World of Catholic Renewal. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1998; John W. O’Malley. Trent and All That. Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era. Harvard University Press, London-Cambridge (Mass.) 2000. [9] Paolo Prodi. “Controriforma e/o Riforma cattolica. Superamento di vecchi dilemmi nei nuovi panorama storiografici”. Römische Historische Mittleilungen, no. 31 (1989), pp. 227-237. [10] Gerald Strauss. “Success and failure in the German Reformation”. Past and Present, no. 67 (May 1975), pp. 30-63; Idem. “The Reformation and its

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[11]

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[21]

public in an age of orthodoxy”. In: Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia (ed.). The German People and the Reformation. Cornell University Press, Ithaca (New York)London 1988, pp. 194-214. Geoffrey Parker. “Success and failure during the first century of the Reformation”. Past and Present, no. 136 (1992), pp. 43-82 (translation into Spanish in El éxito nunca es definitivo. Taurus, Madrid 2001, pp. 221-250). William Christian. Local Religion in Sixteenthcentury Spain. Princeton University Press, Princeton 1981 (translation into Spanish: Religiosidad local en la España de Felipe II. Nerea, Madrid 1991). Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Éxitos y fracasos de la Reforma católica. Francia y España (siglos xvi-xvii)”. Manuscrits. Revista d’Història Moderna, no. 25 (2007), pp. 129-156. For Catalonia, Joan Bada. Història del cristianisme a Catalunya. Eumo/Pagès, Vic/Lleida 2005, pp. 89144 is more useful than Josep M. Martí Bonet and Josep Maria Marquès. Historia de las diócesis españolas, vol. 2. Barcelona, Terrassa, Sant Feliu de Llobregat, Gerona, BAC, Madrid 2006. For other regions: Vicente Cárcel Ortí. Historia de la Igle sia en Valencia. Arquebisbat de València, Valencia 1986, and Josep Amengual i Batle. Història de l’Església a Mallorca. Del Barroc a la Il·lustració (1563-1800). Lleonard Muntaner, Palma de Ma llorca 2002. Henry Kamen. The Phoenix and the Flame. Catalonia and the Counter-Reformation. Yale University Press, Baltimore-London 1993, p. 433. There are translations into both Spanish and Catalan (Canvi cultural a la societat del Segle d’Or. Catalunya i Castella, segles xvi-xvii. Pagès, Lleida 1998). Raymond Sala. Dieu, le roi, les hommes. Perpignan et le Roussillon (1580-1830). Llibres del Trabucaire, Canet-en-Roussillon 1996. Joaquim M. Puigvert. Església, territori i sociabilitat (s. xvii-xix). Eumo, Vic 2001. Alberto García Espuche. Un siglo decisivo: Barcelona y Cataluña, 1550-1640. Alianza, Madrid 1998. In: Jaume Dantí (coord.). Ciutats, viles i pobles a la xarxa urbana de la Catalunya moderna. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005. Joan Bada. Situació religiosa de Barcelona en el se gle xvi. Faculty of Theology, Barcelona 1970, pp. 4553. Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Llums i ombres de la Reforma catòlica a la Catalunya del segle xvi. Un estat de la qüestió». Afers, núm. 60 (2008), p. 431-452; Íd. «La Reforma catòlica a la Corona d’Aragó». In: Ernest Belenguer Cebrià (dir.). Història de la Corona d’Aragó. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2007, p. 249-264. Constancio Gutiérrez. Españoles en Trento. CSIC, Valladolid 1951.

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[22] Miquel Batllori. “Lo bisbe Jubí”. In: Idem. Les reformes religioses al segle xvi. Obra Completa, vol. vi. Tres i Quatre, València 1996, pp. 235-294; Joan Bada. “Aportacions doctrinals d’Antoni Agustín a la tercera etapa del concili de Trento (1562-1563)”. Revista Catalana de Teologia, no. XII:1 (1987), pp. 125-139. [23] Regarding the 1564 provincial council, Joan Bada. Situació…, op. cit., pp. 151-178. Regarding the provincial councils as a whole, Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. Felipe II y el clero secular. La aplicación del concilio de Trento. Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, Madrid 2000, pp. 123-148. [24] J. Rius Serra. “Dudas del Concilio Tarraconense de 1565 resueltas por la Congregación del Conci lio”. Revista Española de Derecho Canónico, no. 8 (1953), pp. 601-603. [25] Jornades d’Història: Antoni Agustín (1517-1586) i el seu temps. PPU, Tarragona 1986, 2 vol. [26] Joan Bada. “Origen dels bisbes de les seus catalanes (1500-1982)”. Qüestions de Vida Cristiana, no. 113 (1982), pp. 102-110. See too Maximiliano Barrio Gozalo. “Notas para el estudio sociológico de un grupo privilegiado del Antiguo Régimen. Los obispos del Principado de Catalunya, 1600-1835”. In: Primer Congrés d’Història Moderna de Catalunya. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1984, pp. 507-513. [27] The statistics available to us mention appointments, not individuals. It should be borne in mind that several prelates were successively the bishops of two or more dioceses. [28] Josep Raventós i Giralt. La sinodalitat a Cata lunya. Síntesi històrica dels concilis tarraconenses. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat/Institut Superior de Ciències Religioses Sant Fructuós, Barcelona/Tarragona 2000; Josep Maria Marquès. Concilis provincials tarraconenses. Proa, Barcelona 1994. [29] Antoni Nughes. El Sínode del bisbe Baccallar: l’Alguer. Església i societat al segle xvi. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1991. [30] The ones founded can be tracked in Joan Bada and Genís Samper (ed.). Catalònia religiosa. Atles històric: dels orígens als nostres dies. Claret, Barcelona 1991. [31] During the lengthy episcopal government of Saint Juan de Ribera (1568-1611), 83 convents and monasteries were created in the archdiocese of Valencia. Ramón Robres Lluch. San Juan de Ribera. Juan Flors, Barcelona 1960, pp. 443-444. [32] On the island of Mallorca alone, nine convents and monasteries were founded between 1597 and 1613. Josep Amengual i Batle. Història..., op. cit., p. 121. [33] Basili de Rubí. Un segle de vida caputxina a Cata lunya (1564-1664). Aproximació històrico-bibliogràfica. Caputxins de Sarrià, Barcelona 1977.

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[34] Gonzalo Fernández-Gallardo Jiménez. “La supresión de los franciscanos conventuales en la Corona de Aragón”. Archivo Ibero-Americano, no. 60 (2000), pp. 217-241; Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “La anexión de los franciscanos conventuales de Cataluña a la observancia (1567)”. In: Gonzalo Fernández-Gallardo Jiménez (coord.). Los Franciscanos Conventuales en España. Asociación Hispànica de Estudios Franciscanos, Madrid 2006, pp. 373-388. [35] Valentí Serra de Manresa. “Oposición del Rey Felipe II a la implantación y expansión de los franciscanos capuchinos”. In: Ernest Belenguer Cebrià (coord.). Felipe II y el Mediterráneo. Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, Madrid 1999, vol. ii, pp. 205-217. [36] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Enjeux de pouvoir et identités franciscaines. L’éphémère tentative d’émancipation de l’Observance des Récollets de la Couronne d’Aragon (1567-1583)”. In: Frédéric Meyer and Ludovic Viallet (dir.). Identités franciscaines à l’âge des Réformes. Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand 2005, pp. 313-331. [37] C. Alonso. La reforma tridentina en la provincia agustiniana de la Corona de Aragón (1568-1586). Estudio Agustiniano, Valladolid 1986. [38] Bruce Taylor. Structures of Reform: The Mercedarian Order in the Spanish Golden Age. Brill, Leiden 2000. [39] Jean-Pierre Dedieu. “Christianisation en Nouvelle Castille. Catéchisme, communion, messe et confirmation dans l’archevêché de Tolède, 1450-1650”. Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, no. 15 (1979), pp. 261-294 (translation into English in Anne J. Cruz and Mary E. Perry (ed.). Culture and Control in Counter-Reformation Spain. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis-Oxford 1992, pp. 1-24); Sara T. Nalle. God in La Mancha. Religious Reform and the People of Cuenca, 1500-1650. The John Hopkins University Press, BaltimoreLondon 1992, pp. 120-129. [40] Modest Prats. Política lingüística de l’Església cata lana, segles xvi-xvii. Concilis de la Tarraconense, anys 1591, 1636, 1637. Eumo/Universitat de Girona, Vic/Girona 1995. See too Alfred Agustí i Farreny. Llengua i Església a la Lleida del xvi al xviii, Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 1994. [41] Josep Amengual i Batle. “La llengua del poble dins els sínodes mallorquins dels segles xvi-xvii”. Randa, no. 6 (1977), p. 526. [42] Vicent Pitarch i Almela. Llengua i Església durant el Barroc valencià. Institut Interuniversitari de Filologia Valenciana/Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, València/Barcelona 2001. [43] There is extensive literature on pastoral visits. Regarding their use in Catalonia see Joaquim Puig

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[44]

[45]

[46] [47]

[48]

[49] [50]

vert (ed.). Les visites pastorals. Dels orígens medievals a l’època contemporània. Universitat de Girona, Girona 2003. Xavier Solà Colomer. La Reforma catòlica a la muntanya catalana. Els bisbats de Girona i Vic (1587-1800). Universitat de Girona, Girona 2008. See too Eugeni Perea Simón. Església i societat a l’Arxidiòcesi de Tarragona durant el segle xviii. Un estudi a través de les visites pastorals. Provincial Council of Tarragona, Reus 2000. Also for the bishopric of Elna, Dominique Julia has established that a significant number of visits were paid, whose documentation has unfortunately been lost: Marc Venard and Dominique Julia. Répertoire des visites pastorales de la France. Anciens diocèses (jusqu’en 1790). CNRS, Paris 1979, vol. 2, pp. 276. Lorenzo Pérez Martínez. Las visitas pastorales de Don Diego de Arnedo a la Diócesis de Mallorca (1562-1572), Palma de Mallorca 1963 and 1969, 2 vol.; Guillermo Pons. “La reforma eclesiástica en Mallorca durante el pontificado de D. Juan Vich y Manrique de Lara (1573-1604)”. Anthologica Annua, no. 16 (1968), pp. 175-325; Idem. “La cura de almas y la vida cristiana del pueblo de Mallorca bajo el pontificado de D. Juan Vich y Manrique de Lara (1573-1604)”. Anthologica Annua, no. 18 (1971), pp. 467-583. Martí Gelabertó. La palabra del predicador. Contrarreforma y superstición en Cataluña (siglos xviixviii). Milenio, Lleida 2005, p. 363. Javier Antón Pelayo. La herencia cultural: alfabetización y lectura en la ciudad de Girona (17471807). Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra 1998. Philippe Berger. Libro y lectura en la Valencia del Renacimiento. Alfons el Magnànim, Valencia 1987; Manuel Peña Díaz. El laberinto de los libros. Historia cultural de la Barcelona del Quinientos. Fundación Germán Sánchez Ruipérez, Madrid 1997; Idem. Cataluña en el Renacimiento: libros y lenguas (Barcelona, 1473-1600). Milenio, Lleida 1996. For example, in Barcelona: Enric Subirà i Blasi. El Seminari de Barcelona (1593-1917). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1993. Antoni Jordà Fernández. Església i poder a la Catalunya del segle xvii. La seu de Tarragona. Pu blicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1993; Pedro Fatjó Gómez. La catedral de Barcelona en el siglo xvii: las estructuras y los hombres. Doctoral thesis. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1999; Montserrat Jiménez Sureda. L’Església catalana sota la monarquia dels Borbons: la catedral de Girona en el segle xviii. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1999; Idem. “La catedral de Girona en l’època moderna i contemporània”. Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Gironins, no. xlv (2004), pp. 47-57.

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[51] For example, Friar Tomás Gómez. En reino extraño. Relación de la visita del Real Monasterio de Valldigna. Autobiografía, vida cotidiana y lucha política en la España de Carlos II, ed. Fernando Andrés Robres, Rafael Benítez Sánchez-Blanco and Eugenio Ciscar Pallarés. Universitat de València-Mancomunitat de la Valldigna, Valencia 2008. More generally, Jean-François GalinierPallerola. “Le bon pasteur et le mauvais prêtre au temps de la Réforme catholique: l’exemple catalan” in Pierre Bonnassie (ed.). Le clergé rural dans l’Europe médiévale et moderne. Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse 1991, pp. 259-269. [52] Joaquim M. Puigvert. Església..., op. cit., p. 173. [53] Sílvia Canalda i Llobet and Santiago Mercader. “La tímida irrupción de los santos contrarreformistas en la catedral de Barcelona”. In: Germán Ramallo Asensio (coord.). La catedral, guía mental y espiritual de la Europa barroca católica. Universidad de Murcia, Murcia 2010, pp. 441-476. [54] Carme Narváez Cases. El tracista fra Josep de la Concepció (1626-1690). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2004; Marià Carbonell i Buades. L’arquitectura classicista a Catalunya, 1545-1659. Doctorial thesis. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1991; Magdalena Mària i Serrano. Renaixement i arquitectura religiosa. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona 2002. [55] Marie-Jeanne Trogno-Bonhomme. “Saint Isidore face à saint Gaudérique en Roussillon, ou la lutte d’influence entre le pouvoir royal et les privilèges séculaires d’une abbaye bénédictine”. In: Michel Brunet, Serge Brunet and Claudine Pailhés. Pays pyrénéens et pouvoirs centraux (xvie-xxe siècles). Conseil Général de l’Ariège, Foix 1993, vol. i, pp. 533-551; Jean-Louis Olive. “Saint Gaudérique du Canigou et le discours identitaire en Pyrénées catalanes et occitanes, indicateur de territorialité historique et vindicateur d’identité ethnique”. In: Idem, vol. i, pp. 553-568. [56] In the avenue of research on Mallorca, see Bartomeu Martínez Oliver. Art i església a la Ma llorca del segle xvi a través de les visites pastorals del bisbe Joan Vich i Manrique (1573-1604), graduate course research project available at <http://www.recercat.net/handle/2072/40650>. [57] Joan Bosch i Ballbona. Alba daurada. L’art del retaule a Catalunya. Museu d’Art, Girona 2006. [58] Sílvia Canalda, Cristina Fontcuberta and Carme Narváez. “Arte y religión en Catalunya durante los siglos xvi y xvii: el impacto de la Contrarreforma en la arquitectura y las artes visuales. Nuevas propuestas de anàlisis”. In: La multiculturalidad en las artes y en la arquitectura. XVI Congreso Nacional de Historia del Arte, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria 2006, vol. ii, pp. 545-553. For an overview of the issue in Catalonia, Joaquim Garri-

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ga. L’època del Renaixement. Segle XVI. In: Història de l’art català, vol. iv. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1986, and Joan-Ramon Triadó. L’època del Barroc. In: Idem, vol. v. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1996 (4th ed.). Dominique de Courcelles. L’écriture dans la pensée de la mort en Catalogne. École des Chartes, Paris 1992. Anselm M. Albareda. Història de Montserrat. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2010 (new expanded edition by Josep Maria Massot i Muntaner). Agustí Alcoberro. Per bruixa..., op. cit. Francisco Pons Fuster. Místicos, beatas y alum brados. Ribera y la espiritualidad valenciana del siglo xvii. Alfons el Magnànim, Valencia 1991. Regarding the debate generated by Adriano Prosperi. Tribunali della coscienza. Inquisitori, confessori, missionari. Einaudi, Turin 1996. We are aware of the state of the question on Ma llorca thanks to Josep Amengual i Batle. Llengua i catecisme de Mallorca: entre la pastoral i la política. Govern Balear-Institut d’Estudis Baleàrics, Palma de Mallorca 1991. Antonio Fernández Luzón and Doris Moreno. Protestantes, visionarios, profetas y místicos. Debolsillo, Barcelona 2005. Ricardo García Cárcel. Orígenes de la Inquisición española: el Tribunal de Valencia 1478-1530. Península, Barcelona 1976; Joan Bada. La Inquisició a Catalunya (segles xiii-xix). Barcanova, Barcelona 1992; Mateu Colom i Palmer. La Inquisició a Ma llorca, 1488-1578. Curial, Barcelona 1992. General Archive of Simancas. State, 328, s. f. Zabálburu Archive (Madrid). Folder 129, f. 153. Ernest Zaragoza Pascual. “Reforma de los benedictinos y canónigos regulares en Cataluña. Documentos inéditos (1588-1616)”. Studia Monastica, no. 23 (1981), p. 82. A seminal work is still Jordi Nadal and Emili Giralt. La population catalane de 1553 à 1717. L’immigration française. SEVPEN, Paris 1960 (translation into catalan: Immigració i redreç demogràfic: els francesos a la Catalunya dels segles xvi i xvii, Eumo, Vic 2000). Antoni Simon i Tarrés. “Catalunya moderna”. In: Albert Balcells (ed.). Història de Catalunya. L’Esfera dels Llibres, Barcelona 2004, pp. 359-371; Enric Moliné. “Els sacerdots francesos del bisbat d’Urgell (segles xiv-xvii)”. Urgellia, no. 9 (19881989), pp. 365-402. General Archive of Simancas. State, 332, s. f. Xavier Torres Sans. “Bandolerisme catalan et protestantisme français (xvie-xviie siècles). Image et réalité”. In: Tolérance et solidarités dans les pays Pyrénéens. Archives Départamentales de l’Ariège, Foix 1998, pp. 391-412; the citation is on p. 392; Patrice Poujade. “Le voisin et le migrant. Hommes et

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[86]

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circulations dans les Pyrénées modernes (XVIeXIXe siègle)”. Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Rennes 2001 . Zabálburu Archive (Madrid). Folder 177, f. 75. Eulàlia Duran. Història dels Països Catalans. Edhasa, Barcelona 1982, vol. ii, p. 1091. Zabálburu Archive (Madrid). Folder 177, f. 79. Henry Kamen. Catalonia..., op. cit., p. 208. Jean-François Galinier-Pallerola. “La délinquance des ecclésiastiques catalans à l’èpoque mo derne d’après les Archives du Tribunal du Bref”. Annales du Midi, no. 104 (1992), pp. 43-67; Josep Maria Marquès. “Tribunals peculiars eclesiàsticocivils de Catalunya: les contencions i el breu”. In: Primer Congrés..., op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 381-385. Xavier Torres. Nyerros i cadells. Bàndols i bando lerisme a la Catalunya moderna (1590-1640). Qua derns Crema, Barcelona 1993, pp. 201-223. Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Reforma i obediència. Actituds institucionals durant la visita del monestir de Montserrat (1583-86)”. Pedralbes. Revista d’Història Moderna, no. 13-II (1993), pp. 171-180. Henry Kamen. Catalonia..., op. cit., p. 86. Archive of the Crown of Aragon (Barcelona). Consejo de Aragón, 342, s. f. Enric Moliné. “Organitzacions eclesiàstiques autònomes al Pirineu durant l’Antic Règim: les Valls d’Àneu, de Boí i d’Aran”. Urgellia, no. 5 (1982), pp. 331-422, and no. 6 (1983), pp. 401-452; JeanFrançois Galinier-Pallerola. La religion populaire en Andorre, xvie-xixe siècles. Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse 1990; Serge Brunet. Les prêtres des montagnes. La vie, la mort, la foi dans les Pyrénées centrales sous l’Ancien Régime. Pyrégraph, Aspet 2001. Elisabeth Balancy. “Les immigrés français devant le tribunal de l’Inquisition de Barcelone (1552-1692”. In: Les Français en Espagne à l’époque moderne. CNRS, Toulouse 1990, pp. 45-69; Juan Blázquez Miguel. La Inquisición en Cataluña. El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Barcelona, 1487-1820. Arcano, Toledo 1990; William Monter. La otra Inquisición. La Inquisición española en la Corona de Aragón, Navarra, el País Vasco y Sicilia. Crítica, Barcelona 1992. Demetrio Mansilla. “Panorama histórico-geográfico de la Iglesia española en los siglos xv y xvi”. In: Ricardo García Villoslada (dir.). Historia de la Iglesia en España. BAC, Madrid 1980, vol. III-1, pp. 3-23. Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Por una geo grafía del patronazgo real: teólogos y juristas en las presentaciones episcopales de Felipe II”. In: Enrique Martínez Ruiz and Vicente Suárez Grimón (ed.). Iglesia y Sociedad en el Antiguo Régimen. Asociación Española de Historia ModernaUniversitat de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Las

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[87]

[88]

[89]

[90]

[91]

[92]

Palmas de Gran Canaria 1994, pp. 601-609. The dio cese of Tortosa encompassed both part of Catalonia and part of the Kingdom of Valencia. Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Des évêques inquisiteurs au temps de Philippe II (1556-1598). Réflexions à propos de leur profil professionnel”. In: Marie-Catherine Barbazza (ed.). L’Inquisition espagnole et ses réformes au xvie siècle. Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier 2006, pp. 167-183. Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Catalunya, ‘frontera d’heretges’. Reformes monàstiques i reorganització dels recursos eclesiàstics catalans per Felip II”. Pedralbes. Revista d’Història Moderna, no. 18-I (1998), pp. 547-556; Antoni Pladevall i Font. “Les transformacions i canvis en l’estructura monàstica de Catalunya l’any 1592”. In: Miscel·lània en honor del Dr. Casimir Martí. Fundació Vives i Casajuana, Barcelona 1994, pp. 390-397. Natividad Planas. “Les majorquins dans le monde musulman à l’époque moderne”. Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, no. 27-2 (1991), pp. 115-128. Regarding the Renegados in general, including the ones on the Balearic Islands: Bartolomé and Lucile Bennassar. Les Chrétiens d’Allah. L’histoire extraordinaire des renégats. xvie-xviie siècles. Perrin, Paris 1989 (translation into Spanish: Los cristianos de Alá. Nerea, Madrid 1989). Josep Amengual i Batle. Història..., op. cit., pp. 46-60. See Enric Porqueres i Gené. Lourde alliance. Mariage et identité chez les descendents de juifs convertis à Majorque (1435-1750). Kimé, Paris 1995 (translation into Catalan: Lleonard Muntaner, Palma de Mallorca 2001). We have made a summary based on the studies by Carmel Biarnés, Pascual Ortega, Josep Serrano Daura and Pau Ferrer: Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. “Los moriscos en Cataluña: entre asimilación y destierro”. In: Antonio Moliner Prada (ed.). La expulsión de los moriscos. Nabla, Alella 2009, pp. 211-233. Manuel Ardit. “The Expulsion of the Moriscos from the Catalan Countries: Ideology and History”. Catalan Historical Review, no. 2 (2009), pp. 65-81.

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[93] Eugenio Ciscar Pallarés. “Los moriscos en Valencia”. In: Antonio Moliner Prada (ed.). La expulsión de los moriscos, op. cit., pp. 147-177. See too Rafael Benítez Sánchez-Blanco. “Los moriscos en la política de la Monarquía hispánica y su expulsion”. In: Antonio Moliner Prada (ed.). La expulsión de los moriscos, op. cit., pp. 235-266. [94] The alternations between these two policies have been described by Rafael Benítez Sánchez-Blanco. Heroicas decisiones. La Monarquía católica y los moriscos valencianos. Institució Alfons el Magnà nim, Valencia 2001. [95] Demetrio Mansilla. “Panorama histórico-geográfico de la Iglesia española en los siglos xv y xvi”, op. cit., pp. 18-20. [96] There is a modern edition: Doctrina cristiana en lengua arábiga y castellana para instrucción de los moriscos. Llibreries París, Valencia 1980. [97] Borja Franco Llopis. La pintura valenciana entre 1550 y 1609. Cristología y adoctrinamiento morisco. Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 2008. [98] Enric Querol Coll and Jacobo Vidal Franquet. Cultura i art a la Tortosa del Renaixement. Arxiu Històric Comarcal de les Terres de l’Ebre, Tortosa 2005, pp. 41-47. [99] Ricardo García Cárcel. Herejía y sociedad en el siglo xvi. La Inquisición en Valencia, 1530-1609. Península, Barcelona 1980; Anita Gonzalez-Raymond. “Les morisques”. In: Raphaël Carrasco (dir.). L’Inquisition espagnole et la construction de la monarchie confessionnelle (1478-1561). Ellipses, Paris 2002, pp. 205-222; Raphaël Carrasco. “Historia de una represión. Los moriscos y la Inquisición en Valencia (1566-1620)”. In: La Monarchie catholique et les morisques (1520-1620). Études franco-espagnoles. Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier 2005, p. 69-72. Also by Raphaël Carrasco, Deportados en nombre de Dios. La expulsión de los moriscos. Destino, Barcelona 2009. [100] Eugenio Ciscar Pallarés. “Notas sobre la predicación e instrucción religiosa de los moriscos en Valencia a principios del siglo xvii”. Estudis, no. 15 (1989), pp. 205-244.

Biographical note Ignasi FernándezTerricabras (Barcelona, 1966) is a agregate professor of Modern History at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. He holds a Bachelor’s in Geography and History from the Universitat de Barcelona (1990) and a PhD in History from the Universitat de Toulouse-Le Mirail (1999). He is the author of Felipe II y el clero secular. La aplicación del concilio de Trento (Madrid, 2000), Philippe II et la Contre-Réforme. L’Église espagnole à l’heure du concile de Trente (Paris, 2001) and numerous articles on the implementation of the Counter-Reformation in the Spanish monarchy and the Crown’s religious policy.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 101-120 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.53 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Industrial colonies in Catalonia Rosa Serra * Historian

Received 29 March 2010 · Accepted 30 June 2010

Abstract Industrial colonies, meaning industrial population nuclei located in rural areas, are one of the most characteristic phenomena of the industrialisation process in Catalonia, both because of the industrial, business and social model they developed and because they became one of the most singular features of the landscapes in the Ter and Llobregat river basins. Thanks to these colonies, the counties where they were located ceased being rural and instead became industrialised and urbanised. Keywords: industrial colony, industrialisation, paternalism, unionist movement, river valleys

Many colonies, all of them different

Industrial colonies are characterised by the construction of a workers’ village near the factory, which is powered by the hydraulic energy of a river. The earliest industrial colonies appeared in Great Britain back in the 18th century. The most famous one is New Lanark (1786), Scotland, located along the banks of the River Clyde. Starting in 1800 it was directed by Robert Owen, the future social reformer and proponent of the cooperative movement. Another colony that has been extensively studied is the Saltair workers’ village (1853) in Yorkshire. There are examples in Italy as well, such as Crespi d’Adda (1878) in the province of Bergamo, not too far from the Alps. However, nowhere was the web of industrial colonies as dense as it was in Catalonia; the heyday of the colonies lasted 150 years, although the factories that led the colonies to be built have now disappeared. Industrial colonies, meaning industrial population nuclei located in rural areas, are one of the most characteristic phenomena of the industrialisation process in Catalonia, both because of the industrial, business and social model they developed and because they became one of the most singular features of the landscapes in the Ter and Llobregat river basins. Thanks to these colonies, the counties where they were located ceased being rural and instead became industrialised and urbanised. The textile colonies are the most important ones in terms of both number and the degree to which they are known and have been studied; they are the ones that de-

* Contact address: Rosa Serra. Muntaner, 200, àtic 8a. E-08036 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 933 630 823. Fax: +34 933 630 824. E-mail: serrarr@diba.cat

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fine the model. The Llobregat River valley is the home to the most important textile colonies from the standpoint of architecture and urban design, as well as the most complex ones in terms of their production system: the majority of the factories in the colonies spun, wove and performed the processes of finishing, sizing and dyeing. Just like in the ones in the Ter River valley and the basins of secondary rivers – the Cardener, Calders, Anoia, Freser and even the Pinyana canal in Lleida – almost 100 of which have been documented, the colonies were built in rural areas far from the small urban nuclei that were unable to provide supplies and services. For this reason, the owners organised everything needed to live and work at that time to render them as autonomous as possible. The autonomous nature of the services that the colonies offered their workers-inhabitants has often been spotlighted, but this self-sufficiency was a prime goal in order for the factory to work. Thanks to teams of bricklayers, woodworkers and locksmiths, the desired self-sufficiency became a reality. The locksmith’s workshop and storehouse became the key that led the factory to operate and ensured its constant modernisation and technical adaptation. Even though the colonies were particularly dense in the northern part of the river valleys, the phenomenon of industrial colonies spanned from north to south, following the course of the river. In the case of the Llobregat, for example, we can find colonies just a few kilometres from the source of the river, such as the industrial complex in Clot del Moro, which had not only a cement factory and its auxiliary facilities but also a train station, the managers’ house with its sports grounds and the house of the owner, Count Güell. The workers lived in La Pobla de Lillet, just a few kilometres from the complex. Further downstream on the Llobregat, the constant string of colo-

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nies down to the Baix Llobregat, with Colònia Sedó and Colònia Güell as the most important examples, reached the very river delta, where two large agricultural colonies, Casanova and Ricarda in El Prat de Llobregat, drew their water supply. It is worth stressing the fact that industrial colonisation is very rich and plural and that in addition to the textile colonies other colonies were founded that housed people working in other industrial activities, since at this stage in the second wave of industrialisation, the workforce’s availability and specialisation was a prime requirement to make industrial investment profitable. The mining colonies of Sant Corneli, Sant Josep and La Consolació (Cercs)

Rosa Serra

and the colony in La Vall de Peguera (Fígols), were built at the base of the coal mines in Fígols, as were others along the Ter River at the foot of the Ogassa (Ripollès) mines. There were also mining colonies in the potassium basin of Bages, in the towns of Cardona, Súria, Balsareny and Sa llent. At times, cement manufacturing also required small colonies to be built, such as in Clot del Moro (Castellar de n’Hug, Berguedà) and El Collet (Guardiola de Berguedà). The one in Graugès (Avià, Berguedà) and the now-vanished ones in Prat del Llobregat (Casanova and Ricarda) are examples of the system applied to modern farms. We should especially stress the case of Colònia Güell both because of its architectural and urban design value,

Figure 1. The map of industrial colonies in Catalonia mainly shows the concentration of textile colonies on the riverbanks of the Llobregat and Ter. It also shows that it is a rich and complex urbanisation phenomenon of rural Catalonia in the 19th and early 20th centuries which includes interesting examples of mining, metallurgic, chemical and farming colonies.

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which has led its church, designed by the great architect Antoni Gaudí, to be declared a UNESCO Human Heritage Site, and because of the fact that, as a textile colony, it is the only example from this sector that did not use river water as a source of energy. There are many different colonies, all of them different, because just like rural settlements, towns and cities, no two are the same, even though they do share the characteristics of their production model and socioeconomic organisation.1

Much more than a favourable legislative framework The first law on colonies and the ones that followed it were based on a powerful tradition of workers’ colonies. In Spain, this tradition dated back not only to the 18th century, with the major impetus for colonisation provided by Charles III, but also to centuries of experiences in the Americas with the conquest and exploitation of that immense colonial empire. Given this history, it is logical that agricultural colonisation would remain a pending issue in 1833. The long and fraught pathway towards creating a liberal state was embarked on between 1833 and 1868. In this process, the monarchy was slowly and haltingly transformed under the guidance of the moderate liberals who made up the bulk of the landowning nobility and the bourgeoisie. The liberals, united against absolutism and the milieu of Isabel II, were the driving force behind the creation of the new state. They were divided into two major camps, the moderates and the progressives. The industrial bourgeoisie was adopting increasingly conservative attitudes, and the Crown never found the time to ask the progressives to form a government, so they only managed to govern after pronunciamientos. It was precisely during the short periods of progressive government that the agricultural reform got underway with the land disentailment laws (Mendizábal, 1836, and Madoz, 1855) and a series of extremely important complementary laws, one of which was the 1855 Law on Colonies, the first in a long series which was followed by the 1866 law and another in 1868.2 The 1855 law was related to the laws on disentailment, the railways and limited liability credit companies, also from 1855-1856, which were controversial and harshly criticised both from the theoretical standpoint and because of the consequences of their enforcement. The ultimate goal was simply to transform and modernise the Spanish countryside, which was tantamount to the country itself because in the mid-19th century Spain was a wholly rural country. Just a quick look at the figures confirms this: it had a little over 15 million inhabitants, only 44% of whom were part of the active population. Of this percentage, the agricultural sector accounted for 63.5% of workers, followed by 25.5% in the services sector (servants, retail, clergy, etc.) and 12% in the secondary sector (crafts and industry). Spaniards’ life expectancy in the mid-19th

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century was 35 years, and the mortality rate was 29% while the birth rate was 34%. These figures paint a grim picture. Furthermore, the political and economic reforms were being implemented too slowly, as only 477 kilometres of the state railway system had been built by 1855. The 1855 Law on Colonies was followed by its 1866 counterpart, which was aimed at fostering what was called the “caserío rural” (rural farmhouse). It also dovetailed with another important package of laws: the Law on Water. After confirming its overall ineffectiveness, the original law was replaced by the one dated the 3rd of June 1868, which laid the groundwork for the true development of the industrial colonies. The first article stated that a non-agricultural industry located in a rural zone would be exempt from industrial taxes as long as it was part of the rural town.

The effect of the Law on Colonies in Catalonia However, obviously one thing is a law and another very different thing is how it is enforced. This enforcement requires regulations and the corresponding ministerial orders to be enacted. In the case of Spain at the time, all of this took place within a state under construction immersed in constant political battles, economic crises in the countryside and the nascent industrial sector, social upheaval and the bloody civil wars – the Carlist Wars – as well as conflicts in Morocco and Cuba. Several royal orders outlined the privileges of the law in much further detail with the goal of stopping the onslaught of requests. Nevertheless, it was interpreted unevenly by the civil governors, and in the case of Catalonia only 35 companies benefited from it, a small group of agricultural, textile, metallurgical and mining concerns. This is a very low percentage if we bear in mind that more than 100 colonies were built in Catalonia. Of the 142 industrial colonies scattered around Spain that benefited from the law, the largest number – around 60 – operated in the agro-food industry (sugar, spirits and flour factories, oil mills, etc.), according to the archives containing the requests and rulings. They were followed in number by 26 textile companies, 15 of which were located in the province of Barcelona, two in Girona and one in Lleida. The Catalan colonies that benefited from the status of colony were: Colònia Sedó in Esparreguera (1879), Colònia Vila-seca in Torelló (1880), L’Ametlla de Merola (Puig-reig 1880), Cal Pons and Cal Prat in Puig-reig (1882), Viladomiu Nou and Viladomiu Vell in Gironella (1892), La Mambla in Orís (1882), Salou and Còdol Dret (Les Masies de Roda, 1882), Can Serra, El Burés and El Borràs in Castellbell i El Vilar (1883), Matabosc in Camprodon (1883), Colònia Güell in Santa Coloma de Cervelló (1883) and Colònia Rosal in Berga (1885). In 1883, the mining colony in Orgassa (Surroca, Ripollès), owned by the Compañía Ferroviaria Ferrocarril y Minas de San Juan de

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Rosa Serra

Figure 2. Aerial photo of Viladomiu Nou (Source: Arxiu Consorci Parc Fluvial de les Colònies del Llobregat).

las Abadesas, also secured this status, as did twelve other colonies we have been unable to identify: six in the province of Lleida (four agriculture, one textile and one paper) and six in Tarragona (one salt, four agro-food and one paper). The industrial colonies were built wherever the owner could find raw materials that were profitable to exploit, usually in the inland rural areas of the country. Wherever there were minerals (coal, galena, potassium, etc.), mining and metallurgical companies were set up; the cement and chemical companies were set up wherever there was stone; agricultural companies transformed huge tracts of irrigated land; and textile industrialists took advantage of water as a free source of energy for their factories. It goes without saying that since they were set up in rural zones and the owners were forced to build homes and services to ensure a stable workforce, they would try to squeeze the most from a law on colonies that would not only save them from having to pay the taxes charged to industries, lands, gardens and shops for a period of 15 to 25 years plus possible extensions, but also give them other privileges: representative public posts, free weapons permits, permits to exploit stone quarries and build lime ovens and kilns for tiles and bricks, and even the possibility of exempting the colony workers from military service. Even though article 19 of the law required them to defray the

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costs of basic education – teachers and schools, doctors and religious services – the owners who built more than 100 homes were never included in any budgetary item of the different governments. The law stemmed from the concern with agrarianism, which trusted in the goodness of indirect intervention methods in the Spanish countryside to drive its modernisation; therefore, it is a law of privileges. However, between 1885 and 1892, the trend shifted just as the conflicts between the colonies and the municipalities spread. The municipalities did not oppose the new urban and industrial occupation, but they did complain about the dire socioeconomic imbalances that the colonies with tax-exempt status caused the towns, the immense independence enjoyed by the owners, and especially the damages the colonies inflicted on the municipal treasuries since they did not pay taxes. This municipal pressure, which we should not overstate since it came from a handful of relatively small towns in inland Catalonia – Gironella, Esparreguera, Puig- reig, Les Masies de Voltregà, etc. – was coupled with the more ponderous, powerful pressure from the Ministry of the Treasury.3 Finally, article 19 of the Law on Budgets dated the 30th of June 1892 stipulated the abeyance of new concession applications as well as a revision of the concessions that had been granted until then in view of the widespread suspicion that many of the thousands of owners

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who benefited from the Law on Agricultural and Industrial Colonies had not complied with the spirit of the law.

Water, coal and electricity The industrialists set up the textile colonies on the banks of the Llobregat and Ter rivers and their tributaries to make use of water as a free energy source, just as their ancestors had done in the pre-industrial age. The technical advances enabled the old paddle waterwheel to be replaced by modern turbines, the wooden transmission shafts by thick, strong upright shafts, calibrated iron structures that were strung through the heart of the factory and that conveyed the force of the machines through a complex system of pulleys, belts and axels. Starting in the early 20th century, mechanical energy was replaced by electricity. As the liberal state was being constructed, the procedure to process the concessions for water used for industrial purposes was regulated by the 1866 Law on Waters, which was revised in 1879. It not only allowed water to be used as a free energy source, it also exempted the business owners from paying industrial taxes for a ten-year period. It benefited all business owners, regardless of their activity, as it deemed that the use of water saved imports of English coal. For this reason, the waters of the Llobregat and Ter interested everyone.

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In 1904, the first cement factory owned by the company Asland was opened in Clot del Moro (Castellar de n’Hug). Coal from Alt Berguedà, and especially river water, were used to power the factory. In 1905, José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, the owner of many of the coal mines in Alt Berguedà, bought the water concession for Collet (Guardiola de Berguedà) which flowed at a rate of 3,000 litres per second. From the power plant, three high-tension lines carried electricity to the mine entrances, and mechanical ventilation was thus brought inside the galleries, ushering in the process of mine modernisation and mechanisation. This Mediterranean river – an unruly, quick-flowing, all too often dry and repeatedly torrential river – which crosses our country from north to south and divides it in half, is the only river in Catalonia that leads directly from the mountains to the sea, from the vast, empty spaces to the conurbation of Barcelona. Upriver, in its middle and upper course, the Romans’ Rubricatus – which got its name from the reddish tones of the land where it starts and because whenever it rises it flows turbid, dark, muddy and slippery, that is, lubricatus - is a murky river, as it runs through mountains full of forests that shade it. What is more, it is the hardest-working river, that is, the most heavily used and exploited river in the world; the great geographer Pierre Deffontaines summarised it with a masterful phase that has been oft repeated: “Perhaps no river

Figure 3. General view of Colònia Palà Nou on the Cardener River (Photo: M. Escobet, Arxiu Transversalpc).

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in the world has been used quite as exhaustively as the indigent Llobregat”. Less abundant than the Ter and naturally than the Segre, the “indigent” Llobregat has been and still is the backbone of Catalonia, not only because its waters have been used as an energy source since time immemorial, but also because its basin, from Castellar de n’Hug where it starts to the delta where it dies, is the most densely populated, urbanised and well-connected territory in Catalonia. It is ultimately a domesticated river, channelled and deviated from its natural course by dams and factory canals and by feats of engineering that have been built over the years to harness its waters more effectively. Between 1885 and 1900, the 21-kilometre Canal Industrial of Berga was built on the upper Llobregat from Guardiola de Berguedà to Colònia Rosal. Near the river’s outlet into the sea, the Canal de la Dreta del Llobregat was built between 1855 and 1885, and the Canal de la Infanta was built between 1817 and 1819. They were all dug to water crops and power mills, and they were used heavily by industry throughout the entire 20th century. The water became a source of wealth and business for the rural landowners who owned land on the banks of the working rivers. The Cardener River is an example, the home to peasants and rural landowners who did not want to give up the possibility, often frustrated, of becoming industrialists. Some were large landholders, some even had noble titles, and they invested their capital and lands into the process of transforming the stretch from Súria to Callús. In 1870, the Marquis of Gelida of built a large factory, initially used to manufacture paper using the wood from the forests on the estate but ultimately specialising in cotton thread. This factory, La Gelidense, ended up being transferred to Bonaventura Jover i Mata, a Barcelonabased industrialist. Downriver in Callús, somewhat undeveloped factories and colonies were the initiative of agricultural landowners; they included Colònia Antius, Colònia d’El Guix and Colònia El Cortès. The Marquis of Palmerola and Baron of Callús, Josep Maria Despujol i Ricart, stands out among these landowners. He was the owner of Mas Ribera estate and founder of the small colony of Cal Cavaller. With the exception of large colonies like El Palà Vell and El Palà Nou or Colònia Valls, the Cardener was a river with small spinning factories whose owners ended up leasing them, a system we are well familiar with today which gained ground with the expansion of the new industrial estates. Between 1874 and 1881, there was a series of lawsuits over control of the water in the stretch from Cal Rosal to L’Ametlla, and especially between Gironella and Puigreig. At the end of the same century, these disputes were echoed downriver between the Vidal family and the owners of Casa Gran de Cal Riera. During the period 18791905, the Junta de la Séquia de Manresa (Irrigation Board of Manresa) repeatedly complained that the manufacturers on the upper Llobregat stored water in the summer and cut off the flow of the irrigation channel which had

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been bringing water from the Llobregat to the capital of Bages since the 19th century. A lot was asked of the river, too much, and the Llobregat seemed to be inexhaustible. Despite the problems and the administration’s sluggishness in granting river concessions, the industrialists kept submitting requests. Thus a true struggle over water got underway, a “water fever” that came in the wake of the “gold fever”, a term used for the euphoric period in the early 1880s which was exaggeratedly compared to the 1848 gold rush in California. However, the reality was and is otherwise; we have to bear in mind that this is the “indigent” Llobregat. In 1879, the Junta de la Séquia de Manresa started a lengthy period of grievances submitted to the Department of Promotion because the textile manufacturers on the upper Llobregat were storing water in “reservoirs, stopping the flow in times of drought and using this water according to each factory’s needs, which triggers irregularity in the arrival of water to the Manresa irrigation ditch”. The grievances were repeated in 1896, 1898 and 1905. The Junta de la Séquia was right to be concerned: the concessions were too important (flows of 3,000 to 5,000 litres per second), plus the administration was being showered with requests for reforms in the dams and canals of the factories that had been operating for years, as well as from the new facilities. The goal was to get more water, or at least to ensure its use even though the Llobregat’s shortages were already clear. The water of the Llobregat had been used particularly heavily in the delta region. Since this area began to be settled, shallow wells had been drilled and water stored in cisterns. The severe drought in 1892 spurred Jaume Casanovas i Parellada, owner of the Casanova agricultural colony, to find a permanent solution. He hired the master well-digger from Cornellà known as Met de Cornellà to drill a deep well “until you find either water or fire”. After a few weeks of work, artesian wells were discovered that allowed El Prat to have drinking water for household use and to develop irrigation-based agriculture in the delta. The use of the artesian wells on the Llobregat went much further; we only have to recall that the Grup Agbar, originally the Compagnie des Eaux de Barcelone – founded in Liege in 1876 to supply water to the towns near Barcelona through the Dosrius aqueduct – and the limited corporation Empresa Concesionaria de Aguas Subterráneas del Río Llobregat, from 1871, is today at the helm of a huge holding made up of more than 150 companies that operate in all fields related to the comprehensive water cycle. In 1903, the first industrial well was built for the Godó-Tàpies bag factory, which would be followed by the wells for Tallers Roca in the town of Gavà, which built radiators and heating boilers, the well for the papermaking company La Papelera Española SA in El Prat de Llobregat, and the well for the factory of the company Española de Indústries Químicas SA, the precursor to La Seda de Barcelona SA.

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Today, when the river factory and textile colony model no longer has a future, the river continues to be a prized source of energy for a country that is poor in energy resources. In fact, since the late 19th century, electrical generators were attached to the turbines of the factories and the electrical energy produced was used internally by the factory and the colonies, and was even distributed in a limited outlying area. The possibilities that the Llobregat afforded allowed some textile industrialists with colonies, such as the Gomis family from Manresa, to develop a network to transport electricity in 1909. The success of this enterprise and of the commercialisation of electrical fluid later enabled the production complex founded at Colònia Gomis, at the foot of Montserrat, to become a major hydroelectric company, Fuerzas Hidroeléctricas del Segre.4 The water from the Llobregat was not enough to guarantee the operation of the factories. So what other opportunities were there in addition to water and the scanty tax incentives? In a country of scarcity like ours, poor in energy resources, poor in raw materials and poor in consumer markets, the manufacturers, people itching to do business, studied all the opportunities. And they had no doubt about it: if they chose the colony model it was because the operation was profitable, almost always in the short term. We are sure that the sum of this scarcity coupled with the not at all anodyne fact that the majority of manufacturers hailed from that stretch of the river and were familiar with the land – that is, with the people and their idiosyncrasies, the river and its flows, the distances, the lands, the neighbours... which is not negligible – led them to choose that model. Building a river factory – dam and canals included – and launching it – engines, machines, transport systems, raw materials, etc. – required a huge investment, even more so when an entire colony had to be built. The colony industrialists always tried to palliate the extraordinary cost involved in building a workers’ colony with all its services, even on extremely low terms and salaries. We cannot lose sight of the fact that the most important coal mines in the country lie above the Ter and Llobregat river basins: the mine in Sant Joan de les Aba desses-Ogassa and the one in Berga (Fígols-Cercs). They soon provided coal to fuel the factories during the long, continuous bouts of low water levels once they were connected by their respective railway lines, much later than the railway developers and industrialists themselves would have hoped. On the Llobregat, the railway line spearheaded by the colony industrialists (Pons, Rosal, Monegal, Soldevila, Regordosa, Claret, Pla...) reached Puig-reig in 1885, Cal Rosal in 1887 and the foot of the Fígols mines in 1903, thus solving the problem of transporting raw materials – cotton and coal – and manufactured products – textiles. However, when the railway reached Alt Berguedà, it linked up with the coal mines and therefore enabled coal to be purchased at much more competitive prices. This

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meant the train was good business, as it became the cotton train, coal train, cement train and wood train which connected Manresa with Barcelona, wending its way along the Llobregat river valley. In 1878, the local press in Berga celebrated the fact that the drought raised coal consumption from the mines in Alt Berguedà, even though it bemoaned the fact that the prices were too high, since there was no train yet. And, indeed, the river water was not enough. In 1904, the factory in Colònia Pons exchanged its old 150 CV steam machine for a 400-CV machine manufactured by La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, which reinforced the two 160-CV Francis turbines. In 1911, seven years after the Manresa-Berga train first reached the base of the mines, all the Catalan cotton manufacturers, including the ones in the colonies, bought coal from José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, the Count of Fígols and main shareholder in the mining company Carbones de Berga SA. The colonies on the Llobregat bought coal when there was not enough water, a common situation. In order to make the most of the free energy provided by the river, once precarious voltaic arc lighting systems had been installed the colony factories could operate 24 hours a day. The steam machines provided the regular energy flow that the machinery needed and the Llobregat could not offer. The waters of the Llobregat were not regulated until 1976, when the Baells reservoir was opened. Everything points to the fact that exclusive water use was only sustainable in the early years, between 1858 and 1880 at the latest. From that year on, almost all the large colony factories were powered by supplementary energy provided by a steam engine. At Colònia Borgonyà on the Ter River, founded in 1894, the steam power installed was the same as what the turbines provided, and the factory was designed so both engines would operate together. In 1904, the Cal Pons factory in Puig-reig traded in its old 150 CV steam machine for a 400-CV machine manufactured by La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima; by 1896, two 160-CV Francis turbines were operating at the factory. With the spread of electricity, many of the old steam machines were sold as scrap metal; generators were hooked up to the turbines and they were turned into local hydroelectric power plants. Today, with the factories in the industrial colonies now closed, many of them continue to vend electrical fluid to companies that distribute it on the grid. In Ribes de Freser, for example, the engineer Esteve Recolons built three waterfalls on the Freser River: the Diaó and the Rialb were used to feed the factory, while the Recolons was used to generate and sell electricity. The Cooperativa de Fluido Eléctrico was founded with this purpose in mind, although it was later sold to Energía Eléctrica de Cataluña. The Brutau family of Sabadell also took advantage of the waterfalls to generate electricity between Ripoll and Sant Pau de Segúries, and the Pericàs

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Boixeda family, owners of the La Coromina colony in Torelló, secured a waterfall in Sant Quirze de Besora with which they produced up to 905 CV. Of all the examples, the most important one is the Burés family, industrialists from Manresa who in addition to their factory in Castellbell i el Vilar at the foot of Montserrat built the El Pasteral waterfall in La Cellera de Ter, a vast hydraulic engineering project that enabled them to generate 1,600 CV to power its factory in Anglès, as well as to supply electricity to many towns in the province of Girona, from Anglès to La Bisbal, Palamós and Sant Feliu de Guíxols.

From founding to growth: A look at the chronology Based on the legislation – the laws on colonies and especially the Law on Water – and under the impetus of the industrialisation process, we can establish a chronology of the birth and growth of the industrial colonies. The first stage encompasses the period between 1858, especially 1860, and 1880. From the technical standpoint, this is the stage characterised by the spread of the second generation of steam machines that consumed vast amounts of imported coal – the Catalan coal mines were not yet exploited systematically using mining engineering techniques and injections of capital that were capable of solving the problem of large-scale transport and production. The textile industrialists, the new cotton barons, chose to take advantage of the free energy offered by Catalonia’s rivers, as well as the opportunities afforded by the new turbines, many of which were already manufactured by the Girona-based company Planas, Junoy i Barné. The scanty waters of the Ter and Llobregat were offset by good facilities set up at natural waterfalls and the construction of relatively cheap hydraulic infrastructures – dams and canals – on even cheaper land. The industrialists also benefited from the 1868 Law on Water, which exempted them from paying taxes for a ten-year period. In this early stage, as the hydraulic infrastructures, factories and auxiliary buildings were being built, so were the first hubs of homes and the most indispensable services, often a shop which also served as a bakery. Starting in 1880, and particularly after 1890, once the major workers’ conflicts and claims had been resolved, the owners decided to expand the services available at their colonies, which turned into veritable nuclei of homes and services. More dwellings were built, which differed depending on the workers’ place in the hierarchy. At the same time, the number of products sold in the shops expanded, and schools, churches, cafes and even casinos, not to mention theatres, were built. The second stage was lengthier: it lasted until the 1920s. With this expanded range of services, the colonies dealt with the constant and increasingly harsh claims by workers in the urban zones which also reached the colonies, albeit weakened, muffled and minimised. This is the case, for

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example, of the July 1909 uprisings – the ones in the Setmana Tràgica (Tragic Week) – and the strikes, which were never revolutionary in the colonies but nonetheless existent and still little known, from the years of pistolerisme5 immediately prior to the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923-1930). After the brief Second Republic (1931-1936) and the catastrophic Civil War (1936-1939), the Franco dictatorship ushered in a new stage which would last until 1960: this was the period of authoritarianism, repression, crisis and autarchy, the time of silence and the time when the system, protected by the dictatorship, became harsher.

Multicausality to explain a complex phenomenon The industrialists tried to take action to palliate the extraordinary cost entailed in the construction – despite the fact that they paid it in instalments and the labour was poorly remunerated – of a river factory and a workers’ colony with its corresponding services. The example that has been studied the most is the textile industrialists who set up shop on the banks of rivers to take advantage of the water as a free energy source, as their ancestors had done in the pre-industrial era. In the mid-19th century, as the liberal state was being constructed, the procedure used to process the concessions of water used for industrial purposes was regulated by the Law on Waters, which was approved on the 3rd of August 1866 and revised in 1879. It not only allowed water to be used as a free energy source, it also exempted the business owners from paying industrial taxes for a ten-year period. However, only 17 Catalan industrial colonies among more than 80 benefited from these privileges before they were eliminated. Yet there were other favourable factors as well. This law benefitted the textile entrepreneurs at the colonies, as well as the owners of river factories who did not have to build a colony, and all businesspeople who, regardless of their economic activity, used hydraulic energy. There were many of them. The colonies grew and developed, and they were constantly being set up on the banks of the rivers even though everyone understood and it had been demonstrated that the water from our rivers was insufficient to guarantee the pace of production that industry needed, even in the late 19th century. Just like the 1868 Law on Colonies, the 1866 Law on Waters by itself cannot explain the intense phenomenon of the industrial colonies. On the banks of the Llobregat and Ter rivers – and their tributaries – the textile industrialists found not only free energy but also cheap labour eager to work. The workforce was less disciplined than they thought at first, but through control, paternalism, the social Catholicism from the papal encyclical Rerum novarum, services and years of pressure, the workers were ultimately domesticated. The proof comes from the absence of conflict

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throughout the entire 20th century – except, obviously, during the years of the Civil War – even when the crisis in the textile industry was particularly severe between 1980 and 1990. They also found cheap land, very cheap land, free of municipal ordinances and neighbours, with the potential for expansion and abundant raw materials to supply the factory and worker’s complex – unmined quarries, all kinds of gravel for making cement and lime, clayey soils for making tiles and bricks, wood, etc. – along with the workforce to build it all: stonemasons, bricklayers, plasterers, lime-makers, building labourers and carpenters who came from the rural world and were all supervised, of course, by construction foremen and engineers. They also found railway systems, either under construction or already operating, which ran upriver from Barcelona to the mines in Sant Joan de les Abadesses-Ogassa and Berga-Fígols. These railway lines were the most important ones in the country and were often used to deliver coal when the rivers ran low in the winter and summer and during the intermittent droughts. What is more, in the river valleys the businessmen found independence and broad opportunities to exercise their competences, prominence and power. The colony manufacturers were the “owners” of the colony, at the head of the municipality and the county. They were when they founded the colony, they were when the colonies grew and demonstrated their economic might, and they were especially during the long Franco dictatorship. If the colony system had not worked, if the results had not been positive over so many years of textile colonies, they would have all died out quickly and the system would not have spread and multiplied. In addition to the expenditures inherent in any industrial activity, at the colonies this was coupled with investments in the construction and maintenance of homes and services, which included schools, nursery care, bakeries, shops, churches, cafes, theatres, cinemas, libraries, rectories, nuns’ convents, teachers’ homes, residences for single working women and sports facilities. It was also joined by the expense of building and maintaining infrastructures, including streets and squares, train stations and platforms, water and electricity supplies, sewer networks, waste collection and public cleaning. And of course there was also what we call today “human resources”, that is, the colony personnel: chaplains, religious communities, night watchmen and guards, teachers, cafe owners, shopkeepers and street sanitation workers, as well as transport to cover the long route between the colony and Barcelona – journeys by owners and managers, and especially to transport the cotton and manufactured goods. The industrialists at the colonies earned economic profits, social peace and a prominent role in the country’s industry; the workers, thousands and thousands of anonymous people from up to four and five generations, found work, housing and services in the colony system, that is, a place to live.

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Colonies and the urbanisation of the land The world of the colonies cannot be disentwined from the process of industrialisation in Catalonia and especially the part of the country that ceased to be rural from the late 19th century until well into the 20th century, the outcome of a process in which industrialisation was impossible if homes and services, that is industrial colonies, were not built. The example of the county of Berguedà illustrates this clearly. Baix Berguedà, or Lower Berguedà, between Cal Rosal and L’Ametlla de Merola, is the region in Catalonia where the highest density of evolved textile colonies can be found: there are 14 of them in a 20-kilometre area. This is a stretch of the river that was characterised by low demographic intensity in the mid-19th century, unlike the northern part of the county. In order to make use of the mineral and natural resources of Alt Berguedà, or Upper Berguedà, the industrialists were required to build colonies that were more or less developed depending on how much labour they needed, the availability of investment capital and the profitability of the business. In Alt Berguedà, more or less developed workers’ colonies were built next to the industrial complexes where Portland cement was manufactured by the company Asland. This company was from Clot del Moro, in the township of Castellar de n’Hug, but it was so close to La Pobla de Lillet that until quite recently it was known as the La Pobla factory. In the early 19th century, the La Vall mining colony was set up to supply coal and wood in the Peguera valley (Fígols), which is at an altitude of 1,500 metres. This colony would simultaneously drive the growth of the town called Peguera. In the late 19th century, Pere Pujol i Thomàs from Berga built a lime factory and a workers’ colony in Collet, within what is today the township of Guardiola, perched at the confluence of the Saldes and Llobregat rivers. During the same period, within the township of Berga but on the banks of the Llobregat near Colònia Rosal (Avià-Berga-Olvan), the Carburos Metálicos chemical factory was built; near it, a small nucleus of homes and services sprang up which would operate as a company village. Still, the major examples in the Alt Berguedà area the Sant Corneli, Sant Josep and La Consolació mining colonies in the township of Cercs. Built between 1880 and 1920, they are the most prominent set of mining colonies in Catalonia from the historic, architecture and urban planning standpoints. In the township of Cercs, nestled in the heart of the most important coal valley in Catalonia, the construction of colonies would last well into the 20th century. Colònia Carme was built during the 1920s on the banks of the Llobregat River near the yarn spinning factory, and after the Civil War the mining company Carbones de Berga SA built a large number of workers’ homes that turned the town of Sant Salvador de la Vedella and the train station into one vast colony for the mines in Fígols.

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Since the mid-19th century, the valleys on the Llobregat, Cardener, Ter and Freser rivers had experienced the industrialisation process very intensely through the textile industry, which was grounded on a longstanding manufacturing tradition. The industrialisation process was scattered about the towns of Ripoll, Manlleu, Berga and Manresa, following the course of the rivers, and it triggered another important phenomenon in which the textile colonies played a major role: urban development. To prove this, all we have to do is examine the intense occupation of the valleys in a continuous urban corridor that joins the Pyrenees and the coast to grasp that without the industrial colonies, and especially the textile colonies, the territorial imbalances in our country would be even more pronounced.6

Isolation, railways and motorways The construction of the railway was one of the most characteristic features of the process of industrialisation since the Industrial Revolution got underway in England in the mid-18th century and proceeded to spread around the entire European continent in the first half of the 19th century. In addition to the wide-rail lines, defined by the 1855 Law on Railways, secondary narrow-rail lines were built in Catalonia to fill the gaps in the main railway system and solve the dire transport problems. Nicknamed “carrilets” (“little rails” in Catalan), and official called “ferrocarriles económicos” (“economic railway lines” in Spanish), they became a key part not only of the country’s roadway and communication system but also of the processes of industrialisation, urbanisation and modernisation of Catalonia. Solving the communication problem was – and is still in the early 21st century – the major demand by many of the economic sectors in the county of Berguedà. In the 19th century, there was utter confidence that the train and motorway would solve all the problems and lead to work, progress and welfare on the upper Llobregat River. Despite this, and even though in 1848 the Junta de Carreteres de Catalunya (Motorway Board of Catalonia) had planned to build three major railway lines that were to run through the county of Berguedà, actual construction on the lines was postponed until the early 20th century. The Manresa motorway, which follows the course of the Llobregat, did not reach Berga until 1864, 17 years after construction on it got underway and despite the fact that it was not yet fully completed. Construction on the motorway from Berga to Montesquiu, running through Vilada and Borredà, did not get underway until 1882 and was finally finished in the 1930s. Work on the motorway from Solsona to Ribes de Freser also stretched on eternally; the stretch from Berga to the boundary of the province of Lleida, heading towards Solsona, was not finished until 1916. The railway venture on the upper Llobregat, the railway of the industrial colonies, started in 1880 when a

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Royal Order approved the project to build a tramway from Manresa to Berga designed by Marià Puig i Valls. This was a wide-rail line 100 centimetres in width. Given the vast wealth of the Llobregat valley, no doubt was cast on the feasibility of the project according to the newspaper El Semanario de Manresa on the 29th of March 1881: “coal, iron, cement, wood; 160 industrial establishments including (textile) factories and flour mills, with a hydraulic force of more than 140,000 horsepower...” Calculations predicted traffic of 100 travellers and 85 tonnes of goods daily and prices of nine peseta cents per kilometre per journey in second class, six cents in third class and 13 cents per tonne per kilometre for cargo transport. The cost of construction soared to 550,000 duros. In 1881, the state granted the company Tranvía o Fe rrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga the right to operate the railway line for a 60-year period. Just a month later, the shareholders met to choose the members of the administrative board: Pau Sedó, Antoni Rosal, Baltasar de Bacardí, Josep Pons, Manuel Roig, Jaume Soldevila, Ma rià Regordosa, Pere Badia, Victorià Feliu, Agustí Rosal, Josep Monegal and Antoni Pons. The general manager of the company was appointed, Marià Puig i Valls, who was also the author of the project. He accepted the commitment to build the railway line within two years. Construction of the train was an initiative spurred by the cotton manufacturers in the upper Llobregat, who wanted to link up their factories to the Barcelona railway line and thus optimise transport of the cotton bales from the port in the capital city. They also wanted to have a cheap, quick outlet for their manufactured goods. Not only the first administrative board but all the ones that followed it until the line was transferred to the company Ferrocarrils Catalans in 1919 were controlled by the large cotton industrialists in the Llobregat colonies, especially by the Pons and Rosal families. Owners of other textile colonies who were also shareholders in the railway company included the Soldevila brothers (Colònia Soldevila in Balsareny), Antoni Teixidor i Bassacs (Cal Bassacs), Josep Monegal i Nogués (L’Ametlla de Casserres), the Viladomiu brothers (Viladomiu Vell), Pau Sedó (Colònia Sedó) and a long list of riverside factory owners, including the Pons and Clerch families, partners in the company Claret, Pla i Cia. from the town of Sallent, and Marià Regordosa, the owner of a factory in Pont de Vilomara. Some of the most prominent investors and capitalists from those years also owned shares, including Baltasar de Bacardí, Manuel Farguell i de Magarola and Evarist Arnús i de Ferrer, along with a small but select contingent of engineers who were familiar with this geographic area: mining engineers Lluís M. Vidal i Carreras and Victorià Felip i Vidal, engineers Alfons Flaquer i Buñil and Lluís Ribas i Casanovas, and the Puig i Valls brothers – Rafael, a forest engineer and Marià, an engineer, the author of the railway project and the person granted the right to operate the line. The railway line designed, largely following a course parallel to the Llobregat River, linked up Manresa’s Nord

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station with Colònia Rosal, and more specifically with the station that was built right in front of the colony but inside the township of Olvan. The last stretch, from Cal Rosal to Berga, posed serious technical and economic difficulties, and finally, in the midst of a huge controversy that had politicians, industrialists and public opinion in Berga at odds with each other, the train was halted at the Olvan station in Cal Rosal. In 1884, the extension of the line reached as far as Sallent, and the first journey to Puig-reig could be taken in 1885. Two years later, in 1887, the train reached Olvan station, at the doorway to Colònia Rosal. The company Ferrocarril y Minas de Berga was founded in 1881. One year later, the Ministry of Promotion granted it the concession to build and operate the railway line. At that time, it was clear that a railway line had to be built in order to make the lignite from Alt Berguedà profitable, and construction got underway on the 10th of October 1882 in the stretch running from Cercs to Guardiola. The project was complex given the orography of the land, which was steeply sloping, and the considerable number of tunnels and bridges that had to be built led construction to falter and stop in 1890, when the companies Ferrocarril y Minas de Berga and Ferrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga merged with the prior agreement of their leaders, Lluís G. Pons i Enrich, the owner of Colònia Pons in Puig-reig, and José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, who took charge of the mines on behalf of the financial group DGE De Olano in 1893. In 1903, the train reached the base of the mines owned by José Enrique de Olano at the Fígols-Les Mines station. This station lends its name to the place and was one of the largest and most complex on the entire line, given that it connected with the system of sloped plains that ran down from Sant Corneli, Sant Josep and La Consolació. Since then, even though the place and the most important mines are located within the township of Cercs, the mining complex has been known as Fígols and the mining basin in Alt Berguedà became the most important one in Catalonia. Thus, the train reached Alt Berguedà in 1904, long before the motorway. As happened in many other places, this prompted an extraordinary transformation in the territory. The first impact was unquestionably economic, given that the train became the preferred means of transporting cargo, mainly raw materials – cotton, coal and wood – and manufactured goods – yarns and cotton fabrics and cement. It also transported perishable foodstuffs, which considerably diversified the diet of the people living in the region. The train also ran upriver loaded with furniture, clothing, tools and machines, in addition to the first household appliances and obviously the post and newspapers. It was a train for everyone, and even though the first and second class cars might make a certain class distinction, miners, hikers, summer visitors, wild mushroom hunters and emigrants all mingled together on them. Just like everywhere else a railway network was laid down, it was ridden to go to work, to the market and fair,

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to the town festival and cinema, to the natural spring or to bathe in the river, to the doctor or notary, and especially to go down to Barcelona. In 1904, the entire Llobregat from its source to the delta had become one large industrial region, a narrow industrial and communications corridor that historians have called the “backbone” of Catalonia. Regarding the Ter River, in 1880 the railway extended from Barcelona to Ripoll and Sant Joan de les Abadesses, thus boosting the industrial colonies set up along that river. However, over the course of the 20th century, vehicular traffic displaced the railroad, and the line from Manresa to Guardiola de Berguedà stopped operating in 1973.

The owners The industrialists found independence and extensive opportunities to exercise their competences, prominence and power in the rural zones, all of this at home, among their own folks, where they were the “masters” more than they were in Barcelona, their city of residence. The founders of the oldest colonies on the Llobregat were men who still wore corduroy jackets, unquestionably wealthy men, famous men – and women – who are still known by name, including Tomàs de cal Rei from Sallent, Tomàs Viladomiu Bertran, Josep Alsina, the owner of Cal Metre, and the hard-working, entrepreneurial Raimunda Bassacs. They were people with roots in the counties of Berguedà and Bages, whose families had long been involved in manufacturing. The Rosal family, the Alsina family from Cal Metre, the Bassacs family and the Comelles del Guixaró family were from Berguedà; the Vidal, Pons, Borràs, Valls and Gomis families hailed from Bages. Some were from elsewhere. The Puig family at the mill in Broquetes, later at Colònia Sedó, had industrial experience in Vilanova i la Geltrú, the hometown of the founders of Sant Benet colony in Bages as well. The Serra Feliu family from L’Ametlla de Merola had formerly been manufacturers in Vilassar de Dalt (Maresme) and left there in the quest for cheaper energy and labour and more docile workers. Barcelona native Eusebi Güell sold the Vapor Vell de Sants (on the outskirts of Barcelona) to found the colony bearing his name, the only one powered by a steam engine; he set up this colony in around 1890 on his estate in the town of Santa Coloma de Cervelló (Baix Llobregat). José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, the founder of the mining colonies in Berguedà, was from Bilbao. A few colonies were even founded with foreign capital, such as the one owned by the Scottish company Coats, which founded the textile colony in Borgonyà on the Ter River in the township of Torelló in the last decade of the 19th century. Coats later came to be associated with largest thread manufacturer in Sant Andreu de Palomar (Barcelona), Ferran Fabra i Puig, the Marquis of Alella. The industrialists who did not already live there soon set up home in Barcelon; the streets near Passeig de Grà-

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Figure 4. The workers at Colònia Rosal in Berga awaiting the arrival of King Alphonse XIII. The monarch took a 15-day trip to Catalonia in October 1908. In addition to visiting Barcelona, he also travelled along the Llobregat River valley and visited some of the most important colonies (ACE Archive of Cal Rosal).

cia and the Passeig itself were their stomping grounds, and just like the other textile industrialists they opened their businesses in the area falling between Ronda Sant Pere, Trafalgar and Ausiàs Marc streets and Passeig de Sant Joan. They kept a luxurious residence, their “torre”, in the colony. These industrialists, who were one in a crowd in Barcelona, were the masters of the colonies, towns and counties. Their influence extended beyond the geographic boundaries of their colonies and spread to the towns and county seats. During the years of the restoration of the House of Bourbon’s monarchy after 1875, they actively participated in local and county politics; they served as the mayors of the county seats, provincial councillors and deputies and senators in the Spanish courts. In Berguedà, the Pons and Rosal families and José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga dabbled in politics and achieved levels of power that would be unthinkable today. Josep Monegal i Nogués, the owner of the colony in L’Ametlla de Monegal, was the mayor of Barcelona and founder of the Caixa de Pensions savings bank. Puig i Llagostera became one of the staunchest defenders of protectionism in Madrid. They became patrons and promoters of social aid projects in the towns where their colonies were located, and they financed the construction of schools, football pitches and hospitals for the poor. They also spearheaded the creation of major infrastructures, like the ManresaBerga-Guardiola railway in Berguedà, and helped to found the Caixa d’Estalvis de Manresa savings bank.

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One good example of the political importance of the colony manufacturers in the early 20th century is King Alphonse XIII’s visit to Catalonia in 1908. Over the course of his 15-day stay, he participated in cultural and political activities in Barcelona and visited the leading industries in Catalonia. The King also sought to reinforce his ties with the local Catalan elites through the ennoblement of numerous industrial families – including Eusebi Güell and José Enrique de Olano – with the intention of creating a local ruling elite that was closely allied with the monarchy. His visit to the two industrial rivers in Catalonia was planned with a keen interest, as it was also to be used to demonstrate the working classes’ loyalty to the Bourbon monarchy and make it clear that the old territories where the Carlist rebels had encamped in Catalonia had been abandoned and the Carlist cause and the rebellion against the constitutional monarchy forgotten, as it was regarded as overly liberal. With the end of the restoration and the advent of the Second Republic in 1931, the owners lost their prominence and distanced themselves from the colonies, which they left in the hands of their right-hand men (managers, chaplains, stewards and teachers), a stance they would keep up during the Franco regime. Thanks to the spread of the automobile and improvements in motorways and the telephone service, their stays at the colonies were increasingly brief and limited to a few summer days in the house. Finally, many of these houses were shuttered for

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long periods of time until neglect and crisis rendered them uninhabitable. Still, these industrialists never failed to attend important events at the colonies, such as the town festival, birthdays, celebrations and official openings, accompanied by the local authorities, the Civil Guard, the chaplain and, if the occasion merited it, legal administrators from the court, provincial deputies and the bishop.

The workers There were dynasties of industrialists, and dynasties of colony workers as well because the colonies were a powerful magnet attracting labour and spurring territorial population redistribution. In the early days, the inhabitants of the colonies came from rural areas; they were fleeing the poverty of the villages, the harsh tenant farming contracts and the problems triggered by the Carlist wars, all three of which were experienced intensively in the counties of Berguedà, Ripollès and Osona, as well as in northern Bages. They were not totally unfamiliar with jobs involving machines and raw materials, but they were new to factory work. At the start and in many colonies, factory jobs provided housing and basic services for families with three pro-

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ductive members. Productive in this case means women and children starting at the age of eight or nine, in addition to men, of course. We should stop to examine this more closely: the owners preferred to employ families that could bring the highest number of workers, either immediately or in the near future. They also chose workers who often changed colonies, seeking better working or housing conditions or services, and better opportunities for every member of the family. The colony’s willingness to grant a low-rent flat was conditioned upon work at the factory. Thus, at Colònia Pons, for example, only families with three members working at the factory received a flat. The workers also had the chance to rent a vegetable patch at a low price and to have their own chicken coop. The second wave in the early 20th century mainly involved families coming from agricultural counties in crisis, such as the countryside in Tarragona, Lleida and La Franja de Ponent (the westernmost part of Catalonia touching Aragon), and even the border region between Aragon and Valencia, along with Murcia and Valencia in the 1920s and 1930s. Each colony created its own recruitment network which provided jobs for relatives, neighbours and friends from specific places around Spain, especially southern Spain but also León, Galicia and Andalusia. This dynamic continued steadily until the onset of the crisis in 1973.

Figure 5. Factory staff at Rifà in Ripoll, in 1910.

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Yet not all the factory workers lived in the colony, as mentioned above. Some lived in the town and the country estates around it, from which they came to work every day on long group walks according to their shift. In order to house single women and save them long walks, the larger colonies built residences for young, single working women, usually under the care of some female religious order. These residences also housed single widows with no family in order to free up the housing for entire families. There has been frequent mention of the docile, disciplined attitude of the “mountain” workers. Recent studies allow us to claim that this docility came through control, paternalism and catechism. There was word of violent, Luddite-style conflicts since the beginning of the 19th century in the counties where the colonies were later established. In 1824, a group of workers destroyed the machines in Miquela Laccot’s factory in Camprodon (Ripo llès), and similar events took place in Sallent and Balsareny (Bages) in the mid-19th century. In 1855, the workers at the Cal Lluís Né factory in Berga declared a strike to express support for their Barcelona counterparts during the Conflicte de les Selfactines (from the English ‘self-acting’, referring to automatic machines that left many textile workers unemployed), and they were harshly repressed. The writer Josep Pla tells that the word esquirol (literally “squirrel”, used to mean scab or strike-breaker) was coined in Manlleu, when the manufacturers replaced the striking workers with others from the neighbouring towns, many of whom were from L’Esquirol, the nickname thenceforth for the town of Santa Maria de Corcó. Many manufacturers left Manlleu, heading upriver to the Ripollès, where they founded new factories and colonies, fleeing from the conflicts. In the 1880s, this Luddite upheaval shifted to conflicts triggered by the demands for higher salaries and a shorter workday. On the Ter River, Manlleu and Roda became the strongholds of the trade union Les Tres Classes del Vapor, which mobilised to support the workers at Colònia Matabosc in Camprodon in 1881 when the company responded to its workers’ demands by using scabs and organising expeditions to find workers in Almeria. The main goal of the struggle of the workers in this river basin was recognition of their right to join unions – trade union members could not find work – and to organise solid mechanisms of resistance in order to deal with periods of strikes. However, this conflict was not limited solely to occasional strikes, rather it went much further: in 1888 the strike on the Ter lasted almost one year. On the Llobregat, the conflict became radicalised to the point of becoming violent. In 1883, there were bomb attacks against executives and owners in the Berguedà colonies of Cal Rosal, Cal Metre and Cal Pons. Between 1884 and 1890, the major underlying conflict was not only a reduction in the workday but also the struggle against the imposition of night shifts. The opportunity to use hydraulic energy both day and night was too enticing for the industrialists to squander.

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The 1890 strike, led by the Les Tres Classes del Vapor union, was particularly harsh on the Llobregat. The repression was so fierce and the consequences so important that the demands were abruptly halted with dismissals and black lists to deny jobs to around 600 workers in the county: the “pacte de la fam” (hunger pact). Some industrial colonies were surrounded by a wall separating them from the outside world, with a door that was locked at night or whenever opportune, thus justifying criticism that described the factory colonies as a form of “industrial feudalism”. The factory owner was the owner of the housing and shops. Being dismissed meant being sacked and ejected from the industrial nucleus. It was after this conflict, triggered by the lockout of the manufacturers themselves who had accumulated stocks, that paternalistic policies began to be applied at the colonies. This policy took the guise of strict control over the workers and additional services (nursery care, schools, bar, casino, theatre, leisure zones, etc.), in addition to softer models of organising these services (mutual companies and recreational organisations, company stores, etc.), which for many years were superior to the ones provided by the impoverished town halls of the villages, the seats of the townships. The manufacturer replaced the state in its social responsibilities that would still be many years in the coming. The goal was to retain workers so that they would not emigrate to Barcelona or other towns. This policy was particularly successful on the Llobregat, where it was painstakingly applied: managers and chaplains, teachers and nuns took charge of indoctrinating the workers, rewarding loyalty, and even promoting workers’ children so they could further their education. And there were no lack of ideologues: from the Catholic Church with the encyclical Rerum novarum issued by Pope Leo XIII in 1891, applied conscientiously by the bishops of Solsona and Vic, where the land was peppered with colonies, to Enric Prat de la Riba himself with his 1898 work Ley jurídica de la empresa. The colony system was viewed as a sound instrument for regenerating the working class and glorifying the values of discipline, hard work, the family, tradition and religion. The colonies were not only workplaces; they were also the perfect place for education and leisure, for fostering religiosity and traditional values. The workers who did not adapt left the colony either on their own initiative or by force; with a trade under their belt they could get work at a factory in town or in the city and even try their luck on “l’altre riu” (the other river), the nickname used by the people on the Llobregat in Berguedà and northern Bages to refer to the Ter, and vice-versa by the Ter dwellers to refer to the Llobregat. On the Ter, which had a long tradition of workers’ claims, the conflicts extended until the late 19th century with the spread of continuous yarn spinning machines which saved a great deal of labour and could be operated by untrained staff. This problem was compounded by the

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Figure 6. Workers at Colònia Güell (approx. 1915). The men and boys were given different jobs than the women (courtesy of Josep Padró).

demands for higher salaries and better working hours. The 1899 strike in Osona yielded a temporary victory for the workers, but the management lockouts got underway in 1901. The previous year, manufacturers’ associations had been set up with the goal of keeping the current working conditions, handling worker mobilisations, drawing up black lists of workers regarded as conflictive and bolstering the services and improving the living conditions in the colonies, as well as achieving social peace. At Colònia Sedó, Agustí Sedó undertook a number of improvements in 1903 and thus managed to avoid conflict in 1913 and 1919. At Colònia Borgonyà, the first strike was held in 1898-1899 and the second in 1927 in the midst of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, as a result of imposing a 52hour workweek compared to the 48-hour week until then. This strike was led by women, who made up the largest contingent of the workforce. It should also be stressed that the workers at the colonies were not all equal. One of their main characteristics was the clear hierarchy between the elite workers, stewards, foremen and supervisors, as well as clerks and administrative staff. Training was basic in order to climb the hierarchical ladder at the factory and the colonies, and it was based on learning and studying, concepts that were only applicable to the males. The most solid, prestigious learning was the kind that took place in the locksmith’s or

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mechanic’s shop, where the boys learned the different branches of the trade from the head locksmith – fitter, lathe operator, solderer, blacksmith and forge operator – which opened the doors to their professional ascent and access to the muntura7, and from there to the jobs of supervisor, foreman and steward. Night classes taught at the colonies themselves, linked to Barcelona’s Escola del Treball, enabled them to attain the categories of official mechanic, installer, electrician, spinner or textile industrialist. Access to mestria8 and technical engineering required them to study at the prestigious Escola Industrial in Terrassa, the great school associated with the Catalan textile industry. The history of the Puig-Riera family from Puig-reig is a fine illustration of some of the most characteristic features of these working families. They were originally tenant farmers in the river valleys in the process of industrialisation, large families, and the majority of their members worked at the factory and changed colonies until they found the one they would remain at permanently where they could improve both professionally and socially. The origins of the Puig family lie in Serrateix (Berguedà) in the early 19th century. Salvador Puig and his wife Antònia Trujols were the parents of Josep Puig Trujols, who married Antònia Conill de Vi ver and went to live in Castelladral (Bages) to work as a

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tenant farmer. Their children were born there: Miquel (1886), Hermenegild (1889), Maria (1892) and Josep (1895), four siblings who married four of the 15 children from the Boixader Serra family, the bailiff and postman of Serrateix. Hermenegild Puig Trujols and his wife Rita Boixader Serra lived in Castelladral for a period, and then in Merola, but as the family grew to ten children they moved to Cal Pons. There, the four elder daughters – Carme (1917), Ció (1919), Maria (1920) and Lurdes (1922) – worked as spinners, and Àngel (1924) and Joaquim (1926) were foremen in the textile section. Pilar (1928) was a weaver, Josep (1931) was in charge of the preparation section, Miquel (1934) was the head of the spinning section and Jordi (1937) was a hauler. There is information on maternal branch since the mid-1800s. Florenci Riera Solà, born in Balsareny (1868), moved to Colònia Soldevila to work as a carter, and there he married Maria Corominas Sardans (1874), a maid in the flat of the colony owner. The three children from this marriage, Maria, Peronella and Isidre (1911), learned to weave at the factory at Colònia Soldevila, where Isidre met his future wife, Maria Reguant Oliva. The Reguant family had moved to Colònia Soldevila after having worked at two other colonies: El Fusteret on the Cardener River and Cal Riera on the Llobregat. They had trades. Francesc Reguant Gras was a spinner and his wife, Dolors Oliva Boix, a weaver. Their brother, Uncle Jacob, was a textile technician, the steward and supervisor of a textile factory in Seville. Isidre Riera Corominas, born in Colònia Soldevila in Balsareny in 1910, moved to Colònia Pons in Puig-reig with his wife, Maria Reguant Oliva; for many years he was the foreman of the looms, and his wife was a weaver. Their children, the first three of whom were born at Colònia Soldevila and the littlest one at Cal Pons, have worked at the factory for varying periods of time: Maria Dolors (1934) as a knotter; Francesc (1938) has retired as a steward of the looms at Cal Pons; Joan (1941), a technical textile engineer, moved to work in the knitwear industry in Igualada; and Maria Rosa (1947) is an administrative assistant. Josep Puig Boixadera and Maria Dolors Riera Reguant married in the church in Cal Pons; their children Ermengol (teacher), Florenci (lyric singer), Joaquim (philologist) and Francesc (librarian), have never worked at the factory. They are the heirs not only to the crisis but also to the upward social advancement of a colony family.

Building a colony: The case of Cal Pons Josep Pons i Enrich (Manresa, 1811-Barcelona, 1893), the descendant of a family of passementerie makers linked to the silk industry in Manresa in the 18th century, was an important cotton industrialist who also dabbled in local politics. He was a member of the most entrepreneurial generation in Manresa of his time, the generati-

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on of politicians and poets, yet also the generation of great industrialists who tried to instigate a major overhaul of the Catalan industrial economy. More than one hundred years ago, in 1875, the Pons family bought the lands of Cal Garrigal (Puig-reig), which it later expanded. Their intention was to create an industrial colony. On the 20th of January 1876, the civil governor of Barcelona authorised Ignasi and Lluís G., Josep Pons’ sons, to use 4,620 litres per second of water from the Llobregat and to build a waterfall 13.78 metres tall. Soon afterward, they began construction on the dam, canal, turbine room, factory and first homes; the factory was officially opened in 1880. The shop, one of the most important services in a colony, was set up in the Cal Garrigal home, which had been totally remodelled and expanded. Today we would call it a supermarket because all sorts of foodstuffs and other goods were sold there, including meat, codfish and sardines, clothing, espadrilles, shoes, soap and cleaning products, wine and spirits, oil and anything that the people living in the colony could afford. A cafe was opened next to the shop. At the same time that the industrial buildings were being constructed, a two-metre tall wall was erected to enclose the entire premises, including the vegetable patches and irrigated fields. It had three large doorways: one to the factory, the Les Abelles doorway and one leading to the road to Cal Biel, and two smaller ones: one to the station and one to the dam. The owners’ home, a magnificent historicist building with two stories, an attic and a ground floor, also dates from this early stage, which spans from 1875 to 1880. It was built amidst gardens which would gradually become one of the most spectacular, exceptional parks that can be found in an industrial colony. The Pons family must have lived in the house somewhat continuously, given the fact that the train did not reach Puig-reig until 1885. Therefore, the industrialists, the major shareholders in the company, had to wait around ten years before they could use this modern, comfortable means of transport to travel to their colony. Five years of intense work was supervised by the only qualified construction engineer in the entire county of Berguedà, and even though that did not stop working, he enthusiastically defended the privilege that his degree conferred on him. Still, the Pons family hired the architecture service to design the houses and the church, the most monumental buildings in the colony. They were probably also advised by a landscaper, as the layout of the grounds is not the outcome of mere improvisation. Even though it is obvious, we cannot pass up the chance to stress the importance and complexity of the construction undertaken. Let us imagine a constant string of stonemasons – the vast amount of stone that was needed to construct all those buildings came from the quarries located near the Llobregat, both inside and outside the Cal Garrigal estate – bricklayers, building labourers, plasterers, carpenters and all kinds of workers toiling at the same

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Figure 7. Colònia Pons in Puig-reig in an aerial picture that shows the monumentality of some of its structures. It was built between 1875 and 1890 at the base of the Llobregat River. On the left, in the foreground, the owners’ house; in the middle ground, the offices and factory, and behind them, the workers’ homes; in the background, the school and church. And in front of everything, the Llobregat River, the life and soul of the colonies built along its banks (Source: Consorci del Parc Fluvial del Llobregat).

time that the locksmiths and assemblers were installing the turbine, the looms and all the spinning machinery. The construction was so vast and the investment so steep that the Pons family did not hesitate to apply for the status of agricultural and industrial colony as a way of earning the tax exemption. On the 22nd of May 1882, Ignasi and Lluís Pons Enrich won the colony concession for 15 years, a timeframe they were later able to extend by another five years in 1892. It is interesting to look closely at the dates. In 1886, the tax exemption granted by the 1866 Law on Water came to an end. Everything was carefully planned and nothing was left to chance. A complex made up of the church – built between 1886 and 1887 – the rectory, the convent of the community of Dominican sisters of the Anunciata, the school, the single women’s residence and the theatre was built above the workers’ homes and the factory, at the same level as the old house. Construction on this complex finished in 1893, and Josep Pons Enrich died the same

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year at the age of 82, three years before the death of his heir, Ignasi Pons, who left three sons, Josep, Antoni and Heribert Pons Arola, orphaned. Lluís G. Pons Enrich, who had been running the family business and the colony for years, took over the reins until his death in 1921. Prior to 1893, he built the new hall, which was filled with modern mechanical looms, and the new house which was opened in 1897 and turned into the home of the Pons-Roca couple, while the nieces and nephews and sister-in-law stayed in the old house when they visited the colony. The director’s home was opened in 1900. The director was a crucial figure who was in charge of guaranteeing the colony’s production and control, allowing Lluís Pons to devote himself intensely to county, provincial and state politics. When his nieces and nephews legally came of age in 1909, the trade name Luis G. Pons y Enrich, Fábrica de Hilados y de Algodón became Luis G. Pons y Sobrinos (Luis G. Pons and Nephews).

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Lluís G. Pons Enrich was unquestionably the most prominent family member because of his facet as not only an industrialist and builder but also as a politician, a vocation he inherited from his father. His endeavours worth noting as an industrialist included his participation in and decisive influence over the administrative boards of the Caixa d’Estalvis de Manresa savings bank, founded by a group that included his father, who was the first bank manager, and over the railway company Tranvía o Ferrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga. His role was decisive in refloating the construction of the tramway from Cal Rosal to Guardiola de Berguedà, and from that he forged a solid alliance with José Enrique de Olano, future Count of Fígols, a mining engineer and owner of the most important coal seams in Catalonia, the Fígols mines. He never hesitated to dabble in politics as means of controlling and augmenting his business interests; he did so first as part of the Dynastic Liberal Party, for which he served as a congressional deputy in Madrid in the 1901 and 1905 legislatures. After 1919, he was a prominent member of the Unión Monárquica Nacional, one of the most right-leaning parties in Catalan politics at the time. Starting in 1918, the seat in Parliament for the Berga district was held by Olano y Loyzaga, the first Count of Fígols. Lluís G. Pons Enrich was an indisputably prominent presence in the economic, political and social life of Barcelona, Manresa, Bages and Berguedà in the first third of the 20th century. He was a vociferous proponent of paternalism and a promoter of charitable works: he instigated construction on the Hospital de Sant Josep in Manresa, where he funded a room to care for victims of workplace accidents, and he was a promoter and patron of the Hospital de Sant Josep in Puig-reig. While in Manresa, he liked to present himself as the benefactor of the poor. Each year he gave away sacks of rice from his property on the Ebre River where the steamship Anita sailed, named in honour of his wife. In Cal Pons, Don Lluís and Donya Anita excelled at applying paternalism, a practice that they kept up until their deaths in 1921.9

The end of the colony system The economic autarchy of the Franco regime, from 1939 until the late 1950s, was a favourable period for the industrial colonies. The system began to collapse in the 1960s with the first spinning crisis and the changes being triggered by the new times. The colonies were family-owned limited liability companies which ended up being excessively burdensome as the crisis drew near, especially in the 1960s. There was no stopping the crisis, and it ended up putting an end to the colony system before the factories’ activities. The overall economic and political juncture also played a key role in this. Catalonia was fully joining the consumer society and was undergoing intense political and cultural changes that also reached the colonies. A

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rise in the standard of living meant a concomitant rise in consumption – on household appliances and cars – and the widespread desire to own one’s own home, yet another symbol of professional success and the materialisation of the opportunities afforded by living in town and working at the colony. Better access to education, a drop in the practices and influence of religion, the generational revolt against adults, a slight liberalisation and the imitation of foreign behaviours which were visible through the television, certain texts and the effects of tourism all made the dictatorship stagger, and the safe, placid world of the colonies as well. For the owners, the system was no longer profitable, and the majority of workers were willing to pay to throw off the yoke of dependence. Slowly but steadily, the colonies gradually emptied of people even before the definitive industrial crisis, which worsened in 1978. Before the century was over, in 1999, the last two industrial colony factories closed: the one in Borgonyà (Torelló) on the Ter River and the one in L’Ametlla de Merola (Puig-reig) on the Llobregat. In recent years, the interest in preserving the entire heritage –urban design, architecture, history, documents, nature and intangible assets– of the colonies culminated in the approval of the Urban Development Steering Plan for the industrial colonies on the Llobregat in the counties of Berguedà and northern Bages by the Conselleria d’Obres Públiques (Ministry of Public Works) of the Generalitat. The plan for the colonies on the Ter is currently being developed, and the plan for the colonies in the Baix Llobregat (from Sedó to Can Gros and Colònia Güell) is still pending. The system must be articulated so that the colonies that are scattered about and slightly further from the major nuclei can be included in the steering plans that regulate them and establish them as places of residence, productive and tourist activity and preservation of historical memory. The Manifest de les Colònies (Manifesto of the Colonies), drawn up in 2005 to demand the institutions for clear regulatory action on these complexes, ended with this plea: “The colonies cannot only be considered a historic legacy; they are a reality that until now has been mute, a key element in the present and future of this country to stop the socalled territorial imbalance between rural and urban Catalonia, between the Pyrenees and the coast. We are not talking about a mere anecdote, rather more than 100 urban nuclei which have the full right to be part of the Catalonia of the 21st century.” The industrial colonies are one of the most noteworthy elements in Catalonia’s industrial heritage. A rich group altogether, more than 100 of them, some have chosen to make their heritage a resource for cultural tourism, with interesting proposals for museums and interpretation centres, routes and guided tours. This is the case of L’Ametlla de Merola, Cal Pons and Cal Vidal (Puig-reig, Berguedà), of the Bellmunt del Priorat mining colony, of Colònia Borgonyà and Colònia Vila-seca

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(Sant Vicenç de Torelló, Osona), of Colònia de Sant Corneli (Cercs, Berguedà), of Colònia Güell (Santa Coloma de Cervelló, Baix Llobregat), of Viladomiu Nou and Viladomiu Vell (Gironella, Berguedà), of the Ogassa mining colony (Ripollès) and of Colònia Sedó (Espa rreguera, Baix Llobregat).

Notes and references [1]

[2]

[3]

[4] [5]

[6]

[7]

Rosa Serra i Rotés. Les colònies tèxtils de Catalu nya. Angle Editorial, Manresa 2000, col. “Patrimoni Artístic de la Catalunya Central”, no. 8; Colònies industrials. Catalogue of the exhibition organised by the Department of Culture of the Generalitat de Catalunya, the Museu d’Història de Catalunya (History Museum of Catalonia) and the Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya (Professional College of Journalists of Catalonia) (2nd of December 2009 – 7th of April 2010). Barcelona 2009. Àngel Paniagua Mazorra. Repercusiones sociodemográficas de la política de colonización durante el siglo xix y primer tercio del xx. Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, Madrid 1992, “Serie Estudios”, no. 3. Jordi Clua i Mercadal has studied the issue of conflictive relations between the towns and the colonies through the examples of Viladomiu and the Gironella Town Hall (Berguedà), Colònia Salou and El Còdol Dret with the town of Les Masies de Roda (Osona), and Colònia Sedó of Esparreguera. See: Les colònies industrials. Els Llibres de la Frontera, Barcelona 2001, col. “Coneguem Cata lunya”, no. 31, p. 235-284; Àngel Paniagua Ma zorra, op. cit. Rosa Serra i Rotés, op. cit., pp. 10-20. The pistolerisme is the result of a series of quarrels and half of alldeaths in a spiral of violence, social characteristic of the period. The constant tension between union members and anarchists who set off from 1916 were increasinglyevident opposition of interests between social class and another. Attacks and killingsas besieging both CNT patterns, squirrels and senior factories. In 1920 the unions were free to speak, under the provision of the governing authority and military killed a large number of mili tants of the CNT. Rosa Serra i Rotés. Les colònies del Llobregat. Industrialització i urbanització. Generalitat de Cata lunya, Department of Culture, Barcelona 2009, pp. 134-151. The muntura is the popular name and generic what is known in the world of the Catalan textile industry, the job of editor of machines (looms, continuous, fulling, etc.) different from the professional mechanic as it specialist dismantling and assembling machinery.

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[8] [9]

Vocational training that gave the worker a worker in an occupational qualification. Rosa Serra i Ramon Viladés. La colònia Pons (1875-1987). Àmbit de Recerques del Berguedà, Berga 1987.

Supplementary bibliography 150 anys de colònies industrials. L’Erol (Berga), no. 86-87 (2005). Boixader, Alba; Serra, Rosa. Viure al peu de la mina. Les colònies mineres de Cercs. Manresa: Zenobita Edicions, 2007. Cabana, Francesc. “Fàbriques i empresaris”. In: Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana. Vol. II. Barcelona, 1993. Clua i Mercadal, Jordi. Les colònies industrials. Sant Cugat del Vallès: Els Llibres de la Frontera, 2001. Colònies industrials. Catalogue of the exhibition organised by the Department of Culture of the Generalitat de Catalunya, the Museu d’Història de Catalu nya (History Museum of Catalonia) and the Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya (Professional College of Journalists of Catalonia) (2nd of December 2009 – 7th of April 2010). Barcelona 2009. Dorel-Ferré, Gràcia. Les colònies industrials de Cata lunya. El cas de la colònia Sedó. Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1992. Enrech, Carles. El Pla contra la Muntanya. La crisi de la indústria fabril i la colonització fabril de la munta nya (1874-1904). Lleida: Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida; Patronat Josep Lladonosa, 2003. Ferrer i Alòs, Llorenç. “Los beneficios de los tejidos. La empresa Berenguer y Cía de Artés en la industrialización catalane”. Revista de Historia Industrial, no. xviii (39), 2009, pp. 37-75. Marín, Jeroni. Condicions de vida i de treball i conflictivitat social al Ripollès (1900-1923). Ripoll: Consorci Ripollès Desenvolupament, 2006. Nadal, Jordi; Maluquer de Motes, Jordi. Catalunya, la Fàbrica d’Espanya 1833-1936. Barcelona: Barcelona Town Hall, 1985. Padró i Margó, Josep. La colònia Güell. Manresa: Angle Editorial, 2001. Serra i Rotés, Rosa. Les colònies tèxtils de Catalunya. Manresa: Angle Editorial, 2000. Serra i Rotés, Rosa; Bayon, Emili. La Farga Lacambra. Solucions en coure des de 1808. Barcelona: Angle Editorial, 2008. Serra i Rotés, Rosa; Viladés, Ramon. La colònia Pons (1875-1987). Berga: Àmbit de Recerques del Berguedà, 1987. Terrades, Ignasi. La qüestió de les colònies industrials. L’exemple de l’Ametlla de Merola. Manresa: Centre d’Estudis del Bages, 1994. Vall, Pere. De colònies textils a parc fluvial. Barcelona: Associació d’Enginyers Industrials, 1999.

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Rosa Serra

Biographical note Rosa Serra (Puig-reig, 1958) has a degree in art history from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB) and a diploma in advanced studies (DEA) in Education and Heritage from the UB. She worked as a geography and history teacher at a variety of secondary schools in central Catalonia between 1982 and 1998. From 1999 to 2010, she directed the Museu de les Mines de Cercs (Mining Museum of Cercs, Barcelona) and the company Transversal Produccions Culturals. Currently she is working as a freelance in some cultural projects. A professor in the Master’s programme on Educational Museology at the Universitat de Barcelona, the Landscape Management programme at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and the Education on the Landscape and Tourism programme at the CETT/UB, she is the author of books and articles on the industrial heritage (textile colonies, mills, coal mining) and on the history of her county, Berguedà.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 121-135 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.54 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Spanish Civil War in Catalan narrative Maria Campillo *

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Received 11 May 2010 · Accepted 30 June 2010

Abstract The first part of this article presents the literary output on the subject of the Spanish Civil War written during the war and immediately after it, between 1936 and 1939. What stand out from this time are brief, non-fictional narrative forms which were often meant for the press, such as chronicles from both the battlefront (where Pere Calders excels) and the home front. Among the fictional genres, short stories prevailed during the war, while the novel, a genre which requires the slow assimilation of experience, found its maximum expression in the post-war period in two canonical works by Joan Sales and Mercè Rodoreda, which shall be analysed in the second part of this article. Keywords: Civil War 1936-1939, narrative, chronicle, short story, novel

Narrating the war during the war The early 1930s had been a fertile period for Catalan prose in its different genres, particularly fiction. Critics’ and publishers’ opinions about the need to expand the reading public through attractive products, in an effort to consolidate a stable literary market, primarily affected the novel and the short story. In effect, the blossoming of these two genres reflects both the variety of the publishers’ output, as they had stepped up projects and collections, and the fact that the works being published encompassed everything from in-depth examinations of certain prevailing trends in the European post-war period, like psychology, to the most obscure avant-garde experimentation.1 This broad range continued in the war years, as is reflected, for example, in the authors who were awarded the prestigious Crexells Prize for the novel (granted by the Generalitat de Catalunya) and the modern, appealing catalogues of translations of the collections spearheaded by the publisher Josep Janés i Olivé.2 Thus, some authors continued to construct their oeuvre within the parameters already existent during the 1920s, while other younger ones joined these already established currents, either bringing new developments or in some cases adapting their subject matter to the historical circumstances.

* Contact address: Maria Campillo. Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, Building B. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. E-08193 Bellaterra, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 935 868 078. Fax: +34 935 812 782. E-mail: Maria.Campillo@uab.cat

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In fact, in the context of the debate on intellectuals’ ties with their society, and specifically the reality of the deeds that occurred in July 1936, for the majority of working writers the act of writing “about the war”3 was only part of the commitment to write (tout court) which they had as professionals with the society to which they belonged. At that historical juncture, characterised by the clash between reason and barbarism, and in the circumstance of a threatened culture, writing was a fundamental part of a civic commitment which actually encompassed many other factors that played a part in achieving and continuing Catalan cultural life until the defeat in 1939.4 In 1938, the authoritative voice of poet Carles Riba linked the “trade” of writing to the “duty” to write in the article “Literatura i grups salvadors” (Literature and Saviour Groups) that appeared in the most prestigious of the cultural publications, the Revista de Catalunya. In this article, he conferred a value on literary creation that was not circumstantiable yet that was simultaneously not detached from historical purpose: “seeing that it has to do with politics, yet according to a general, supreme scheme of saving the fatherland”.5 In parallel, another writer in quite a different vein, Joan Oliver, warned about the dangers of impromptu literature or pamphleteering in the pages of the Marxist-leaning weekly Meridià. He stated that writers’ service to society would be more effective the better they accomplish their first duty, which is to produce “good literature, artistic works, which save time and space and ennoble the name and memory of a land, and set a national personality in the assembly of great peoples. This, and nothing else, should be the ambition of a writer at the service of his fatherland and his language.” However, he also adds:

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Likewise, literary endeavours are always necessarily slow work, one of purification and sedimentation, of picking and choosing [...]. Some of our best literary cultivators have begun to work on what will become the first fruits of their observation and talent applied to the vast phenomenon of the revolution and war. And their work will most likely not be, as some ill-intentioned and other ingenuous people believe, a dithyrambic ode to the destructive force of a people provoked by their own oppressors, nor demagogic praise of the earliest proof of a more equitable division of wealth, nor an unconditionally favourable picture of those months of bloody justice. All of these deeds will surely be the subject of their literary speculations, but all of it will be transformed into artistic fodder, into human values with no degrading concessions to partisan politics, extracting from that piece of pulsating history part of the immense ethical and aesthetic wealth it contains.6 Indeed, the war as a “subject of literary speculation” is present within the different genres, but it is interesting to consider the fact that within the historical context, the most immediate referent for prose was the war of 1914-1918,7 and the dialectic between immediacy and distance is not the least important of the reflections proffered by the critics. The distinction between written production “as the deeds are taking place” and production after the fact affects not only pragmatic issues, like time and the peace and quiet needed to write a novel (a condition which Oliver also mentions), or the limitations imposed by ideological censorship, which is inevitable in non-imaginative prose though not negligible in fictitious prose either (if only to avoid demoralisation among the civilian population), or in parallel, the military censorship of the most documentary genres targeted at the press. Rather, coevality also affects issues related to the adoption of a certain way of writing, the predominance of certain genres over others (brief news items, which develop material for periodicals) and the fluidity of the genre boundaries that characterise certain literary typologies which often hover somewhere between journalism and fiction. Precisely with regard to the kinds of genres, the critics seem to agree that the subject of war written during a war requires brief, non-fictional narrative forms. Thus, celebrated writers and others who emerge within the historical period write chronicles from the battlefront, impressions and accounts of the campaign, anecdotes from the home front and many other kinds of texts. Furthermore, these genres are promoted by institutions and magazines: Catalan soldier from the Republican army: the pages of this periodical are open to your contributions [...] send us narrations of war episodes you have experienced, or anecdotes of events that have happened to you or your mates.8

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They are also recognised by critics as a subsidiary form of document for the novel of the future, especially because of their direct link to reality, justified through appeals to direct experience (which is therefore regarded as “authentic”) and real testimony (which is therefore regarded as “true”). In effect, these genres, inspired by the narrative models from World War I,9 sprang from the desire for attention to the current events and the testimonial desire to directly showcase the events and the impression or moral reflection derived from them. Therefore, they serve suggestion and immediate perception, momentary jottings on the ground more than the composition of elements, invention or re-creation inherent to realistic fiction. In short, they put a premium on the “truthful” over the “plausible”, sometimes to the detriment of literature. The writer Lluís Montanyà’s call to militiamen is quite explicit: In these accounts, the author does not have to attempt any kind of literature. Personal impressions are enough [...]. Militiamen, soldiers: write your own “Campaign Diary”.10 There is also widespread consensus as to the value of direct experience in relation to the “little story”, the kind that, unlike “great stories”, philosophical treatises or heroic poetry, tries to provide an intimate, personal sense, the “human” side of war,11 despite the provisional nature – or precisely because of it – that people attribute to this kind of narrative, “bottomless quarry from which the novelists of tomorrow will forge their war novels”.12 Therefore, it serves as a guarantee which, in the case of the European war, will ensure subsequent novels or document historiography. The latter is an attribute that can even be detected in institutional requests: On the initiative of the Institution of Catalan Letters, the Catalan writers who have been working at the front should compile and organise their war notes, their daily accounts, materials which, after being duly filtered, shall be published and shall constitute an enormously valuable document for the historic study of the war.13 Regardless, in those years what proliferated were chronicles written on campaigns, mainly targeted at periodicals. The product of a documentary reporting intention that lends itself to a variety of formal interpretations, the literary result is more protean, particularly because it is subsidiary to different models of prose and journalism. Thus, this “literature of experience” ranges from impressionistic jottings or reflective meditations (characteristic, for example, of the chronicles of writer Josep Sol for Meridià) to dispatches by newspaper correspondents (the ones by Joaquim Grau for La Publicitat or by J. Morera Falcó for Treball); from the scene experienced directly and episodic description of atmospheres or archetypical characters to the campaign account; from the simple “war anecdote” stripped of all literary intentions and at times

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almost joke-like, to narrative forms whose conception or provenance brings them closer to a story. The different headings that introduce the literary sections in the press (“Chronicles from the Front”, “From my War Card”, “Narrations by Combatants”, “Anecdotes of the Fight”, etc.) do not allow not many genre distinctions to be made in this entire output beyond its characteristic hybrid nature. However, there are attempts to distinguish the genres in the announcements of competitions: the magazine Amic, published by the Culture Services at the Front, offered a prize for “the best narration of a war deed in the Republican army, preferably experienced by the narrator”, and another for “the best war anecdote, preferably told by one of its participants”. The weekly Juliol, published by the JSU, the youth section of the PSUC (Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia), distinguished between the prizes for “war chronicles and tales” and “war stories”.14 However, very rarely did this kind of journalistic prose appear, during the period and in Catalonia, in the guise of a volume with the explicit intention of narrative unity.15 Nor, as far as I know, has it ever appeared as a compilation of several authors, such as the one assembled by Marcel Acier from the chronicle letters written by the combatants in the International Brigades, published in 1938 with the title of Des de les trinxeres espanyoles (From the Spanish Trenches). However, books like Diari de guerra (War Diary, 1937) by writer Lluís Capdevila16 and Impressions de viatge. Catalans a Madrid (Travel Impressions: Catalans in Madrid, 1938) by politician Jaume Miravitlles compile writings – some of them previously published in the Barcelona press – with a certain desire for unitary compilation, although they do not in fact successfully manage to avoid fragmentation. However, this is a procedure shared by foreign correspondents such as Jean Alloucherie, who compiled the reports written for the Parisian newspaper L’Humanité in Nits de Sevilla (Nights in Seville, translated in 1937 by Joaquim Vilà i Bisa). Furthermore, the publishing projects on war themes spearheaded by the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes (Institution of Catalan Letters) were clearly divided into a novel collection and another “War Documents” collection, which was supposed to compile the output of soldier-writers: “works that must be simple campaign accounts, firsthand testimony about life at the front, things seen or gathered, written with simplicity and absolute sincerity and without any intention to fictionalise them”17 But even though this invitation was taken up by some (and the texts published in the press), including the aforementioned Josep Sol (in Meridià from the Eastern front) and Gifré Bosch (writing from the Aragon front in the “War Notes” section that regularly appeared in La Publi citat), or by others who, like Lluís Ferran de Pol, initiated projects (Dietari de l’Ebre, July 1938) that were later revived,18 none of them was actually published in a volume. Therefore, Pere Calders’ Unitats de xoc (Shock Troops), written and submitted in instalments but published as a single book, is the first and only volume in the collection.

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In twelve consecutive episodes, the author (as a narratorcharacter) recounts his experiences from when he leaves Barcelona until he reaches the battlefront. He mixes campaign feats, events and anecdotes with impressions and reflections inspired by everything he was experiencing. The combination of these elements, the naturalness of the language, the firsthand perspective (far from the 19th century staging of “war theatre”) related to the sensitive notes by Enric Cluselles that illustrate the volume, supply a story that back in its day was regarded as a model and the most plausible way of writing about the war during the war. For this reason, critic Rafael Tasis can claim that Unitats de xoc is “the kind of war literature that we have the right to ask of our soldier-writers today”. The critic deems that this book, along with the insightful Vie des martyrs (1917) by Georges Duhamel or the friendlier André Maurois book Les silences du Colonel Bramble (1918), translated into Catalan in 1930 by historian Ferran Soldevila, is a personal narration in a minor tone: A series of brief notes, without emphasis yet backed by authentic emotion. Everything our war is and everything it represents is reflected in Unitats de xoc, the diary of a modest soldier who fights with full awareness of the intrinsic horror of war, yet also with the infinite pride of contributing with his toil and, if necessary, with his life, to earning his country’s freedom and winning this same freedom for the world that watches us indifferently. Right now, the book by Pere Calders is the best representation of Catalan war literature.19 It is indeed “brief notes, without emphasis”. If we have to talk about the attitudes and treatment of war literature, there are many writers who feel mistrustful of the poetics of the “deliri bèl·lic” (war craze),20 who reject the romantic tradition of “ampul·loses descripcions” (bombastic descriptions) or “l’exaltació d’heroismes” (the glorification of heroics) in the words of Ramon Xuriguera, who had written from Paris before the war, referring to the bulk of the French tradition (unlike the ones cited by Tasis).21 And yet conversely, in the 1930s we can witness a certain proclivity for products in a realistic, protesting and/or pacifistic vein (Remarque, Glaeser, Barbusse), which are also the ones with the most repercussions, in Catalonia as well, and the ones at the root of the modern narrative on the topic developed after World War II.22 This is how the 1938 book by Pere Calders, Unitats de xoc, which envisions war as a devastating deed to which man contributes if not through conviction as to its hypothetical virtues, so popular in the late 19th century literature, than through the pure needed to defend himself, can also be read as a call against war seen from pacifistic, civilians eyes that are equally or more anti-militaristic than Barbusse’s in Le Feu.23 All of this together makes Calders’ story,24 which revolves around standard archetypes in war literature, such as the vagaries of life at the front over the backdrop of a

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military operation (the Republican forces’ occupation of Teruel in late 1937), stand out as one of a kind, characterised by the anti-epic register or civilian vantage point which forestalls the usual confusion between the legitimacy of the forced defence25 and the intrinsic values of the “warrior” attitude, more or less tinged with the military spirit. The social acceptance (regarding not the war but the codes of behaviour in civilian life) of the values of “honour” or “glory” (served up seldom and subtly) had been parodied (and their “conventional” origins explained) shortly before by the same author in La glòria del doctor Larén (Doctor Larén’s Glory, 1936), an early declaration on the novelistic poetry that would prevail in his subsequent output within this genre. Likewise, it seems obvious that Calders had read war authors from 1914, and he himself recounts this in the “Brigada de xoc” (Shock Brigade) episode to reinforce the distinction between “normal” people and “born” heroes, those who “are ready to die in any revolt”, those who join any and all insurgencies or “go wage war on their own initiative”. The fact that a peaceful man with clearly civilians dreams and misgivings about the military idiosyncrasy believes himself to be morally obligated to enlist and go to the front should not seem so strange, he indicates, in view of the experience of the past European war, although that one seemed set in remote times and therefore repeating it was “unthinkable”: It is clear that all philosophies devised around the Great War, and a reading of the war books, should have led us to warn against the simplicity of this way of thinking [the one that has “everyone in their vocation”]. But in fact, despite the fact that each of the war pictures that we see evokes the colour and content of the war settings in 1914 as we imagine them, to us that war was gripped in history and seemed as far away from us, in terms of the chance that it would be repeated, as the slaughters of the Christians or Napoleon’s campaigns (“Brigada de xoc” episode). This excerpt is important because it reveals the fixation on an experience not lived by the author but recognisable precisely through literary codes (of wartime narrations about the war from 1914-1918), and this consciousness is what in turn enables the codes of reality to be manipulated. This is demonstrated in the text itself, for example in the comical and/or parodical use of some of the recurring motifs in this kind of literature, which in some cases he even explains: Regarding lice and war, I also had a personal opinion of which I was very fond. I was convinced that they were two things that could be perfectly disassociated by taking a bit of care, and I felt indignant every time someone wrote about war and mentioned lice. I attributed it to a lack of imagination. But now I admit that the others were right and that lice give the soldier char-

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acter and keep him company. Experience, then, has enabled us to reach a conclusion on this matter: lice are not as bothersome as fleas and are much more confident and operate in better faith. (Episode: “La primera línia” [On the Front Line]) The personified treatment of the motif of lice is, in this case, very similar to the one used by Robert Graves in Goodbye to All That (1929), where two soldiers debate the wisdom of killing old or young lice (and decide that it is better to kill the young ones because the old ones can be trapped when they go to the young men’s burial). Regardless of whether this is influence or simply confluence, the fact is that in Unitats de xoc Calders manipulates the clichés of the 1914 wartime narrative to violate the conventional relationships between “catastrophe” and “catharsis”, as he would later do in fictitious narrative, in stories like “Fet d’armes” (Made of Weapons) and “El batalló perdut” (The Lost Battalion). This can also be seen in “La clara consciència” (The Clear Conscience, published in Meridià in 1938), where the author brings the bombardment into the everyday life of the city and uses it as the pretext for debunking the notion of free will versus fate. Therefore, Calders fits within the current that rejects the rhetoric derived from the epic or saga, given the fact that after the outbreak of barbarism in a world that used to be perceived as civilised, one cannot describe either the catastrophe or the values that uphold it in the traditional way. Yet at the same time, the author uses the archetypes of the heroic and displaces them for a variety of purposes. Calders’ undertaking in Unitats de xoc, that is, retelling a modest experience (of an undistinguished combatant not very well suited to the military life) and reflecting on it (the paradox of having to defend eminently civilian values from the army), totally appeals to the values of the common man. The book, as Carles Riba wrote in the preface, is fully rendered “within the sentiment of elementary human realities”. As is natural, home front experiences also engender narrations of deeds and scenes experienced: everything from the portraits of stock characters (the ambusher, the provocateur, the negligent one, etc.) with deliberately pedagogical purposes contained in the book by Manuel Valldeperes, Els perills de la rereguarda (The Perils of the Home Front, 1937), to the series of radio broadcasts by the “Home Desconegut” (Unknown Man, who was actually Jaume Elies Bracons) sponsored by the Comissariat de Propaganda (Propaganda Commission). With titles like Crítica de la rereguarda (Criticism of the Home Front, 1937) and Xerrameques (Idle Talk, 1938), this series contained episodes among citizens along the line of 19th century costumbristic humour. In the realm of high pedagogy, however, we should mention the narrations for children (an area very well covered given the period in time), including the sensitive book by illustrator Lola Anglada, El més petit de tots (The Smallest of All of Them), published by the Comissariat de Propaganda in 1937.26

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However, literary journalism is where we can best detect the pulse of civilian life, such as in the chronicles in the “L’accent de Barcelona” section of Revista de Catalu nya published throughout 1938 by Andreu Avel·lí Artís, which were compiled into a volume years ago,27 and especially the two titles by Cèsar-August Jordana in Meridià: “Simples esplais” (Simple Amusements) and “Monòlegs interiors” (Internal Monologues), also revived not too long ago.28 Tributaries of everyday life and, therefore, chronicles of the most crucial stage in Barcelona’s home front, the former, “Simples esplais” combines observations and reflections which are not bereft of a certain morality (meaning value placed on moral dignity) well-seasoned with humour, about the atmosphere and psychology of a society subjected to material hardships, deprivations and bombardments. The thematic focus on the key points in urban life – the unreliable public transport service caused by blackouts, the lack of food and other common goods and the unease triggered by anti-aircraft alarms – has something of the user’s behaviour manual about it in a city that is caught in “special times” (and the author strives, in the first article, to distinguish this from “normal times”). Just like the humorous register, plays on words, double-entendres and ironic contrasts, this is a tactic aimed at buffering the collective circumstances which are clearly shared by the author and his readers. However, none of this conceals the seriousness of certain situations, although it does avoid the indecorous ascent into the realm of transcendence or banal sentimentalism (which was already quite common in the pamphlets) or the inopportune descent into defeatism. The prose in “Monòlegs interiors” retains many of these procedures, but the range of registers expands considerably. First, there is more ethical reflection on attitudes, and therefore criticism of the gluttons or hoarders, as well as disparagement of escapists, the unaware or deserters run parallel to praise of those who fulfil their duty, especially the anonymous soldiers who fight, suffer and die at the front. However, the humour is also quite corrosive and the irony is biting. On the other hand, Jordana revisits the subject of Spanish and international politics, and just as he had done previously in the newspaper L’Opinió,29 he wages a frontal attack against the mechanisms of power (and the ideologies that perpetuate them) which triggered, consented to and sustained the war. Thus, the civilian and religious power of the instigators is carefully analysed, especially the actions of representatives of the major European powers that are involved in the war on Franco’s side, both those who had a direct hand in it (Hitler, Mussolini) and the “consenters” (the insidious role of the factotums of “Non-Intervention”). Jordana’s articles in Meridià also have a texture that is a truly innovative and yields some of the most brilliant and combative pieces in all the wartime press. Indeed, as the heading suggests, the “Monòlegs interiors” are an adaptation of one of the narrative conventions of the modern novel to the journalism of his day. Jordana, a novelist and

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reputed translator, had shown a great deal of interest in this technique of penetrating the consciousness of fictional characters. He had also contributed to its successful and controversial introduction in Catalonia by his divulgation of James Joyce in L’Opinió, and especially by his translation of Virginia Woolf’s Mrs Dalloway for the Proa publishing house issued in 1930, only five years after the English original. At that time, back in the 1920s, neither Dublin nor London were cities at war; the Barcelona of 1938, however, was. Yet the internalisation of the city in those writers was testing a technique that spilled a lot of ink in Catalonia, in a debate parallel to the one on the urban novel, a debate that examined the process of change in the new perceptions of reality.30 In 1938, by painting himself as a flâneur who walked and thought in the middle of a besieged city, the writer was testing a new way of adapting the genre to the model that strove to capture the impact of external deeds on the consciousness: the common man in the city at war expressed himself through stream of consciousness.31 Attention to reality, to the everyday experiences at the battlefront and the home front, also prevails in models of brief fiction, short stories, which tend to examine everyday, recognisable experiences of war (soldiers’ departures, life at the battlefront, the hardships at the home front, bombardments, etc.) and the attitudes and feelings they generated (bravery, loss, sadness, fear, etc.) based on realistic models and through subjects, situations and behaviours (including exemplary behaviour) already the stock in trade of the traditional wartime narrative. However, generally speaking, more attention is paid to the repercussions of the conflict on individual civilian life than to life in the trenches (and there are very few descriptions of firsthand combat). As is natural, the latter is almost always re-created by writer-combatants, like Avel·lí Artís-Gener, Agustí Bartra and Vicenç Riera i Llorca. With regard to the fiction prose written during the period, short narratives are the most worthy output, as can be seen in a compilation from the 1980s which gathers together vanished texts from the literary journals or culture sections of newspapers and tries to include both the narratives of well-known authors and those of wholly unknown writers who emerged out of that particular point in history.32 The most outstanding examples are the stories published in Meridià, Catalans! and especially Revista de Catalunya. And some of the most important pieces are by Mercè Rodoreda, who was prolific in this genre during the war,33 along with the narrations by C. A. Jordana and Xavier Benguerel. The latter excelled in “Xandri el titellaire” (Xandri the Puppeteer), which was part of the compilation Tres contes de Guerra (Three War Stories) which won the Narcís Oller Prize in 1938. However, it never managed to be published in Barcelona and instead was included in the volume Sense retorn (No Return) which was issued in Buenos Aires in 1939, one of the first books to be published in exile. Tres a la rereguarda (Three at the Home Front) would appear in the same collection (Edicions de la revista Catalunya from Buenos Aires) the fol-

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artistic interpretation. The dialogue that pits the former cloistered nun against the prostitute is, for example, hardly lifelike, brimming with outside details that lead it to draw from that revolutionary ingenuousness made of leeches and clichés that has wrought so much damage. They are two highly conventional types, and the dialogue is even more conventional under its apparent crude reality.36 Copyrighted image

Figure 1. Effects of the bombardment on the 17th of March 1938 on Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes – Balmes Street in Barcelona. It was known as the “Coliseum Bomb”.

lowing year, in which Jordana included the series of narrations begun in the Revista de Catalunya with “El bombardeig” (The Bombardment) and “L’atemptat” (The Attack).34 In contrast, despite the demand for novels with war as the subject issued by cultural bodies and periodical publications, very few of these novels appeared at the time, perhaps because, as Rafael Tasis claimed, it is excessive to ask for a good novel in such a peremptory fashion: A novel has to be contemplated and constructed, written with time and leisure. The best novels about our war, just like the most sensational ones that were published about the war of 1914, will be written a few years after the heat of battle had been extinguished. That will be when the matured experience will yield its wonderful harvest. That will be when we can have a real body of war literature [...]. Our Remarques, our Glaesers, our Tomlisons will take several years to emerge. But emerge they will.35 Indeed, the “wonderful harvest” of the writers who had experienced the war took place several years later, as we shall see, but a pair of war novels was published during the conflict, although they are rather unimportant. Regarding one of them, La mort m’ha citat demà (Death Made an Appointment with me Tomorrow, 1938) by Joan Merli, Tasis himself states: Everything is too cooked up for it to be a faithful document, and it is too unliterary to be passed off as an

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It is clear that before this (because this is an earlier novel, from 1937), the same critic had already warned about the perils of ingenuousness and clichés in his review of Domènec Diumenge’s Per la Pàtria i per la Lliberta (For the Fatherland and for Liberty), when he deemed that this “war novel and report on the revolution (as the author subtitles the novel) obviously is neither [...] altogether it reveals an overwhelming moralising and patriotic intention, but not a talent for novel-writing”.37 However, perhaps the genre would have had a different fate if the novels that the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes had commissioned several of the most skilful authors to write had come to fruition. They were meant to appear in a collection parallel to the “Documents de guerra” (War Documents) collection (the one where Unitats de xoc appeared) and published by the Editorial Forja as well. Most of them were ready by the summer of 1938, but they were never published, probably because of a paper shortage.38 We know the title of Pere Calders’ contribution, La cèl·lula (The Cell), and it seems that Francesc Trabal’s was to be called El pit a la mà (Chest in Hand). Perhaps Mercè Rodoreda’s Les nits blaves39 (Blue Nights) was something along the lines of En una nit obscura (On a Dark Night), which is one of the best war stories from the time and almost the only non-realistic one (along with several others by Calders in which the war is a subsidiary theme). Finally, the end of C. A. Jordana’s Flames de juliol (Flames of July), which was always assumed to be lost, has come to light quite recently.40 Nonetheless, among the post-war output41 we can find novels which might have been at least partly written during the conflict, such as Joan B. Xuriguera’s La guerra civil (The Civil War),42 published well into the 1980s. We can also find novels that owe a direct debt to non-fictional genres, like Avel·lí Artís-Gener’s 556 Brigada Mixta (556 Mixed Brigade), which was issued in Mexico in 1945. This is a fictionalised chronicle of life on the front line at the time when the militias were being transformed into a regular army. The author himself later considered it a failed novel which should have been left as a journalistic report.43 Indeed, the forecasts of the critics of the day, such as Tasis’ words asking novel readers for patience (“the dregs of emotions, the stacks of personal notes and alien experiences must gel before becoming literary material springing from the imagination”),44 were proven true. For example, of the five categories posited by Andrew Rutherford in his now-classic book on war literature,45 at least two of them, “The Christian as Hero” (which the author refers to Catho-

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lic writer Evelyn Waugh) and “The Common Man as Hero”,46 prevailed in the output after the generation that experienced the war. And they have led to two canonical novels: Incerta glòria (Uncertain Glory) by Joan Sales and La plaça del Diamant (translated as The Pigeon Girl or The Time of the Doves) by Mercè Rodoreda.

Two canonical novels: Incerta glòria by Joan Sales and La plaça del Diamant by Mercè Rodoreda Joan Sales’ Incerta glòria appeared in 1956, the first novel published in Catalonia that focused on the war from the perspective of the defeated side. However, it is a work that was rewritten, expanded and revised until the 1970s.47 Mutilated by censorship in its original edition, it was not until 1962 that the first entire version was issued, when Gallimard published the French translation by Bernat Lesfargues (Gloire incertaine). Later, however, more material was added in different editions, especially in the last part, leading critic Joan Triadú, its most avid scholar, to speak about these additions to the main thematic core as an “autobiographical literary segregation, as a highly authoritative expression of the author’s total personality,

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Figure 2. Front cover of the novel Incerta glòria (Uncertain Glory). This work won the 1955 Joanot Martorell prize. It is a novel centred on the war, recounted from the standpoint of the defeated.

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which in this case is presented as ‘concealed’ as per Thomas Wolfe’s expression (that is, the kind of novelist who stuffs the novel, who conceals elements in it instead of delimiting it, making it the product of exclusions)”.48 The meaning of Sales’ work, for whom the war, experienced in the peak of his youth as a combatant, was his most important life experience, is always the return to this same experience, and primarily to its consequences and derivations in the moral order, that is, everything that displaces the conflict towards moral, ideological and/or religious conflict. Indeed, the real purpose of the book is to inquire into mankind’s destiny and the ultimate meaning of his existence. Thus, the characters, who are sketched realistically (as are the episodes or atmospheres from both the battlefront and the home front) and reflect strictly lifelike human and ideological attitudes, also represent different quests for the absolute within an historical circumstance (the war and post-war years) that is an extreme situation which frames and gives meaning to moral reflection. The book is organised into four parts which correspond to the voices of the different characters, who reveal themselves via letters or memoirs and offer their corresponding points of view on the same reality, experienced through different consciousnesses. Three characters share the same obsession with another character called Soleràs, who, like a collective consciousness, is a compendium of all the questions whose answer they do not know or do not dare to ask and extrapolates them in their extremes of lucidity or absurdity. Soleràs accumulates the concern with nothingness, with the sense of reality and the times which the other personalities have to differing degrees, and since he is the only one who dies during the war, he takes on a prophetic quality by foretelling “the nausea that will come afterward”. With his reflections, driven by the others, he shows himself to be the true “man” by accepting defeat as an essential component of the human condition. He is also the antithesis of another repulsive character, constructed in the style of Mauriac, the anti-man Lamoneda, a true “anti-Soleràs demon” who represents the synthesis of the individual and social evil that presides over life, seen from another perspective, and repeatedly, as a trajectory “between the obscene and the macabre”. It is Soleràs, then, who wonders about the meaning of glory on behalf of all of them, and who determines its possible scope: “We were all born to conquer the universe yet we conquer nothing! The universe is beautiful but it doesn’t let itself [...]. Why is it so beautiful if it doesn’t let us possess it?” Thus, the thirst for glory, for grand, heroic and absolute causes, resides in the human consciousness, but its actualisation is limited: in love, by the impossibility of retaining fleeting happiness (“If we could make those moments eternal so they do not escape from our grasp...”); in war, because of the very human condition that distorts and degrades the original ideals (“There is in us an incomprehensible, unbearable duality. The first is the out-

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doors and light that beckon us, and the second is the mud of the earth”). It is this coexistence of good and evil that turns love and death into the obscene and macabre, their opposites. However, to emerge from the nothingness, from the absurd and the void, mankind needs to transcend himself. For this reason, the causes leading the characters to war are all different because, in fact, they did not follow any “cause”, rather the need for expiation: “They have come to crucify themselves. All of them. Some to crucify the others.” Therefore, the heroism and desire for permanence that men carry with them as they approach “the uncertain glory of an April morning”49 (this is a literal interpretation, the fight for human ideals over ephemeral ones) is the outcome of the quest for the fullness of meaning, for antiabsurdity, which Soleràs claims is only reachable by seizing the fullness of the moment, because “glory in this world is transformed into monotony if it lasts more than an instant”. By revealing the hidden means of human actions, this fascinating and contradictory character becomes the cornerstone of the novel. However, more than anything, it is another character, Cruells the priest, who provides the dialectical answer to Soleràs. In the implicit dialogue that they both engage in in the last part, Cruells reaches the conclusion that what is called “nothingness, absurdity, void, nausea and a thousand other things” is

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Figure 3. Portrait of Joan Sales (1912-1983).

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always the same ancient thing: “being erased from God’s memory”. This is the last attitude gleaned from the book, and it is also the book’s positive meaning, as Triadú has noted: salvation through conversion, or the triumph of the cross over the absurd. In short, this discourse is perfectly compatible with the metaphysical and moral paradigms of the so-called “Catholic novel” enshrined in France by writers like François Mauriac and Georges Bernanos,50 or in a broader sense, with the concerns that Joan Sales would include “among the novelists of the ‘conscience déchirée’ and an entire theme of salvation, that is, the accomplishment that resolves the inner conflict by gaining heightened awareness”.51 On another front, Mercè Rodoreda, who had been a famous storyteller during the Republican period, had to go into exile in 1939. Living in Geneva since 1954, she later resumed her career as a novelist. La plaça del Diamant, published by Joan Sales in El Club dels Novel·listes in 1962, had a wide readership and was reissued several times. For the author, the novel also signalled the start of a brilliant career which earned her extensive recognition among the expert critics along with widespread popularity, leading to repeated issuances of her work and unusually large print runs.52 All of this implies that, through the different interpretations that her output allows, Rodoreda’s oeuvre reached an extremely broad and varied readership, precisely the one that was the most difficult to reach in the conditions imposed on the Catalan literary market in the post-war period. La plaça del Diamant has been translated into 30 languages (including, for example, Czech, Greek and Chinese), and some of these languages even have two or more versions of the text by different translators. Thus, by placing recent history in the voice of a humble character who suffers from its consequences, the novel has become one of the most universally disseminated literary texts on the Spanish Civil War and postwar years.53 The novel is a survival story told by the surviving character, who narrates (tells or confesses) her particular journey to hell and her emergence, in the last chapter, “into the night of every night, which was a midday that morning”. Natàlia (a name that etymologically means birth and is therefore linked to the resurgence of the self) tells the life of Colometa (of herself as Colometa) from her recovered identity as Natàlia. That is, she tells about her past, the period of her life when she began to be Colometa, from the day she met her first husband, Quimet, who nicknamed her Colometa (“Little Pigeon”) at a dance in the town festival in the neighbourhood of Gràcia (also foreshadowing and connoting the nightmare of pigeons that her life with him would become) until she permanently ceases to be Colometa and signs her story at the end of the novel over the doorway of the former life she left behind (“I wrote Colometa, carved nice and deeply”). This recalled story spans from a dance in the Plaça del Diamant, a square in the neighbourhood of Gràcia, in the

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Figure 4. Mercè Rodoreda (1908-1983) in a studio photo taken in Geneva in the 1960s (Source: Arxiu de la Fundació Mercè Rodoreda). She is considered the most influential contemporary Catalan writer.

first chapter to the “cry of hell which I must have held inside me for many years” released in the middle of the square. And then, from the distance of time, she merges external reality, internal reality and different ways of appropriating them, that is, all the elements that form part of experience, from the conscious to the subconscious. However, the perception of one’s own past does not tend to move through aseptic territory, and so the life of Colometa is “recalled” with more or less emotional empathy for the material evoked. This attitude is sustained throughout the entire discourse, which often alludes to the fluctuations of memory as an essential component of the narrative act, both to acknowledge the gaps (“things I don’t remember”, “things that are erased”) and to stress the meaning of the things recalled the most clearly (or recalled the most often) and to identify them in relation to the turning points in her life narration. This operation literarily re-creates the real processes of selective memory and reaches its utmost efficacy in the excerpt from Chapter 14 on the proclamation of the Republic (“I still remember that fresh air, an air, every time I remember, which I have never again been able to feel. Never again.”), parallel to the stress on forgetfulness when, in Chapter 33, she recounts the occupation of Barcelona by the victors (“How we survived those days I don’t know [...]. I don’t know who told me they were handing out

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food somewhere, I don’t remember where, and I went there. I don’t know”). However, parallel to this selective attitude, there are many discursive elements, most notably the motifs that anchor the symbolic plot, which make the narration “reveal” more things than what is derived from the simple desire to list events. Both mechanisms, the selective attitude of the voice (things are not said because people still “think” that they cannot be “said”) and its capacity for revelation (the things that are said without thinking that they are said) are part of the common behaviour of all “real” narration to an interlocutor. And the craft of fiction re-creates it (but does not imitate it) by altering the measure of the components according to their “importance”, thus fostering and extending the symbolic and poetic weight of the text. Therefore, the different elements of reality that the fiction includes, the geographic space or historical framework of the novel, appear to be assimilated in this voice, and they are part of it, among other reasons because the historical events are an integral part of the life experience and transformations (and the space in which this life takes place) of the subject of the story. They are not simply a “framework”; rather they are an essential, totally determining part of life, of its constituent elements, and they shape it (they are life, according to the saying “My dear, these things are life” which introduces the novel) and then that sustain a narration about life. One of the most prominent features of Mercè Rodoreda’s writing is in fact that the often highly detailed precision of the elements of reality (streets, shops and shop windows, interiors of homes, objects, place names, expressive vernacular forms), the fit of the characters within their environment, within recognisable ways of life, within a specific urban geography and decisive historical events, in no way undermines the heavy symbolic density of the discourse; rather it sustains it and constitutes the bulk of it. For example, the formidable description of the “marketplace” in Chapter 14, because of its clearly intentional place within the narration (right before the excerpt on the proclamation of the Republic), serves a function that extends far beyond a chance evocation of the setting: it suggests a moment in life, brimming with smells and colours, which, however, also contains the seeds of death. And it also quite explicitly revives the motif of food (present from the beginning of the story, given the fact that as a young, unmarried girl Colometa worked in a pastry shop), a motif that appears recurrently through the entire novel (including pigeon feed, as well) and sets the wartime off from the immediate post-war period: the “feed grocer” is the one who feeds the pigeons, who saves Colometa from suicide by offering her food and work when she and her children are literally dying of hunger. It is because of this multifaceted voice that we can clearly discern the historical point in time in Natàlia’s story, the collective events (political, social and wartime) which are derived from everything that the discourse re-

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veals, either directly or indirectly, through the main character’s observations or from what other characters tell her and the narration reproduces. For this reason, the form “I was told” appears quite frequently, and in many cases, just like everything related to the battlefront, is the only plausible option. This time in history, the advent of the Republic, the war and the post-war, are described with perfectly identifiable details and a significant sociological map. The narration at the start of each of these three stages is a good example of the combination between real historical events and the main character’s subjective perception, immersed as she is in the transformations of a progressively alienated life. Thus, for example, the proclamation of the Republic is an elegy of a specific day in April connoted with new scents of “tender leaves” and buds, with “a fresh air” that is unforgettable but “that vanished” all too soon. Therefore, it was a time brimming with promise (“closed flower buds”) and hope, lost forever and unrecoverable (“that I have never again been able to feel. Never again.”). The events noted at the start of the two other historical junctures that affect Colometa’s life, the war and the occupation of Barcelona by the victors, appear, in contrast, with-

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Figure 5. Poster by Pere Català Pic. Aixafem el feixisme (Let’s Crush Fascism). [Barcelona]: Generalitat de Catalunya. Propaganda Commission [1936]. 100 x 70 cm.

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out specific timeframes (the narrator does not say “July” or “January” as she had said “April”) and are explained indirectly or go virtually unmentioned. The story does not say that the war began and then mention the consequent revolutionary outburst; rather it says that “While I devoted myself to the great revolution of the pigeons what happened happened, like something that was supposed to be very brief”. In contrast, we can find indications of it in mentions of “the heat” and “the smoke” from the burning churches, which is no longer the “fresh air” of that April day, nor even the “cold” and “wind” that connote the day that Barcelona was occupied (“And the last day it was windy and cold [...]. And the cold inside the heart was a cold that never ended”). The internal perception of events is thus more than hinted at through the frames of seasonal climate and the different lengths of the three historical junctures (Republic, war and post-war): fresh air, flower lasting one day which never again returns; an inflammatory period that was supposed to be brief and was (or became) very long; and another endless period of cold. The brilliance lies not in the fact that the main character’s narration captures these events that took place, as everyone knows, in the springtime, in the summer and in the dead of winter, respectively, rather in their use in the literary terrain (the relations that the novel establishes between real order and symbolic order) which the author, Rodoreda, extracts from this evidence, from this common knowledge that was part of the collective memory and was shared by her readers. In this sense, the narration contains episodes, deeds or details that are front and centre in the collective historical memory. Regarding the wartime, for example, Rodoreda chooses extremely significant episodes which provide an overview (and a very chronologically accurate one) of the home front: the flight of Father Joan “wearing Mateu’s clothing and with a lorry that Cintet had found for them”; the murders at the home front by uncontrolled gangs and some reasons for them; the requisitions, rationing, hoarding and black market, the different levies, the colonies of refugee children; the bombardments (and the anti-aircraft civil protection measures, which symbolically explain the reason for the “blue lights”, which in the postwar years became an obsessive vision that threatened the main character until the end of the novel); the poster of tanks (a poster by illustrator Martí Bas, published by the Comissariat de Propaganda in 1937, often cited in memorials about the war because of the reactions, clearly reflected in the novel, that triggered the demand “Make tanks, tanks, tanks!”, which, targeted at the civilian population, was unheard of); and the looting of shops on the day that Barcelona fell. And it also provides a hazier vision of the Aragon front, with the periods of forced immobility and conversations from one trench to the next. Quimet promises to bring his children figurines of folkloric figures from Aragon, just as Cintet, in the next chapter, brings oranges because he had been on the Eastern front.

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lometa from dying. However, this character, Antoni, Colometa’s second husband (who restores her real name to her, a deed which ultimately allows her to recover her own identity), is crippled from the war (“useless down there”), and this condition is symbolically superimposed on that of grocer (who has food in his shop and does not fly pigeons but is forced to chase rats). Both are significant at different levels for the historical post-war period. A position clearly favourable to Franco is represented by the couple of the house where Colometa serves, who dismiss her when they find out that Quimet “is one of the ones raising a ruckus”. In the post-war they still refuse to give her a job out of resentment towards the losers (“and he said I was a Red”). But the young apprentice at Quimet’s carpentry shop also shifts to the enemy camp, and after the war he tells Colometa that now he has a carpentry shop of his own and that changing camps “made life much easier”. Even a very simple character like Mrs Enriqueta, the main character’s advisor acting in lieu of her mother, expresses a devotion to the monarch laden with the simplicity of the masses, and hopes in a clearly ingenuous way that the nationals enter to “bring the King back”. On the other hand, the narration reveals a Quimet who is delighted with the Republic and the political and social

Figure 6. Poster by Martí Bas i Blasi. Feu tancs... tancs... tancs...! Que són els vehicles de la victòria (Make Tanks... Tanks... Tanks! They’re the Vehicles of Victory). [Barcelona]: Generalitat de Cata lunya. Propaganda Commission [ca. 1936-1939] (Barcelona: Gràfiques Ultra). 200 x 140 cm.

Likewise, parallel to the episodes and factual references from all three points in time, in the novel we can also see a range of highly representative stances (because they typify sociologically real positions) on the political and social events, especially during wartime. This has a narrative justification, because even though the war occupies a proportionately smaller space within the novel, it is the deed that has the largest collective impact and also the most consequences in the life that is being narrated. Different characters in Colometa’s environs are part of this range, which encompasses everything from the wealthy class to the humblest working class. However, this sociological map is in no way mechanistic, as demonstrated by the different behaviours of two people from the same social class and profession: both of them grocers. The first, the one who lives under Colometa’s house (“the downstairs grocer”), is a complacent man who is first in favour of the Republicans and later only wants the war to end somehow, anyhow. In the post-war is not very friendly with the main character for fear of committing himself. He is the polar opposite of the “feed grocer”, who had fought against the Republicans and spent a year in the hospital, and shows solidarity with the losers when he prevents Co-

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Figure 7. Poster by Carles Fontserè. Per els germans del front. Dones! Treballeu. (For Our Brothers at the Front, Women, Work!) Barcelona: PSU. Sindicat de Dibuixants Professionals UGT [1936?] (Barcelona: Gràfiques Ultra). 140 x 100 cm.

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Thus, La plaça del Diamant is also, among many other things, a novel about the war in one of the most modern modalities of the genre: the tale of the survivor of horror. This is what the main character does: she tells not how history is made but how history is suffered. As a result, Rodoreda’s voice of Natàlia-Colometa falls within an important variation: one we could call “The Common Woman as Hero”. This can be added to the “common men” of Calders or Jordana, who preach a revision of the category of “hero”, among other categories that the horror of modern war, seen from the eyes of the 20th century, has rendered irrelevant.

Notes and references [1]

Figure 8. Front cover of the novel La plaça del Diamant (The Pigeon Girl). Published for the first time in 1962, it has been transla ted into more than 20 languages.

changes it prompts, who takes to the streets with his friend Cintet and, when they are going off to war, tells his wife not to worry, “that it was totally unimportant because our entire life was changed and it would change even more but for the better and that we would all be rewarded with the results”. This revolutionary enthusiasm (which contrasts with the disenchantment he shows when he returns from the front, ill, dirty and malnourished) is shared by the main character’s friend, Julieta, who represents an ingenuous dream of collective happiness through a discourse with libertarian echoes. However, of all the positions, there is one that is particular significant: that of Mateu. He does not share Quimet or Julieta’s revolutionary fervour; rather he reflects the sector of Catalanist republicanism closer to that of the author, Mercè Rodoreda. Mateu, who from the start is shown to have a strong romantic streak, is, just like the main character of Pere Calders’ Unitats de xoc, a “man of peace” who sets off for the front because “there’s nothing for it”, because there is no other alternative to military’s armed uprising and because victory “is everyone’s concern, and if we lose they will erase us from the map”.

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[2] [3]

A tentative summary of the literary currents during this period can be found in Maria Campillo and Jordi Castellanos. La literatura del 1925 al 1939. In: Albert Balcells (coord.). Història de Catalu nya, vol. vi. Salvat, Barcelona 1982, pp. 220-231. For the genesis and development of relations between aesthetic currents and the culture market, see Jordi Castellanos. “Mercat literari i cultura nacional (1882-1925)”. Els Marges, no. 56 (October 1996), pp. 5-38, and Josep Maria Balaguer. “Algunes consideracions generals sobre la literatura des de la fi del Noucentisme fins al final de la Guerra”. In: Pere Gabriel (dir.). Història de la cultura catalana, vol. ix: República, autogovern i guerra, 1931-1939. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1998, pp. 119-134. For the Republican stage, see Josep Maria Balaguer and Margarida Casacuberta. “L’embranzida cultu ral”. In: Borja de Riquer (dir.). Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. 9: De la gran esperança a la gran ensulsiada (1930-1939). Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1999, pp. 170-189. For short fiction, see Maria Campi llo. “Estudi introductory”. In: El conte 1911-1939. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1983, pp. 7-30. For the female market, see Neus Real i Mercadal. Dona i literatura a la Catalunya de preguerra. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2006. For the novel, see Maria Campillo. “La literatura i les institucions literàries. La novel·la”. In: Pere Gabriel (dir.) Història de la cultura catalana, op. cit., pp. 135-148. They can be found in Jacqueline Hurtley. Josep Janés. El combat per la cultura. Curial, Barcelona 1986, pp. 354-362. It should be borne in mind that within the thematically committed literary corpus, revolutionary literature reflects influences and models that are different to those of war literature. See Ricard Vinyes. La presència ignorada. La cultura comunista a Cata lunya (1840-1931). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1989; Jordi Castellanos. “Literatura i compromís social

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en els anys trenta”. Els Marges, no. 69 (January 2002), pp. 7-23; Natàlia Kharitonova. “Escriptors compromesos? Sobre el moviment d’escriptors revo lucionaris Catalans”. In: La projeccció social de l’escriptor en la literatura catalana. Punctum & GELCC, Lleida 2007, pp. 425-436. However, throughout the course of the conflict, the praxis was conditioned by the twofold outlook (war and revolution) that characterised the historical deeds of 1936. Further information in Maria Campillo. “La literatura de la guerra civil”. In: Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció. Institut d’Estudis Ilerdencs, Lleida 2002, pp. 27-48. [4] See Maria Campillo. Escriptors catalans i compromís antifeixista (1936-1939). Curial - Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1994; Idem, La cultura entre el front i la rereguarda. In: Borja de Riquer (dir.). Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. 9, op. cit., pp. 350-369. [5] Carles Riba. “Literatura i grups salvadors”. Revista de Catalunya, x: 85 (April 1938), pp. 475-484; Joaquim Molas (ed.). Carles Riba. Llengua i litera tura. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1965, pp. 57-65 (compiled in Idem, Obres Completes/3, Crítica, 2. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1986, pp. 587-602). [6] Joan Oliver. “Literatura de Guerra”. Meridià. Setmanari de literatura, art i política. Tribuna del front intel·lectual antifeixista, i: 9 (11-III-1938), p. 1. [7] This is not the place to examine their reception before the conflict of 1936, but we should mention the importance of genres like the chronicle (such as La guerra contada por los soldados) within the collection of leaflets “Páginas de actualidad 1914-1917”, or the compilation by Román Jori in Voces de guerra 1914-1916, published in Barcelona in 1916. With regard to the novel, Remarque’s Res de nou a l’oest had quite a large readership. It was issued in Catalan in 1931 by Proa publishing house in a translation by Joan Alavedra, with an unusually high print run. One cause for reflection was the scarce influence of the Spanish-Moroccan War on the Civil War, except in Josep Maria Prous i Vila, who had written earlier on this subject in poetry and narrative. [8] Amic. Publicació quinzenal per a esplai del soldat català de l’Exèrcit de la República, editada pels Serveis de Cultura al front de la Generalitat, i: 6/7 (April 1938), p. 3. This publication has been issued in a facsimile edition by the Fundació Carles Pi i Sunyer (not for sale) as part of the commemorations of “Barcelona 1938, capital de la República”. [9] Studied in a seminal work by Paul Fussell. The Great War and Modern Memory. Oxford University Press, London 1977. [10] Lluís Montanyà. “Dietaris de Campanya”. La Publicitat, 10-IV-1937. Also Rafael Tasis, a critic and expert on the novel, insists that these texts

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[11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16]

[17]

[18]

[19] [20] [21] [22]

[23]

[24]

might be “a pure document without any literary intention, but truthful”. See Rafael Tasis. “Literatura de Guerra”. Meridià, i: 28 (22-VII-1938), p. 6. This is indicated, for example by authors such as Avel·lí Artís. “La petita història de la Guerra”. Meridià, i, 42 (28-X-1938), p. 6. Rafael Tasis. “Literatura de Guerra”, art. cit. “Carnet de les Lletres”. Meridià, I: 9 (11-III-1938), p. 6. Juliol, iii: 90 (4-VI-1938), p. 3. The volume published in 1937 by the Grup Sindical d’Escriptors Catalans, Escriptors de la Revolució, is a complete miscellany (poetry, stories, essays, etc.). In the prologue to Alcanyís, signed at the battlefront, he states that he wrote it “to sincerely, crudely express what I have seen and what I have experienced”. Lluís Capdevila. Diari de guerra, Barce lona 1937. According to the official minutes of the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes, they originally included Josep Sol, Lluís Casals, Gifré Bosch and Manuel Cruells. Later they were joined by Lluís Ferran de Pol. See Campillo. Escriptors catalans..., op. cit., p. 319, notes 389 and 394. See the publication processes in J. V. Garcia Raffi. “Un de tants o la memòria de la derrota”. “Epíleg” in Lluís Ferran de Pol. Un de tants. Club Editor, Barcelona 2009, pp. 121-138. Occasionally the authors themselves have revived and published texts written at the front, including Edmon Vallès. Dietari de guerra (1938-1939). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1980. Rafael Tasis. “Literatura de Guerra”, art. cit. Josep Gimeno-Navarro. “Un poeta davant la Guerra”. Meridià, i: 28 (22-VII-1938), p. 3. Ramon Xuriguera. “Més llibres de Guerra”. La Veu de Balaguer, no. 38 (3-XI-1929). See for example Alan Munton. English Fiction of the Second World War. Faber and Faber, London 1989, and Bernard Bergonzi. Wartime and Aftermath. Oxford University Press, Oxford-New York 1993. I mentioned several things regarding the influence on the narrative produced in World War I on Catalan non-fictional genres in Maria Campillo. “Estudi Estudi introductori” in Pere Calders. Unitats de xoc. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1990, pp. 5-27. Which more than a few people who lack understanding today insist on considering a “novel”, when the genre operation is precisely one of its hallmarks. Even apart from the “formal” aspect (the author would send in chapters as he wrote them), the modernity of the text lies in the author’s deliberate construction of the narrative voice (of the identity of the narrator with the same name), a split of which the majority of writers in the genre of autobiography were not, and are not, aware. Regarding the subject of war, this modality also contains characteristic

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products, one of which is clearly Unitats de xoc. For the distinction between autobiographic and fictional war texts, see Bernard Bergonzi. Heroes’ Twilight. A Study of the Literature of the Great War. Carcanet, Manchester 1996, pp. 139-189. Regarding the modernity of Calders’ text, see Maria Campillo. “The Common Man as Hero: Cròniques de la guerra del 36”. In: Concepcions i discursos sobre la modernitat en la literatura catalana dels segles xix i xx. Punctum & GELCC, Lleida 2010, pp. 187-200. [25] And perhaps it should be recalled that like Maurois, Pere Calders volunteered to go to the front. [26] The Alta Fulla publishing house issued a facsimile edition n 1978. [27] Andreu A. Artís “Sempronio”. L’accent de Barcelona 1938. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1985. [28] C. A. Jordana. Barcelona 1938: La veu de les sirenes. Edicions de 1984, Barcelona 2008. [29] After Hitler rose to power, Jordana took a combatively anti-fascist stance (when not nearly everyone was even aware of the threat), and in the pages of L’Opinió he denounced the fact that Nazis and Mussolini’s groups all over Europe enjoyed a freedom of movement that he regarded as dangerous. He had also denounced, extremely early for Spain, the Nazis’ persecution of the Jews, which he revisits in the “monologues” as well. [30] See Jordi Castellanos. “Barcelona: ciutat i literature”. In: Literatura, vides, ciutats. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1997, pp. 137-185, and Margarida Casacuberta and Marina Gustà (ed.). Narratives urbanes. La construcció literària de Barcelona. Fundació Antoni Tàpies - Institut de Cultura de Barcelona, Barcelona 2008. [31] See Campillo. “The Common Man as Hero...”, art. cit. [32] Maria Campillo (ed.). Contes de guerra i revolució (1936-1939), vols. i and ii. Laia, Barcelona 1982. [33] Mercè Rodoreda, who did not want to revive anything from before 1939, authorised the publication of the war stories in this 1982 compilation. Once the edition was sold out, they were reproduced by Carme Arnau (ed.) in Mercè Rodoreda. Un cafè i altres narracions. Fundació Mercè Rodoreda - Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1999. [34] I compiled the latter, which was not included in Contes de guerra i revolució..., op. cit., in C. A. Jordana. Quimet dels Lleopards i altres contes. Laia, Barcelona 1983, reissued in 1989 under the title L’atemptat i altres contes, Laia, Barcelona 1989. The nature of these lengthy stories, which feature three boys, has led some critics to regard the series as a “novel”. See Josep Faulí. Novel·la catalana i guerra civil. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1999. This book is useful for categorising certain aspects of the war in post-war novels.

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Maria Campillo

[35] Rafael Tasis. “Literatura de Guerra”, art. cit. [36] Rafael Tasis. “Una novel·la ingénue”. La Publicitat, 3-VII-1938. [37] Rafael Tasis. “Revista de llibres”. La Publicitat, 30XI-1937. Likewise, the review of the revolutionarythemed novel by Josep M. Murià is entitled Els dos puntals o el cinisme gratuït de l’adolescència, La Publicitat, 10-VII-1938. [38] Faced with the paper problem, the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes prioritised the publication of the monthly Revista de Catalunya. [39] It is possible that part of the material from this novel, or more accurately what might have been its central motif (the blue nights caused by the streetlights painted blue as a civil protection measure against bombardments) was meant for La plaça de Diamant (at the start of chapter 31), but we have no way of demonstrating this. [40] See Maria Campillo. “Un capítol de la novel·la inè dita Flames de juliol de C. A. Jordana”. Els Marges, no. 74 (autumn 2004), pp. 77-96. [41] There are many Catalan novels either focusing on the war or somehow referring to it. See Josep Faulí. Novel·la catalana i guerra civil, op. cit., and especially Helena Mesalles. “Bibliografia de la memòria i ficció de la Guerra Civil espanyola en la literatura catalane”. In: Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., pp. 261-353. For a highly comprehensive examination of this issue on Mallorca to date, see Josep Massot i Muntaner. “Literatura de la guerra civil a Mallorca”. In: Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., pp. 81-132. [42] The author notes in a preliminary note that much of it was written while the war was still being waged and that “the documentation used as well as the literary style come from that period”, but that he had not retouched it in order “to not remove all the naturalness and truthfulness that it had at that dramatic time”. [43] As stated in the prologue to the reissue by Editorial Pòrtic, Barcelona 1969, pp. 7-9. [44] Rafael Tasis. “Literatura de Guerra”, art. cit. [45] Andrew Rutherford. The Literature of War. Studies in Heroic Virtue. Macmillan Press, London 1989. Second revised edition. [46] “The Common Man as Hero: Literature of the Western Front” (with reference to the paradigm represented in Remarque’s extremely popular book All Quiet on the Western Front). [47] See the complicated gestation of the text in Xavier Pla. “Una obra en moviment. Aproximació a la gènesi textual d’Incerta glòria, de Joan Sales”. In: Lite ratura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., pp. 209-216. [48] Joan Triadú. “Panorama de la novel·la catalane”. Serra d’Or, no. 120 (September 1969), pp. 63-65. See also Joan Triadú. La novel·la catalana de

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postguerra. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1982, pp. 51-54 and 182-186, and “Incerta glòria” in Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., pp. 183203. [49] According to the author himself, the title of the novel comes from verses by Shakespeare, from the end of the third scene of the first act of The Two Gentlemen of Verona: “O, how this spring of love ressembleth/ The uncertain glory of an April day”. [50] See Jordi Castellanos and Maria Campillo. “La novel·la catòlica” and “Joan Sales”. In: Joaquim Molas (dir.). Història de la litertaura catalana, vol. xi. Barcelona 1988, pp. 71-80. [51] This is the proposal put forth by Xavier Pla. “Incerta glòria de Joan Sales o una poètica de l’excés”.

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Miscel·lània d’homenatge a Modest Prats, ii. Estudi General, Revista de la Facultat de Lletres de la Universitat de Girona, no. 22 (2002), pp. 529-553. [52] There is quite an extensive bibliography on Mercè Rodoreda, especially thanks to Carme Arnau, who has also curated and written the prologue for the last edition of her complete narrative. See Carme Arnau. “Mercè Rodoreda i la novel·la”. In: Mercè Rodoreda. Narrativa completa. Edicions 62, Barce lona 2008: vol. i: Novel·les, p. xxiii-xlvii, and vol. ii, Mercè Rodoreda i el conte, p. ix-xxxii. [53] Regarding the subject of the civil war in this novel, see Maria Campillo. “La plaça del Diamant: el substrat històric en una narració de vida”. Els Marges, no. 70 (September 2002), pp. 5-23.

Biographical note Maria Campillo is a full professor of contemporary Catalan literature at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. She has published studies on 20th century culture and literature, particularly focused on narrative from the 1930s, the war and the post-war, as well as on some of the important authors from these periods. Her publications include the book Escriptors catalans i compromis antifeixista, 1936-1939 (1994) and several works on literature in exile. She was also a contributor to Història de la literatura catalana directed by Joaquim Molas (1988), to Història de la cultura catalana directed by Pere Gabriel (1998) and to Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans directed by Borja de Riquer (1999).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 137-143 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.55 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Sixth centennial of the death of King Martin the Humane : The International Conference Martin the Humane, the Last King in the Barcelona Dynasty (1396-1410): The Interregnum and the Compromise of Caspe Josep M. Palau i Baduell * Historical Consulting Office Institut d’Estudis Catalans

The year 2010 marks the six hundredth anniversary of the death of King Martin I of Aragon, also known as Martin the Humane, the last king in the Barcelona dynasty (13961410). He was a distinguished king who brought Sicily into the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon and undertook an expedition to Sardinia which ultimately led to total dominion over the island. Nevertheless, in the last years of his life he was lacking the forces he needed to pacify the factional infighting in Valencia and Aragon. The monarch’s main mistake was not having named a successor upon the death of his son, his only legitimate heir, which unleashed an institutional crisis and the last enthronement of a Castilian dynasty. To commemorate King Martin, the History-Archaeology Section of the IEC, in conjunction with the Spanish National Research Council,** organised an international conference entitled Martin the Humane, the Last King in the Barcelona Dynasty (1396-1410): The Interregnum and the Compromise of Caspe. This conference was held at the headquarters of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC) in Barcelona from the 31st of May to the 4th of June 2010. The conference was divided into eight main sections categorising the 30 lectures and seven papers about King Martin delivered by the diverse international experts over the course of the week. The opening session featured a welcome by IEC President Salvador Giner and a keynote lecture by Maria Teresa Ferrer, Scientific Coordinator of the conference, who spoke about the figure of Martin the Humane and his reign.

* Contact address: Josep Maria Palau i Baduell. Historical Consulting Office. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Carme 47. E-08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932 701 620. E-mail: jpalau@iec.cat ** Through the financed research project The Crown of Aragon in the Mediaeval Mediterranean: Bridge among Cultures, Mediator between Christianity and Islam (HUM2007-61131) and the consolidated research groups on the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon, Islam and the Mediterranean World (2009SGR 1452) and Feudal Income and Taxation in Late Mediaeval Catalonia (2009SGR 1367) from the Department of Mediaeval Studies of the Institució Milà i Fontanals.

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The first section, “The Government of the Kingdoms”, entailed a brief survey of the political situation in the different kingdoms within the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon during Martin’s day. First of all, in his lecture entitled “The Government of the Kingdoms: The Legal System of Catalonia”, Tomàs de Montagut from the Universitat Pompeu Fabra and the IEC analysed aspects of Martin the Humane’s reign related to the political constitution and the law of the Crown of Aragon, as well as the legal and political significance and the regulations produced by the Courts of Perpignan, Sant Cugat del Vallès and Barcelona held between 1405 and 1410. After an introduction to the political and legal aspects of the courts, Montagut conducted a study of the legal system in place in Catalonia during the reign of King Martin and the reforms of this system by the Catalan Courts. He compared the drafts and the regulations that were ultimately approved. Montagut concluded his talk with several opinions by jurist Tomàs Mieres (1400-1474) on the meaning of the courts of Martin the Humane, stressing that the regulations issued by these courts was an essential milestone in validating Catalonia’s political constitution based on the rule of law and legal pactism. In his talk entitled “The Government of the Territory and Factions”, Flocel Sabaté from the Universitat de Lleida analysed how the land was organised in the different kingdoms. He stressed the importance of the municipalities in politics given the legal fragmentation of the Crown. In this context, Professor Sabaté highlighted each municipality’s reaction aimed at its own benefit, and he stressed that this was not incompatible with the fact that they were internally divided into factions. These factions ended up characterising all late mediaeval politics and can be seen in the division of municipal power. This factional system was even more evident once the crisis of succession broke out. In her talk “The Courts and the Generalitat de Catalunya”, Maria Teresa Ferrer of the IEC and the Institució Milà i Fontanals explained the content of the parliaments which we are aware were held during the reign of Martin

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Copyrighted image

Figure 1. Close-up of the altarpiece of Saint Severinus from Barcelona’s Sant Sever Hospital, which includes a depiction of King Martin the Humane. Trasllat de les reliquies de Sant Sever a la Catedral de Barcelona (Transfer of the Relics of Saint Severinus to the Cathedral of Barcelona). Pere Nunyes and Enric Fernandes. Oil and tempera on wooden panel. Barcelona (1541-1542). (Source: Diocesan Museum of Barcelona. inv. no. 38).

the Humane between 1396 and 1397. However, some authors believe that they constituted a single court aimed at preparing Catalonia’s defence against the threat posed by the Count of Foix. She also discussed the 1400 parliament held in Tortosa to discuss the defence of Sardinia and the sea routes. Professor Ferrer mentioned that the absence of the King, who was in Sicily, prevented the courts from meeting. The only general court was the Perpignan-Sant Cugat-Barcelona one held from 1406 to 1410, which never concluded due to the monarch’s death. There, the legality of the cavalry branch was discussed and the king secured aid to help fight against the Arborea Kingdom on Sicily. The talk also addressed the vicissitudes of the Generalitat de Catalunya, founded just a few years earlier (1359) during the reign of Peter the Ceremonious. In his talk entitled “The Courts and the Government of Aragon during the Reign of King Martin the Humane”, Esteban Sarasa from the Universidad de Zaragoza studied the courts and the government of Aragon, the Diputación del General. The courts were only convened twice in the Kingdom of Aragon: specifically, in Zaragoza in 1398 and 1400, where the grievances submitted to the monarch were discussed, and in Maella in 1404, which revealed the concern with the public and private order and the impor-

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tance of drawing up a population census for taxation and revenue purposes. Sarasa stressed that the courts of Aragon followed the same dynamic as the preceding courts, especially the ones of Peter the Ceremonious, and dealt with the same concerns and difficulties that would later continue in the Interregnum. Nevertheless, the results were favourable for the kingdom in terms of governance issues, territorial administration, taxation and the institutions of the Diputación del General in Aragon. In a similar vein, in her talk entitled “The Courts and the Generalitat Valenciana during the Reign of Martin the Humane”, Rosa Muñoz from the Universitat de València analysed the courts of Valencia held between 1401 and 1407. The goal of the courts was, in the words of the monarch himself, to fulfil the code of law, resolve grievances and secure revenues to redeem the royal assets. These courts were marked by social conflicts and the economic hardships arising from the expansionist policy of Peter the Ceremonious and John I’s poor oversight. Professor Muñoz stressed that the importance of these courts lay in their consolidation of the structure of the Generalitat Valenciana, even though it did not gain solid ground as a permanent entity until 1418, along with the creation of a 32-member commission (eight per branch and eight on behalf of

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the king) which was later dissolved in 1407 when the courts were brought to an end once the new code of law and the expansion of contributions had been approved. The paper by Josep Alanyà from the Diocesan Archive of Tortosa entitled “The Governance of Martin the Humane in the Territory of the Bishopric of Tortosa” studied the records of King Martin’s governance in the diocese of Tortosa, including the ones that reveal the monarch’s concern with the status of Tortosa’s church as a result of the Western Schism, as well as the records that show the social problems of the day and provide us with an overview of society and the church in Tortosa between 1350 and 1410. In their paper entitled “The Petty Nobility’s Intervention in the Courts of Aragon during the Reign of Martin I”, Juan Abella and Mario Lafuente, members of the CEMA Group at the Universidad de Zaragoza, set forth the characteristics of the petty nobility that attended the Courts of Zaragoza and Maella in 1398-1400 and 1404, respectively, by analysing the typology and examining the votes and grievances submitted by this social class. The paper by Isabel Sánchez de Movellán from the Universidad a Distancia de Madrid entitled “The Administration of Justice in the 15th Century” studied the different attempts at reform of the administration of justice in the Principality of Catalonia through the trials of the courts held between 1405 and 1437. Sánchez stressed that the majority of proposals came from the branches and that most of them failed at first, although they were gradually implemented in the long term. The second section of the conference was entitled “The Royal Assets, Taxation”, and it encompassed the lectures and papers that discussed the monarch’s treasury and assets. In his talk entitled “The Administration of the Royal Assets and the Recovery of Transferred Assets”, Enric Guinot from the IEC and the Universitat de València analysed the royal assets, which had been depleted since Peter the Ceremonious given the economic crisis which led the monarchs to transfer part of their assets in the desperate quest for money to benefit the nobility. This transfer consisted mainly of the sale of royal rights and the seigneurialisation of royal villages. Professor Guinot also stressed the tentative recovery of these assets during the reign of Martin the Humane, oftentimes at the cost of the inhabitants of the transferred localities. In his paper entitled “The Municipal Treasury of the Kingdom of Mallorca at the Turn of the Century (13901410)”, Ricard Urgell from the Archive of the Kingdom of Mallorca studied the treasury in the Kingdom of Mallorca between 1390 and 1410. He stressed its relationship with the attack on the Jewish quarter in 1391, the creation of an administrator of common currencies, a rise in municipal taxation through the creation of new taxes, the desire to control the administration of public debt, the presence of factions and the audit of accounts in 1406.

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The third section, entitled “The Consolidation of Power in the Central Mediterranean”, featured international experts who analysed the power struggles in Sicily and Sardinia. In his talk “A Kingdom for Martin, Duke of Montblanc and his Children: The Restoration of Queen Maria of Sicily”, Henri Bresc from the Université Paris X (Paris-Nanterre) examined the motives behind the marriage of Maria of Sicily, the daughter of Constance of Aragon, and Martin the Younger, the son of Martin the Humane, and its consequences on the political situation in the Kingdom of Sicily. He stressed how Queen Maria of Sicily was the legitimate ruler of the Sicily, the heir to a long struggle against the Anjou dynasty yet a kingdom without a king. Within this context, Professor Bresc stressed that Martin the Younger was both the perfect link between his father Martin the Humane’s aspirations to rule the island and the political legitimacy that Maria of Sicily was seeking. In her lecture entitled “The Struggle against the Arboreas in Sardinia: The Expedition of Martin the Younger (1408-1409) and the End of the Giudicato”, Luisa d’Arienzo from the Università di Cagliari examined the status of studies on relations between the Crown of Aragon and the Arborea Court between the 13th and 15th centuries based on the bull issued by Pope Boniface VIII in 1297, in which the Pope created the Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae and enfeoffed King James II of Aragon. Professor Arienzo conducted an in-depth analysis of the infighting on the island of Sardinia between the Arboreas and the other courts, as well as the alliance that William II forged with the anti-Catalans, later to be defeated by Martin the Younger in 1409 in the Battle of Sanluri. The fourth section, entitled “International Politics”, was devoted to international politics during the reign of King Martin the Humane. With his lecture entitled “The Western Schism in the Politics of King Martin”, Prim Bertran from the Universitat de Barcelona studied the relations between King Martin and Pope Benedict XIII within the Western Schism. In his talk, he particularly spotlighted the evolution in relations between the Catalan court and the papacy. He revealed that the Schism —the factions supporting either Roman Pope Urban VI or Avignon Pope Clement VII— was a problem of the Crown inherited from 1378 during the reign of Peter the Ceremonious. This monarch chose neutrality, although his family sided with Avignon. His primogenitor, John I, sided with the Avignon pope, and this loyalty was heightened upon the election of Pope Benedict XIII, who was of Catalan-Aragonese descent. When he rose to the throne, Martin the Humane continued to support the Avignon pope and siege was laid to the city (1398-1403), while Martin the Humane remained under the obedience of Benedict XIII. When it was decided at the Council of Perpignan (1408-1409) that the Avignon pope would step down and the pope sought King Martin’s favour, Martin denied it given the pope’s own indifference towards the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon.

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Carles Vela from the Università di Palermo focused on “Martin the Humane’s International Policy”. In his talk, he analysed the different aspects of King Martin’s international policy, a continuation of the policies conducted by his brother and predecessor, John I. Vela particularly focused on relations between the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon and Navarre, France, Castile and the Mediterranean countries. He stressed the renewal of peace with Navarre (1399) and the negotiations for the marriage between his son Martin and Blanche of Navarre. With France, he particularly stressed the cordial relations and the signing of a treaty on mutual reprisals in 1402. Regarding the Mediterranean, Martin the Humane aimed to solve the problem of the Berber and Christian corsairs first with military measures and ultimately with diplomacy by signing several treaties. Professor Vela noted that relations with Castile became strained during the reign of Henry III, especially regarding the marquisate of Villena. The fifth section examined “Society and Economy during the Reign of King Martin” with talks on numerous subjects such as spirituality, production, relations with Jews and Muslims and internal and international trade. In his talk entitled “The Church and Religious Life, Proselytising”, Josep Hernando from the Universitat de Barcelona analysed the Church in the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon during Martin’s reign. He stressed how the Church became part of the political system as the nation adopted the structures of a state (courts, the Diputació del General, etc.). He particularly spotlighted to the religious, cultural and political development of the religious orders, especially the mendicant orders. Professor Hernando recounted how at that time society was organised around religion and stressed the importance of the sacraments from the Roman liturgy, the religious funeral rites, festivities linked to devotional cycles (Christmas, Easter) and festivals linked to the saints and their miracles, as well as the social clout of the brotherhoods. He also mentioned the importance that ownership of Bibles and other religious books came to have, as seen through wills and inventories. He concluded his talk by analysing the sincerity of Jewish conversions after the 1391 pogrom and the spread of the Inquisition and proselytising. In his talk entitled “Rural and Urban Production”, Gaspar Feliu of the IEC and the Universitat de Barcelona analysed the repercussions of the Black Plague on both cities and the countryside. First, there were a series of upheavals in the countryside that led to the diversification of production and a surge in social problems, especially among peasant serfs. Likewise, in the cities there were problems as a result of a lack of labour, yet new markets in the East also opened. It should be borne in mind that a major share of the output was set aside for exports, and that these exports were highly exposed to competition and the political and military changes that dominated the developments of the international markets.

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In his talk entitled “‘Entre eulx plusieurs Sarrazins’: Jews and Muslims in the Reign of Martin I”, Brian A. Catlos of the University of California at Santa Cruz studied the status of the Jewish, Muslim and Christian communities during the reign of Martin the Humane. Regarding the Jews, he focused on the impact of the pogroms, particularly the one in 1391. With respect to the Muslims, he analysed the process of economic decline and the rise in social marginalisation they underwent. Professor Catlos studied Christian proselytising against both groups and their relations with the Crown and with the King; indeed, despite their profound religiousness, King Martin and his wife Maria de Luna protected Jews and Muslims because these two minorities helped the king both economically and politically. With the end of the Barcelona dynasty, the monarchy’s protection of the Jewish and Muslim minorities also came to an end. In his talk entitled “The Food Supply in the Cities of the Crown of Aragon”, Antoni Riera from the IEC and the Universitat de Barcelona examined the food supply in the large cities in the Crown between the so-called “year of famine” (1374) and the hardships of 1428. To do so, he focused on two basic foodstuffs: wheat and meat. He studied the original markets, the trade routes, the urban distribution circuits and the role of merchants purveying in these goods. He analysed how the town councils intervened to maintain prices and help boost the supply in order to ensure the salubriousness of products and the protection of the suppliers, as well as to step up imports at times of crisis. In her talk entitled “Internal Trade: Fairs and Markets. Redistribution through Land, River and Coastal Sailing Routes”, Dolores López from the Universitat de Barcelona analysed internal trade within the Crown of Aragon. She stressed the prominence of studies on international trade until recently compared to the scant focus on internal trade. She examined the fairs and market and their importance in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, spotlighting the fact that not only were they concentrated in the large capital cities but could also be found inland, encouraged by river trade or a location near major Roman thoroughfares. She also stressed the importance of coastal trade at the time via the Catalan coastal ports. In her talk entitled “International Trade at the Time of King Martin”, Maria Elisa Soldani from the Institució Milà i Fontanals analysed trade at the time of King Martin the Humane with a particular focus on the economic repercussions of the monarch’s economic policy, bearing in mind the policies of his predecessors and successors. Professor Soldani also studied the evolution in international trade from the leading mercantile centres in the Crown (Barcelona, Valencia and Mallorca) through the main commercial routes (in the East, West, Maghreb and Tyrrhenian zone), which were quite clearly articulated and interconnected through a system of reciprocal relations and mutual dependencies. Finally, she analysed the effects of military spending and Martin the Humane’s pro-

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tectionist economic policy on the activity of Catalan merchants and the foreign merchants operating within the Crown of Aragon. In his paper entitled “Lords, Salt and Saffron: Regional Economy and Urban Oligarchies in the Town and Countship of Cardona in the early 1400s”, Andreu Galera i Pedrosa from the Municipal Archive of Cardona analysed the town of Cardona, its local oligarchy and their relations with the Count of Cardona and King Martin the Humane. He also discussed the privileges secured by the town in the preceding years, including the recovery of the rights to Cardona salt and the privilege of holding trade fairs. These privileges are what make it possible to study the economy of the zone of Cardona around the year 1400. In the talk entitled “Consulates of the Sea and Overseas Consulates: The Defence of Maritime Space”, Daniel Duran i Duelt from the Institució Milà i Fontanals studied how the reign of Martin the Humane was a pivotal time in the organisation of the institutional and legislative system that had taken shape in the Middle Ages at the service of merchants and seamen who wanted more autonomy. Professor Duran analysed the changes that took place during the reign of Martin and their significance within the overall framework of consulates of the sea and overseas consulates.

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The fifth section was devoted to analysing “Culture and Art in the Reign of King Martin” by examining subjects like literature, universities, royal ceremonies, architecture and art. In his talk entitled “The Literary Scene in the Reign of King Martin: Bernat Metge and Eiximenis”, Albert G. Hauf from the IEC and the Universitat de València stressed King Martin’s solid classical and literary education, helped in part by his sedentarism and his profound religiousness, which earned him the title of Eclesiast. This meant that the monarch was fond of studying and reading. Many of the texts that have survived from the time of Martin the Humane are religious, such as the ones by Brother Joan Eiximeno and Brother Antoni Canals, who wrote some works for the king’s personal use. Late in life, Eiximenis finished his Vida de Jesucrist (Life of Jesus Christ) and dedicated it to Maria de Luna, Martin’s wife. These profoundly religious works contrast with the oeuvre of Bernat Metge, royal secretary, especially his Lo Somni (The Dream). It is known that King Martin had a copy of Lo Somni brought to Zaragoza, and Albert Hauf considered what the monarch’s interpretation of the book might have been given his profoundly spiritual vantage point. In his talk entitled “Martin the Humane’s Creation of the Estudi General de Medicina of Barcelona and his In-

Figure 2. Picture of the opening session of the congress held in Prat de la Riba Hall at the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (Photo: Jordi Pareto).

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terest in the World of Universities”, Salvador Claramunt from the Universitat de Barcelona analysed how through the monarch’s impetus the Estudi General de Medicina (Faculty of Medicine) was founded in 1401, which would later become the Estudi General de Barcelona, the forerunner of the University of Barcelona. Professor Claramunt stressed that King Martin followed in the footsteps of his father, Peter the Ceremonious, in this matter, yet that he soon came upon several stumbling blocks. The first was Barcelona’s strong physicians’ guilds, whose members were afraid of a clash with the physicians that would eventually graduate from this school. The second was the monopoly on teaching held by the Consell de Cent (Council of One Hundred), which was against the Estudi General at first until it realised the benefits the city would reap as the home to a university. Nevertheless, the monarch was forced to abandon some of his initiatives in order to deal with clashes with the different institutions. In his lecture entitled “Monarch, Reign and City: The Language of the Ceremonies in the Crown of Aragon at the Time of Martin the Humane”, Miquel Raufast from the Institució Milà i Fontanals examined the importance of ceremonies in all public events in the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon during the Middle Ages. After an introduction in which he outlined the somewhat theatrical importance of coronations, royal entries, receptions, processions, funeral rites and other popular festivals, Raufast focused particularly on the ceremonial activities of Martin the Humane and his family in the different lands (Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia, Sicily) and main cities (Barcelona, Zaragoza, Valencia, Palermo) within his realm. He stressed the importance of the visual representation of the Crown in all these events. In his talk entitled “An Impossible View: Catalan Political Will and Mediterranean Architectural Creation under Martin the Humane (1396-1410)”, Xavier Barral from the IEC and the Université de Rennes took stock of King Martin’s royal architecture, mainly in Barcelona and Poblet, although he also considered other places in the kingdom at a time when northern trends were reaching the more Mediterranean Gothic art. Professor Barral analysed how these more decorative international Gothic forms were brought to Mediterranean austerity, and he compared King Martin’s architectural initiatives with those from other hotspots of royal creation such as Italy, Avignon and other sites in northern France. He also studied the internal and external structure of royal residences in terms of both monumentality and functionality. In her talk entitled “Martin the Humane: Figurative Likenesses of the Last King from the House of Barcelona and the House of Aragon”, Marta Serrano from the Universitat Rovira i Virgili analysed the most important iconographic depictions of King Martin which still survive. Based on manuscripts, coins, seals and works of art, she examined portrayals of the monarch, stressing the continuity of the iconographic innovations introduced by his

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Josep M. Palau i Baduell

father as well as his profound religiosity and the desire to sanctify the monarch. The sixth section was devoted to studying “The Family of King Martin” by examining a variety of subjects, including the monarch’s wives, the succession of the kingdom of Sicily and its queens and the King’s illegitimate descendants. In her talk entitled “Two Queens for a King: The Wives of Martin the Humane”, Núria Silleras from the University of Colorado at Boulder analysed the figures of Maria de Luna and Margaret of Prades. The monarch married the former in 1372, and he lived with her for 34 years until her untimely death. He then married Margaret of Prades in 1409, when he was already an old man. Professor Sille ras stressed the fact that, contrary to the norm, Martin married two local noblewomen, one from Aragon and the other from Catalonia. She paid particular attention to the role of the queen in the Crown and how the monarch’s two wives performed this role, as well as their relationship with Martin. She highlighted the role and power of Queen Maria de Luna, a harbinger of the Iberian queens’ greater participation in politics in the 15th and 16th centuries. In the talk entitled “The Sicilian Queens: Maria of Sicily and Blanche of Navarre”, Laura Sciascia from the Università di Palermo analysed the wives of King Martin the Younger, Martin the Humane’s son. Maria of Sicily married Martin the Younger in 1396 and died in 1402. The same year, Martin married Blanche of Navarre and remained married to her until his death in 1409. Children were born from each marriage, none of whom reached adolescence. Both queens reigned over the Kingdom of Sicily: Maria of Sicily did so upon the death of her father, Frederick, and Blanche of Navarre followed suit upon the death of her husband, Martin the Younger. Professor Sciascia performed an in-depth analysis of these two queens and their positions towards the king and the kingdom. In his talk entitled “Martin the Younger and the Succession of the Kingdoms of Sicily and Aragon”, Salvatore Fodale from the Università di Palermo analysed the development of the deeds that led Martin the Younger to marry Maria of Sicily so that the Kingdom of Sicily would join the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon. The different popes denied the Catalan kings’ rights to the throne of Sicily and favoured Louis of Anjou as the king of Sicily, which meant that the only way the Crown could secure the kingdom was through the marriage of Maria and Martin the Younger. In her talk entitled “The Royals: The Illegitimate Descendants of Martin the Younger. The Descendants of John I. The Descendants of Peter the Ceremonious. The Descendants of Alphonse the Benign. The Descendants of James II”, Josefina Mutgé from the Institució Milà i Fontanals studied the princes of royal blood who might have aspired to becoming the king of the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon when King Martin the Humane died

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Sixth centennial of the death of King Martin the Humane

with no legitimate heirs in 1410. Professor Mutgé analysed these royals, that is, the individuals who might ascend to the throne because of their royal blood. Some of the most prominent pretenders to the throne were Frederick, Count of Luna; Prince Louis III of Anjou; the Duke of Gandia; Ferdinand, from the House of Trastamara; and James II, Count of Urgell. The latter was considered the most likely aspirant to inherit the kingdom since he was the Governor General, a post always given to the heir to the throne, but his enemies managed to ensure that all the candidates competed equally under the same conditions. The final struggle was between Ferdinand and James, and the former ultimately prevailed. The last section was devoted to “The Interregnum and the Compromise of Caspe”, which analysed the Interregnum and the different kingdoms within the Crown (Catalonia, Mallorca, Valencia and Aragon), as well as the significance of the Compromise of Caspe. In his talk entitled “Catalonia and the Crown of Aragon: National Language and Political Structure”, Jaume Sobrequés from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona stressed that the Interregnum seems to have been the first time that Aragon, Valencia and the Principality of Catalonia fully felt that they shared a common fate that bound them and required them to find a shared solution to an internal problem that affected them all equally. The innovation of Professor Sobrequés’ talk was the mission to study the national language and politics of the authorities gathered together at the courts of Barcelona and Tortosa from 1410 to 1412 and to demonstrate the constitutional strength and cohesion of the confederation. In her talk entitled “The Interregnum on Mallorca”, Maria Barceló from the Universitat de les Illes Balears stressed how little interest historians have shown in this subject until recently. She noted that the seminal work in this field today is the 2003 study by Álvaro Santamaría. Regarding the Interregnum on Mallorca, Professor Barceló spotlighted the fact that despite all its attempts to participate actively, Mallorca remained on the sidelines of the process of electing the new monarch, a relatively incomprehensible fact since it played an equal role within the confederation. She mentioned the emissaries’ difficulties in making their voices heard in the debates that led first to the Concord of Alcañiz and later the decision at Caspe. In his talk entitled “Citizen Government and Factional Infighting: The Interregnum in Valencia,” Rafael Narbona from the Universitat de València explained how the Interregnum marked the end of a disastrous era for the Kingdom of Valencia that had started in around 1375, when the social and political relations established after

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the War of the Two Peters had begun to deteriorate. Professor Narbona stressed that the Interregnum in Valencia attempted to settle not only a dynastic issue or legal procedure but also a long-standing rivalry among a group of families vying for hegemony which had been dragging on and gaining momentum for some time. In his talk “Interregnum and Factions in Aragon”, Josep-David Garrido from the Universidad Miguel Hernández of Elche explained how just like in Valencia, there had been factional infighting in Aragon for years which was heightened upon the death of King Martin. The conflicts between the Maria de Luna’s family and the Urreas, the in-laws of Maria de Luna’s sister Brianda, unleashed a rivalry which started as a question of honour but ended up becoming a struggle for power and influence in the kingdom. All of this factional infighting reached the time of the Interregnum and the election of a new king, when James, Count of Urgell, who enjoyed the sympathy of the Lunas, was thus automatically despised by the Urreas. In his talk entitled “The Compromise of Caspe: Its Significance. The View from Historiography”, Antoni Furió from the Universitat de València performed an indepth assessment of the significance of the Compromise of Caspe to the Crown of Catalonia and Aragon. First, he stressed its importance as a seminal event in the history of the Crown, as well as in the political and institutional history of Western Europe, due to the unusual way the monarch was chosen by the delegates of the different confederated kingdoms. Professor Furió further stressed the consequences of the enthronement of the Castilian Trastamara dynasty and the assessments of this event throughout history by both sides, the Catalans and the Castilians. Finally, in his paper entitled “The Candidacy to the Throne of Infante Fernando de Antequera and the Castilian Intervention in the Crown of Aragon during the Interregnum”, Víctor Muñoz from the Universidad de Valladolid shared the Castilian view of Fernando de Antequera’s pretensions to the throne. He highlighted Castile’s deployment of means to promote Fernando: diplomatic actions were conducted, troops were sent and money was spent to promote this candidacy over the others. After this talk, a debate session was held, and the conference concluded with words by Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, President of the History-Archaeology Department of the IEC and scientific coordinator of the conference. To cap it off, the conference participants visited the cathedral of Barcelona, where they were able to see several artefacts related to King Martin.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 145-147 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.56 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Ianua Coeli: Monumental Romanesque doorways on the Iberian Peninsula International Congress. Barcelona-Ripoll 24-27 November 2010 Francesca Español *

Amics de l’Art Romànic

Studying monumental Romanesque doorways was the theme of the international congress organised by the Amics de l’Art Romànic (Friends of Romanesque Art), an affiliate of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. The congress was held last November in Barcelona at the IEC headquarters and in Ripoll, which hosted the closing event and where the participants were treated to the superb facade of the monastery. For the first time in Spain, the scientific gathering aimed to study the large doorways that emerged in the Christian territories in the west and east of the Iberian Peninsula in the 12th century and the early years of the 13th century. The Romanesque visually translated the symbolic value that Christianity attributed to its buildings of worship and certain sectors and elements that represent them, one of which is the entrance doorway. Repeatedly glossed in texts as the doorway to heaven, Ianua Coeli, the iconographic programmes and liturgical uses linked to this threshold between the sacred and profane underscore this dimension. The congress wanted to examine this issue from different, mutually complementary vantage points: by analysing the iconographic programmes derived from the Romanesque doorway and the intentions of its promoters, the style of its sculpture and the connections derived from it, the uniqueness of the typology adopted and the liturgical functions it accommodated. The goal was for the expert debate to shed light on all of these issues, addressed generally for the first time at this congress, and at the same time open up the session to university students and amateurs. The congress was a huge success. It attracted around 100 people including speakers and participants, including students from a number of universities in Spain, Germany, England, France and Italy. The sessions were officially opened by Salvador Giner, President of the IEC, Daniel Solé, Deputy General Director of the Generalitat de Catalunya’s department of Cultural Heritage, and Francesca Español, President of Amics de l’Art Romànic and scientific director of the congress. Prestigious Hispanists were on hand for the lectures. Dr Peter Klein, Professor at the Universität Tübingen, * Contact address: Francesca Español. Departament d’Història de l’Art, Facultats de Filosofia i de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona. Montalegre, 6. E-08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 933 333 466 (3173). Fax: +34 934 498 510. E-mail: francescaespanol@ub.edu

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gave the keynote speech (“Marginal Images on the Romanesque Doorways of Spain”) in which he surveyed a number of monuments which feature profane (and heterodox) subjects and evaluated their function as the antithesis or complement to the sacred subjects that predominate inside these buildings. American Professor Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo (Montclair State University) presented a new iconographic interpretation of the doorway to the cloister at Silos monastery in a talk entitled “Acrobats at the Doorway to Heaven, Where the Sacred and Profane Meet”. An iconographic analysis was also the main theme in the talk by Dr Therese Martin (Spanish National Research Council, Madrid), who focused on one of the most emblematic Romanesque buildings in the northwest Iberian Peninsula, “Eloquent Forms in the Three Doorways of San Isidoro of León”. Doctor José Luis Senra (Universidade de Santiago) focused his talk (“Angeli ad portas: On Some of the Vanished Doorways in Monasteries in Castillo-León”) on a subject on which he has become an indisputable expert: the western massif of such emblematic buildings as Frómista and Carrión de los Condes. He evaluated their architectural layout, their funerary use and the traits of the doorways that lead into the church. The crux of the talk by Dr M. Victoria Herráez and Dr Concepción Cosmen, professors at the Universidad de León, was the typological and ornamental similarities among numerous doorways located in the vast northeast region of the Iberian Peninsula along the Way of Saint James. The talk by Dr José Luis Hernando Garrido (Ethnographic Museum of Castilla-León, Zamora), examined the resonance of the compositional recipes and stylistic motifs present on one of the most representative doorways in the cathedral of Zamora, the Bishop’s Doorway. In her talk “Romanesque Doorways in Navarra”, Dr Clara Fernández-Ladreda (Universidad de Pamplona) traced the characteristic features of the most important examples conserved in Navarra, including the Sangüesa doorway which is one of the latest among all the monuments on the Iberian Peninsula. The Catalan doorways analysed at the congress preside over the entrances to monastery churches (Santa Maria de Ripoll, Sant Pere de Rodes and Covet) and cathedrals (La Seu d’Urgell, Girona, Vic and Perpignan), and the

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Francesca Español

Figure 1. Official poster of the International Congress “Ianua Coeli: Monumental Romanesque Doorways on the Iberian Peninsula”

talks that examined them primarily stressed stylistic and compositional issues. This was the interpretation put forth by Dr Marc Sureda Jubany (Episcopal Museum of Vic) regarding the elements that still survive on the lost doorways in Perpignan, Girona and Vic. Dr Gerardo Boto Varela (Universitat de Girona), also examined the same issues regarding La Seu d’Urgell in his talk “Agentivity and Interaction of the Discourse of Romanesque Doorways: The Images on the Thresholds of Santa Maria of La Seu d’Urgell”. Dr Joaquín Yarza Luaces (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) surveyed the typological forerunners of the doorway in Covet, and he complemented that with a review of its iconographic programme in his talk entitled “The Doorway of Santa Maria of Covet: Astrology, Fall and Redemption”. The unique formulas on monumental doorways wrought by the figure known as the Master of Cabestany was the focal point of the talk by Dr Imma Lorés Otzet (Universitat de Lleida) in her talk “Membra disjecta: The Images on the Doorways by the Master of Cabestany”. The pictorial subjects present on the outer doorways and decorating the border elements inside the church (the triumphal arch was a boundary marker between the area for the faithful and the presbytery, for example) were examined in the talk by Drs Milagros Guardia and Carles Man-

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cho (Universitat de Barcelona). The functions linked to the space presided over by the Ianua Coeli in cathedrals or monastery churches (such as the penitential and funerary liturgies) were outlined in the talk by Dr Francesca Español (Universitat de Barcelona) entitled “The Romanesque Doorway and its Liturgical Uses”. The extraordinary design in Ripoll was addressed in two talks. The one by Pere Rovira (Centre for the Restoration of Movable Goods of Catalonia) examined the successive restorations that the monument has undergone in the talk “From Degradation to Conservation of the Romanesque Stone: Preventative Actions, Material Analysis and Project to Safeguard the Doorway in Ripoll”. Dr Xavier Barral Altet (Université de Rennes), who closed the congress, spoke about “Reflections on the Commission of the Romanesque Doorway in Ripoll and its Artistic Consequences”, surveying the historiography of the monument and the most recent studies’ contribution to our knowledge about it. After these lectures, numerous brief reports were read on doorways in Catalonia, Aragon and Bearn: Dr José Alberto Morais (Universidad de Extremadura): “Open Doorways: Outlining Problems and Clarifying Concepts on the Antiquating Legacy and its Presence in Hispanic Romanesque Doorways”; Dr Ilaria Sgrigna (Universitat

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Ianua Coeli: Monumental Romanesque doorways on the Iberian Peninsula

de Barcelona): “Comparative Analysis of the Doorway in Santa Maria of Covet: Observations on the Provenance and Dissemination of its Models”; Antoni Llagostera (Centre of Regional Studies of El Ripollès): “An 1846 Drawing by Pau Milà i Fontanals in the Carderera Collection”; Dr Esther Lozano (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona): “Figurative Repertoires and Stylistic Connections in the Doorways of Navarra and Aragon: The

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Cat. Hist. Rev. 4, 2011 147

Role of the Masters in the Chancel of the Zaragoza Cathedral”; Juan Antonio Olañeta (Universitat de Barcelona): “The Doorway of the Parish Church of San Salvador de Agüero (Huesca) and its ‘Borrowed’ Tympanum”; and Maritxu Echeverri (Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail): “Earthly Spiritual Meals? The Quest for Salvation on the Romanesque Doorways between Bearn and Aragon”.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 149-151 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.57 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Manuel Riu i Riu (1929‑2011). In memoriam *

Doctor Manuel Riu i Riu, Professor of Mediaeval History at the University of Barcelona and member of the History-Archaeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, died on the 2nd of January 2011 in Sant Llorenç de Morunys at the age of 81. He was born in Manresa in 1929 to a mother with roots in Sant Llorenç de Morunys. He studied philosophy and letters with a specialisation in history at the University of Barcelona and graduated in 1951. The person who would most clearly influence his future career, more than Vicens Vives, of whom he was a disciple, was Albert del Castillo, whom he helped from early on in his Chair in Universal Mediaeval History. In 1959, Doctor Castillo, who had been an archaeologist in his youth but one focused on the ancient world, as was traditional, had begun to conduct excavations to study remains from the early Middle Ages. Doctor Riu helped him on these digs, including the greyware pottery workshop and ovens in Casampons (Berga), the 10th century monastery of Sant Pere de Graudescales, the small castle in Viver, the necropolis of slab tombs in Vilafruns (Balsareny), a mediaeval farm in Vilosiu and the village of Jaça (Cercs), Sant Vicenç d’Obiols and the church and necropolis of Santa Creu de Jutglar (Osona). This partnership largely shaped his devotion to a new discipline, mediaeval archaeology, which was just emerging at that time.

* Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, President of the History and Archaeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. E-mail: ferrerimallol@gmail.com Photography: Photografic Archive Collection of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans

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His doctoral thesis studied the religious communities in the former bishopric of Urgell from the 13th to the 16th centuries. I remember attending the reading of his thesis, which was a real event for us in 1961. At that time I was his student in a course titled “Mediaeval Sources and Bibliography” targeted at students who wanted to specialise in mediaeval history. In 1996, he landed the Chair in Mediaeval History at the University of Granada. His sojourn in Granada was extremely profitable because the new specialisation of mediaeval archaeology was spreading around the entire country. He was there only a short time when Dr Castillo’s chair became vacant upon his retirement, and Dr Riu was able to return to the University of Barcelona in 1969. He was to spend the rest of his life there. Between 1970 and 1990, he edited the Índice Histórico Español, the bibliographic journal founded by Vicens Vives which was and still is so useful. Before that, between 1960 and 1966, he had been the secretary of the journal. Later, in 1980, he became the co-founder and co-editor of the University of Barcelona’s journal Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaevalia, a position he would retain until 1993. He coordinated some of the journal’s annexes, one devoted to greyware and popular pottery in mediaeval Catalonia, and another examining its fortresses, towers, watchtowers and castles. If we examine the specialties he cultivated within mediaeval history, we would have to begin with mediaeval archaeology, a new discipline that he spearheaded not only in Catalonia but throughout all of Spain, in which he was a referent. It is the speciality which he introduced into

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university education and around which he built a school. In Catalonia, he took charge of the excavations in Cau lers, an abandoned mediaeval village in the middle of Les Gavarres forest; the excavations in Saldes, especially the monastery of Sant Sebastià del Sull; the digs in Sorba, where the Martyrium of Saint Eudald was excavated and studied; as well as the excavations in Sant Miquel de la Vall (Gavet de la Conca, Pallars Jussà), and the castle of Mataplana (Gombrèn, Ripollès), his hometown of Sant Llorenç de Morunys and other sites, which were later continued by his disciplines. In relation to archaeology, he studied urban planning in the early Middle Ages, burials, castles and country estates, both fortified and not. In several articles, Dr Riu examined the oldest mediaeval burial sites, which were often right in front of the house or sometimes even inside in the case of children. His acceptance speech as a member of the Royal Academy of Belles-Lettres, entitled Some Funeral Customs from the Middle Ages in Catalonia, stands out as noteworthy. He also published studies on specific objects found at the excavations and reports on digs or overviews of the sites excavated. He is the author of numerous syntheses or documents that take stock of mediaeval archaeology: one from 1986, entitled Current State of Mediaeval Archaeology in the Christian Kingdoms on the Iberian Peninsula, and the 1989 book Mediaeval Architecture in Catalonia. As the most prominent person working in the discipline, he was charged with assessing mediaeval archaeology’s contributions to the history of Spain at a congress on historiographic assessments of the 20th century held in Estella in 1998 (Contribution of Mediaeval Archaeology to the History of Spain), and even later he published The Beginnings of Mediaeval Archaeology in Catalonia (2004-2005). Worth special mention is Dr Riu’s major efforts captured in the work Romanesque Catalonia. Whenever possible, he tried to back archaeological studies with documentary support and to situate them in their historical context, which is why he devoted several studies to feudalism, and specifically to the feudalisation of the Catalan countryside. I must also mention an activity on which I worked with Dr Riu: organising an annual course on mediaeval archaeology at the CSIC’s Institució Milà i Fontanals in conjunction with the University of Barcelona. We held two: one on mediaeval history and another on archaeology. Each lasted one week, and they were targeted particularly to university students. Dr Riu always coordinated the archaeology course. We held them for 15 years, between 1983 and 1998, and they were quite a comprehensive overview of the issues and results of the excavations. All of Dr Riu’s disciples attended these classes, along with other people who were in charge of a number of excavations. Contributions from archaeological materials in general were studied, and analyses were conducted of numerous constructions from the archaeological standpoint: towers, watchtowers and castles, mediaeval homes, glass and ceramic kilns, mills and forges, churches, mon-

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Manuel Riu i Riu (1929‑2011). In memoriam

asteries and walls, just to cite some of them. Dr Riu also scheduled an underwater archaeology course. Various aspects of rural and urban archaeology, analysis and restoration methods, death and jobs and games were considered through archaeology, ending with an assessment of mediaeval archaeology during the 15 years in which courses were held. Once this stage of courses came to an end, in 1999 we jointly organised a colloquium on “The Catalan Farm during the Middle Ages and Modern Age (9th to 18th Centuries)”. Dr Riu, who was the scientific coordinator, wanted it to be a highly interdisciplinary congress, and he wanted archaeological, historical, geographic, architectural and anthropological aspects of the farm to be studied. He did manage to gather quite a diverse group of people, including architects, anthropologists and geographers, but especially archaeologists and historians specialising in rural history, and others like myself, with my study on the estates, to participate in a project about which he was so enthusiastic. The colloquium was extremely successful, and after it we published the proceedings in 2001, in fact, a very interesting contribution to scholarship in the field. As can be seen, mediaeval archaeology would be at the core of Dr Riu’s activities, but there were also many other subjects that he studied using written sources: the studies on monasteries, started in his thesis, were translated in numerous publications and shared at congresses on monasticism. Also worth noting is his study on adoptionism, a mediaeval legacy that took root in Catalonia in the early Middle Ages. He was also interested in the religious brotherhoods, an interest revealed by the archive of a secular brotherhood, Mare de Déu dels Colls in Sant Llorenç de Morunys, documented from the 13th to the 20th centuries. Curiously, one of his earliest studies and his last one discuss this brotherhood. For several years, he supervised a research project on poverty and marginalisation in the Middle Ages, a subject that was the target of attention in numerous European countries. His project led to the publication of two volumes which he coordinated, La pobreza y la asistencia a los pobres en la Edad Media (1980 and 1982), which are still a benchmark in this field of study. He was interested in aspects related to rural life, such as seasonal migration and pastures, as well as an early reapers’ uprising in the 14th century. He studied local life, particularly in Sant Llorenç de Morunys but also in Berga and Manresa. He devoted several studies, some of them in English as well, to the wool industry, which extended throughout all of Catalonia, in Sant Llorenç de Morunys as well, and on the guilds’ regulation of this activity. He also devoted several studies to roadways, to trade, in both the early and late Middle Ages, in this case on forbidden trade with the eastern Mediterranean through licenses that were found in the diocesan archive; this study was later continued by one of his disciples. He took an interest in the history of banking at the end of the Middle Ages in an article published in both English and Catalan. He was

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Manuel Riu i Riu (1929‑2011). In memoriam

also fascinated by metrology and devoted several studies to this topic. His efforts to catalogue the parchments in the archive of Santa Maria del Mar and his contribution to the restoration of the ones that had been burned during the Civil War are noteworthy; he also assembled a diplomatarium of the monastery of Sant Llorenç de Morunys (1981) and another on Vall de Lord (1988). In recent years, we were conducting a joint project at the IEC to publish the documentation on international treaties and diplomatic negotiations, the first volume of which has already been issued. Dr Riu’s output was quite extensive, with more than 700 publications. Apart from the ones mentioned above, we should also cite the manuals of mediaeval history both around the world and in Spain, and the anthology of texts studying the Middle Ages written in conjunction with other authors. In addition to several books meant for popular consumption, such as Vida y costumbres en la Edad Media (1959) and Historia del cristianismo (1967), he also published a large number of informative articles in the newspaper Diario de Barcelona, the magazine Destino and numerous other magazines. Surprisingly, he published several books on industrialisation and transport in the contemporary age, some of them in conjunction with Dr Albert del Castillo. Finally, we cannot fail to mention his studies on a variety of historians in obituaries or commemorative bio-

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graphical sketches, such as the one on Ferran Soldevila (1994). His merits were recognised by both his appointment as a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in 1990 and his election as a member of the Acadèmia de Bones Lletres in 1983 and as a corresponding member of the Real Academia de la Historia in 1978. He was also a member of the London-based Society for Medieval Archaeology, the Societat Catalana d’Arqueologia and numerous branch organisations of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. He served on the Advisory Commission of the Generalitat de Catalunya’s Archaeological Services. In 1998, the 1st Symposium on Mediaeval Archaeology: Tribute to Professor Manuel Riu was held in his honour, the proceedings of which have not yet been published. In 1999-2000, colleagues, friends and disciples organised a tribute to him which was published in the journal Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaevalia. In 2003, he received the Cross of Saint George from the Generalitat de Catalunya. He also received other awards: in 2004 the Signum Prize from El Solsonès, and in 2007 the City of Berga Prize for Culture. He 2007 he was named adoptive son of Sant Llorenç de Morunys, and a street in this village was named after him. Beyond his research, teaching and all the honours he received, Dr Riu was a good-willed, affable person who always tried to lend a hand. Those of us who knew him will always remember him with affection. May he rest in peace.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 153-155 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.58 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam *

Robert Brian Tate, a Hispanist and philologist and a corresponding member of the History-Archaeology Department of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, died in Nottingham on the 21st of February 2011. Robert Brian Tate was born in Belfast (Northern Ireland) on the 27th of December 1921, where he spent his childhood and adolescence. While pursuing his baccalaureate, he studied French, German and Spanish. When he entered Queen’s University in Belfast in 1939, he decided to study Romance Philology. Doctor Ignasi González Llubera, a corresponding member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans since 1951, had just been appointed a Spanish language and literature teacher at that university. Tate liked to reminisce about the teachings and influence on his dedication to research exerted by the first Catalan in his life. He said that González taught him a love of the classics, especially Virgil, the value of books and the fact that the Iberian Peninsula was made up of many cultures and languages. All three factors would prove to be decisive and fundamental in Professor Tate’s academic career. After two years of classes, Tate joined the British army in India as a university cadet. He travelled by convoy as far as South Africa with a group of soldiers and cadets. In Durbin, the soldiers were told that Japan had entered the war. The convoy was divided into two, half heading to

* Mariàngela Vilallonga i Vives. Vice President of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans and Professor of Latin Philology at the University of Girona. E-mail: mvilallonga@iec.cat Photography: Photographic Archive Collection of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans

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Singapore and the other half with Tate to Bombay. The former were made prisoners of war. Tate was able to enter a gurkha regiment from Nepal as a lieutenant. Later, as a captain, he witnessed the Japanese forces surrender in Rangoon. Four years later, full of adventures through India and Burma, he retired from the army and returned from Rangoon to Belfast. He then resumed his interrupted degree and earned his Bachelor’s degree two years later. In his final exams he met the second Catalan of his life, Professor Josep Maria Batista i Roca from Cambridge University. Llubera and Batista persuaded him to focus his research on the Renaissance and to study the 15th century figure of the Cardinal and Bishop of Girona, Joan Margarit i Pau. With his Bachelor’s in hand, Tate travelled to Barcelona to conduct this research under the tutelage of Jordi Rubió i Balaguer, who charged his scholarship student, Josep Vallverdú, a member of the Philology Department, with accompanying Tate on the first few days of his sojourn. Vallverdú asked me to mention his recollections of friendship in this talk. At the same time, Tate also studied Catalan at the Ateneu Barcelonès with Ramon Aramon and developed friendships with Martí de Riquer, Pere Bohigas, Anscari Mundó, Miquel Batllori and Jaume Vicens Vives. Tate spent six months in the archives of Girona searching for firsthand documentation on Margarit. In this city, he befriended Girona-based historians Lluís Batlle i Prats, Miquel Oliva and especially Santiago Sobrequés. This year marks the celebrations commemorating the centennial of the latter’s birth, so perhaps fate meant for the institutional event to be held at Girona Town Hall.

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His study entitled The Life, Works and Ideas of Cardinal Margarit, the first major biography of this Girona native, earned Tate his Master’s from the University of Belfast in October 1949. The study was rewritten in 1952 and 1953 and published in 1955 by the University of Manchester Press, the first university where Professor Tate taught. In 1954, he won the Francesc Cambó Prize from the Institut d’Estudis Catalans for his study on Margarit entitled El manuscrit i les fonts del Paralipomenon Hispaniae, which was published in Estudis Romànics. In 1955, he earned his doctorate from the University of Belfast with a study on the impact of humanism on 15th century Spanish historiography. After teaching at the University of Manchester and the University of Belfast, in 1956 Professor Tate began to work as a Professor at the University of Nottingham, and in 1958 he secured the first Chair in Spanish Language and Literature at this university. There, he created the Department of Spanish Philology, which he ran until his retirement in 1983. He was regarded by his colleagues as “one of the great eminences at the university”. During these years, he continued his research into humanistic historiography as well as into the ties between diverse personalities in the history of Catalan literature and Great Britain, including Vicent Climent and Joanot Martorell, in his studies published in specialised journals. His bonds with Catalonia were further strengthened when he was elected a corresponding member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in 1966 and when his translation into English of Pierre Vilar’s Spain: A Brief History appeared in Oxford the following year. The proposal that Professor Tate received from Curial publishing house in 1972 to translate his biography of Margarit into Catalan proved to be “the stimulus needed” to revise his story, particularly in light of the new historiography which had emerged in the previous 20 years, especially that of Jaume Vicens Vives, which he had been unable to use in the first version. Revising and updating the study was no easy task; still, he got down to work and the result was clearly worth the effort. The 1976 Catalanlanguage publication of Joan Margarit i Pau, cardenal i bisbe de Girona in Barcelona signalled a major milestone in the resumption of studies on humanistic historiography in our country. Tate contributed to strengthening the image of Catalan humanism through one of its most illustrious representatives, and his book on Margarit would itself become a milestone and model to be emulated in studies on humanism and historiography. Professor Tate’s name now deserved to be written in golden letters in the history of Catalan culture not only for having written this extensive, lucid and authoritative biography of the Cardinal and Bishop of Girona, Joan Margarit i Pau, but also because Tate innovated in how Spanish culture was taught at the university, in Hispanism in general and, in short, in the sense that he expanded its horizons by including the Catalan, Galician, Portuguese and Andalusian cultures. As noted by his colleague Rich-

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Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

ard A. Cardwell in the obituary he wrote for The Times, “his contributions in books and articles have given rise to a new assessment of the late Middle Ages in Spain, an endeavour marked by his revelation that the history of the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance in Spain entailed complex processes of transition and a comprehension of the ideologies, politics and narrative strategies of their historians and historiographers. These perceptions shape his extraordinary study on the mediaeval kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula in Spain. A Companion to Spanish Studies dating from 1973.” He wrote studies on Virgil and Camões and on mediaeval pilgrimages, and his fervour for the Way of Saint James led him to publish a volume on his own pilgrimages with luxurious photographic illustrations by his photographer son, Marcus, in 1987. Throughout his career, he devoted many studies to 15th century historian Alfonso de Palencia, whose monumental Gesta Hispaniensia, the third volume of which is still at press, he edited along with Jeremy Lawrence. Tate was a visiting professor at Harvard, Cornell, the State University of New York in Buffalo, Austin and Charlottesville, Virginia in the United States. He was a corresponding member of the Royal Academy of History of Madrid since 1974 and of the Royal Academy of Belles-Lettres of Barcelona since 1980, the same year he became a full member of the British Academy. He was a founding member and president of the Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland and of the Anglo-Catalan Society, honorary president of the Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese (East Midlands Branch) and a member of the International Association of Hispanists. In 1984, the volume Essays in Honour of Robert Brian Tate from his Colleagues and Pupils appeared, edited by Richard A. Cardwell and published by the University of Nottingham. Tate was an emeritus professor at the University of Nottingham, which held the “Tate Lecture” every year in his honour. In 1995, he received the International Catalonia Prize from the Institut d’Estudis Catalans “for his contribution to knowledge on Catalan humanism and for having promoted relations between Catalan and British scholars in the field of cultural history”. In view of the consolidation of the Studia Humanitatis line of research in Catalan humanism at the University of Girona, in 1995 he donated all the documents and materials he had used in his research into the Gironaborn Cardinal Joan Margarit i Pau to this university. Robert Brian Tate returned to Girona several more times to effect new donations to the University of Girona: more than 1,000 volumes from his library along with personal documentation like letters, lecture notes, class notes, talks and offprints. Thereafter, the Tate Collection was organised and catalogued and is now available to researchers and scholars in the Reserve Department at the library of the Faculty of Humanities. On the 21st of October 2004, the University of Girona awarded Tate

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Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

an honorary doctorate, a distinction that Tate regarded as the most prized among all his distinctions. At the doctoral investiture ceremony he said, “Here in Girona I began my work, and here I end it”. He delivered his speech in Catalan, his first love, he used to say. Robert Brian Tate returned to Girona one final time in 2006 to participate in what we called the “Margaritian Autumn”, which featured an exhibition and congress devoted to the figure of Cardinal Margarit.

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With his open spirit and insatiable intellectual curiosity, as a great reader of poetry and a precise, meticulous scholar, Robert Brian Tate had a long life rich in events and knowledge, lasting friendships and acclaim. Tate used to cite verses by T.S. Eliot to support his claim that history is always contemporary. And he used these words by Cardinal Margarit to praise the Catalonia that he loved and knew so well: “Gloriosa sunt de te Catalonia.” May he rest in peace in the quiet hills of the Peak District.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 157-162 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Historical publications of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans during 2010 Publicacions de temàtica històrica editades durant l’any 2010 per l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans

Published by the History and Archaeology Section and its Affiliated Societies Publicats per la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica i les seves societats filials

Books Llibres Carradice, Ian ; Sanahuja, Xavier ; Benages, Jaume. Les Monedes de Vespasià de la Província Tarraconensis (69-70 dC). Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics, Barcelona 2010. (Complements d’Acta Numismàtica; 10). – 269 p. : il. Gorostidi Pi, Diana. Ager Tarraconensis. Volum 3: Les inscripcions romanes (IRAT) / col·laboració de Pie ro Berni Millet. Institut d’Estudis Catalans ; Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica. Barcelona 2010. (Documenta ; 16). – 230 p. : il. Izquierdo Ballester, Santiago. El republicanisme nacional a Catalunya : la gestació de la Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Històrics, Barcelona 2010. (D’ahir per avui; 5). – 294 p. Moncunill Martí, Noemí. Els Noms personals ibèrics en l’epigrafia antiga de Catalunya / edició a cura de Marc Mayer i Olivé. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció Històrico-Arqueològica, Barcelona 2010. (Memòries de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica; 85). – 164 p. Palahí Grimal, Lluís ; Nolla i Brufau, Josep Maria. Felix Turissa : la vil·la romana dels Ametllers i el seu fundus (Tossa de Mar, la Selva). Institut d’Estudis Catalans; Departament de Cultura i Mitjans de Comunicació de la Generalitat de Catalunya; Ajuntament de Tossa de Mar; Institut Català d’Arqueolologia Clàssica, Barcelona 2010. (Documenta; 12) – 355 p. : il. Prevosti, Marta ; Guitart i Duran, Josep (dirs). Ager Tarraconensis. Volum 1: Aspectes històrics i marc natural. Institut d’Estudis Catalans ; Institut Català d’Arqueologia Clàssica. Barcelona 2010. (Documenta ; 16). – 207 p. : il.

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Rubió i Lluch, Antoni. Epistolari grec. Volum 3: Anys 1901-1915 / correspondència recollida i anotada per Eusebi Ayensa i Prat; [l’edició d’aquesta obra ha estat a cura de: Josep Massot i Muntaner, membre de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans] Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció Històrico-Arqueològica, Barcelona 2008. (Memòries de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica; 87). - 561 p. : il·l. Villaronga, L. Obra numismàtica esparsa. Volum 2: Grec i ibèric d’àmbit català. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics, Barcelona 2010. (Tria de reedicions; 3). – 577 p. Troparium prosarium ecclesiae cathedralis vicensis / Edició facsimilar monocroma amb introducció i índexs a càrrec de Miquel S. Gros i Pujol. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Litúrgics, Barcelona 2010. (Biblioteca Litúrgica Catalana; 6). – 205 p. Journals Revistes Acta Numismàtica. Volum: 39. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics, Barcelona 2009. - 255 p. : il. I. Sanahuja i Anguera, Xavier «Introducció: el patrimoni històric equivocat»; II. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel «Antoni Turró i Martínez, en el record»; III. Sanahuja i Anguera, Xavier «Memòria de les activitats de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics durant l’any 2008»; IV. Villaronga i Garriga, Leandre «La Seca d’Olkairun»; V. García Garrido, Manuel ; Montañés Altura, Juan «Tesorillo de monedas galas de Castelló de Farfanya (Lleida)»; VI. Aguilera Hernández, Alberto «Las acuñaciones ibéricas de la colección numismática del «CCEIP Campo de Borja» (Borja, Zaragoza)»; VII. García Garrido, Manuel «Tesorillo de Siurana d’Empordà»; VIII. Francès Vañó, D. «Unes franccions de dirhem inèdites de Muhammad ibn Sa’d, el rei Llop (542-567 H)»; IX.

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Sendra i Ibáñez, Joan Antoni «Una Nova troballa de moneda comtal urgellesa i reial aragonesa: diners d’Ermengol VIII i de Sanç Ramírez»; X. Noguera i Martorell, Joan «Varietats inèdites dels diners de Barcelona d’Alfons I (1162-1196)»; XI. Vall-Llosera i Tarrés, Jordi «Simó de Montfort : diner inèdit de Besiers»; XII. Bénézet, Jérôme «Trésors roussillonnais de la fin du XIIe-début du XIIIe siècle»; XIII. Sanahuja i Anguera, Xavier «La moneda de doblenc d’Aragó de Jaume I (12151218)»; XIV. Llobet i Portella, Josep Maria «Moneda falsa a la vegueria de Cervera (14791634)»; XV. Noguera i Martorell, Joan «Noves aportacions al catàleg dels croats de Barcelona (XVI)»; XVI. Sanahuja i Anguera, Xavier «Aportació de monedes catalanes inèdites al fòrum Numiscat (2)»; XVII. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel «La Plata i el billó mallorquí dels tres primers reis de nom Felip»; XVIII. Sendra i Ibáñez, Joan Antoni «De nou, una altra falsificació de moneda valenciana»; XIX. Jorba i Serra, Xavier «L’encuny i el fons de pellofes de Vilafranca del Penedès i dos encunys inèdits»; XX. Boada Salom, Jaume ; Orell, Jeroni «La descoberta de Sóller: enigmes i aclariments»; XXI. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel «Eusebi Arnau: Medalla inèdita i algunes preci sions»; XXII. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel «Novetats i precisions sobre les medalles commemoratives dels Països Catalans (I)»; XXIII. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel ; Janot i Barrull, Antoni «Troballa d’Anserall»; XXIV. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel «Troballa de Puigverd d’Agramunt»; XXV. Crusafont i Sabater, Miquel «Troballa de Ventalló»; XXVI. «Recensions bibliogràfiques»; XXVII. «Publicacions de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics» Butlletí de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis Històrics. Volum 19. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Històrics, Barcelona 2009. – 265 p. I. Lluch Bramon, Rosa «Les viles medievals: franqueses i mals usos»; II. Casassas i Ymbert, Jordi «Prat i Cambó: la maduresa d’un projecte polític»; III. Izquierdo Ballester, Santiago «Significació política de Solidaritat Catalana»; IV. Pérez-Bastardas, Alfred «El pressupost extraordinari de Cultura de 1908: entre solidaritat municipal i Solidaritat Catalana»; V. Salrach, Josep Maria «Jaume I: una valoració del regnat»; VI. Cingolani, Stefano Maria «Memòria, llinatge i poder: Jaume I i la consciència històrica»; VII. Belenguer, Ernest «Cristians, moros i jueus en el regnat de Jaume I»; VIII. Richou i Llimona, Montserrat «El Baix Maresme a l’època baixmedieval»; IX. Banegas López, Ramon Agustí «L’aprovisionament de carn a Barcelona durant els segles XIV i XV»; X. Costa, Marie «El divorci a la Catalunya de l’Antic Règim:

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un fenomen femení»; XI. Martí Fraga, Eduard «La Conferència dels Tres Comuns i el Braç militar: dues institucions decisives en el tombant del segle XVII»; XII. Morales, Mercè «La Generalitat de Catalunya a l’exili (1939-1948)»; XIII. Riera i Viader, Sebastià «El vuitè centenari del naixement de Jaume I i la historiografia catalana»; XIV. Arnabat i Mata, Ramon «Aportacions historiogràfiques sobre la Guerra del Francès a Catalunya amb motiu del bicentenari del seu inici (1808-2008)»; XV. Serra i Puig, Eva «La historiografia catalana: del segle XIX a la Segona República» Miscel·lània litúrgica catalana. Volum 18. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Litúrgics, Barcelona 2010. – 361 p. : il. I. «Membres de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis Litúrgics»; II. Sureda Jubany, Marc «Josep M. Marquès i Planagumà (1939-2007): in memoriam»; III. Thelamon, Françoise «Joseph Lemarié: in memoriam»; IV. Ball, Waltraud «Rafael Maria Bofill Fransí, nascut el 29 de setembre de 1924 i mort el 28 de març de 2009: in memoriam»; V. Smyth, Matthieu «La prière gallicane post eucharistiam, vestige de la Birkat hammazon»; VI. Pagès i Paretas, Montserrat «La representació dels profetes en la pintura romànica catalana»; VII. Altés i Aguiló, Francesc Xavier «La tradició codicològica i litúrgica de l’homiliari carolingi de Luculentius a Catalunya: la recensió catalana. Inventari i homilies recuperades»; VIII. Rubio Sadia, Juan Pablo «La penetración de la tradición litúrgica catalano-narbonense en el obispado de Palencia en el siglo XI»; IX. Gros i Pujol, Miquel dels Sants «El processoner antic de la catedral de Tortosa (Tortosa, Arx. Cap., ms 267)»; X. Sureda i Jubany, Marc «La Catedral de Vic a les darreries del segle XIV : edició i comentari de la visita pastoral de 1388» Historical publications of the other Sections of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans Publicacions de la resta de l’Institut de temàtica històrica Journals Revistes Actes d’Història de la Ciència i de la Tècnica. Volum 2 (2) Nova època. Editor en cap: Carles Puig-Pla; editors del present volum: Jordi Ferran Boleda; Carles PuigPla; Consell editorial: Josep Batlló Ortiz, Pere Grapí Vilumara, Nèstor Herran Corbacho, Maria Rosa Massa Esteve, Roser Puig Aguilar; Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Història de la Ciència i de la Tècnica, Barcelona 2009. – 152 p. : il. I. «Editorial»; II. Olesko, Kathryn M. «Geopolitics & Prussian technical education in the late-eighteenth century»; III. Martínez Vidal, Àlvar ; Sa-

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llent del Colombo, Alba «“Making Science Understandable”: divulgació científica i mediació editorial. El cas de The Wisdom of the body de Walter B. Cannon (1871-1945)»; IV. Ferragud, Carmel «Els practicants de la medicina en la creació del Regne de València (1238-1300)»; V. Sánchez Miñana, Jesús ; Lusa Monforte, Guillermo «De músico a óptico: los orígenes de Francesc Dalmau i Faura, pionero de la luz eléctrica y el teléfono en España»; VI. Herran Corbacho, Néstor «La radioactivitat a les patents d’invenció espanyoles, 19001929»; VII. Suriol Castellví, Josep «Els túnels ferroviaris a la collada de Toses»; VIII. Garrigós i Oltra, Lluís «Identificación del color reflejado mediante patrones generados por superposición de filtros a principios del siglo XX: el analizador de Kallab»; IX. Paternain Suberviola, José Luis ; Cabré Bargalló, Maria ; Montero i Simó, Miquel Àngel ; Romeu Figuerola, Antoni «Conrad Hal Waddington (1905-1975) : el naixement de l’epigenètica» Actes d’Història de la Ciència i de la Tècnica. Volum 3 (1) Nova època. Editor en cap: Carles Puig-Pla; editors del present volum: Josep Batlló Ortiz, Roser Puig Aguilar; Consell editorial: Jordi Ferran Boleda, Pere Grapí Vilumara, Nèstor Herran Corbacho, Maria Rosa Massa Esteve; Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Història de la Ciència i de la Tècnica, Barcelona 2010. – 104 p. : il. I. Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi ; Carneiro, Ana «El projecte de la carta geològica d’Europa i la participació dels serveis geològics d’Espanya i Portugal»; II. Baig i Aleu, Marià «Del laboratori a la indústria: Louis Joseph Proust a la Reial Foneria de Sant Sebastià de la Muga»; III. Ruiz Aguilera, Daniel ; Pol i Llompart, Josep Lluís «Els efectes de la llum solar a la Seu de Mallorca»; IV. Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi «Notícies i idees sobre l’origen, antiguitat i evolució de l’home a la revista Ibérica»; V. Solsona i Pairó, Núria «Seguint el fil de l’obra I secreti della Signora Cortese»; VI. Toca, Ángel «Química en provincias: Antonio Rius Miró en Zaragoza (1922-1930)»; VII. Sallent del Colombo, Emma «Galileu Galilei. Sidereus Nuncius. O Mensageiro das Estrelas» (ressenya) Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics. Volum 29. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Facultat de Teologia de Catalunya, Barcelona 2010. – 1111 p. I. Puig i Oliver, Jaume de ; Perarnau i Espelt, Josep ; Clausell Nácher, Carme ; Izquierdo Molinas, Eva ; Martí, Sadurní ; Rojas Fernández, Raquel ; Avenoza, Gemma ; Soriano, Lourdes «Catàleg dels manuscrits de les obres de Francesc Eiximenis, OFM, Conservades en biblioteques públiques. Primera part: Obres originals en cata-

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là/2. Segona part: refoses. Tercera part: Obres originals en llatí. Quarta part: Traduccions. Cinquena part: Obres atribuïdes»; II. Scavizzi, Barbara «Il Tractatus epistolarum christini di Arnaldo di Villanova: tradizione manuscrita, destinatari e temi-chiave»; III. Planes i Albets, Ramon «El llibre Rectoria de Santa Maria de Ribelles, situada en la vegueria d’Agramunt, bisbat d’Urgell (911-1796) de l’arxiu del baró de Ribelles»; IV. Requesens i Piquer, Joan «Butlletí bibliogràfic: Textos del Renaixement al llarg de 30 anys (un assaig)»; V. «Recensions»; VI. «Taules de fons manuscrits i d’antropònims»; VII. «Obres enviades a la direcció» Educació i Història: Revista d’Història de l’Educació. Volum 15 (gener-juny 2010). Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat d’Història de l’Educació dels Països de Llengua Catalana, Barcelona 2009. – 262 p. : il. I. Comas Rubí, Francesca «Presentació: Fotografia i història de l’educació = Photography and History of Education»; II. Riego Amézaga, Bernardo «Mirant a la història i aprenent a experimentar amb nous mètodes = Looking at history and learning to experiment with new methods»; III. Rodríguez de las Heras, Antonio «L’ús pedagògic de la fotografia històrica = Pedagogical use of historical photography»; IV. Argerich, Isabel «Imatges fotogràfiques de temàtica educativa en col·leccions i arxius públics i privats = Photographic images with educational themes in public and private collections and archives»; V. Aguiló Ribas, Catalina ; Mulet Gutiérrez, Maria Josep ; Pinya Llinàs, Paula «La fotografia de temàtica escolar en arxius no especialitzats: notes sobre fons en imatge a Mallorca = The school photography in non specialized archives: notes about images collections in Majorca»; VI. Depaepe, Marc ; Simon, Frank «Sobre el treball amb fonts: consideracions des del taller sobre la història de l’educació = About working with sources: reflections from the historian of education’s workplace»; VII. Braster, Sjaak «How (un-)useful are images for understanding histories of education? About teacher centeredness and new education in Dutch primary schools: 1920-1985 = Com són d’(in)útils les imatges per entendre les històries de l’educació? L’ensenyament centrat en el mestre i l’Escola Nova als centres de primària holandesos: 1920-1985»; VIII. Grosvenor, Ian «The School album: images, insights and inequalities = L’àlbum de l’escola: imatges, introspecció i desigualtats»; IX. Del Pozo Andrés, Maria del Mar ; Rabazas Romero, Teresa «Imatges fotogràfiques i cultura escolar en el franquisme: una exploració de l’arxiu etnogràfic = Photographs and school culture in francoism: an exploration of the ethnographical archive»; X. Comas Rubí, Francesca ; March Manresa, Miquel ; Sureda i Garcia, Bernat «Les pràctiques educatives

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de l’escoltisme de Mallorca durant la dictadura franquista a través de les fotografies = Educational scouting practices in Mallorca during the Franco dictatorship seen through photographs»; XI. Payà Rico, Andrés «Formació professional, instrucció i adoctrinament a l’empresa Segarra (la Vall d’Uixó, Castelló) durant el franquisme = Professional training, instruction and indoctrination at the Segarra company (La Vall d’Uixó -Castelló-) within the Franco period»; XII. «Informació sobre els autors dels articles = Information about the authors of the articles» Educació i Història: Revista d’Història de l’Educació. Volum 16 (juliol-desembre 2010). Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat d’Història de l’Educació dels Països de Llengua Catalana, Barcelona 2009. – 260 p. : il. I. Solà i Gussinyer, Pere «En el centenari de Ferrer i Guàrdia : pòrtic de presentació al monogràfic = In the centenary of Ferrer i Guàrdia : an introduction to the monographic»; II. Solà i Gussinyer, Pere «El centenari de Ferrer: un balanç historiogràfic i pedagògic = Ferrer Centenary: a historiographical and pedagogical report»; III. Riba Miralles, Jordi «L’educació incessant: les idees pedagògiques de Jean-Marie Guyau = An incessant education: Jean-Marie Guyau’s pedagogical ideas»; IV. Solà i Gussinyer, Pere «Las coordenadas morales y filosófico-educativas de Ferrer = Ferrer’s moral, philosophical and educational coordinates»; V. Velázquez Vicente, Pascual ; Viñao Frago, Antonio «Un Programa de Educación Popular: el legado de Ferrer Guardia y la Editorial Publicaciones de la Escuela Moderna (19011936) = Programme on Popular Education: the legacy of Ferrer Guardia and Publicaciones de la Escuela Moderna Editions (1901-1936)»; VI. Alzina i Seguí, Pere «L’obrerisme educatiu a les Illes Balears = Educational workerism in the Balearis Islands»; VII. Ribera Carbó, Anna «Ferrer Guardia en la Revolución Mexicana = Ferrer Guardia in the Mexican Revolution»; VIII. Rodríguez i Bosch, Josep Lluís «L’origen de la formació d’adults a Catalunya (1874-1936) : l’associacionisme com a trama educativa = The origin of adult teaching in Catalunya (1874-1936) : associationism as an educational network»; IX. Ferrer i Guàrdia, Francesc ; Solà i Gussinyer, Pere [ed.] «Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia : «Feuilles detachées», hojas sueltas... / edición y notas de Pere Solà Gussinyer»; X. Solà i Gussinyer, Pere [ed.] «Elements d’un procés de crim d’estat (discurs de l’auditor de guerra en el judici contra Ferrer i Guàrdia amb comentaris crítics de Pere Solà)»; XI. Monés i Pujol-Busquets, Jordi «La Influència germànica i la pedagogia catalana : 1900-1939 = German

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education and catalana pedagogy : 1900-1939»; XII. Fernández Soria, Juan Manuel «Contribucions del projecte Nebraska a la formació d’una didàctica crítica a Espanya : a propòsit de dos llibres de Juan Mainer Baqué sobre la genealogia de la Didàctica de les Ciències Socials»; XIII. «Informació sobre els autors dels articles = Information about the authors of the articles» Llengua & Literatura: revista anual de la Societat Catalana de Llengua i Literatura. Volum 21. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana de Llengua i Literatura, Barcelona 2010. – 514 p. I. Gómez, Francesc J. «Ficció i heterodòxia en Lo somni de Bernat Metge a la llum del Liber de spiritu et anima»; II. Mateo Alcalá, M. Luisa «Espai i figures infernals en el teatre religiós del segle XVI: el Manuscrit Llabrés»; III. Coromina i Pou, Eusebi «El substrat religiós, agent de versemblança en la història i la llengua de La plaça del Diamant»; IV. Martí i Mestre, Joaquim «La presència del català i de l’aragonès a principis del segle XX en els parlars valencians de base castellanoaragonesa: l’obra filològica de Torres Fornes (1903)»; V. Vernet i Pons, Mariona «L’aspecte verbal entre el protoindoeuropeu i el llatí»; VI. Nogué Serrano, Neus «La primera persona del plural en català»; VII. Crespo Sendra, Verònica «L’entonació de les oracions interrogatives absolutes: un estudi de contrast dialectal»; VIII. Maestre Brotons, Antoni «Els llibres mediàtics: la transgressió de l’escriptura»; IX. Costa i Carreras, Joan «Conceptes labonians pertinents per a la planificació lingüística del català»; X. Martí i Castell, Joan «Els mitjans de comunicació i l’ús de la llengua»; XI. Pujol, Dídac «La recepció crítica de Shakespeare als Països Catalans: bibliografia comentada (1807-2009)»; XII. Gibert, Miquel Maria «Goldoni en les traduccions de J. M. de Sagarra i de J. Oliver»; XIII. Cifuentes i Comamala, Lluís «Bibliografia de Josep Perarnau i Espelt»; XIV. «Ressenyes i notes crítiques»; XV. Ferrer Santanach, Montserrat ; Prat, Oriol «El Seminari de Literatura i Cultura de l’Edat Mitjana i l’Edat Moderna (SLIMM) del Departament de Filologia Catalana de la Universitat de Barcelona (2008-2009)»; XVI. Roca, Rafael «“El Meu poble i jo”: les V Jornades d’Intercanvi Cultural (Catalunya del Nord, 10-12 d’octubre de 2009)»; XVII. Samper Prunera, Emili «V Trobada del Grup d’Estudis Etnopoètics / XI Simposi d’Etnopoètica de l’Arxiu de Tradicions de l’Alguer»; XVIII. Vilallonga, Mariàngela «Joan Bastardas i Parera»; XIX. Panyella, Vinyet «La constitució de la Societat Rusiñol»; XX. Ferrer i Costa, Joan «Eduard Feliu i Mabres (19382009)»; XXI. Rabella i Ribas, Joan Anton «La Societat Catalana de Llengua i Literatura (2009)»

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Books Llibres La Ciència en la història dels Països Catalans. Volum 3: De l’inici de la industrialització a l’època actual / Joan Vernet i Ramon Parés (directors). Institut d’Estudis Catalans ; Universitat de València, Barcelona 2009. – 926 p. : il. I. «Pla general de l’obra»; Part primera: La industrialització: II. «La Ciència en la història dels Països Catalans. Volum III: De l’inici de la industrialització a l’època actual: Part primera: La industrialització»; III. «La Ciència i la tècnica en el segle XIX»; IV. Roca i Rosell, Antoni ; Camarasa i Castillo, Josep M. «El temps de la industrialització»; V. Bernat i López, Pasqual ; Lusa Monforte, Guillermo «L’ensenyament tècnic i professional: de les escoles de la Junta de Comerç a la primera Escola Industrial»; VI. Rosell Colomina, Jaume ; Roca Rosell, Francesc ; Arroyo i Huguet, Mercè «La Ciència de les ciutats, les xarxes urbanes i la nova construcció»; VII. López Piñero, José M. ; Bujosa i Homar, Francesc «Una sanitat en transformació»; VIII. Parés i Farràs, Ramon «Annex: Jaume Ferran i Clúa com a capdavanter de la microbiologia sanitària»; IX. Cuello i Subirana, Josep ; Martí i Henneberg, Jordi «Ciència per a tothom i naturalistes extraacadèmics»; X. Riera i Tuèbols, Santiago ; Florensa Giménez, Albert «La navegació al segle XIX»; XI. Camós i Cabeceran, Agustí ; Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi ; Glick, Thomas F. «La recepció de l’evolucionisme»; XII. Florensa Giménez, Albert ; Riera i Tuèbols, Santiago «Els inicis del vapor i del ferrocarril a Catalunya»; XIII. Grapí i Vilumara, Pere ; Nieto i Galan, Agustí «Els professionals de la química del segle XIX : escoles, indústria i universitat»; XIV. Barca Salom, Francesc X. ; Lusa Monforte, Guillermo «Ensenyament de les matemàtiques, recepció de les noves tecnologies»; XV. Vidal Hernández, Josep Miquel «Els inicis de la investigació científica a Menorca»; XVI. Alayo i Manubens, Joan Carles «Ciència elèctrica i electrificació»; XVII. Gozalo Gutiérrez, Rodolfo «Geologia i geodèsia: reconeixement bàsic del territori»; XVIII. Cartañà i Pinén, Jordi ; Mateu Tortosa, Enric ; Calatayud Giner, Salvador «Una agronomia en mutació»; Segona part: Del noucentisme a la Guerra Civil: XIX. «La ciència en la història dels Països Catalans: Volum III: De l’inici de la industrialització a l’època actual: Part segona: Del noucentisme a la Guerra Civil»; XX. «Marc històric de la primera meitat del segle vintè»; XXI. Roca i Rosell, Antoni ; Camarasa i Castillo, Josep M. «El segle XX i el desenvolupament autònom»; XXII. Roca i Rosell, Antoni ; Salavert Fabiani, Vicent Lluís «Catalanisme, valencianisme i ciència en el canvi de segle»; XXIII. Camarasa i

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Castillo, Josep M. ; Roca i Rosell, Antoni ; García Doncel, Manuel ; Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi «L’Església i la ciència»; XXIV. Roca i Rosell, Antoni ; Navarro Brotons, Víctor ; Roqué Rodríguez, Xavier «La Física com a nova frontera i com a servei»; XXV. Casassas i Simó, Oriol «L’Escola Biològica Catalana»; XXVI. López Piñero, José M. «Els sabers mèdics al segle XX: el País Valencià»; XXVII. Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi ; Sunyer i Martín, Pere «Les noves ciències naturals i la geografia del 1900 al 1936»; XXVIII. Malet, Antoni «La Guerra Civil i les institucions científiques catalanes: el cas de la recerca matemàtica (1907-1967)»; XXIX. Toca, Ángel ; Nieto i Galan, Agustí «Química acadèmica i química industrial a les primeres dècades del segle XX»; XXX. Roca i Rosell, Antoni «La República, la Generalitat i la renovació de les institucions científiques»; XXXI. Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi ; Roca i Rosell, Antoni «La Guerra Civil (1936-1939) i la ciència»; XXXII. Camarasa i Castillo, Josep M. ; Català Gorgues, Jesús Ignasi «La diàspora i l’exili interior»; XXXIII. «Perfil biogràfic dels autors del volum 3»; XXXIV. «Índex toponomàstic»; XXXV. «Índex de taules, figures i il·lustracions» Any Rodoreda 1908-2008: Memòria / Direcció: Joaquim Molas; coordinació: Marta Viñuales; redacció: Xavier Montoliu, Nina Valls. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Fundació Mercè Rodoreda, Barcelona 2010. (Biblioteca Mercè Rodoreda; 5). – 322 p. : il. Jordi Sarsanedas: sessió en memòria. Sala Prat de la Riba 29 de març de 2007. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció Filològica, Barcelona 2010. (Semblances biogràfiques; 52). – 43 p. I. Vallverdú i Canes, Francesc «Presentació»; II. Giner i de San Julián, Salvador «Salutació»; III. Tresserras i Gaju, Joan Manuel «Jordi Sarsanedas, referent intel·lectual»; IV. Martí i Castell, Joan «Jordi Sarsanedas, membre de la Secció Filològica»; V. Ardolino, Francesco «Composita solvantur: la recerca poètica dins la narrativa de Jordi Sarsanedas»; VI. Miralles i Solà, Carles «La poesia de Jordi Sarsanedas: aspectes»; VII. Molas i Batllori, Joaquim «Memòria de Jordi Sarsanedas» El mapa com a llenguatge geogràfic: recull de reflexions contemporànies (segle XX) / edició i traduccions a cura de Pau Alegre i Nadal. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana de Geografia ; Instituto Geográfico Nacional, Barcelona 2010. – 389 p. : il. I. Sereno Álvarez, Alberto «Pròleg»; II. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana de Geografia. Junta de Govern «Pròleg»; III. Alegre i Nadal, Pau «Presentació»; IV. Skelton, Raleigh A. «La història de la cartografia: una ullada»;

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V. Woodward, David «Un esquema per a l’estudi històric dels mapes»; VI. Harley, John Brian «Els mapes, el saber i el poder»; VII. Dainville, François de «El llenguatge dels geògrafs : introducció i conclusions»; VIII. Robinson, Arthur H. ; Wallis, Helen M. «Un tombant fonamental de la cartografia temàtica»; IX. Raisz, Erwin «El cartograma estadístic rectangular»; X. Gaussen, Henri «El color en els mapes temàtics»; XI. Imhof, Eduard «El renovat Mittelschulatlas suís»; XII. Bertin, Jacques «Veure o llegir»; XIII. Eckert, Max «La coherència del mapa»; XIV. Wright, John K. «Els mapistes són humans»; XV. Stamp, L. Dudley «Els inventaris cartogràfics»; XVI. Claval, Paul ; Wieber, JeanClaude «Els mapes com a eines de recerca»; XVII. Robinson, Arthur H. «L’abans i ara de la geografia i la cartografia»; XVIII. Petchenik, Barbara Bartz «La història natural dels atles»; XIX. Ristow, Walter W. «Què en fem, dels mapes?»; XX. Skelton, Raleigh A. «La conservació i el col·leccionisme de mapes antics»; XXI. Koeman, Cornelis «Qüestions al cartotecari a la cerca de mapes»; XXII. «Índex antroponímic» Record d’Artur Saurí del Río / coordinació: Eduard Arruga i Valeri i Víctor Martín i Sánchez. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Societat Catalana d’Economia, Barcelona 2010. (Quaderns de recerca; 6). – 60 p. I. Puig i Bastard, Pere «Presentació»; II. Saurí i Romero, Lluís «Ressenya biogràfica d’Artur Saurí del Río»; III. «Invitació»; IV. Puig i Bastard, Pere «Paraules de salutació»; V. Cabana i Vancells, Francesc «Artur Saurí: director del Servei d’Estudis de Banca Catalana»; VI. Casas i Onteniente, Joan B. «Artur Saurí: degà del Col·legi d’Economistes de Catalunya»; VII. Sicart i Ortí, Ferran «Artur Saurí: el professor universitari i el cap d’estudis; el company i el mestre»; VIII. Castells i Oliveres, Antoni «Cloenda de l’acte»; IX. Saurí del Río, Artur «Las pequeñas y medianas empresas: dificultades en su financiación»; X. Montllor i Serrats, Joan «Artur Saurí en el record d’un degà, professor i alumne»; XI. Alenyà i Fuster, Miquel «Artur Saurí i les Balears»; XII. Muns i Albuixech, Joaquim «Artur Saurí, record d’un gran amic»

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Rafael Caria: sessió en memòria. Sala Prat de la Riba 11 de novembre de 2008. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció Filològica, Barcelona 2010. (Semblances biogràfiques; 53). – 31 p. I. Argenter i Giralt, Joan Albert «Presentació»; II. Alvau, Pere Lluís «Rafael Caria: convicció i entusiasme d’una missió»; III. Bover i Font, August «En memòria de Rafael Caria»; IV. Carod-Rovira, Josep-Lluís «Rafael Caria, l’últim feix de llumera»; V. Scala, Luca «Rafael Caria, l’home necessari»; VI. Martí i Castell, Joan «Sessió en memòria de Rafael Caria» Florensa i Parés, Joan. El Projecte educatiu de l’Escola Pia de Catalunya (1683-2003): una escola popular. Institut d’Estudis Catalans; Societat d’Història de l’Educació dels Països de Llengua Catalana; Escola Pia de Catalunya, Barcelona 2010.– 632 p. Peitaví Deixona, Joan. Antroponímia, poblament i immigració a la Catalunya moderna: l’exemple dels comtats de Rosselló i Cerdanya (segles XVI-XVIII). Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció Filològica, Barcelona 2010. (Treballs de l’Oficina d’Onomàstica, 20). – 892 p. : CD-ROM. Perarnau i Espelt, Josep. Beguins de Vilafranca del Penedès davant el tribunal d’Inquisició (1345-1346): de captaires a banquers? Institut d’Estudis Catalans ; Facultat de Teologia de Catalunya ; Ajuntament de Vilafranca del Penedès ; Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, Barcelona 2010. (Corpus Scriptorum Cataloniae. Series B, Scripta; 2). – 208 p. Torné i Cubells, Josep. Catàleg dels pergamins de l’actual Arxiu del Monestir de Poblet. Institut d’Estudis Catalans ; Facultat de Teologia de Catalunya ; Monestir de Santa Maria de Poblet, Barcelona 2010. (Corpus Scriptorum Cataloniae. Series D: Subsidia; 1). – 325 p. Vallory, Eduard. L’Escoltisme mundial: la discreta remor d’un bosc que creix. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció de Filosofia i Ciències Socials ; Proa, Barcelona 2010.– 239 p. : il.

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Erratum

Page 105

Page 107

Figure 2

Figure 3

Legent should read: “El crim perfecte (The Perfect Murder, 1931). Oil on canvas by Àngel Planells (1901-1989). 41 × 41 cm. Salvador Molins Collection, Barcelona”.

Legent should read: “Un món (One World, 1929). Oil on canvas by Àngels Santos (Portbou, 1911). 290 X 310 cm. Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, Madrid”.

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Catalan Historical Review Number 4 / 2011

Catalan Version

Institut dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Estudis Catalans

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Barcelona â&#x20AC;˘ Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Sumari

Número 4

Albert Balcells Carmen Aranegui i Gascó Xavier Barral i Altet Josep M. Sans i Travé Ignasi Fernández Terricabras Rosa Serra Maria Campillo

2011

169 Introducció 171 Les ciutats romanes principals al País Valencià fins al segle iii 181 L’arquitectura religiosa d’època romànica a Catalunya (segles xi-xiii): balanç i notes crítiques 201 Els ordes militars a Catalunya 227 La implantació de la Reforma catòlica a les terres de parla catalana (1563-1700). Un procés reeixit? 241 Les colònies industrials a Catalunya 257 La guerra civil en la narrativa catalana

Josep M. Palau i Baduell

269 Sisè centenari de la mort del rei Martí l’Humà: el Congrés Internacional «Martí l’Humà, el darrer rei de la dinastia de Barcelona (1396-1410). L’interregne i el Compromís de Casp»

Francesca Español

275 «Ianua Coeli: La porta monumental romànica als territoris peninsulars». Congrés Internacional. Barcelona-Ripoll 24-27 de novembre de 2010

Maria Teresa Ferrer Mariàngela Vilallonga

277 Manuel Riu i Riu (1929-2011). In memoriam 281 Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Barcelona • Catalonia

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 169-170 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Introducció

En aquest número, continuem oferint panoràmiques actuals dels coneixements sobre temes importants de la història dels Països Catalans en tots els aspectes i en totes les èpoques. El primer article tracta de les principals ciutats romanes de l’actual País Valencià fins al segle iii i complementa la visió que en el número anterior es donà sobre les ciutats romanes al territori actual de Catalunya. La primerenca romanització de l’est peninsular s’explica per raons geogràfiques, i aquesta zona s’integrà molt aviat en el nou sistema després de la segona guerra entre Roma i Cartago, començant per Sagunt, si bé no presenta l’existència de grans ciutats. La historiografia de l’art romànic a Catalunya té una trajectòria prestigiosa de més de cent anys. Però la visió i la interpretació de l’arquitectura religiosa romànica ha experimentat canvis notables durant els darrers decennis, tal com ho mostra l’article sobre el tema que aquí es publica, un text d’una extensió que ha desbordat els límits preestablerts. La renovació ha tingut com a centre d’interès, entre altres, l’antiga seu episcopal d’Egara, l’actual Terrassa, després de les excavacions recents, i també les noves recerques sobre les catedrals de la Seu d’Urgell, Girona i Vic. Continua resultant difícil establir la transició tardana del romànic al gòtic a Catalunya, quan ja s’havia imposat al nord de França. En altres temps s’estudiava el romànic català com el primer estil «nacional». La visió integrada en el conjunt europeu s’ha imposat. L’estudi comparat de les estructures i el de les relacions de les formes dels edificis amb la litúrgia són possiblement els aspectes més desenvolupats darrerament, encara que els imperatius econòmics i tècnics van més enllà de la litúrgia i de les reformes monàstiques com la del Cister. L’article remarca que l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya es perllonga fins ben entrat el segle xiii amb una síntesi eclèctica amb elements nous. Els ordes militars han estat arreu objecte d’una atenció especial per part dels historiadors. Nasqueren arran de la primera croada per a establir el domini de Terra Santa per part dels europeus occidentals. Es componien de membres meitat monjos i meitat guerrers i tingueren un paper important a Catalunya i Aragó en la lluita d’expansió a costa del poder islàmic a la península Ibèrica, sense necessitat de centrar-se en les expedicions a l’Orient mediterrani, si bé depenien de les cases mare creades allí. Una comarca sencera al nord-est del regne de València es denomina el Maes trat perquè estigué governada pels mestres dels ordes del Temple i de l’Hospital. Des de Ramon Berenguer IV i Jaume I el Conqueridor, els reis comptaren amb els cavallers dels ordes militars per a les seves conquestes i els concediren importants dominis amb castells. Quan fou dissolt l’orde dels templers, que tantes llegendes ha generat després, el

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rei Jaume II d’Aragó, Catalunya i València obeí la disposició que havia pres el papa, instigat pel rei de França, però no els perseguí de forma cruenta com passà al regne veí, sinó que absolgué i indemnitzà els templers malgrat la resistència armada que oferiren a la dissolució en els castells de Montsó i de Miravet entre el 1308 i el 1309. Una part dels béns dels templers passà als hospitalers i l’altra al nou orde autòcton de Montesa. Aquest fou el segon orde militar creat al país després del de Sant Jordi d’Alfama, fundat el 1201. S’analitzen la vida i els recursos dels convents dels ordes militars, on residien també, separades, persones d’ambdós sexes sense vots religiosos. Gran novetat presenta la informació sobre les branques femenines dels ordes militars a Catalunya. La reforma de l’Església catòlica arran del Concili de Trento va ser la resposta ortodoxa a la reforma protestant. L’article que aquí es publica considera que no es pot donar una resposta definitiva sobre l’èxit o el fracàs de la reforma catòlica al Principat de Catalunya i als regnes de València i Mallorca als segles xvi i xvii, malgrat que s’hi dedicaren molts recursos i esforços amb una implicació total dels monarques i la interferència de la Corona amb l’afany d’una preeminència castellana en uns països dotats d’autonomia política. La immigració occitana i el veïnatge de França feien témer la penetració calvinista. El fenomen del bandolerisme i la presència dels moriscos (els musulmans oficialment convertits a la força) van dificultar l’èxit de la reforma catòlica, que penetrà més fàcilment al món urbà, minoritari, que al rural, majoritari. La tradició dels concilis provincials i dels sínodes diocesans facilità la difusió de la reforma catòlica a Catalunya així com l’aplicació de la disposició tridentina d’emprar la llengua popular en la catequesi i la predicació. Lentament, les nocions màgiques i relacionades amb la bruixeria foren substituïdes per la nova ortodòxia. L’ús de l’energia hidràulica com a alternativa al carbó consumit per la màquina de vapor no és privativa de Catalunya al segle xix, però aquí presenta una densitat excepcional amb la proliferació de colònies industrials en un medi rural, al llarg dels rius Llobregat i Ter. Entenem per colònies industrials els nuclis amb habitatges obrers al costat de la fàbrica, aixecats per la mateixa empresa; són unes vuitanta, avui en desús o dedicades a altres finalitats. La nombrosa bibliografia sobre el tema és la base de la panoràmica que aquí s’ofereix. La periodització d’un fenomen complex amb una pluralitat de factors i de causes s’imposa a una visió atemporal. Ha costat superar els prejudicis a favor i en contra de les colònies industrials, que es formularen d’una manera polèmica a finals del segle xix. Al costat de l’elaboració d’un model, cal observar les

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particularitats de cada cas. Avui constitueixen un dels elements més destacats del patrimoni industrial català i algunes colònies industrials han estat habilitades en part com a espais museístics pensant en el turisme cultural. La literatura en llengua catalana es trobava en una fase de consolidació i maduresa quan esclatà la Guerra Civil espanyola de 1936 a 1939. El conflicte impulsà al seu moment el relat breu, més proper a la crònica i al reportatge periodístic que a la ficció realista, que necessitava més temps per a la creació. El referent proper era la literatura generada per la Primera Guerra Mundial. Foren pocs els casos de publicació en forma de llibre a la mateixa època del conflicte, com Unitats de xoc de Pere Calders, allunyat del to èpic, i Els perills de la reraguarda de Manuel Valldeperes, més moralista. Examinar les característiques i l’evolució d’aquesta narrativa fins a arribar a exemples antològics de novel·les amb versions a diversos idiomes com Incerta glò ria de Joan Sales i La plaça del Diamant de Mercè Rodoreda és l’objecte del darrer article d’aquest número. En commemoració del sisè centenari de la mort del rei Martí l’Humà, la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans organitzà entre el 31 de maig i el 4 de juny de 2010 a la seu de l’Institut un congrés inter nacional sobre els diversos aspectes —polítics, socials, econòmics i culturals— del temps d’aquell monarca d’Aragó, Catalunya, València, Mallorca, Sardenya i Sicília que morí sense descendència directa, amb la qual cosa s’obrí un interregne que conduí al Compromís de Casp, un fet molt discutit que comportà un canvi de dinastia amb l’entronització de la casa castellana dels Trastàmara a la Corona d’Aragó. S’ofereix aquí una crònica del congrés de manera similar al que es va fer amb el congrés sobre Jaume I de l’any 2008, organitzat igualment per la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. En un altre àmbit, ens fem ressò de la celebració del Congrés Internacional Ianua Coeli: La porta monumental romànica als territoris peninsulars, el qual va ser organitzat pels Amics de l’Art Romànic, societat filial de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans a Barcelona i Ripoll. La reunió científica perseguia abordar per primera vegada a l’Estat espanyol l’estudi de les grans portades sorgides als territoris cristians de l’occident i de l’orient peninsular durant el segle xii i als anys inicials del xiii.

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També s’inclou una relació dels llibres i revistes de temàtica històrica publicats per l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans durant l’any 2010. A la coberta es reprodueix una pintura a l’oli, La teixi dora, de Joan Planella i Rodríguez (1850-1910), obra del 1882, que representa una de tantes noietes que treballaven a les fàbriques de les ciutats catalanes i també a les colò nies industrials de les quals es parla en aquest número de Catalan Historical Review. Una enquesta oficial portada a terme l’any 1883 indicava que els infants de la classe obrera començaven a treballar als set anys i feien una jornada d’onze a tretze hores diàries. Aquest fou el cost social de la industrialització, tant a Catalunya com arreu. La pintura aquí reproduïda no sembla mostrar un afany crític, sinó que reflecteix un fet quotidià, recreant-se en l’encant de la noieta, il·luminada per una llum zenital, restant a la penombra el contramestre que observa el treball de l’obrera. Joan Planella va ser un pintor famós, pertanyent al corrent realista però també autor de pintures de grans dimensions de tema històric o propagandístic com Los Co muneros de Castilla (1887) o el general Prim a la batalla de Tetuan, del 1859. Al número anterior de Catalan Historical Review, vam tenir la satisfacció d’informar de la classificació obtinguda per la revista en diverses bases de dades de revistes espanyoles i internacionals. Ara acaba de ser inclosa amb la categoria més alta al sistema oficial d’avaluació de revistes científiques de ciències socials i d’humanitats a Catalunya, la del sistema Carhus Plus de l’Agència de Gestió d’Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (AGAUR). Al costat d’aquesta notícia excel·lent, hem de lamentar la desaparició de l’historiador Manuel Riu i Riu, que havia ingressat a la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans l’any 1990 i que era un dels més reconeguts especialistes en arqueologia medieval, i la de l’historiador Robert B. Tate, membre corresponent de la secció des del 1966 que va promoure les relacions entre els estudiosos catalans i britànics en l’àmbit de la història de la cultura. S’hi inclouen les notes necrològiques de les seves obres i les seves trajectòries. Descansin en pau. Albert Balcells Editor

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 171-179 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.59 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Les ciutats romanes principals al País Valencià fins al segle iii * Carmen Aranegui Gascó ** Universitat de València

Rebut 15 juny 2010 · Acceptat 20 setembre 2010

Resum El País Valencià és el nexe geogràfic entre la Ibèria mediterrània meridional i la septentrional: entre la vall del Betis i les illes Pitiüses. La seva posició estratègica explica la primerenca romanització de Saguntum, Valentia i Ilici, que, això no obstant, no van ser grans ciutats ni van tenir costosos monuments en el panorama hispànic. El seu interès rau en el fet que mostren un model d’integració a les formes de vida romanes que preserva algun tret del seu passat local, segons es desprèn de la seva reputació (vegeu Sagunt) o dels seus epítets (Valentia Edetanorum). Paraules clau: ciutats romanes, romanització, País Valencià, segles ii aC / iii dC

Introducció Entre el sud del conventus tarraconensis i el nord del car thaginensis, les ciutats del País Valencià s’anaren gestant des de la protohistòria mitjançant processos diferenciats, amb el Xúquer com a línia divisòria d’una àrea meridional més afectada per la cultura feniciopúnica i d’una altra de septentrional en la qual no es va registrar un contacte tan gran, sinó una major vinculació cap a les terres de l’Ebre. Quan Roma va crear la Citerior, tot el sector central del vessant mediterrani ja tenia una organització: els oppida tenien un radi d’acció ben definit, hi havia xarxes de camins entre les quals la Via Heràclia, com a eix principal, facilitava el trànsit des del corredor mediterrani fins a l’Alta Andalusia i fins i tot alguns assen taments disposaven d’infraestructures portuàries sen zilles.1 En aquestes circumstàncies, la primera romanització es va centrar en un aspecte funcional, la millora de les comunicacions (fig. 1, p. 10), acompanyat d’una acció simbòlica, la construcció de temples allà on existia un espai ritual o santuari susceptible de congregar la població. L’inici de la transformació operada per Roma ha merescut l’atenció preferent de la investigació, en un sector geogràfic que no va tenir grans ciutats romanes, però que

* Vegeu les figures citades en aquest article en la versió en anglès d’aquest mateix número. ** Adreça de contacte: Carmen Aranegui Gascó. Departament de Prehistòria i Arqueologia, Facultat de Geografia i Historia, Universitat de València. Av. Blasco Ibáñez, 28. 46010 València. Tel. +34 963 864 065. E-mail: Carmen.Aranegui@uv.es

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es va integrar molt aviat en el nou sistema i va adaptar l’explotació dels recursos de manera eficient.

Ciutats romanitzades en època republicana Saguntum (Sagunt) Després de la Segona Guerra Púnica (218-202 aC), Saguntum (Liv. XXI, 8,10) fou objecte d’una intervenció que es reconeix com el primer exemple d’urbanística romana en l’entorn valencià. Els seus exponents tenen prou entitat ciutadana per plantejar la instal·lació d’un assentament de publicans a la ciutat federada (Cic. Pro Balbo, 23), focus de romanització primerenca al sud de Tàrraco. Les excavacions recents al vessant nord de l’anomenada plaça d’Estudiants del castell (177 m snm) han donat a conèixer la fonamentació d’aparell irregular d’una obra de pedra unida amb terra que consisteix en un doble mur d’1,10/1,20 m de gruix proveït, com a mínim, d’una potent torre quadrada, al costat del flanc occidental de la qual s’obre una poterna d’1,50 m d’amplada. Es tracta de la muralla republicana de Saguntum (fig. 2, p. 11), que va ampliar la superfície de l’oppidum ibèric d’Arse cap als cims occidentals de l’actual castell fins a abastar una superfície d’unes vint hectàrees. La nova muralla s’assenta tallant estructures precedents d’opus africanum amb paviments enllosats, separades per canals de desguàs i situades en un principi al nord-est de l’oppidum, molt possiblement extramurs. El recinte que aquí destaca té a l’interior una cisterna a la bagnarola de datació indeterminada, ja que l’atribució cultural de conjunt subjacent a la muralla no té conclòs l’estudi definitiu.

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A la plaça d’Armes del castell, s’hi accedia en aquella època passant vora un sacellum en el qual es van recuperar estatuetes de bronze, en algun cas d’estil itàlic. Entre aquest sector i la plaça de la Conillera es va construir, vers les mateixes dates assignades a la muralla, un complex religiós important que dominava un espai obert a l’horitzó del mar, delimitat al sud per un accés en rampa que allotja una cisterna. Està presidit al costat nord per un petit temple (14,28 m × 11,90 m) amb cella tripartida i pronaos amb cisterna. El mòdul emprat per a l’obra es basa en un peu de 0,2975 m d’influència itàlica, com es confirma en comprovar que no solament es mantingué en ús, sinó que també determinà l’orientació del posterior fòrum municipal de l’època d’August (fig. 3, p. 12). Coetàniament, el Grau Vell, àrea portuària de la ciutat antiga, fou dotat de millors infraestructures, entre les quals destaca una torrassa de vigilància que s’assenta sobre nivells més antics i que és un element rector d’aquest assentament fins al seu abandonament vers el segle vi. Mentrestant, la seca d’Arse, amb inscripcions ibèriques, anà adoptant tipus monetaris i dissenys que s’adequaren progressivament als romans, com es posa de manifest especialment en les sèries del darrer terç del segle ii aC.2 Dianium (Dénia), Lucentum (Tossal de Manises), Ilici (l’Alcúdia d’Elx)3 El topònim Dianium (Str. III, 4,6) evoca una localitat portuària antiga tutelada per Àrtemis-Diana i de la qual, això no obstant, es desconeix l’eventual primera implantació. A Dénia, les excavacions a la confluència dels carrers Temple de Sant Telm i Pont revelen una ocupació humana al vessant oriental del castell que es remunta al segle ii aC, protegida per una muralla i amb uns senzills condicio naments per a facilitar el trànsit naval, com a resultat del protagonisme respecte a la productivitat del seu hinterland. Tot això, probablement conseqüència d’una intervenció primerenca de Roma sobre la localitat, tot i l’estatut jurídic de ciutat estipendiària. El Tossal de Manises és la petita elevació situada al nordest de la badia de l’Albufereta l’ocupació preromana de la qual es completava amb el poblat ibèric del Tossal de les Basses, al sud-oest, així com amb les corresponents àrees de necròpolis. Constitueix, per tant, un dels sectors habitats (tres hectàrees d’extensió) d’aquell paisatge litoral, l’interès del qual resideix a haver allotjat una fortificació bàrquida (Liv. XXIII, 2,6) amb espais per a ballistae, cisternes i barbacanes, construïda sobre nivells precedents mal documentats, potser del segle iv aC. Cap al final de la Segona Guerra Púnica, aquesta plaça forta fou destruïda i només a final del segle ii o començament de l’i aC es procedí a la reconstrucció de la muralla per iniciativa romana (fig. 4, p. 14). Aquest nou recinte està dotat de sortints rectangulars (7 m × 3 m) englobats en el parament de carreus i de tova, als quals pertany l’anomenada «torre del brau» pel relleu que apareix al centre de la façana externa (torre iii). S’ha documentat bé la porta oriental, objecte de successives reconstruccions i principal accés a Lucentum.

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Carmen Aranegui Gascó

A mitjan segle i aC es va constituir a l’àrea central d’aquesta localitat una plaça pública delimitada per un mur que defineix la forma d’una L invertida, amb un tambor de columna sobre paviment de calç al centre, segons indiquen els nivells arqueològics excavats per sota del fòrum municipal d’època augusta. Aquest espai públic, tal vegada de caràcter religiós, contribueix a remuntar la romanització de la ciutat fins al segle i aC.4 Ilici (l’Alcúdia d’Elx) (Ptol. Geog. II, 6,14) fou una important ciutat de la Contestània estretament lligada a Kart Hadast (Cartagena) i, probablement, a Lucentum (Tossal de Manises) que abasta una superfície de deu hectàrees. També fou dotada d’una muralla vers el segle i aC, alhora que adoptà models domèstics romans, segons es dedueix d’un paviment de mosaic amb sanefa torrejada i onomàstica ibèrica escrita en llatí. La sèrie d’encunyacions a càrrec de Q. Terentius Montanus amb simpulum al revers planteja que fos una colònia immune (CCIA) l’any 42 aC, si bé l’estatut jurídic canviaria anys després. Des d’època republicana, el Portus Ilicitanus (Santa Pola) va constituir l’àrea marinera i pesquera d’aquella ciutat, de la qual s’han trobat restes per sota de les fàbriques de salaons que estigueren actives fins al baix imperi.

Fundacions d’època republicana Valentia (València)5 La inserció en una xarxa marítima i terrestre de comunicacions, l’abastament d’aigua, el drenatge del solar urbà, la centuriació de l’àrea agropecuària necessària per a la subsistència, d’acord amb les poblacions autòctones, i la seguretat militar degueren constituir els requisits previs a la fundació de la colònia llatina de Valentia (138 aC) (Liv. Perioch. 55) en un medi pantanós a través del qual, però, es podia flanquejar el riu Túria. Les intervencions arqueològiques han posat al descobert vestigis de pals de fusta clavats a la base al·luvial pròpia de l’indret, sota els edificis romans de la plaça del Cronista Chabret o al costat de la plaça de Nules. Encara que els romans empraven la fusta per a donar consistència al subsòl argilós, a Valentia hi ha la possibilitat que aquests troncs pertanyin a palafits, cabanes i barracons per a les quadrilles d’operaris que van construir la colònia, tal vegada gent ibèrica allotjada en habitacles provisionals, al servei dels magistrats romans que, si jutgem a partir dels noms que consten en la moneda local, estaven relacionats amb el Laci i el Sami i van exercir els seus càrrecs des del primer moment. Per sota de la ciutat, és freqüent trobar-hi petits forats amb corns de moltó o restes d’animals joves, o bé vasos enterrats ali neats, com els documentats sota les Corts, testimoni de probables cerimònies propiciatòries per a la nova ciutat i els seus habitants. L’arqueologia ha aportat, certament, moltes novetats6 des que Tarradell confirmà la data fundacional del 138 aC a partir de les ceràmiques campanianes de les excavacions de 1958 i 1959 prop de la catedral. Els sondejos duts a ter-

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me en diferents punts (jardí del Palau de la Generalitat, aparcament de la plaça de Saragossa, carrers d’Avellanes i del Salvador) han documentat una muralla d’opus cae menticium amb torres precedida d’un fossat l’hipotètic traçat del qual permet avaluar en dotze hectàrees la superfície ocupada en època republicana i estimar en dos mil el nombre dels primers colons. Hi ha raons topogràfiques per a situar la porta nord principal a les proximitats de les Torres dels Serrans, on existia un port fluvial al costat d’una àrea de servei propera a l’entrada a la ciutat per la Via Heràclia; la porta oest se situa al començament del carrer de Cavallers i la sortida meridional a la meitat del carrer Avellanes, davant del carrer Cabillers, considerant que els eixos majors de la planta urbana tindrien el decumanus maximus a l’eix Bailia-Almodí i el primer cardo maximus en l’alineació de la façana occidental de l’Almodí. La pedra per a la construcció de Valentia prové de les Alcubles i Godella, amb ús selectiu de la pedra de Sagunt; totes les pedreres properes a la ciutat degueren ser gestionades per les autoritats romanes en el moment d’escometre la urbanització de la colònia, atès que es tracta d’un material tan imprescindible com inexistent al subsòl de la capital; el consegüent transport també degué requerir el suport de l’exèrcit romà, expert a organitzar obres públiques. Molts dels elements arquitectònics, com les columnes, els capitells, les mènsules i els frisos, es van recobrir a Valentia d’estucs acolorits per a emular els materials marmoris més preuats, arqueològicament absents durant l’etapa fundacional. El programa valentí es va basar, per tant, en l’ús de materials constructius regionals, cosa que equival a un nivell d’inversió mitjà. No hi ha disponible ni una sola planta completa d’una casa de la primera Valentia, encara que sí que es coneixen alguns carrers porticats. Les domus més antigues estan construïdes amb pedra, tova i teules, la gran novetat pròpia de les cobertes a dues aigües dels edificis romans respecte de la tradició ibèrica. Les teulades es podien ornar amb acroteris i antefixes (carrer Roc Chabàs). Alguns murs estaven revestits de plaques de terracota amb motius ornamentals (carrer de l’Herba). Els paviments més cuidats eren de signinum, ocasionalment amb ornaments fets amb tessel·les (a l’Almoina, a les Corts Valencianes, al carrer de l’Almirall o a la plaça de Cisneros); en d’altres casos, hi ha paviments de crustae. Les parets interiors devien ser estucades i pintades. El fòrum colonial va ser sempre entre la plaça de la Mare de Déu i el solar de l’Almoina i gairebé no es coneix res pel que fa als seus inicis, quan el paviment era de terra batuda (fig. 5, p. 15). Elements tan importants com el temple (potser sota el flanc oest de la plaça de la Mare de Déu) romanen indefinits. La cúria per a les reunions dels càrrecs públics, la basílica jurídica o les tabernae tampoc no estan definitivament identificades, de manera que el desconeixement de la plaça porticada que aglutinava aquests edificis cívics és negatiu per a la investigació. A la zona oriental del conjunt arqueològic de l’Almoina (2.500 m²), es concentraren des del primer moment

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diversos edificis relacionats amb l’aigua, potser per l’existència d’una deu en aquest lloc. Un gran pou que suggereix un ús ritual destinat a propiciar l’arrelament favorable dels nous habitants té un gran interès, ja que s’hi van dipositar vasos i objectes ceràmics. Prop del pou, s’hi disposà un santuari amb un gran estany,7 possiblement dedicat a Esculapi, divinitat de la qual s’han trobat als voltants dedicacions votives de cronologia posterior al canvi d’era. Aquests santuaris acostumaven a tenir reserves d’aigua i piscines per a les ablucions curatives d’aquells que els freqüentaven. Però, ara com ara, l’edifici més clar de la ciutat de finals del segle ii aC són les termes de l’Almoina, tipològicament i constructivament molt característiques del moment en què foren aixecades i amb paral·lels a Iluro (Cabrera de Mar, Mataró) o a La Cabañeta (El Burgo de Ebro). Es tracta d’uns banys públics modestos, accessibles des d’un kardo, en els quals les sales no tenen grans dimensions ni disposen de sistemes constructius de calefacció (hypocausta) complets o de conduccions d’aire embotides a les parets, propis d’èpoques més avançades. D’aquesta manera, les quatre estances que se succeeixen de sud a nord contenen el forn (praefurnium), que escalfava un dipòsit d’aigua que es vessava cap una bassa; la sala calenta (caldarium), amb la piscina (alveus) sobre l’hypocaustum; la sala tèbia (tepidarium), amb un banc central, i un vestuari (apodyterium), amb unes hipotètiques latrines adjuntes com era habitual. Tot això fou abandonat després de la destrucció de Valentia pels pompeians l’any 75 aC. A la part nord d’aquest conjunt, i coetani a les termes, hi hagué el graner de la ciutat, la planta del qual, de carreus, potent i sòlida, consta de quatre naus paral·leles d’aproximadament 6 m × 12 m, precedides d’una façana porticada. Construït amb garanties tècniques de ventilació i aïllament tèrmic, va revestir d’una certa monumentalitat el sector central de Valentia. És el graner més antic de la Citerior, on es coneixen, això no obstant, altres exemples d’època republicana (Botorrita i La Cabañeta, ambdós a la província de Saragossa). La investigació actual subratlla la decisiva importància de la interacció entre els autòctons i els estrangers en els processos de colonització. Sota aquesta moderna perspectiva, cap colònia no tindria possibilitats de prosperar sense aquest acord. Això obliga a veure la fundació valentina com la culminació d’una política iniciada amb anterioritat que implicaria, per tant, un consens amb les ciutats ibèriques més pròximes (Paterna, Montcada, Saguntum, Ede ta...) que probablement va requerir uns ajustaments no sempre pacífics. En efecte, trenta anys abans de la constitució de la colònia, hi havia hagut destruccions traumàtiques a tota la regió edetana. Primeres necròpolis Els enterraments més antics de Valentia es van descobrir entre 1992 i 2000 (carrers Cañete i Quart) a uns 750 m a l’oest de l’Almoina, en un sector, per tant, de la gran necròpoli occidental que arribava fins a la riba meridional

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del riu, probablement la d’ús més prolongat entre les romanes. Les excavacions n’han mostrat la topografia, d’acord amb el que és propi de les vias funerarias: amb recintes delimitats amb diverses deposicions a l’interior, eixos de circulació, canalitzacions de l’aigua que s’usava per als àgapes o per al manteniment dels jardins i àrees de cremació, ja que hi ha constància d’aquesta pràctica conjuntament amb la inhumació, sense que l’una o l’altra comportin per elles mateixes rituals ètnicament diferenciats. Al llarg del temps, s’anaren sobreposant nivells de tombes, a vegades amb una estratificació vertical que atesta que les riuades pròpies del règim torrencial del Túria negaven de vegades almenys un sector del cementiri i s’habilitaven a continuació noves deposicions funeràries sobre la capa de fang de la inundació, a la qual afegien grava. Aquestes incidències poden haver destruït l’arquitectura que assenyalava els enterraments, ja que l’arqueologia només ha revelat estructures excavades per sota del nivell del sòl, sense que es conegui tampoc cap epitafi del primer moment. Ambdues circumstàncies limiten les possibilitats d’estudi. Els exemples d’enterraments de finals del segle ii aC de dimensions més grans eren cinc fosses (2,45 m × 1,10 m) als costats llargs de les quals s’apreciava una banqueta una mica més alta allà on jeia el cadàver amortallat acompanyat d’algunes ofrenes. Aquestes ofrenes (estrígils de bronze, vasos de vidre, ungüentaris, àmfores itàliques...) difereixen clarament de les tradicions ibèriques. Destaca especialment la troballa de caps de senglar seccionats al costat dels difunts, ja que denota el ritual de la porca prae sentanea (Cic. De Leg. II), que consistia en el sacrifici d’un porc en honor a Ceres per a purificar tant el difunt com la seva família, atès que la mort s’entenia com a contaminació susceptible de contagi i havia de ser conjurada. Per al període comprès entre el 75 aC i l’època d’August, s’ha destacat un petit grup de sis cremacions perquè presenten les restes humanes dipositades en urnes la tipologia i la decoració pintada de les quals es consideren de tradició ibèrica. S’ha volgut relacionar aquest fet amb l’arribada d’ibers a Valentia després de la guerra de Pompeu, que fou tan greu per a la ciutat. Encara que algunes pintures són pròpiament iberoedetanes (fulles d’heura, flors tripètales...), la continuïtat de l’ús s’ha de cercar o bé en jaciments més distants, coetanis d’aquesta fase de la necròpoli del carrer de Quart, o bé s’ha d’atribuir a tallers relacionats amb Valentia, indeterminats fins ara perquè les terrisseries tradicionals del Camp de Túria ja no eren operatives en aquestes dates. S’ha de recordar, finalment, que és arriscat derivar l’origen d’una persona a partir d’un component de la seva tomba. La Nova Arqueologia dels anys setanta i vuitanta del segle xx advocà per deduir dels enterraments el que havia estat en vida l’individu: la seva activitat i el seu llinatge. Això no obstant, molt aviat aquesta Arqueologia de la Mort va tenir seriosos detractors, com Humphrey, Schnapp o Vernant, ja que es va veure que és impossible esta-

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blir objectivament, des de l’actualitat, la relació directa dels aixovars funeraris amb el seu significat cultural, ja que és l’estructura del sistema social la que imposa els principis que regeixen allò simbòlic, determinat en els enterraments per l’emotivitat del moment. La població que es reflecteix en la primera necròpoli valentina a penes té l’edat per a ser considerada veterana de l’exèrcit, si jutgem les indicacions anatòmiques que donen els esquelets. No és procedent, per tant, traslladar a aquestes troballes la representativitat dels principals destinataris de la fundació, sinó la dels altres pobladors que, amb ells, s’instal·laren a Valentia, alguns dels quals, això no obstant, foren purificats per un ritu ben conegut a Roma. De la mateixa manera, les urnes ibèriques amb restes de cremacions, acompanyades de vaixella i àmfores itàliques i d’ungüentaris, datades en un segon moment, tant poden suggerir la reinvenció de les arrels ibèriques per part de la comunitat romana de la ciutat, en profit de la seva integració a la regió, com la disponibilitat d’aquells objectes per a enterraments d’un determinat nivell, ja que a les necròpolis de Torre la Sal (Cabanes), del Parc de les Nacions (l’Albufereta, Alacant) i de la Torre Cega (Cartagena) hi ha també urnes pintades idèntiques. Aquest flux continu entre l’extern i l’autòcton és el que dóna un interès especial a l’estudi de la fase republicana de llocs com la primera Valentia, quan la disposició a admetre i a adoptar pràctiques culturals alienes era una estratègia enriquidora per a la cultura romana.

August i l’època julioclàudia8 Colonia Iulia Ilici Augusta (l’Alcúdia d’Elx) L’any 26 aC, Ilici fou objecte d’una refundació que va comportar una nova deducció de ciutadans romans, veterans de l’exèrcit, de la qual una taula de bronze9 dóna indicacions del repartiment de terres a deu beneficiaris provinents d’Itàlia, les Balears, la Bètica i Mauritània. Les encunyacions de la seca local d’aquest moment apareixen marcades ciia. Urbanísticament, encara no es tenen dades definitives referides al programa constructiu d’aquest període (fig. 6, p. 17), si bé els grans eixos de distribució de la colònia són coneguts. Una inscripció fragmentària amb lletres de bronze i datable vers l’any 50 al·ludeix expressament a la pavimentació del fòrum, en mencionar a la primera línia, probablement, un dels edils locals i, a la segona, amb claredat, la paraula fòrum. La localització de les termes i una àrea de domus van adquirint concreció enfront d’identificacions prèviament errònies, gràcies als treballs dirigits per Abad. Municipis Lesera (la Moleta dels Frares, Forcall)10 Lesera (Ptol. Geog. II, 6, 63) és l’única població hispano romana amb estatut privilegiat localitzada a Castelló. Es

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troba a la comarca interior dels Ports i va rebre l’estatut municipal en època d’August. Es tracta d’una ciutat l’extensió màxima de la qual va superar les tres hectàrees, distribuïda en diverses terrasses, amb zones d’habitatge, de necròpoli i d’edificis públics, d’on procedeixen diverses inscripcions llatines entre les quals la dedicació a Júpiter per demanar la indemnitat de Caracal·la (CIL II2 14, 770), conservada a Morella, que fou decisiva per a la identificació de la res publica Leserensis per Alföldy l’any 1977. Des del 2001, aquesta ciutat s’ha beneficiat dels estudis fets per Arasa. Saguntum, oppidum civium romanorum No és casual que August concedís a Saguntum la categoria de municipi de ciutadans romans (Plin. Nat. III, 4,20) alhora que l’atorgà a Emporiae, Roses i Gades, antigues fundacions colonials, i a algunes altres ciutats indígenes de la Península (Baetulo, Ilerda, Osca, Calagurris, Olissipo...), entre les quals no hi ha ni Edeta ni cap altra ciutat de l’àrea valenciana, perquè Sagunt fou singularitzada a conseqüència de la seva història. El projecte urbanístic de què fou objecte en convertir-se en ciutat privilegiada destaca no per la sumptuositat de l’obra, sinó pel seu concepte i simbolisme, que degueren convertir-la en un dels antics nuclis ibèrics més recognoscible com a ciutat romanitzada en el paisatge de la Tarraconense. La municipalització de Sagunt, d’acord amb l’epigrafia local (CIL II2 14/305), era completa el 4/3 aC i fou conseqüència de la política establerta per August a la segona de les seves estades a Tàrraco, cap al 15-12 aC. Va comportar una transformació radical de l’espai urbà. Atès que el municipi es projecta sobre un pendent (fig. 7, p. 18), el model d’urbanització segueix la successió de terrasses descendents que arriben a l’Udiva (avui Palància), aplicada en major escala a Tarragona, capital de província. El fòrum municipal El complex monumental culminant fou, a Sagunt, el fòrum municipal de la plaça d’Armes, que s’implanta sobre l’espai religiós d’època republicana i manté l’antic temple com a eix i capçalera, encara que el nou projecte va requerir una superfície regular més gran i, amb tal finalitat, es va construir un mur de contenció que anivellés el tàlveg que separava les crestes orientals del castell, visible al perímetre septentrional i occidental de la base del fòrum. D’aquesta manera, la plaça pública s’estengué al sud del temple fins a descriure una àrea de 54 m de longitud per 36 m d’amplada, complint les proporcions 3:2 que preconitza Vitruvi. Excepte a la façana del temple, és una plaça porticada a la qual s’obren els edificis oficials de la cúria, aquí a més alçada, la basílica jurídica i els espais menors de les tabernes. Es tanca amb una porticus duplex que allotja, a la fonamentació, una esplèndida cisterna (fig. 8, p. 19). De l’àrea del fòrum, es conserva una escultura d’un jove amb toga, sense cap ni braços, en marbre de LuniCarrara, d’època julioclàudia, amb la bulla àuria que denota la seva joventut i alt llinatge, atribuïble a Gai o Luci,

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fills d’August morts prematurament, amb paral·lels estilístics a les escultures dels teatres de Tarragona i Cartagena, que podria ser atribuïda a un taller de la capital de la província que emprés marbre importat d’Itàlia. L’altre togat, també incomplet i en marbre de la mateixa procedència, presenta característiques estilístiques d’època flàvia i semblances amb alguns dels de Baelo Claudia (Bolonya). Però la peça en principi més espectacular és un retrat imperial de mida superior al natural, però en la conservació reduït a uns fragments del cap i del cos, de marbre de Paros. La corona cívica de fulles d’alzina assegura que es tracta d’un emperador, que podria ser Tiberi, homenatjat després de la seva mort, o Cal·lígula. Millor sort que les escultures han tingut els pedestals, probablement perquè són de pedra calcària local. Diversos provenen de la basílica, encara que hi ha un basament de la plaça del fòrum al qual s’ha de prestar atenció pel text que mostra, compendi de memòria històrica de la ciutat:11 «P(ublio) Scipioni co(n)s(uli) / imp(eratori) ob restitu/tam Saguntum ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) bello punico secundo» (CIL II2, 14/237), al·lusiu a un esdeveniment descrit així mateix a les fonts (Liv. XVIII, 39,18). El 1987 identificàrem com a paviment de la plaça del fòrum unes lloses de cinc peus d’alçada i 2,48 m de longitud, disposades en sentit est-oest amb les juntes alternants. Vam advertir també l’existència d’un canal per facilitar la sortida d’aigua de pluja al llarg del flanc occidental d’aquell sòl i, igualment, vam adjudicar una inscripció, coneguda amb anterioritat, a aquest enllosat. Es tracta d’un text originalment escrit en sentit transversal en lletres de bronze daurat d’un peu d’alçada, sobre el terç septentrional de la plaça, del qual queden les lletres en negatiu sobre la pedra i els orificis per al plom que es fixava al sòl. La inscripció ha tingut la fortuna de ser estudiada per Alföldy a partir de dotze fragments conservats (CIL II2, 14/374): «Cn. Baebius Cn. F. G(al). (Ge) min(us) Testam(ento) Foru(m) (de su pecun)ia D(onavit Cn. Baebius Cn. F. Gal...) ...ni Fra(ter heres dedicavit).» D’aquesta manera, existeixen proves d’un cas local d’evergetisme. Cn. Baebius Geminus pertany a una de les famílies més acreditades de Sagunt i el seu territori, on, en època d’August, ostentà els càrrecs de pontífex, edil i sali. D’altra banda, és interessant la constància que fos el seu germà i hereu l’autor de la dedicació, ja que il·lustra la manera de satisfer els impostos per transmissió testamentària aportant millores al patrimoni públic, acceptada per la fiscalitat romana. El teatre Avançant la urbanització del municipi cap al vessant nord del castell, el teatre es va disposar al nord-oest del fòrum, presidint la terrassa intermèdia de la ciutat julioclàudia (fig. 9, p. 20). El sector central de la cavea aprofita el pendent per a assentar les grades, però la resta de l’edifici mostra una varietat de sistemes de fonamentació amb substruccions radials allà on s’ha de salvar una cota de nivell important, així com un ampli corredor per arribar als diversos vomi-

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toris de la cavea. El cos escènic salva una alçada considerable fins a fonamentar-se en la roca. El teatre té ben resolt el problema de les clavegueres per a l’evacuació de l’aigua de pluja, perfectament conservades fins a l’actualitat. Això no obstant, més cridanera que la tècnica constructiva és la proporcionalitat de la seva arquitectura, mitjançant un joc de proporcions que constitueix el millor exemple de l’harmonia perseguida per l’arquitectura romana, ben expressada en el tractat de Vitruvi. El diàmetre de l’orquestra, de 22 m, és la mesura a partir de la qual s’organitza l’edifici: els accessos, la successió d’ordres de la cavea i, per tant, el nombre de grades de la ima, media i summa moeniana, així com el seu alçat, que coincideix amb la superposició dels tres ordres de l’scaenae frons. La rehabilitació del monument segons el projecte de Grassi i Portaceli respecta la tipologia original alhora que facilita usos culturals diversos en aquest punt del patrimoni històric saguntí. No hi ha cap resta escultòrica que pugui indicar quins magistrats, emperadors, déus o muses, entre d’altres possibilitats, apareixien al teatre. A través, doncs, de l’arquitectura, es valora com una dotació singular l’espai rectangular central que corona la cavea, que té funció religiosa. La planta semicircular de les valves del front escènic constitueix una opció compartida amb molts altres teatres, essent menys freqüent l’estructura per al teló o aulaeum que les excavacions del 1993 van documentar a l’hyposcae nium, consistent en dos murs paral·lels amb l’espai entre ambdós amb subdivisions perpendiculars per a la instal· lació de les politges i la maquinària que permetrien aixecar una lona decorada a la part davantera de l’escenari que ocultava els actors, que recitaven o cantaven sense ser vistos. Escapen a la modulació indicada més amunt les parts corresponents a una ampliació del teatre bastant posterior a la creació, com són l’anell exterior afegit a la cavea per a millorar la circulació del públic cap a les grades més altes i les estances rectangulars dels extrems del cos escènic, denominades basíliques. Així com les excavacions del 1984 van proporcionar un context cronològic del 50 dC per a la construcció del teatre, les del 1993 van confirmar quelcom que la metrologia de l’edifici indicava: la remodelació del teatre, que pot ser datada a mitjan segle iii. En una fossa sota l’escena oriental, es van recuperar elements de la decoració arquitectònica llavorats en calcària local i en pedra de Viver-Sogorb, entre els quals destaquen alguns capitells corintis de fulles llises que apareixien al front escènic amb un acabat d’estuc que n’enriquia l’aspecte. Fruit de les últimes excavacions al teatre és també una inscripció ibèrica incompleta («...ku.e ba...») amb part d’un nom personal que degué marcar alguna localitat de la graderia. Però no és aquesta peça, difícil de datar, sinó les característiques dels capitells corintis les que, amb les ceràmiques i les dades constructives, donen una facies arqueològica que no és julioclàudia i confirmen una intervenció més tardana en el monument, amb una millora

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dels accessos a la grada a més d’una petita ampliació de l’aforament i de les dependències de l’escena, en un moment crític per a la civilització romana, quan es pot plantejar la representació del que en termes col·loquials podríem anomenar diversions aquàtiques i combats entre gladiadors, habituals en època tardana. A Sagunt, la basílica oriental de l’ampliació de l’escena està impermeabilitzada interiorment amb un revestiment d’opus signinum, construint així un dipòsit d’aigua, tal vegada suficient per a inundar el semicercle de l’orchestra i convertir-lo en un estany (colimbetra) per a actuacions còmiques, censurades pel cristianisme, de manera que la reconstrucció del teatre indica col·lateralment l’escassa influència de la religió que es va fer oficial a partir de Constantí (313 dC) a la vida pública saguntina. El circ i l’entorn A les ribes de l’Udiva, el circ constitueix l’edifici rector de la terrassa inferior de la ciutat, planificat a la vegada que els altres complexos monumentals, però conclòs cap al final del segle i. La documentació sobre aquest circ s’inicia amb les descripcions erudites del segle xviii, tot i que mai no fou declarat monument històric, per la qual cosa va quedar al marge de les figures legals de protecció del patrimoni que n’haurien exigit la conservació, sentenciada quan la superfície que ocupava fou declarada sòl edificable, als anys seixanta del segle xx. El primer a dur a terme excavacions arqueològiques al circ fou Chabret, que va documentar a finals del segle xix la porta triumphalis de 2,84 m de llum a l’extrem oriental de l’edifici i va observar que els carrils marcats al paviment de pedra corresponien a carros amb una distància entre les rodes d’1,70 m. També va descobrir la spina amb l’euripus, així com algunes conduccions hidràuliques que deuen pertànyer al sistema d’alimentació, encara que el cronista va imaginar que estaven relacionades amb la celebració de naumàquies, cosa que sobrepassa la seva capacitat i que avui queda descartada. Però, sens dubte, l’aportació més gran al coneixement del circ de Sagunt es deu a Bru i Vidal (1922-2000). Les últimes excavacions urbanes dutes a terme, amb el concurs del Museu Arqueològic de la ciutat, permeteren verificar, precisar i corregir l’estat de la qüestió, aportant dades sobre tècniques constructives, cronoestratigrafia i, sobretot, sobre una tribuna descoberta en les excavacions del 1997, que amplien el coneixement sobre aquest monument. El circ de Sagunt s’estén en direcció est-oest al costat de la riba meridional del riu Palància, al llarg de 354 m, i té una amplada de 73 m. Es tracta d’un edifici petit entre els de la seva tipologia, amb capacitat estimada per a uns quinze mil o vint mil espectadors, segons l’espai que ocupessin les llotges i les tribunes, similar al de Valentia i que, només a vint-i-cinc quilòmetres de distància, suposa un cas de proximitat geogràfica entre dos circs romans fora de l’habitual i, tal vegada, n’explica les dimensions respectives. La construcció arrenca d’una fonamentació d’opus cae menticium sobre la terrassa fluvial, reforçada per un dipò-

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sit de còdols de riu disposats en talús, amb l’alçat revestit de vittatum excepte en algunes de les parts més nobles que són de carreuat (opus quadratum), com el mur septentrional, que és el més proper al riu, i la porta meridional, entre el que està documentat, perquè aquest és un edifici conservat a nivell de fonamentació amb poques dades sobre l’alçat. Se sap, això no obstant, que els murs perimetrals s’elevaven amb superposició de trams de gruix decreixent i que els costats rectilinis estaven formats per dos murs paral·lels separats 3,40 m entre ells, amb envans perpendiculars que els unien deixant la fonamentació compartimentada, de manera que el més proper a l’arena d’aquells dos murs constituïa el podi que separava els espectadors de les pistes per a les carreres; d’aquesta manera, coneixem en planta, no en alçada, l’espai on eren les grades de seient. La spina tenia 190 m de longitud i el canal que s’hi allotjava, 4,5 m d’amplada; el diàmetre de les me tae era de 4,8 m. Al costat de la porta meridional, al sector oriental del circ, s’ha identificat la tribuna al lloc que correspon al final de la carrera (alba linea), comunicada mitjançant escales amb l’arena, com en d’altres circs romans; des d’allà, es controlava la carrera i l’arribada del guanyador era acreditada per un àrbitre professional. De la porta meridional (1,20 m de llum), l’únic que es conserva avui dia és un element secundari del circ construït amb carreus de mida gran. Sobre la porta, hi ha dues bases amb una motllura en forma de kyma reversa relacionades amb l’alçat de la façana. Les excavacions recents, a més de descobrir el mencionat tribunal iudicum al costat de la porta, han revelat que aquest monument s’assentà alterant el traçat i la funció d’un sector prèviament ocupat, cosa que s’esdevingué, segons la datació de les ceràmiques recuperades, a mitjan segle ii, en un període en el qual el fòrum de la part alta de la ciutat estava en desús i altres sectors de Saguntum cobraren protagonisme. De totes les restes romanes que convergeixen a la zona del circ, la més important és el pont romà pel qual presumiblement la Via Augusta creuava el riu, eix vial, per tant, orientat cap al teatre, el fòrum i el castell mitjançant un joc constructiu panoràmic. Als costats d’aquest tram viari, hi ha alguns dels monuments funeraris més importants de la ciutat, bé com a elements de la necròpoli pública o, segons sembla més probable, units a vil·les suburbanes on els propietaris edificaven els mausoleus, formant en conjunt una ocupació en la qual alternen mansions particulars amb zones enjardinades. El circ s’implanta sobre aquest paisatge, en un punt molt ben comunicat, encara que exposat a les avingudes del riu, que reuneix les característiques funcionals pròpies d’un circ (distància al centre urbà, accessibilitat i amplitud per a la circulació de carros i cavalls), tot i que amortitza els usos als quals prèviament estava dedicada la zona i interromp la sortida del pont, documentat arqueològicament, que tal vegada es desplaçaria cap a l’est per no dificultar el trànsit de la Via Augusta. I, en efecte, l’entorn del circ s’anirà urbanitzant a mesura que la ciutat creixi cap a la part més baixa. Així, allò que

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inicialment eren vil·les i horts es converteix en carrers, indici de la instauració d’un urbanisme compacte al sector. Són símptomes de l’adaptació de Sagunt als temps mitjà i tardoimperial, dels quals, en relació amb les curses de quadrigues, es coneix fins i tot un fragment de marbre inscrit (CIL II,2 14/376) que commemora una donació per a la celebració de jocs escènics i circenses, document recuperat a la zona de Tres Pouets del castell, al costat de l’antic accés a l’oppidum ibèric, on hi ha una ocupació romana tardana a la qual correspon la inscripció, datada vers el segle iii dC. El Grau Vell Al voltant del canvi d’era, seguia dempeus la torrassa al costat de la qual s’edifiquen unes construccions disposades en bateria, davant del mar, estretes i llargues (3 × 6,5 m), algunes amb una alineació de suports de columna o pilastra a l’eix central. S’aixequen sobre sòcols de pedra amb la tècnica denominada opus africanum i parets de tàpia revestides d’estuc amb cobertes de tègules i ímbrexs. És probable que aquestes dependències servissin de magatzem a la planta baixa —amb sòls molt senzills (terra batuda, maó, grava)— i tinguessin un pis superior per a altres usos. Algunes zones del jaciment presenten abocaments de reble d’àmfora per a elevar i drenar els fonaments, fàcilment inundables per l’onatge o els temporals, i és a través d’aquests emplenaments ceràmics com s’ha documentat el predomini de productes hispànics en el tràfic comercial altimperial, d’una banda, i la importància en aquest tràfic del vi saguntí, envasat en àmfores Dr. 2-4, de l’altra. El port saguntí va seguir sent en aquest període escala del tràfic d’àmfores de salaons Dr. 7-11 i lingots de plom. Les connexions des del Grau Vell s’amplien ara cap a Roma a través de l’estret de Bonifaci, o remuntant la costa fins a Empúries, des d’on el comerç segueix cap a Narbona i fins i tot pot sortir cap a l’Atlàntic creuant el corredor aquità. La dispersió de troballes d’origen saguntí arreu de la geografia altimperial indica aquests itineraris. La vaixella de terra sigil·lada itàlica i sudgàl·lica i la ceràmica itàlica comuna i de cuina, entre d’altres productes, s’introdueixen a Sagunt i la seva àrea d’influència a través d’aquest port. Municipium Edetanorum L’extens centre dels ibers edetans era al Tossal de Sant Miquel de Llíria fins al 175 aC, data en la qual va sofrir una destrucció que s’inscriu en els reajustaments sociopolítics propis d’aquell moment. La població documentada amb posterioritat data del segle i en endavant i es localitza sota la Llíria actual, solar de descobriments arqueològics constant avui dia. No hi ha una certesa total que adquirís el rang de municipi de dret llatí en època d’August. Això no obstant, una inscripció llatina trobada temps enrere menciona un temple dedicat a les nimfes a l’antiga Edeta (Ptol. Geog. II, 6, 62) al costat d’una deu que subministrava aigua a la ciutat, segons una proposta recent, i situa la ciutat

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en aquella línia de culte a l’aigua que tan àmplia resposta va trobar a les ciutats romanes valencianes. És important en aquest municipi el conjunt termal de la partida de Mura, d’època migimperial, amb dos edificis de banys complets, el més gran amb sistema de calefacció sota el paviment i a les parets de les sales calentes, i el més petit amb un sofisticat dipòsit per a l’aigua calenta, ambdós als afores de la ciutat, al costat d’un petit temple amb cripta que podria ser més antic que les termes, tot relativament ben conservat. Es tracta del centre balneari més complex dels coneguts a Hispània, possible lloc de peregrinació si tenim en compte la seva extensió, suposadament amb propietats salutíferes. Actualment, aquest conjunt arqueològic està obert al públic, com els mausoleus del carrer Duc de Llíria i el poblat ibèric del Tossal de Sant Miquel, en curs de restauració. Saetabis Augustanorum, municipi de dret llatí12 La ciutat considerada capçalera de la Contestània ibèrica, seu d’una seca monetària important entre els segles iii i i aC, avui Xàtiva, es va convertir durant el regnat d’August en un municipi de dret llatí (Plin. Nat. III, 3,25) accessible per la Via Augusta. L’urbanisme es projectava fins a la costa del Castell, on hi ha l’ermita de Sant Feliu, de la qual procedeix bona part de les inscripcions llatines, reutilitzades en edificis tardoromans o medievals. A partir d’una d’aquestes inscripcions se sap que Saetabis va erigir una estàtua al Geni dels setabenses, costum que consagra la memòria de la pròpia genealogia o identitat local; se’n conserva un fragment del pedestal inscrit, tallat en pedra rosa de Buixcarró, la més semblant al marbre de les de pedrera valenciana i objecte d’una explotació comercial romana que la va dur a moltes altres localitats. Però Saetabis s’estenia principalment a la meitat occidental del nucli medieval intramurs, fins al carrer Argenteria i el camí de la Bola. En aquest sector (carrer Sariers), una intervenció d’urgència duta a terme l’any 2002 va traure a la llum la capçalera d’un estanc públic romà que pertanyia amb força seguretat a un santuari proveït d’un nimfeu. Consta d’un absis semicircular amb espais quadrangulars a un costat i a l’altre, molt semblant a la tipologia del santuari de la Fortuna a Múrcia, d’inspiració italiana. És probable que alguna deu propera (la que brolla a la font de les Vinti-cinc Canelles?) alimentés aquesta instal·lació que, de nou, associa aigua i prestigi urbà.

Entre els flavis i els antonins Valentia Després de la destrucció de la ciutat per Pompeu, Valentia fou una ciutat sense gaires inversions públiques fins a mitjan segle i i, notablement, en època flàvia, va recuperar protagonisme (Mela II, 92) i va tenir un període expansiu que la va dur a ocupar una superfície de vint hectàrees (fig. 10, p. 24) i a millorar el clavegueram i les conduccions d’aigua.13 Fou necessari reforçar la presència de ciutadans,

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assentant-hi una segona deducció de colons romans que va donar lloc a l’aparició d’un senat doble —fet que no és freqüent— format pels representants dels valencians antics i els dels valencians nous, com recorden les inscripcions que citen els Valentini Veterani et Veteres (CIL II, 3733, 3734, 3735, 3736, 3737, 3739 i 3741) en al·lusió a una dualitat que es va sumar a la inicialment instituïda entre itàlics i edetans. Cap a l’any 100, la plaça porticada d’un fòrum renovat estava pavimentada amb pedra de les Alcubles i hi con fluïen una cúria doble localitzada al sud-est i una basílica amb una Aedes Augusti a la qual s’associa una llinda inscrita en forma de tabula ansata, instal·lada al flanc sud, documentada només en part. A la ciutat, hi proliferaren les termes públiques (n’hi havia sota el Palau de Benicarló, seu del parlament autonòmic, al carrer Cabillers, al Palau de l’Almirall...). Però la dotació més important va consistir en el circ (350 m × 70 m), descobert entre el carrer Trinquet de Cavallers i la plaça del Palau en el curs d’unes excavacions urbanes recents que han donat a conèixer la capçalera i les parts de la graderia, la spina, l’arena i les carceres, utilitzat fins al segle v. Allon (la Vila Joiosa)14 Després d’un debat tan prolix com prolongat, la investigació més actual situa el municipi flavi d’Allon sota el nucli urbà de la Vila Joiosa, on hi havia hagut una important ocupació d’època ibèrica, amb arguments fidedignes derivats de les excavacions urbanes que donen context tant a la inscripció gravada sobre la mensa d’un macellum amb motiu de la seva reconstrucció (CIL II, 3570), pròpia d’una àrea urbana, com al mausoleu de la Torre de Sant Josep, fora del municipi, coneguts des d’antic. La relectura del pedestal del duumvir Q. Manlius Celsinus de la tribu Quirina (CIL II, 3571) per Wiegels ha estat decisiva a aquest efecte, ja que d’aquesta manera Alacant resol la localització d’una ciutat entre Dianium i Lucentum que tant Benidorm com Santa Pola, més al sud, reclamaren en altre temps. Les termes excavades al carrer de Canalejas (fig. 11, p. 25) suggereixen una ciutat amb bones dotacions i els magatzems portuaris de la plaça de Sant Josep indiquen que canalitzava la redistribució de la producció d’un territori que diferents vil·les (Sant Josep, Barberes Sud, Plans, Ribetes, Jovada II, Xauxelles) defineixen com a emprenedor.

Notes i referències [1] C. Aranegui (coord.). Els romans a les terres valen cianes. IVEI, València 1996; L. Abad, S. Keay i S. Ramallo. Early Roman Towns in Hispania Tarra conensis. Portsmouth (Rhode Island) 2006. [2] C. Aranegui. Sagunto. Oppidum, emporio y muni cipio romano. Bellaterra, Barcelona 2004; P. P. Ri-

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[3] [4] [5]

[6] [7]

pollès i M. M. Llorens. Arse-Saguntum. Historia Monegal de la ciudad y de su territorio. Bancaja, Sagunt 2002. J. M. Abascal i L. Abad (coord.). Las ciudades y los campos de Alicante en época romana. Alacant 2003. M. Olcina (ed.). Lucentum (Tossal de Manises, Alicante), arqueología e historia. MARQ, Alacant 2009. J. L. Jiménez i A. Ribera. «La arquitectura y las transformaciones urbanas del centro de Valencia durante los primeros mil años de la ciudad». A: His toria de la ciudad. Vol. III. Colegio Territorial de Arquitectos de Valencia, Valencia 2004, p. 18-30. J. Uroz, J. M. Noguera i F. Coarelli (ed.). Iberia e Italia: modelos romanos de integración territorial. Tabularium, Múrcia 2008. R. Albiach, I. Espí i A. Ribera. «El agua sacra y su vinculación con el origen y desarrollo urbano de una fundación romana. El santuario (¿Asklepeion?) de Valentia (Hispania)». A: P. Mateos, S. Celestino, A. Pizzo i T. Tortosa (ed.). Santuarios, oppida y ciudades: arquitectura sacra en el origen y desarro llo urbano del Mediterráneo occidental, Anejos a AEspA, Madrid 2009, p. 417-446.

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[8] J. M. Noguera (ed.). Fora Hispaniae. Paisaje urba no, arquitectura, programas decorativos y culto im perial en las ciudades hispanorromanas. Universidad de Murcia, Múrcia 2009. [9] J. J. Chao, J. F. Mesa i M. Serrano. «Un nuevo bronce hallado en La Alcudia». A: J. González (ed.). Ciudades privilegiadas en el occidente roma no. Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, Sevilla 1999, p. 417-424. [10] F. Arasa. La ciutat romana de Lesera. Ajuntament de Forcall, Vinaròs 2009. [11] G. Alföldy (et al.). Corpus Inscriptionum Latina rum. Vol. II, 2/14, fasc. 1, Berlín 1995. [12] J. Pérez Ballester (coord.). «De la Saitabi ibèrica a la Saetabis romana». A: Història de Xàtiva. Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de València, València 2006, p. 137-193. [13] I. Escrivà, A. Ribera i J. Vioque. Guía del centro arqueológico de L’Almoina. Ajuntament de València, València 2010. [14] A. Espinosa. «Sobre el nombre de la ciudad ibérica y romana de Villajoyosa y la ubicación del topónimo Alonís/Alona/Allon». Lucentum, núm. 25, 2006, p. 223-248.

Nota biogràfica Carmen Aranegui Gascó és catedràtica de la Universitat de València des del 1986. Ha investigat sobre els contactes mediterranis apreciables en la cultura ibèrica (ceràmiques, necròpolis i santuaris) i va ser comissària de l’exposició internacional «Los Íberos» (1997-1998: París, Bacelona i Bonn). La transició cap a la civilització romana ha estat un altre punt central dels seus estudis a partir del cas de Sagunt (València), analitzat en els seus aspectes urbanístic (port, fòrum, teatre) i econòmic (àmfores, producció de vi). Des del 1995 codirigeix un projecte arqueològic a Lixus (Larache, Marroc), fundació fenícia, on planteja l’efecte de la colonització oriental sobre poblacions de l’estret de Gibraltar i el significat històric de la cultura mauritana des d’un punt de vista postcolonialista.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 181-200 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.60 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

L’arquitectura religiosa d’època romànica a Catalunya (segles xi-xiii): balanç i notes crítiques Xavier Barral i Altet *

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Rebut 26 juliol 2010 · Acceptat 20 octubre 2010

Resum A Catalunya, la historiografia del romànic s’inicia ben bé mig segle després dels primers moviments europeus, sobretot francesos, i es manifesta amb l’estudi que ajudava a entendre el monument, a classificar-lo i a confrontar-lo amb altres arquitectures, amb la restauració i la protecció dels monuments, i amb noves arquitectures que miraven cap al passat medieval. Elies Rogent (1821-1897), Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1850-1923) i Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867-1956) van ser pioners en aquests estudis. El present treball planteja les principals qüestions d’actualitat i pren part en els debats d’avui sobre l’arquitectura religio sa romànica catalana. El conjunt de l’antiga seu episcopal d’Egara, ara Terrassa, excavat recentment, n’és un bon exemple. A l’article s’analitza també la qüestió del primer art romànic del segle xi, es comparen les esglésies monàstiques de Ripoll i de Cuixà, es presenten les noves recerques sobre les catedrals de la Seu d’Urgell, Girona i Vic, es plantegen interessants problemes d’arquitectura i litúrgia, l’encara indefinida transició del segle xi al xii i l’arquitectura tardana d’estil romànic, la dels segles xii-xiii, quan al nord de França l’arquitectura gòtica ja s’havia imposat. Paraules clau: arquitectura, catedrals, historiografia, litúrgia, romànic

L’arquitectura romànica catalana, com la d’altres països de l’Europa occidental, ha patit, durant la segona meitat del segle xx, el resultat sovint negatiu del seu propi èxit, del turisme de massa, de la utilització en clau nacionalista del que s’ha volgut que representés l’art romànic, en cada cas, per al passat de les nacions actuals.1 La bibliografia és considerable, també a Catalunya.2 Avui, però, noves investigacions renoven la disciplina tant a nivell monogràfic com temàtic.3 L’art romànic és l’art que correspon al període feudal entre els segles x i xiii, aproximadament. El terme és convencional i va ser forjat durant el segle xix quan es pensava que el romànic derivava purament i simplement del romà. Preromànic o protoromànic, primer art romànic, segon art romànic i art romànic tardà són termes que defineixen convencionalment l’evolució d’un estil.4 La història de la restauració arquitectònica és una part essencial de la història de l’arquitectura romànica. Nosaltres no veiem els monuments romànics tal com eren a l’edat mitjana, sinó més aviat tal com els han anat configurant els diversos restauradors des del segle xix fins avui. Domina la idea completament errònia d’una esglé-

* Adreça de contacte: Xavier Barral i Altet. E-mail: xbarral@iec.cat

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sia romànica en blanc i negre, totalment buida i despullada, com si es volgués animar el visitant a mirar només les pedres de la paret una a una. El despullament decoratiu i d’afegits posteriors, fruit de les directrius litúrgiques postconciliars (Vaticà II) i del gust per la nuesa monumental, així com les reproduccions fotogràfiques en blanc i negre, heliogravats, han contribuït a donar una falsa idea de l’art romànic sense policromia. Elies Rogent ja havia imaginat a la darreria del segle xix la basílica romànica de Ripoll totalment policromada. Potser la seva anticipació algun dia serà reconeguda i es pintarà la basílica que ell va restaurar. El gust evoluciona i cal imaginar que l’arquitectura romànica catalana de les esglésies tornarà a tenir, per l’acció dels restauradors o per la creativitat de nous artistes, aquelles capes de colors cridaners que les cobrien totalment a l’edat mitjana.5 A Catalunya, la historiografia del romànic s’inicia ben bé mig segle després dels primers moviments europeus, sobretot francesos. A partir del primer terç del segle xix, el gust pel gòtic, que és sinònim de retorn a l’edat mitjana, introdueix una presa de consciència enfront dels monuments medievals, de la qual l’art romànic es beneficia. Aquest retrobament amb els orígens nacionals de cada estat europeu, associat al moviment romàntic, va portar a un millor coneixement del passat, al seu estudi i a campa-

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nyes sistemàtiques per a la conservació dels vestigis medie vals.6 Durant el segle xix, el retorn a l’edat mitjana i el redescobriment d’un passat nacional —que ja no és el que Roma havia difós— implicaven una revaloració dels orígens propis de Catalunya i això al mateix moment en què es despertaven els moviments romàntics, literaris o artístics. Aquest retorn a l’edat mitjana va estar condicionat voluntàriament per posicions nacionalistes que tendien a oferir a cada estat potent i sobirà orígens específics i, per consegüent, diferents dels estats veïns. Hom no s’acontentava de subratllar aquestes diferències, sinó que a més es pretenia demostrar la major importància de l’art romànic de l’estat propi en relació amb el del país veí. A més, l’edat mitjana interessava per la seva part de misteri i exaltava els romàntics.7 Aquest apropament al passat medieval es va fer, principalment durant la segona meitat del segle xix, en tres direccions principals: l’estudi que ajudava a entendre el monument, a classificar-lo i a confrontar-lo amb altres arquitectures; la restauració i la protecció dels monuments, i la nova arquitectura que mirava cap al passat amb projectes d’edificis religiosos construïts en estil neomedieval i que no dubtava a reconstruir monuments en estat de ruïna.8 Però els arquitectes que han restaurat i reconstruït també han contribuït a crear a vegades suposats estils regionals romànics sobre l’existència dels quals sovint s’han bastit veritables teories.9 Elies Rogent (1821-1897), Lluís Domènech i Montaner (1850-1923) i Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867-1956) van ser pioners en l’estudi modern de l’arquitectura religiosa del romànic català.10 També van ser ells els qui la van restaurar i reconstruir, la van estudiar, classificar i teoritzar. Aquests tres arquitectes, cada un al seu moment, van ser igualment autors d’una important obra escrita, sovint erudita, al mateix temps que, com a arquitectes, participaven en la tasca de construir noves arquitectures al servei del passat medieval, reinventant-ne l’estil. Per entendre la visió que tenim al començament del segle xxi de l’arquitectura religiosa romànica catalana, cal observar la intervenció de Rogent a la basílica de Ripoll. Aquest important arquitecte s’havia format en contacte amb l’erudició de França i d’Alemanya, i coincidia amb les idees reconstructives d’Eugène Viollet-le-Duc (18141879).11 Rogent va ser el primer a Catalunya a publicar monografies historicoarqueològiques sobre monuments religiosos medievals com Sant Cugat del Vallès o Sant Llorenç del Munt, tot justificant-ne de manera històrica els projectes de restauració. Aquest va ser el cas de Ripoll, com ho demostra la memòria consagrada a la basílica de Santa Maria en la qual justificava les fonts de la seva restauració, avui més aviat considerada una reconstrucció.12 Abans que comencés el procés definitiu de restauració de la basílica de Ripoll, ja l’any 1860, Rogent va marcar una sèrie de criteris i procediments de cara a la intervenció, com l’aixecament de plantes i alçats que donessin

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prova de l’aspecte de l’edifici del segle xi, en temps de l’abat Oliba, la neteja de tots els afegits i la proposta de transformacions per tal de poder reconstruir l’església tal com se suposava aleshores que era en època romànica. La nova basílica va ser consagrada el 1893. Rogent decidí que l’església tindria cinc naus i no tres, que la volta i les finestres serien com són avui, que els capitells serien corintis d’inspiració califal i que la capçalera estaria coronada pel cimbori exterior que té ara. Avui defenso personalment que l’edifici refet per Rogent ha de continuar figurant en els manuals d’arquitectura medieval com un dels monuments majors del romànic català, però que s’hi ha de presentar amb ull crític. Defenso també, sobretot, que aquest edifici ha de penetrar en els manuals d’arquitectura religio sa catalana del segle xix. Quan Rogent començà la restauració, la basílica de Ripoll era gòtica amb les voltes caigudes després de l’incendi de 1835. També tenia afegits posteriors. Ell va prendre la decisió d’immobilitzar-la en un moment determinat de la seva història, imaginant com seria en la data precisa de la consagració d’Oliba (1032), tot decidint de prescindir tant d’allò anterior com dels afegits posteriors. Josep Puig i Cadafalch defensava molt les actuacions de Rogent, amb qui s’havia format i que ell considerava «un dels primers revolucionaris contra la tirania neoclàssica» i de qui recordava que «Rogent investigava, sobretot, l’art romànic català amb un gran sentit històric, però també com a forma destinada a tornar a florir novament, fent amb ell a Catalunya el que les ciutats italianes havien fet amb l’art clàssic, que bo i copiant-lo i reproduint-lo havia infantat el Renaixement.» Però els temps havien canviat i durant el primer quart del segle xx Puig es va proposar de demostrar que Catalunya havia tingut una arquitectura romànica nacional, amb personalitat pròpia, que havia influït a fora.13 Puig va començar estudiant monogràficament, amb criteris moderns, l’arquitectura romànica catalana i va decidir de fer-li jugar un paper en la història del romànic europeu —com ho estaven fent Giovanni Teresio Rivoira i Adolfo Venturi a Itàlia,14 mentre que a França d’una banda continuava vigent la teoria regionalista d’Arcisse de Caumont15 i d’altra banda s’estructuraven altres escoles de pensament com la de l’École des Chartes—. L’any 1909 escrivia a L’arquitectura romànica a Catalu nya: «L’àrea geogràfica del nostre estudi no és un país constituït en estat actual [és una] terra partida en dos estats, part a Espanya, part a França, [que] té una història artística orgànica [que és] un reflex d’una unitat nacional, d’una agrupació natural d’homes amb pensament col· lectiu.»16 Metodològicament, la historiografia de la història de l’arquitectura romànica demostra que les diferents interpretacions de les relacions entre la política moderna, la geografia històrica i l’art romànic han portat a conclusions oposades sobre els mateixos monuments. Si les teories de Josep Puig i Cadafalch representen l’aplicació erudita d’una voluntat nacionalista, les recerques de Marcel Durliat sobre el Rosselló, per exemple, ja entrada la sego-

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na meitat del segle xx, il·lustren una manera de veure la història i les realitats socials de l’edat mitjana com una projecció d’una certa idea política, centralista i encara jacobina, de la França contemporània. Mentre que els historiadors de l’art francesos o castellans s’oposaven durant tota la primera meitat del segle xx a les prioritats cronològiques de les esglésies de l’anomenat Camí de Santiago, les hostilitats entre Josep Puig i Cadafalch i l’arqueòleg i historiador de l’art andalús Manuel Gómez Moreno (1879-1970) es van convertir sovint en punts de vista oposats que després van tenir una gran repercussió en la visió general de les prioritats artístiques.17 La barreja entre política, geografia i arquitectura romànica produeix debats apassionats durant el primer terç del segle xx també a França dins el marc de posicions radicals, sobretot quan hom es refereix a zones perifèriques o frontereres, on la realitat actual ja no és la de la geografia medieval, com al Rosselló, Alsàcia o Còrsega, per exemple. Aquestes discussions han estat més o menys apassionades segons l’actitud compromesa dels autors, però han tingut conseqüències ben paleses en la historiografia de la disciplina.18 És dins aquest marc que Puig i Cadafalch passa obertament de la realització d’un catàleg monumental en els seus volums sobre l’arquitectura romànica catalana a l’escriptura d’una teoria, primer sobre un estil19 i després sobre la seva difusió europea.20 Però les teories de Puig sobre l’arquitectura romànica no haurien tingut la mateixa repercussió sense l’arribada a França de la personalitat d’Henri Focillon a l’escena de la història de l’art, que va marcar una part important del segle xx, sobretot per la posteritat que han conegut els seus punts de vista. Hereu del saber de l’escola formalista de Viena, Henri Focillon va defensar una vida autònoma de les formes al seu llibre La vie des formes, publicat el 1934. L’obra d’art romànic era, per a ell, una realitat que reuneix en si mateixa diferents aspectes independents de les condicions exteriors a la creació. La forma constitueix l’obra d’art i la fa evolucionar. Admirada per la qualitat de la seva ploma i per la força de les seves paraules, la teoria formalista de Focillon, medievalista de talent, va trobar un eco potent quan va aplicar les seves posicions a l’art romànic; és en aquest context que Focillon va divulgar els punts de vista de Puig sobretot en la gran síntesi sobre l’art de l’Occident, publicada per primer cop a París el 1938.21 Amb tot, abans d’arribar a les síntesis de l’Europa meridional en les quals Catalunya quedava integrada, però no Espanya, ja durant el temps de la seva formació universitària, en què havia viscut directament els moviments de la Renaixença, Puig i Cadafalch havia anat madurant de mica en mica la idea de contribuir a crear una individualitat nacional per mitjà de l’art medieval.22 Per a construir un art romànic nacional, Puig entenia que calia estudiar sistemàticament els monuments del país descrivint-los un a un i analitzant-los de manera que definissin la seva originalitat dins d’una sèrie i com a expressió d’un grup nacional. Amb aquest esperit va publicar, com un primer

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pas per al salvament del patrimoni del país, l’obra L’arqui tectura romànica a Catalunya,23 amb expedicions als Pirineus per fer-hi fotografies i dibuixar plantes i alçats. La idea del catàleg monumental ja era present per a contribuir al salvament del patrimoni arquitectònic. Contemporàniament a Puig i Cadafalch, a Vic, Josep Gudiol i Cunill perseguia objectius similars per altres camins,24 com també s’ho havia proposat Josep Pijoan.25 Tant Gudiol com Puig provenien de dues tradicions d’estudi franceses, la d’Arcisse de Caumont i la de Jules Quicherat. Aquesta darrera, la de l’École des Chartes de París, va arribar a Catalunya principalment de la mà d’un arxiver francès destinat al Rosselló, Jean-Auguste Brutails,26 que va difondre la noció de considerar els monuments com a documents històrics. Puig i Cadafalch era arquitecte i tant els seus estudis com la seva voluntat política i la seva formació van tenir una gran influència en les obres de restauració d’esglésies romàniques que va emprendre, de Montserrat a Cuixà, de Sant Joan de les Abadesses a Sant Benet de Bages, o encara a monuments menys importants com, per exemple, Sant Jaume de Vilanova al Bages (entre el 1931 i el 1933), donant sempre a les seves intervencions una connotació teòrica, fortament ideològica. L’obra de Josep Puig i Cadafalch continua d’actualitat per l’acumulació d’informacions que conté. L’arquitectu ra romànica a Catalunya, realitzada en col·laboració amb A. de Falguera i J. Goday i publicada entre els anys 1909 i 1918, va ser un treball de primera mà de catalogació, reconeixement i ordenació, que va permetre escriure una història coherent que esdevingué pauta per a futures investigacions i a la vegada també un catàleg monumental de l’arquitectura romànica catalana des dels orígens fins a la baixa edat mitjana. Des d’aquest punt de vista, la contribució de Puig i els seus ajudants27 és com un veritable fons d’arxiu sobre l’arquitectura romànica de Catalunya.28 Les seves teories, en canvi, de mica en mica entren en via de discussió.29 Ell entenia el romànic de la manera següent: «L’art romànic és el resultat d’un llarg desenvolupament i d’una influència per separat, dels bizantins, de l’Orient i de la civilització musulmana. Algunes de les etapes d’aquest desenvolupament es troben a Espanya. Per exemple, l’art asturià al segle ix i l’art mossàrab al segle x.»30 Avui aquestes coses es veuen amb més complexitat.

De l’antiguitat tardana al romànic La pervivència de l’arquitectura religiosa de l’antiguitat tardana fins als segles vii i viii, i fins a la plena època medieval en alguns casos, va contribuir a imposar unes formes locals i tradicionals, una continuïtat tècnica i estilística que l’arquitectura religiosa romànica aprofitaria més endavant. Coneixem alguns casos concrets d’aquesta utilització de basíliques paleocristianes fins a èpoques avançades: Barcelona, Tarragona, Terrassa, Bovalar (Seròs, Segrià), Empúries o Sant Cugat del Vallès.

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Anomenem arquitectura altmedieval i després preromànica la que cobreix l’espai de temps entre l’antiguitat tardana i l’edat mitjana pròpiament romànica; un art que té les arrels en l’expansió creadora de formes arquitectòniques de l’època paleocristiana i que prepara i condueix cap a les formes monumentals romàniques. Per a definir i denominar aquest art que es desenvolupa a Catalunya entre els segles viii i x, avui s’han abandonat les terminologies d’art mossàrab, carolingi o de repoblació, que si bé són idònies per a l’art d’altres regions peninsulars o europees no corresponen a les realitats artístiques de la Catalunya altmedieval. Els monuments conservats a Catalunya no permeten situar la realitat arquitectònica altmedieval en els debats generals sobre l’art carolingi.31 Pel que fa al preromànic,32 en canvi, Catalunya constitueix una realitat arquitectònica, coherent a nivell regional, que en alguns casos pot entrar en competició amb monuments importants de fora. A Catalunya, cal entendre l’arquitectura preromànica i la romànica en una estricta continuïtat.33 L’arquitectura religiosa d’època altmedieval que es conserva a Catalunya és sovint la més senzilla, aquella que en un context rural es beneficia de la pervivència de tècniques constructives pràctiques esdevingudes habituals com ara l’opus spicatum o la volta muntada sobre cintra d’encanyissat.34 Cal tenir en compte que les construccions més humils són les que més utilitzen materials locals i les que més repeteixen plantes o alçats funcionals, sovint durant molts segles, i això no sempre és necessàriament un indici d’antiguitat per a l’arquitectura. La datació de molts d’aquests petits edificis no és fàcil per la manca d’informació externa a la pròpia arquitectura des del punt de vista documental. Coneixem sobretot, des d’aquest punt de vista, les actes de consagració, com la de l’església de Santa Maria de la Seu d’Urgell, el primer de novembre de l’any 839, pel bisbe Sisebut amb el consentiment de l’emperador Lluís el Piadós i del comte Sunifred I de CerdanyaUrgell. En aquest cas, el document esmenta les parròquies que en aquell moment existien dins del terme del bisbat a Urgell, Cerdanya, Berguedà, Pallars i Ribagorça, però no ens orienta sobre l’arquitectura pròpiament dita perquè, a més, la data d’una consagració no indica necessàriament el moment d’acabament d’una obra. D’entre les sèries de monuments de transició entre l’antiguitat i l’edat mitjana, el conjunt que ha portat i porta més debat és el de l’antiga seu episcopal d’Egara, ara Terrassa. Les esglésies d’Egara, com a seu episcopal, estan documentades des del segle v fins a la invasió àrab. Se sap que a mitjan segle v el bisbat d’Egara es va anar desenvolupant independentment del de Barcelona, i que encara existia durant el segle vii. La darrera informació d’època antiga que tenim és la del bisbe Joan, conegut als anys 683 i 693. L’any 1017, un grup de personalitats es va reunir en presència del comte de Barcelona Ramon Borrell i del seu bisbe a l’església de Santa Maria; Eduard Junyent suposava que aquesta reunió havia servit per a consagrar novament les esglésies després de les invasions. Els següents

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documents que tenim es refereixen a la consagració del nou edifici de Santa Maria l’any 1112 i a la de Sant Pere un segle més tard. La continuïtat arqueològica de les esglésies de Terrassa ja havia quedat demostrada per les excava cions primer de Josep Puig i Cadafalch i després de Josep de Calassanç Serra i Ràfols. Al davant i a l’exterior de Santa Maria s’havien trobat vestigis d’edificis de culte paleocristians, i són també significatius els dos nivells superposats de mosaics dels segles iv i v corresponents a esglésies anteriors. Jo mateix havia proposat que aquesta continuïtat des de l’antiguitat tardana fins a l’edat mitjana es podia prolongar fins al segle xi, al començament del qual em semblava i em sembla que pertany un mosaic de paviment conservat al presbiteri de l’església de Sant Pere. L’absis actual de Santa Maria, de planta quadrada a l’exterior i de ferradura a l’interior, i amb tres obertures senzilles, corresponia a una refecció d’un edifici de tres naus, potser amb transsepte. En canvi, Sant Pere presenta una capçalera trilobulada amb tres finestres amples i transsepte de braços llargs, elevat i cobert amb volta de canó. Sant Miquel té una planta centralitzada, de forma quadrada tant a l’exterior com a l’interior, amb quatre nínxols situats a cada angle. Aquesta estructura va fer pensar Puig en una probable funció de baptisteri, bé que la presència d’una cripta planteja diversos problemes de filiació i d’ús litúrgic. Durant les excavacions que hi va conduir, Puig i Cadafalch va reconstruir —fruit d’una picabaralla amb Gómez-Moreno— la piscina baptismal al centre de l’edifici, sota el cimbori que suporten vuit columnes, amb interessants capitells. A la part més oriental, i sobrealçat per la presència de la cripta trilobulada, hi ha l’absis, amb l’habitual forma de planta de ferradura a l’interior i poligonal a l’exterior, que té també tres finestres. Cal recordar que la cronologia dels tres edificis religiosos de Terrassa —cossos arquitectònics afegits a capçaleres més antigues— ha estat sempre objecte de polèmiques erudites i de debats apassionats. Puig i Cadafalch havia defensat inicialment el caràcter visigòtic de la capçalera actual de Santa Maria i de l’edifici de Sant Miquel, que ell datava del segle vi, una opinió que va seguir Joan Ainaud. Eduard Junyent, Pere de Palol i jo mateix hem vist sempre aquestes construccions com a vestigis altmedievals que se situarien al voltant del segle ix. Tothom ha estat d’acord, però, en l’anterioritat d’aquests elements en relació amb les esglésies d’aparell irregular, finestres petites i absis trapezoïdal del segle x. A Terrassa, veiem finestres amples i un aparell mural de tipus romà amb fileres de petits carreus alternades amb fileres de terracota. En el cas de Santa Maria, el problema d’interpretació s’ha situat permanentment en la correspondència entre l’absis i la planta de la capçalera de tres naus del segle v. Després d’un simposi internacional sobre les esglésies de Terrassa, organitzat el 1991, s’ha dut a terme un projecte global d’excavacions arqueològiques en diverses campanyes entre el 1995 i el 2004, amb una proposta de reinterpretació del complex episcopal i de la seva evolució

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històrica. S’ha confirmat la continuïtat d’ocupació des de l’època ibèrica (segle iv abans de la nostra era). Abans de la fase episcopal del segle v, s’han determinat estructures romanes, cambres funeràries. L’edifici rectangular amb absis quadrat a l’exterior i semicircular a l’interior, que es considerava del segle v, ha estat atribuït a un espai de culte cristià de la segona meitat del segle iv i, per tant, ante rior a la fase episcopal. S’hi han identificat millor dues capelles als murs laterals. En una fase lleugerament posterior que els autors situen entre el 380 i els anys 420-430, s’hi haurien dut a terme una sèrie de reformes i ampliacions, amb la construcció d’un nou baptisteri darrere l’absis amb una piscina de planta quadrangular. A aquesta fase correspondria el paviment de mosaic conservat davant l’actual església de Santa Maria. Els autors encara identifiquen una fase d’obres preepiscopals cap a mitjan segle v. La designació d’Egara com a seu episcopal pel bisbe Nundinari de Barcelona, entre els anys 450 i 460, va propiciar la creació d’un gran conjunt episcopal presidit per Santa Maria, la catedral, Sant Miquel com a martyrium i Sant Pere com a parroquial. El nou bisbe Ireneu va ser l’encarregat de portar a terme la nova seu en l’aspecte arquitectònic. Els tres edificis estaven disposats en tres terrasses al voltant d’un espai central d’ús funerari. Les interpretacions donades a partir de les campanyes arqueològiques aporten moltes novetats interpretatives de l’arquitectura religiosa, així com noves propostes de cronologia. La basílica principal, Santa Maria, és un edifici de tres naus separades per columnes i capitells en el qual els tres absis inicials s’han substituït per un absis únic quadrat per fora i semicircular per dins. S’han identificat unes restes a la nau central amb una cripta funerària i s’ha proposat de localitzar el baptisteri als peus de l’edifici. Pel que fa a Sant Miquel, un corredor exterior amb enterraments confirmaria l’ús funerari de l’edifici. Sabíem que Puig i Cadafalch havia restituït de manera precipitada un baptisteri. Als peus de la basílica de Sant Pere s’ha identificat un doble corredor que comunica la parroquial amb la catedral sense haver de passar per l’espai funerari central. De tots els resultats publicats, les cronologies encara generaran discussions. El conjunt, en les seves parts en discussió —capçaleres de Santa Maria i de Sant Pere i edifici de Sant Miquel, amb els vestigis arqueològics descoberts que s’hi refereixen—, és ara, de nou, atribuït a l’època visigòtica, al segle vi, més aviat als seus inicis, i això també inclou l’església parroquial de Sant Pere (no la nau romànica tardana) i les pintures murals de Sant Miquel. Personalment, em sembla que, pel que fa a la interpretació historicocronològica dels edificis altmedievals, el debat no està tancat.35 Els grups episcopals de l’alta edat mitjana amb dues esglésies o tres esglésies i un baptisteri han estat sempre reconeguts a Catalunya, mentre que recentment s’ha reconegut una filiació molt original entre els grups monàstics benedictins catalans de tres esglésies considerats d’època carolíngia, però amb una tradició que perdurarà durant el

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període romànic, i els grups episcopals tardoantics com a font tipològica, estructural i espiritual. Aquest concepte de complex monàstic valdria per a Cuixà i per a Ripoll, però també per a altres monestirs com Sant Martí del Canigó.36 Les notícies i els edificis del segle ix que conservem són pocs, però sabem que molts estaven en mal estat i que es van reparar durant el segle x, com és el cas de la catedral d’Elna, o bé es van reconstruir en la primera època romànica, com les catedrals de la Seu d’Urgell o de Vic. Dos documents constaten l’estat d’abandó i de ruïna en què es trobaven les esglésies catalanes a finals del segle ix: el precepte carolingi del 898, concedit al bisbe d’Elna, i l’autorització, el 899, del rei Carles al metropolità de Narbona, que no tan sols destaca l’estat ruïnós de les esglésies de la diòcesi, sinó també la impossibilitat de restaurar-les. Durant els segles ix i x, la campanya constructiva també va arribar als monestirs; és el cas de Ripoll (935), de Serrateix (940), de Sant Pere de les Puelles de Barcelona (945), de Santa Cecília de Montserrat (957), de Sant Benet de Bages (972) o de Sant Miquel de Cuixà (953). L’església de Cuixà ens ofereix una bona aproximació a l’aspecte que haurien pogut tenir les grans abacials o les catedrals de Catalunya durant la segona meitat del segle x, dominades per naus rectangulars, en els casos més importants triples, cobertes amb fusta. L’edifici de Cuixà té tres naus curtes separades per pilars rectangulars i arcades, encapçalades per un notable transsepte, del qual ha desaparegut l’extremitat del braç nord. Les arcades són de forma ultrapassada, amb muntants avançats, i estan construï des amb l’ajuda de pedres esglaonades a la part baixa de les arcades i radiants a la part superior. Aquest tipus d’arcada podria derivar d’una tradició tardoantiga i local. La nau principal, coberta amb fusta, és més llarga que les laterals i té un tram suplementari a l’oest. El presbiteri està format per cinc absis profunds, el principal dels quals és de planta rectangular, mentre que la resta són semicirculars profunds. Tradicionalment es creia que a banda i banda de l’absis principal hi havia hagut dues portes que originalment donaven a l’exterior. Avui, però, aquest fet s’ha qüestionat.37 La magnificència de l’arquitectura de Cuixà demostra una voluntat clara de renovar la basílica paleocristiana.38 De l’arquitectura paleocristiana provenen la separació entre les naus i la coberta de fusta, així com la fórmula del gran transsepte sortit i de diversos absis, en aquest cas cinc com només tenien els edificis més importants de l’antiguitat tardana, dels quals s’heretava, d’altra banda, la forma rectangular de l’absis principal. Els camins cap al romànic s’anaven concretant amb la forma semicircular allargada dels absis laterals, que en el cas de Cuixà eren ja coberts amb volta durant el segle x. A les esglésies més modestes, generalment, l’absis, petit i cobert amb volta de pedra, presentava en la seva època més antiga una forma ultrapassada a l’interior i quadrada a l’exterior, però amb el temps anirien apareixent plantes també ultrapassades a la part exterior (Sant Quirze de Pe-

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dret), fins a arribar al semicercle (Sant Andreu de Sureda). El transsepte podia variar i ser més alt que la nau (Canapost o Sant Pere de Terrassa) o més baix (Sant Genís les Fonts o Sant Andreu de Sureda). D’aquest moment, es conserven moltes esglésies rurals de petites dimensions, construïdes amb pedra amb reforços en els angles, d’una sola nau rectangular i amb absis de planta de ferradura, rectangular o trapezoïdal, cobert generalment amb volta de pedra. Les naus, cobertes primer amb fusta, a poc a poc van anar incorporant la volta bastida sobre cintres que descansa sobre arcs torals o, més freqüentment, sobre contraforts laterals. Hi ha una diferència d’alçada i d’amplada entre la nau i l’absis, més baix, que crea una relació de volums exteriors i interiors molt característica. D’altra banda, les finestres són petites i de simple obertura, i acostumen a obrir-se als murs de l’absis o a la paret sud. Els arcs són de dos tipus: el primer, de tradició clarament romana, és l’arc de mig punt sobre muntants que s’avancen sobre el punt de caiguda de l’arc. El segon tipus, també local, és un arc de forma ultrapassada que reposa sobre dues impostes, i els muntants estan avançats en relació amb la caiguda de l’arc. La porta generalment s’orienta a migdia, per tal que es pugui il·luminar la nau durant l’ofici. D’aquesta mena serien les esglésies de Santa Maria del Marquet, Obiols, Canapost, Sant Quirze de Pedret o Sant Julià de Boada.39 A Sant Miquel de Cuixà constatem la continuïtat entre preromànic i romànic del segle xi, ja que el primer es conserva al bell mig de les noves construccions i ampliacions romàniques. En les petites construccions, aquests reaprofitaments i enriquiments són freqüents, un fenomen que caracteritza tota l’arquitectura situada a cavall del canvi de mil·lenni.40

La qüestió del primer art romànic del segle xi A partir d’un mètode comparatiu, i dins del positivisme històric del moment, Puig i Cadafalch va definir l’arquitectura del primer art romànic com un estil itinerant de l’Europa meridional característic del primer terç del segle xi considerant com a tema central la reaparició de la volta, un element que li va permetre establir a partir de les seves modalitats una classificació estructural, cronològica i geogràfica.41 Amb aquesta teoria, Puig situava l’art romànic català al món, donant al mateix temps contingut erudit a la seva lluita nacional clara i oberta per definir arquitectònicament els orígens del seu propi país. A partir d’unes característiques concretes (les petites arcades mal anomenades llombardes, l’aparell i la coberta amb volta de pedra), va establir una seqüència que venint de les zones orientals de Moldàvia i els Balcans es consolidaria al nord d’Itàlia i a Catalunya, per anar després avançant cap al nord d’Europa, on s’havien consolidat des del segle x la tradició de l’arquitectura otoniana42 i les tradi cions de l’època carolíngia precedent.43

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L’arquitectura religiosa de començament del segle xi és particularment interessant en la mesura que, acabades les grans construccions preromàniques de la segona meitat del segle x, quan el morter encara estava fresc i les pintures tot just completades, els patrons de l’Església i els qui tenien els mitjans econòmics necessaris ja es plantejaven de fer millor una societat que en menys de cinquanta anys es proposava reconstruir catedrals, monestirs i tota mena d’esglésies, tal com ho constatava, poc després de l’any mil, l’historiador de Cluny, Raoul Glaber, quan observava que l’Occident s’estava cobrint d’un «blanc mantell d’esglésies». Dins de l’àmbit teòric del primer art romànic meridional, ha tingut una fortuna especial el paper que s’ha atribuït als mestres llombards.44 Recordem la utilització historiogràfica que s’ha fet de l’existència, un segle més tard encara, d’un contracte datat l’any 1175 per al cobriment del temple i altres construccions de la catedral de la Seu d’Urgell per part d’un mestre anomenat Ramon, dit Lambard, i la proposta recent de veure en l’apel·lació «lambard» un sinònim de constructor.45 Durant molt de temps s’ha mantingut la teoria —segons el meu punt de vista errònia—46 de grups de picapedrers itinerants, molt celebrats, que, provinents de la Llombardia, haurien recorregut el nord de la península Ibèrica, el sud de França i haurien arribat fins al nord d’Europa.47 Recentment, Joan Duran-Porta ha tornat a tractar la qüestió argumentant des de diversos punts de vista que el terme «lambard» a Catalunya era sinònim de constructor i que no tenia res a veure amb els suposats mestres itinerants que haurien vingut de la Llombardia per a construir esglésies durant la primera meitat del segle xi: una de les «certeses historiogràfiques» més incertes, si no totalment inexistents.48 Sense moure’ns del segle xi, en aquesta extensió geogràfica europea meridional, establerta a partir dels exemples arquitectònics conservats que passen pel centre i el nord d’Itàlia, la Provença, Catalunya i les valls del Roine i del Saona, trobem una arquitectura amb trets comuns, una decoració més o menys fixa caracteritzada per la presència d’elements com són els petits arcs incorporats en fris o les franges verticals.49 Certament, el primer art romànic no és un fenomen que se cenyeixi a l’expansió llombarda dels mestres Comacini;50 hem de considerar la pervivència d’una tradició romana anterior,51 enriquida per la presència de la cultura musulmana a la península Ibèrica,52 els contactes amb Bizanci a Itàlia i l’herència del món carolingi i després otonià a la Borgonya.53 En aquest període, es pot constatar la força creixent del moviment cultural monàstic perceptible sobretot gràcies a la figura d’Oliba, abat de Ripoll, de Sant Miquel de Cuixà o Sant Pere de Fenollet i Santa Maria d’Arles del Tec, seguint la voluntat cluniacenca de reagrupar sota un sol abat diverses abadies per a convertir en més eficaç la renovació. El seu mandat va impulsar una política arquitectònica activa i d’encàrrecs d’obres sumptuàries. En canvi, sota la vinculació directa de Cluny es van construir a Ca-

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talunya pocs edificis i es pot dir que la influència arquitectònica exercida per les grans construccions cluniacenques paradoxalment és, tant durant el segle xi com després al llarg del xii, gairebé inexistent a Catalunya;54 un fet sorprenent si es té en compte la importància de Cluny i el seu pes cultural, polític i religiós.55 L’arquitectura religiosa de l’abat Oliba ha estat recentment objecte d’una nova reflexió de conjunt, a més de la revisió de molts casos concrets per part de Gerardo Boto.56 Plantejaments topogràfics i observacions pun tuals han portat aquest autor a matisar la influència romana voluntària per part d’Oliba insistint en els contactes amb regions més septentrionals al mateix temps que insistia en els pocs coneixements que tenim sobre l’arquitectura dels monestirs, tret dels espais eclesials. Al claustre de Sant Cugat, Boto proposa intuir les estructures arquitectòniques d’una litúrgia processional, mentre que a Cuixà suggereix una nova interpretació sense les obertures a l’exterior que sempre s’han suposat a la capçalera de la basílica del segle x, observació que porta a la suposició d’una capçalera sota l’abat Garí, ja al segle x, amb set absis. Això implicaria que Oliba hauria creat una circulació litúrgica que hauria envoltat completament la capçalera tancada del segle x. La capçalera olibana de Ripoll, segons l’autor, amb arguments fins, es referiria més a models septentrionals que a la tradició de Sant Pere de Roma, vist que aquesta no tenia en efecte set absis sortits com a Ripoll. En canvi, el sistema de naus sí que vindria d’una herència romana, mentre que les estructures circulars de Cuixà i de Vic, situades a l’oest, evocarien prototips prestigiosos de caire mariològic amb connotacions funeràries. Molts són els edificis conservats d’aquest període a Catalunya que, generalment, s’han beneficiat d’estudis concrets. Sant Vicenç de Cardona, que Eduard Junyent va qualificar com «un dels models més acabats i característics d’una època», és el que ha accedit al rang historiogràfic d’emblema del primer estil romànic, gràcies a una bona distribució dels espais i a una volta que s’ha arribat a considerar atrevida.57 L’aparell mural, tant el constructiu com el decoratiu, és característic, com ho és la relació de volums a l’interior i a l’exterior. Cardona és el millor exemple de qualitat arquitectònica que Puig i Cadafalch va estudiar i que el francès Henri Focillon va difondre.58 Per a la definició formalista de l’art romànic que va construir, Henri Focillon considerava que l’aspecte més característic de l’església de Cardona era la distribució dels volums a l’exterior. Certament, si l’espai interior està molt treballat a nivell de la llum i de l’estructura dels diferents elements arquitectònics, a l’exterior els volums prenen tot el protagonisme. Un element com el transsepte, que a nivell de planta queda pràcticament dissimulat, pren una gran força dins de la configuració exterior de l’edifici, marcant clarament la creu llatina de la planta. L’exterior no és tan sols una transcripció fidel dels espais litúrgics de l’interior, sinó que transmet de manera molt evident la preocupació dels mestres romànics per l’equilibri estruc-

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tural de l’edifici, recolzant les voltes les unes sobre les altres. En aquest sentit, l’aspecte massís de l’edifici, sobretot a l’interior, és volgut o, més ben dit, necessari. El sobreaixecament de la nau central i l’alçada general de l’edifici obligaven a bastir uns contundents elements de suport (murs i pilars) i alhora feien que les naus laterals haguessin de ser més estretes, actuant com a contrafort. Per acabar d’equilibrar les forces, cada tram d’aquestes naus laterals es va subdividir en tres espais més petits coberts amb voltes d’aresta. Tota aquesta articulació va provocar, visualment, una verticalitat infreqüent en l’arquitectura romànica catalana. La il·luminació de l’església de Cardona és original i es fa combinant una entrada de llum directa amb una d’indirecta que ajuda a modelar els volums interiors de l’edifici. Les obertures que permeten l’accés directe de la llum a la nau principal són les finestres superiors d’aquesta mateixa nau (potser una de les modificacions respecte al projecte inicial) i les finestres de l’absis i de la façana. La llum indirecta es filtra a través de les finestres de les naus laterals, de la cúpula del creuer i dels extrems del transsepte. No és la manera habitual d’il·luminar una església romànica, que generalment no presenta obertures a la nau central. En aquest cas (igual que per exemple a Santa Eulàlia de Fullà, al Conflent), la sobreelevació d’aquesta nau, que tampoc és un fet gaire corrent, permet obrir un accés de llum directe a l’espai principal de l’edifici. El paper arquitectònic, l’originalitat i la importància de l’església de Sant Martí del Canigó han estat promoguts recentment amb una clara tendència a donar a aquest edifici una importància major que la que fins ara se li havia donat. La construcció en un lloc difícil dels dos nivells de l’església d’aquest monestir en els primers decennis del segle xi va fer que les tendències del moment fossin assumides però de manera original, com la presència de set capelles amb altars que, en comptes d’arrenglerar-les a la capçalera, com a Ripoll, van ser distribuïdes en diferents nivells, mentre que la nau inferior assumia les funcions de cripta amb una estructura molt original i capçalera tripartida.59 També reclamen l’atenció edificis importants dins de l’arquitectura del segle xi, com la canònica d’Àger, que mostra en un sol conjunt monumental alhora les possibilitats i els límits que presentava el primer art romànic meridional. Aquests dues esglésies contrasten amb la basílica monàstica de Sant Pere de Rodes, on la superposició d’ordres i una particular capçalera evidencien un origen dins d’una tradició d’arrel clàssica que durant el segle xi va haver de conviure amb les propostes romàniques locals i amb les seves innovacions i modes.60 Després de la mort de l’abat Oliba, trobem esglésies com la de Sant Jaume de Frontanyà, amb una organització de façana d’aspecte monumental, la de Sant Martí Sescorts, que presenta similituds amb l’anterior, o el monestir de Sant Llorenç del Munt, bon exemple basilical de planta rectangular.

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La lliçó comparativa de les esglésies monàstiques de Ripoll i de Cuixà En acostar-se l’any mil, aquests dos monestirs acabaven d’inaugurar no feia gaires anys dues esglésies excepcionals per les seves dimensions i per l’envergadura del projecte que no tenien cap problema físic ni havien patit cap incendi recent. L’abat Oliba era un abat constructor comparable en tants aspectes a altres grans prelats europeus del moment,61 i va decidir reconstruir-les per una qüestió de prestigi i de gust, per integrar un nou estil que ràpidament estava fent envellir l’art preromànic. Cap d’aquests monestirs necessitava una església més gran ni pel servei de la comunitat monàstica ni per la utilització pública que se’n feia. Però la seva actitud de constructor va ser diferent en ambdós casos. Els edificis preromànics de Cuixà i de Ripoll eren dels més espectaculars de l’arquitectura preromànica a Catalunya, però l’abat Oliba no podia ni volia quedar-se al marge de les novetats arquitectòniques i va ordenar reconstruir-los. A Ripoll, va tirar-ho tot a terra per aixecar una nova església; a Cuixà, potser va considerar que l’envergadura del monument, el lloc on estava i l’evolució de la història interna d’aquell conjunt en relació amb l’entorn monumental no justificaven una demolició i reconstrucció; a menys que no fos només una voluntat ideològica. A Cuixà, em sembla que va intentar un acte més simbòlic encara: conservar l’església tal com era i envoltar la part més sagrada, l’absis, amb una capçalera feta amb el nou estil, com una mena de corona arquitectònica per enaltir encara més la fidelitat al passat conservant les arrels del lloc amb tota llur elevació. Al mateix temps, la va dotar de dos campanars que havien de marcar el paisatge monumental sagrat, que s’havien d’imposar a tota la regió, i hi va afegir a l’oest un edifici de planta centrada posat damunt d’una cripta, molt a la moda en aquell moment, que va dedicar respectivament a la Trinitat i a la Mare de Déu. A Cuixà i a Ripoll, les dues esglésies són molt properes cronològicament, en les seves dues fases arquitectòniques més conegudes. Les basíliques preromàniques van ser consagrades respectivament el 974 i el 977, i no pot ser que els constructors de dos grans edificis consagrats amb tres anys de diferència no s’estiguin observant mentre estan construint. Les dues basíliques del primer romànic, consagrades el 1040 i el 1032, respectivament, de ben segur que també eren objecte de grans debats sobretot tenint un mateix patró. La decisió de tornar a aixecar dos edificis que tenien aleshores poc més de cinquanta anys de vida va ser presa pel mateix home, l’abat Oliba, el qual, d’altra banda, no tardaria, esdevingut bisbe de Vic, a prendre una decisió anàloga en aquesta ciutat reconstruint i consagrant el 1038 la catedral de Sant Pere malgrat l’existència d’un grup episcopal anterior que encara s’utilitzava el 1017. A Ripoll, l’estat actual de la investigació no ens permet de dir si a la basílica del 1032 s’hi va conservar algu-

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na cosa de l’estructura de la precedent. La problemàtica se centra en com es va produir l’ampliació, és a dir, fins a quin punt es van aprofitar les estructures ja existents. Junyent parlava d’una ampliació de la capçalera, amb transsepte i set absis, i de la façana, amb dues torres. Aquesta estructura de capçalera amb tres absis alineats a cada braç del transsepte i un de major coronant la nau central confirma la unitat i l’equilibri del projecte. D’altra banda, l’amplitud de la nau central no impedeix pensar en la reutilització d’estructures preromàniques. Un altre element que ha estat discutit és el tipus de coberta que havia tingut l’edifici en època d’Oliba. Si Junyent era partidari de mantenir la coberta de fusta fins al segle xii, la coexistència palesada per Puig i Cadafalch de cobertes de fusta i pedra en l’arquitectura del primer romànic fa pensar que el cobriment de la nau amb una volta de canó hauria estat una de les intervencions fetes per l’abat a principis del segle xi. Recentment, s’ha insistit en el caràcter polític i simbòlic de la basílica de Ripoll del segle xi, reflectit ja en l’acta de consagració. Imma Lorés i Carles Mancho han examinat de nou les fotografies de l’edifici anteriors a la intervenció de Rogent i han arribat a la conclusió que part de l’edifici anterior a Oliba fou conservat en la reconstrucció d’un edifici en el qual les obres d’ampliació no s’havien aturat.62 L’abat Oliba —si continuem pensant que era ell qui prenia les decisions de simbolisme arquitectònic— hauria decidit de passar de cinc absis —bé que no sabem si aquest era el nombre d’absis del Ripoll preromànic— a set, ali neant-los arran del transsepte, un fet que s’ha interpretat com el reflex d’una clara voluntat unitària i programàtica de reproduir d’alguna manera la planta de la capçalera del monument més prestigiós del cristianisme occidental: la basílica de Sant Pere de Roma. He insistit personalment en la voluntat romana de l’arquitectura promoguda per Oliba com un exemple concret de la mirada cap a Roma que obsessionava els constructors de l’època romànica.63 Oliba havia anat a Roma almenys dues vegades quan encara era només abat, el 1011 i el 1016. Esdevingut bisbe de Vic, de ben segur que hi va tornar més d’una vegada. A Ripoll, la seva abadia, cap al 1032, va decidir inspirar una construcció que mirava cap a la capçalera del temple més simbòlic del cristianisme romà: la basílica de Sant Pere. A Vic, sis anys més tard, va fer construir una església circular dedicada a la Mare de Déu amb la qual va voler recordar directament cap al 1038 el cèlebre edifici circular que després d’haver estat el prestigiós Panteó romà va passar a ser una església que el papa Bonifaci IV havia dedicat a la Mare de Déu i a tots els sants el 13 de maig de 609 amb el nom de Santa Maria dels Màrtirs. Oliba no tenia probablement els mitjans econòmics per a transportar de Roma a Ripoll i a Vic tots els materials antics necessaris per a la construcció de les seves prestigioses basíliques. Amb intel·ligència, va fer servir, per raons d’economia però també probablement ideològiques, les maneres de construir locals, els materials i els

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L’arquitectura religiosa d’època romànica a Catalunya (segles xi-xiii): balanç i notes crítiques

mestres d’obra autòctons, al servei d’una idea i una política romanes que va saber plasmar en les formes arquitectòniques. En aquell moment, el prestigi de Roma no era només el de les basíliques paleocristianes d’època constantiniana, el de les tombes dels sants i dels màrtirs; era també, i sobretot, el del treball artístic antic, el de l’arquitectura colossal del Panteó o del Colosseu i més encara el d’aquells monuments que associaven els símbols de la història al prestigi de la creació arquitectònica i artística: l’Arc de Constantí o les columnes historiades de Trajà o de Marc Aureli, per exemple. A Vic, davant la catedral, he proposat que Oliba hauria volgut treure inspiració del Panteó romà, dins el marc d’un programa arquitectònic ideològic i polític64 que corresponia a una tendència general de les elits del moment.65

Recerques sobre les catedrals de la Seu d’Urgell, Girona i Vic Les catedrals són els monuments religiosos més importants de la Catalunya medieval i de l’edat mitjana en general, tant per la seva presència a la ciutat com per la riquesa creativa que van generar.66 A les catedrals, es van elaborar les principals formes arquitectòniques religioses en cada moment de l’edat mitjana.67 Malgrat la importància que tenen en l’estudi de l’art medieval, només recentment s’han beneficiat de recerques monogràfiques68 i ara disposem d’excavacions més exhaustives de catedrals —a Vic i a Girona principalment— que permeten conèixer millor els aspectes formals i constructius dels períodes precedents a l’edifici actual. Fins fa pocs anys, el temple catedralici de Santa Maria de la Seu d’Urgell era l’únic testimoni que ens permetia conèixer globalment com eren els conjunts episcopals d’època romànica a Catalunya. En època altmedieval, el temple principal es va dedicar a santa Maria, i les altres dues esglésies a sant Miquel i a sant Pere i sant Andreu. El conjunt tenia també una església dedicada a santa Eulàlia. Després de l’any mil, l’església de Sant Miquel es consagrava de nou l’any 1035, i Sant Pere i Santa Maria ho feien el 1040, després d’haver estat completament reformades, obres que es van perllongar al llarg del segle xi, segons demostren les deixes testamentàries conservades. L’edifici actual de la Seu d’Urgell és, però, un edifici més tardà fruit d’aportacions episcopals i laiques diverses. El contracte que un Ramon, dit Lambard, va signar amb el capítol catedralici el 1175 és un document d’especial importància que especificava que aquest constructor havia de cloure l’obra en set anys i acabar amb fidelitat i sense enganys la coberta de tot el temple i aixecar també els campanars.69 Abans de finals de segle s’havia cobert completament l’edifici i s’avançaven els campanars, que no s’acabarien a causa de la paralització dels treballs l’any 1195 per la pugna entre el bisbe i el comte de Castellbò, que va atacar la ciutat i la catedral.70

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En planta, la catedral de la Seu d’Urgell sembla traçada a partir del prototip d’església monumental romànica. Té una planta basilical amb tres naus tallades per un gran transsepte, com el que trobem a Sant Miquel de Cuixà o a Santa Maria de Ripoll, i una capçalera formada per cinc absis semicirculars. El creuer, que s’havia de rematar a banda i banda amb sengles torres que van restar inacabades, té uns murs tan gruixuts que els absis laterals hi queden inscrits, de manera que gràcies a la importància de l’espai presbiteral l’absis central sobresurt i pren tot el protagonisme. La nau central està coberta amb volta de canó, reforçada amb arcs torals que arrenquen d’una cornisa que recorre la nau sostinguda damunt permòdols, les naus laterals amb voltes de creueria, els braços del transsepte amb volta de canó sense arcs torals i el creuer amb una cúpula formada per una volta de creueria amb grans nervis. L’element més espectacular de l’exterior de la catedral és la seva capçalera, sobretot l’absis central. Unes mitges columnes adossades, derivades de les lesenes del primer romànic, articulen l’absis, que presenta tres grans finestres amb arcs en gradació i una interessantíssima galeria superior, clarament deutora de models italians. Aquesta galeria, amb arcuacions de mig punt, atorga a l’absis una gran transparència i monumentalitat, i alhora il·lumina el transsepte. La catedral de la Seu d’Urgell documenta una tendència general de l’arquitectura religiosa medieval que progressivament unifica l’espai de culte, allà on en època altmedieval es tendia a multiplicar els espais i les esglésies en un mateix recinte. A la Seu d’Urgell, l’església principal de Santa Maria estava rodejada de quatre altres esglésies que un estudi recent ha relacionat amb grans llocs de pelegrinatge.71 La catedral de Girona era un edifici molt mal conegut pel que fa als períodes anteriors al gòtic. Primer les excavacions i després la tesi doctoral i els diversos articles de Marc Sureda han aportat molta llum nova sobre la catedral romànica de Girona i els seus precedents gràcies a les restes físiques detectades en el sector, que Sureda ha anat combinant amb nombroses notícies procedents de la documentació escrita i amb l’estudi comparatiu. En la tesi, un apartat historiogràfic posa en relleu les diferents opinions sobre la història de la catedral i dels seus edificis d’ençà del segle xvii. El conjunt d’època romana consistia en la plaça religiosa del fòrum de la ciutat. Com que els segles de l’antiguitat tardana i l’alta edat mitjana no deixaren rastre físic identificable, el següent conjunt arquitectònic avui revelat és el de la catedral del segle xi (iniciada vers el 1010), que Sureda ha detallat en cadascuna de les seves parts així com en els seus aspectes generals (implantació, tècnica constructiva i decoració).72 A Girona, la catedral consagrada el 1038 presentava un cos massiu a l’occident que ara coneixem gràcies a les excavacions i als textos litúrgics. Tenia una planta simètrica, amb un cos central de l’amplada de la nau flanquejat de dos cossos laterals, quasi quadrats. Era un conjunt monumental que jugava el paper d’una torre d’entrada potser amb dos ni-

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vells. L’edifici tenia una nau única d’onze metres i mig d’amplada interior i menys de vint metres d’alçada. Tenia un transsepte de braços poc sortits i una capçalera poc coneguda però que se suposa que, com a Vic, estava formada per un absis únic, gran i molt sortit. A Vic, després de la publicació de la meva monografia sobre la catedral,73 la descoberta d’una planta del segle xvii a l’Arxiu Municipal de Mataró junt amb les noves proves aportades per les excavacions arqueològiques practicades al transsepte han permès d’entendre millor la planta de la catedral. El transsepte és recte i els absis laterals, de planta quadrada, són poc profunds i integrats en els murs.74 Una altra aportació important dels darrers anys han estat les excavacions davant de la basílica de Sant Pere que han retrobat la rotonda dedicada a santa Maria, que Oliba va consagrar el 1038 en un lloc en el qual no s’ha trobat cap edifici de culte cristià precedent, però sí una necròpolis. Era un edifici petit, de deu metres i mig de diàmetre amb absis, que va ser reconstruït i ampliat al segle xii, promogut per Guillem Bofill a partir del 1140, amb un diàmetre intern de vint-i-cinc metres i una cripta central de petit format situada dins de l’absis de la basílica anterior.75

Tipologia de les estructures Josep Puig i Cadafalch en el seu tractat, com a bon historia dor de l’arquitectura, va classificar sovint els monuments en funció de la tipologia de les seves estructures. Del seu estudi han quedat moltes certeses, però també zones d’ombra, deixades en espera d’estudis futurs. Potser més abandonat està encara a Catalunya, ara com ara, l’estudi documental i arqueològic de les obres, de l’organització del treball i dels aspectes tècnics orientats cap a la història social de l’arquitectura.76 Evocant els estudis sobre la catedral de Girona ja m’he aturat en les novetats pel que fa al cos occidental de l’edifici,77 que Francesca Español havia intuït estudiant aquesta realitat a Catalunya;78 unes novetats a les quals l’arqueologia presta major atenció des de fa un temps.79 Un altre dels terrenys conceptuals en els quals l’arquitectura del segle xi a Catalunya es va esplaiar és el de les criptes monumentals, amb exemples remarcables a Cuixà i a Vic, i la difusió del tipus de cripta sala des dels primers decennis del segle xi.80 En aquest camp, una de les incògnites majors pel que fa a les criptes és la de la basílica de Ripoll, i això des de les observacions d’Elies Rogent. En aquest sentit, s’ha afirmat que la tipologia de l’edifici hauria de comportar una cripta, afirmació que es basa en la interpretació d’alguna nota històrica del segle xix que marcava la presència de tombes d’abats sota el paviment. En realitat, les excavacions realitzades a la part del presbiteri no han donat resultats favorables en aquest sentit, si bé podem suposar que la hipotètica cripta podia situar-se en una posició més avançada, dins la nau de l’església. De fet, existeix una cavitat subterrània voltada sota la nau

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principal, bé que el seu accés és molt difícil.81 Elies Rogent ja havia assenyalat aquesta cripta en els seus alçats. Caldria fer noves prospeccions en l’espai de les tres naus, més enllà de les excavacions fetes sota el creuer i la capçalera. Entre els elements més característics i també més populars del romànic català figuren els campanars, que també servien per a la vigilància i defensa de la mateixa església i de les poblacions i així mateix constituïen un veritable símbol identitari. A mesura que avança el període romànic, cada vegada les estructures són menys massisses i més esveltes. El tipus de campanar de planta quadrada amb quatre o més pisos i finestres coronades amb un arc de mig punt es va consolidar durant la primera meitat del segle xi.82 A Santa Maria de Ripoll, per exemple, els dos campanars se situaven a banda i banda de la façana de l’edifici. A Sant Miquel de Cuixà, dos campanars se situen als extrems del creuer, i a la catedral de Vic, en canvi, només n’hi ha un, tot i que, pel que diuen algunes descripcions antigues, és possible que se n’haguessin previst dos flanquejant el transsepte. El campanar romànic de la seu de Girona és un dels exemples principals d’aquest model amb planta quadrada i alçat cúbic, dividit en diferents nivells decorats amb lesenes i arcuacions cegues, amb finestres canviants a la part baixa o alta del cos. Presenta set nivells separats per frisos d’arcuacions amb els dos nivells més baixos pràcticament cecs. El campanar de Sant Pere de Vic ja està documentat l’any 1059; és d’aparell petit i regular i està situat al costat nord de la catedral, prop de la porta de Sant Joan del transsepte. Una planta conservada del segle xvi mostra que el campanar era un element exempt de l’edifici principal, i només s’hi comunicava a través d’un petit pas. Aquesta solució no és única, sinó que també la trobem, per exemple, a Sant Miquel de Fluvià.

Arquitectura religiosa i litúrgia Un altre dels aspectes fonamentals amb el qual els darrers anys s’ha trencat el gel en els estudis d’arquitectura reli giosa és el de la relació entre la forma, la tipologia arquitectònica i la funció,83 seguint en això una tendència que a fora s’havia iniciat amb reflexions sobre la litúrgia processional carolíngia,84 i s’ha enriquit més recentment amb els estudis d’Eric Palazzo, sovint en contacte amb realitats de la Catalunya medieval.85 Diverses contribucions han estat promogudes per la Societat Catalana d’Estudis Litúrgics86 i noves reflexions han donat protagonisme a la importància de les reflexions monàstiques sobre la Trinitat en l’elaboració del programa arquitectònic preromànic i romànic de la basílica de Sant Miquel de Cuixà.87 Dins el marc d’aquestes reflexions, les relacions entre les sepultures privilegiades i l’arquitectura,88 entre altars i arquitectura89 i entre claustres i espai eclesial90 són estimulants com a objecte d’estudi per entendre millor el funcionament de l’arquitectura en època romànica. El treball que Marc Sureda acaba de dedicar a una visita pas-

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toral del 1388 a la catedral de Vic il·lustra tot el que es pot treure d’aquests documents tardans per entendre l’edifici romànic i les seves funcions litúrgiques quan, com a Vic, conservava, a l’interior de la seu, la major part de les seves característiques originals que es remunten al segle xi.91 Cada vegada hauria de ser més difícil d’estudiar l’arquitectura religiosa medieval sense fer abans una reflexió sobre la litúrgia en cada cas.92 Un estudi recent sobre la catedral de la Seu d’Urgell ha relacionat la topografia urbana i la catedral amb les seves esglésies amb els llocs sants de peregrinació i la litúrgia estacional, demostrant que no és possible entendre les relacions entre els diversos edificis de culte d’un conjunt arquitectònic sense saber com s’utilitzaven.93 Però a vegades els historiadors s’equivoquen metodològicament quan s’obliden que l’arquitectura religiosa té uns imperatius econòmics i tècnics que van més enllà de la litúrgia.94

La transició del segle xi al xii Durant la segona meitat del segle xi, es van acabar les grans obres que s’havien començat abans del 1050 i es va continuar aquell procés de renovació i reconstrucció d’edificis eclesiàstics i monàstics que havia caracteritzat el que encara s’anomena primer romànic. Al llarg dels darrers decennis del segle xx, s’ha anat desenvolupant una tendència historiogràfica dins el marc dels estudis sobre l’art medieval en la qual s’han exagerat els efectes de la Reforma de l’Església, coneguda com a Reforma Gregoriana, pel nom del papa Gregori VII, mort el 1085, ampliant-la en alguns casos a tota la producció artística religiosa del període i fins i tot a regions geogràficament molt allunyades de la Roma del papat reformador del segle xi tardà;95 en molts casos, sortint del marc conceptual de les imatges i de la figuració per entrar en el de l’arquitectura religiosa entesa com un discurs.96 A Catalunya, l’absència de grans obres figuratives monumentals d’aquest període directament relacionades amb Roma fa que la qüestió s’hagi de plantejar en els termes més generals i menys limitats cronològicament de la voluntat de reapropiar-se de l’antic en la creació arquitectònica i artística d’un moment que en cap cas es limita a finals del segle xi i inicis del xii.97 Aquesta qüestió està relacionada amb l’altre gran aspecte de l’edat mitjana romànica: els pelegrinatges i l’arquitectura religiosa.98 A Catalunya, la qüestió dels camins de Santiago99 no planteja problemes arquitectònics de filia ció o de dependència com en altres llocs i, en tot cas, no poden competir amb el pelegrinatge a Roma.100 També a partir de la segona meitat del segle xi es va anar produint un procés d’expansió dels ordes monàstics a Catalunya, i especialment dels canònics, més enllà del gran moment del monaquisme benedictí. Aquest fenomen, que es va iniciar sobretot al monestir de Santa Maria de Vilabertran, tenia com a base indiscutible la reforma canònica de Sant Ruf d’Avinyó. El mateix sant Oleguer,

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que havia estat prior d’aquesta canònica, seria un impulsor de la Reforma a Catalunya en esdevenir bisbe de Barcelona i en restablir la metropolitana de Tarragona. El fet que moltes parròquies fossin reconvertides en canòniques o en priorats va afavorir sens dubte la renovació de l’arquitectura. Aquesta profusió continua durant el segle xii, en què s’anaren establint a Catalunya nous ordes religiosos que bastiren les seves pròpies construccions. L’any 1110 arribava l’orde de l’Hospital, i el 1130 i el 1150 ho feien el del Temple i el del Sant Sepulcre. Els mestres constructors que durant les primeres dècades del segle xi havien treballat a Catalunya participant en la renovació i la reconstrucció de les grans seus havien fet escola i continuaven treballant, bé en la continuació d’aquestes obres, bé en la reforma d’altres esglésies que no havien sofert aquest procés amb anterioritat. Aquest moviment de reconstruccions s’estenia des dels comtats dels territoris més orientals cap a les zones pirinenques, i a continuació va avançar cap a la part occidental del país, cap a aquelles terres acabades de conquerir als musulmans. En alguns casos, aquesta renovació significava construir de nou, enderrocant les estructures anteriors, però en altres ocasions l’edifici existent tan sols era modificat en part. El país, doncs, s’obria a noves terres que calia cristianitzar i reactivar econòmicament i social. Els territoris conquerits als musulmans van esdevenir un espai verge per a la construcció de catedrals i monestirs, d’esglésies i capelles, o per a la reconversió d’antigues mesquites, com en el cas de la Seu Vella de Lleida. A tota aquesta efervescència arquitectònica, cal afegirhi encara el gran moviment de renovació i reforma ecle siàstica de la segona meitat del segle, endegat sobretot des de França i Itàlia, que feia que s’establissin lligams més o menys estrets amb els monestirs de fora. Lògicament, la reforma constructiva es va propagar en els comtats més propers al Rosselló, com Besalú, Empúries o Girona. Allà, el tipus de construcció basilical, sobretot de nau única, amb transsepte o sense, va rebre un nou impuls. Al bisbat d’Urgell, les velles esglésies no havien estat reformades pràcticament des del segle x, de manera que el moviment de renovació va prendre-hi una força especial, tenint com a obra més emblemàtica la construcció de la nova catedral, que adoptava les formes ja conegudes de la planta basilical amb una sola nau, transsepte i una capçalera més aviat simple. A la zona de la vall de Boí, també va arribar aquesta tipologia d’edifici, tot i que en algunes construccions es va mantenir encara la coberta de fusta a doble vessant sostinguda per columnes, segurament per una qüestió simplement de manca de recursos per a afrontar el cost d’una volta de pedra. A les regions interiors de Catalunya, se seguia amb la tradició del primer romànic, incloent-hi alguns elements nous com ara unes primeres temptatives de volta apuntada, una major presència de la decoració escultòrica o la utilització de columnes adossades en pilars, absis o flanquejant les porta-

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des. A la monumentalitat del primer romànic, s’hi afegia el component decoratiu i la riquesa de l’escultura, obra d’artistes molt vinculats al Rosselló, però que també observaven l’escultura tolosana. És en aquest sentit que s’ha parlat de l’eclecticisme del canvi de segle, en què l’arquitectura catalana s’obria a un ampli ventall d’influències que ja anunciaven el panorama de l’arquitectura religiosa catalana del segle xii. Un bon exemple de la diversitat de solucions que aquest eclecticisme propiciava són les tres esglésies de Besalú, pertanyents a un moment més o menys contemporani, però d’aspecte ben diferent: Santa Maria, amb la seva gran qualitat d’arquitectura i d’escultura que ha aixecat tants debats sobre la seva cronologia; l’església parroquial de Sant Vicenç, amb una planta arcaïtzant de tres naus,101 i Sant Pere, amb girola de columnes i capitells com si volgués reflectir el que es feia a determinades regions de França.102 A Santa Maria, les excavacions han permès d’entendre la implantació de l’església anterior al 1000, amb tres naus i tres absis, i de quina manera s’organitza la seqüència arqueològica.103 Pel que fa a les grans obres, en general l’arquitectura d’aquells anys dóna testimoni d’obertura a l’exterior; potser cap a Itàlia a la Seu d’Urgell, cap a les formes provençals a Sant Cugat del Vallès i cap a Tolosa a la catedral de Solsona. A partir de les provatures de la primera meitat del segle xi, s’havia anat creant una tipologia d’edifici de planta basilical amb una o tres naus cobertes amb volta de canó a la nau central i de mig canó a les laterals. El model de capçalera de tres absis amb transsepte obert a una sola nau era cada vegada menys freqüent, tot i que tardanament se’n van construir alguns exemples com a l’església del monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses. Els pilars, que acostumaven a ser d’esquema rectangular, anaven prenent cada cop més una forma crucífera, i recollien amb columnetes adossades les arcades decoratives dels absis i les voltes. Els creuers podien ser més o menys evidents. Pel que fa a l’aspecte extern de l’edifici, les arcuacions cegues eren el principal element decoratiu, sobretot en els absis, però anaven donant pas a columnes adossades i mènsules sota frisos de dents de serra. Els campanars mantenien també l’estructura anterior, però eren cada vegada més esvelts. La validesa dels models estructurals creats pràcticament un segle abans es palesa en casos com el de l’església de Santa Maria de Besalú, on sembla que al segle xii es va fer una reforma de la capçalera, però es van mantenir les tres naus de l’església consagrada el 1055. Si aquesta hipòtesi fos certa, no seria l’únic exemple a Catalunya, ja que trobem intervencions similars a Santa Maria de Serrabona o a Santa Maria de Cornellà de Conflent, per exemple. D’entre les novetats aportades per l’arquitectura francesa, a més de l’aspecte més decoratiu de l’element escultòric, podem esmentar, per exemple, les absidioles encastades dins del gruix dels murs. Esglésies com la nova catedral de la Seu d’Urgell o Sant Pere de Besalú són bones mostres d’aquesta influència.

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Des de finals del segle xi, d’altra banda, es va anar evidenciant un treball molt més acurat de la pedra, de la mà de mestres picapedrers coneixedors del seu ofici. Els carreus eren més grans i més ben escairats, i l’aparell es disposava de manera molt ordenada. La polidesa en la tècnica del tall permetia l’elaboració d’elements arquitectònics decoratius (cornises, columnes adossades, impostes) que a poc a poc van anar enriquint la monumentalitat de l’edifici basilical configurat al segle xi. Aquests elements ornamentals, que primer eren molt simples, cada vegada aniran evolucionant cap a formes més complexes, fins a arribar als grans capitells i timpans figurats de la segona meitat del segle xii i del segle xiii. En aquest camp, tindrien molta importància els claustres dels monestirs, amb les seves galeries i dobles columnes de sustentació de les arcades, que oferien grans possibilitats per al desenvolupament de l’escultura ornamental pròpiament dita. Un altre element vingut de fora és la capçalera amb girola o deambulatori, que es va utilitzar en obres com Sant Joan de les Abadesses, Sant Pere de Besalú o el monestir de Poblet i que està inspirada directament en models francesos dels segles xi i xii, bé que a Catalunya no va prosperar.

L’arquitectura tardana d’estil romànic (segles xii-xiii) El romànic tardà es desplega a Catalunya —cal recordarho insistentment— en ple període gòtic. L’arquitectura romànica de mitjan i de la segona meitat del segle xii, tant a Catalunya com en altres llocs, es caracteritza pel desplegament de grans façanes esculpides que obeeixen a una estricta composició arquitectònica. A Catalunya, el sentit triomfal de la portalada de Ripoll queda subratllat per la forma i la composició de l’arquitectura del frontis esculpit, ja que no sols es mostra com una imitació calcada d’un arc de triomf clàssic, sinó que revela per part dels constructors un coneixement tan profund d’aquest tipus de monument que els permet organitzar el conjunt en dos nivells superposats, remarcats per l’esglaonament de dues columnes a cada cantonada i coronats per un fris continu. La comparació amb la decoració del reliquiari carolingi en forma d’arc triomfal ofert per Eginard a l’abadia de Sant Servasi de Maastricht posa de manifest el simbolisme triomfal, ja que en ambdós casos el registre superior apareix ocupat per una imatge del triomf de Crist que domina les figures dels personatges històrics que han anunciat, preparat o contribuït al fet que es compleixi a la terra el regne de Crist. Es tracta d’una versió cristiana dels programes romans destinats a la glorificació imperial.104 A la Provença, per exemple, un monument excepcional domina l’estructura arquitectònica de les façanes del segle xii: la façana de Sant Gèli del Gard. Tres portalades decorades amb estàtues i relleus que vessen iconografia i envaeixen la façana, enriquides amb pilars, pòrtics i columnes, constitueixen un coherent conjunt lligat a un programa arquitectònic i iconogràfic meticulosament planificat,

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l’estil del qual ha influenciat molts aspectes de l’art romànic tardà mediterrani. A la veïna metròpoli d’Arle, es duu a terme durant el mateix període una altra obra de gran magnitud: la portalada occidental de Sant Tròfim, adossada a la façana, presenta una estructura semblant a la de Sant Gèli, però reduïda a una única porta. Hi trobem una composició a base d’arquitraus i fris que es completa amb l’element d’una columnata intercalada d’estàtues, com una mena d’homenatge monumental religiós romànic als grans monuments triomfals de l’antiguitat.105 Junt amb l’expansió del Cister, el segle xiii va estar protagonitzat a Catalunya sobretot per les obres de la Seu Vella de Lleida i de la catedral de Tarragona.106 Abans, però, havia arribat l’arquitectura funcional de l’orde del Cister que des de finals de la primera meitat del segle xii s’havia començat a implantar amb la fundació de grans monestirs com Poblet (1149), Santes Creus (1160) o Vallbona de les Monges (1157). La funcionalitat que havia de presidir els edificis cistercencs va fer que es desenvolupessin utilitzant noves solucions tècniques com l’arc apuntat o nous conceptes de distribució dels espais arquitectònics i de sustentació de les cobertes. El Cister, que va jugar un paper essencial en la definició d’un primer gòtic molt caracteritzat,107 va aportar a l’arquitectura catalana no tan sols noves solucions tecnològiques per a la construcció i sustentació dels edificis, com ara l’ús de l’arc apuntat i la volta de creueria, sinó també, i sobretot, noves maneres de concebre i estructurar l’espai arquitectònic. En aquest sentit, els elements arquitectònics concrets no eren res més que el resultat lògic del fet de donar una forma determinada a l’edifici en funció d’unes necessitats també molt precises. Si un monestir necessitava crear un espai de reunió unitari (una sala capitular, les naus de l’església o el celler), calia cercar nous recursos arquitectònics que ho permetessin. L’arquitectura cistercenca era, per damunt de tot, funcional, i per això va arribar a desenvolupar un seguit de solucions tècniques, algunes de les quals tindrien una continuïtat ben palesa dins del període gòtic. A Catalunya, l’arquitectura romànica té una vida molt tardana, fins ben entrat el segle xiii. El tipus d’arquitectura fonamentada en la síntesi entre una tradició estructural romànica i uns elements arquitectònics nous vinguts del gòtic que al nord de França s’havien imposat des dels anys 1145 es va difondre sobretot a través de la construcció d’esglésies parroquials en àmbit rural amb solucions estructurals molt diverses. En general, l’arquitectura religiosa catalana del segle xiii està marcada pel substrat tradicional aconseguit durant la segona meitat del segle xii, tant pel que fa a la concepció espacial i estructural de l’edifici com en allò relatiu a l’aspecte visual de la pròpia arquitectura. El tipus de planta no varia mentre que en l’alçat de les esglésies es va generalitzant l’ús de la forma apuntada, tant en els arcs com en les voltes de canó. Sovint, l’única alteració en una arquitectura que anava continuant el camí dibuixat des del segle anterior era la introducció d’elements diferenciadors des del punt de vista ornamental. Fet i fet, estructu-

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ralment, el pas de la volta de canó de mig punt a l’apuntada no va significar canvis substancials en l’estructuració de les construccions. D’altra banda, la volta apuntada no era tampoc, al segle xiii, un element innovador, si tenim en compte que en trobem per exemple en esglésies com Santa Maria de Colera, construïdes durant les primeres dècades del segle xii. El tipus de planta més habitual va ser la rectangular, amb un absis semicircular o bé pla, tot i que també es va emprar el tipus de planta de creu llatina i, més rarament, la basilical. Les seus de Lleida i Tarragona són les dues grans obres de l’arquitectura del segle xiii i representen alhora el pas d’una arquitectura plenament romànica, els esquemes tipològics de la qual ja s’havien configurat al segle xi, a una arquitectura que començava a utilitzar el llenguatge gòtic. Aquesta pertinença a dos mons diferents ve donada no tan sols pel fet que la seva construcció es va allargar fins al segle xiv, sinó també perquè en un moment ja avançat en què les noves solucions tècniques difoses pel Cister eren ja ben conegudes, els constructors d’aquestes obres van optar per una tipologia antiga, però fortament consolidada i amb resultats contrastats. Alhora, són dos conjunts que mantenen característiques similars, com ara (i sobretot) la seva unitat constructiva, malgrat les possibles varia cions en la seva construcció i a pesar de la combinació d’un substrat arquitectònic romànic i uns elements que ja podem considerar gòtics. D’altra banda, no podem oblidar que van esdevenir dos centres dinamitzadors no tan sols de noves construccions, sinó també d’importants tallers d’escultura. La nova catedral de Tarragona es va començar a construir a finals del segle xii, segons es desprèn de les deixes testamentàries per a aquesta obra que es conserven des de l’any 1167, i cap al 1184 l’absis ja estava acabat. Dins del primer terç del segle xiii, es va consagrar la nova construcció, fet que indica, si més no, un punt avançat de les obres. Com que es va emplaçar en el punt més alt del nucli urbà antic, en el lloc on hi havia hagut el temple romà i el fòrum provincial, el traçat de l’edifici es va haver d’adaptar a un espai limitat i això va condicionar-ne la forma, sobretot pel que fa al claustre. L’església segueix el model habitual de planta basilical de creu llatina, amb tres naus i transsepte ben definit, com a Lleida, que sobresurt respecte a les naus. La capçalera està formada per tres absis semicirculars esglaonats, amb presbiteris profunds, dels quals destaca el central, més ample i profund respecte als corresponents a les naus laterals. El creuer, però, no té els braços simètrics atès l’adossament del claustre al costat nord, i l’absidiola d’aquesta banda tampoc guarda les mateixes proporcions que la seva paral·lela. Les naus es cobreixen amb voltes de creueria amb nervis motllurats i els pilars cruciformes que les sostenen presenten les habituals columnes adossades, aquí per parelles, que són la prolongació dels arcs de les voltes. La nau major de la seu de Tarragona és la més elevada de tots els exemples arquitectònics catalans anteriors.

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Tanmateix, si les proporcions poden considerar-se gòtiques, el concepte de distribució dels volums en l’espai correspon encara al món romànic, malgrat l’envergadura de l’àmbit. Sembla, per exemple, que en un principi es preveia una capçalera graonada amb cinc absis, que la pre sència del claustre no va permetre edificar, de manera que també es va variar el traçat de tota la zona del creuer i del presbiteri. En canvi, els pilars cruciformes indiquen que probablement des de bon principi ja es pensava cobrir les naus amb voltes de creueria. Un altre element excepcional en l’arquitectura religiosa romànica catalana tardana és la presència d’un nombre elevat de finestres a l’absis central, tres en el nivell inferior i set en el superior. Malgrat la forma apuntada, són, però, finestres que mostren encara una forma arcaïtzant. El cimbori octogonal, d’altra banda, que es va construir cap a mitjan segle xiii, està cobert també amb voltes de creueria i suportat per trompes angulars, i segueix un tipus molt similar al de Sant Cugat. Per al claustre de Tarragona, es va recórrer a una tipologia que trobem a les abadies cistercenques de la fi del segle xii, com Santa Maria de Poblet o Vallbona de les Monges. Es tracta del tipus format per quatre galeries cobertes amb voltes de creueria. Les arcades que recorren tot el perímetre estan estructurades en dos nivells: en el superior, a més d’un fris d’elements polilobulats, hi ha sis grans arcs apuntats cecs amb dues rosasses o ulls de bou al vèrtex central. Inserits dins d’aquests grans arcs, i conformant el nivell inferior, es distribueixen grups de tres arcs de mig punt sobre dobles columnetes. El cas de Lleida no és pas menys interessant. La ciutat de Lleida va ser conquerida als sarraïns l’any 1149, i a conseqüència d’aquest fet el bisbe Guillem Pere de Ravidats va consagrar sota l’advocació de Santa Maria la mesquita major que havia estat construïda el 832. Les hipòtesis sobre l’emplaçament d’aquesta primera seu han estat diverses; s’ha identificat amb la capella del castell del rei o la Suda, o s’ha situat bé a prop de l’ala nord del claustre de la seu actual bé en el mateix espai, però amb dimensions més reduïdes. És probable que hagués ocupat part dels terrenys en els quals a partir de l’any 1203 es construiria la nova basílica. Durant el segle xii, hi havia la intenció de construir un nou temple catedralici començant el 1203 pel braç esquerre del creuer i continuant cap a les absidioles del braç dret del transsepte fins a la porta de l’Anunciata, acabada cap al 1215. El bisbe Guillem de Montcada va consagrar la nova seu de Lleida el 31 d’octubre de 1278. El curt espai de temps en què es va construir la Seu Vella de Lleida (1203-1278) fa pensar en un programa constructiu molt unitari, amb molt poques modifica cions. S’observen dues etapes constructives ben diferenciades: la primera, que respon a l’època romànica, fins abans del cobriment, i la segona, que és la readaptació de l’estructura romànica per a poder suportar les voltes gòtiques. El conjunt és equilibrat, proporcionat, harmònic i homogeni. La hipòtesi d’un canvi de plantejament de l’estructura de coberta es justifica a partir de les inter-

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vencions arqueològiques que han mostrat que les columnes dels extrems del transsepte, que és la primera part que es va construir, es van concebre ja des dels fonaments, fet que fa pensar que des d’un principi es podria haver previst una coberta de creueria, en comptes de la volta de canó que es pensava. La Seu Vella de Lleida respon al tipus d’edifici romànic de planta basilical de tres naus amb el creuer ben marcat en planta i alçat. Originalment tenia cinc absis, dels quals tan sols es conserven el segon de la banda nord i l’absis central, que té un ample espai presbiteral. Era una estructura perfectament simètrica que conformava una capçalera esglaonada, amb els cinc absis semicirculars de proporcions decreixents. L’estructura de la capçalera és similar a la de la seu de Tarragona, però en aquest cas és molt més unitària i ben resolta. Les naus, força curtes, s’estructuren en tres trams ben marcats per arcades, coberts per voltes de creueria sostingudes per complicats pilars d’esquema cruciforme amb columnes adossades que arrenquen des d’un podi i reben els nervis de la volta i de l’arc de reforç. Al centre del creuer es disposa d’un cimbori de planta octogonal, cobert per una volta de creueria de vuit trams, aixecat sobre quatre trompes i quatre arcs. Als braços del transsepte, a la façana sud i a la de ponent, s’obren les portes de l’edifici seguint els esquemes tradicionals de l’art romànic, mentre que el claustre amb les seves dependències i la torre de les campanes se situen davant la façana principal del temple, que té tres portes, una per cada nau. L’accés principal, però, i per tant la gran portada de l’església, és la que es coneix com la porta dels Fillols, situada en el tram central de la nau lateral de l’Epístola. Malgrat la data tardana, la utilització de voltes de creu eria i la introducció d’elements de l’arquitectura gòtica com l’arc apuntat, no podem considerar la Seu Vella de Lleida com un edifici gòtic, ja que la distribució dels elements arquitectònics i de l’espai, així com el tractament de la llum, són pròpiament romànics. Un altre element que reforça la presència d’una idea romànica és el fet que es va mantenir, a les naus, el tipus de finestra de mig punt amb arquivoltes i columnes, tot i que en el cimbori ja apareix l’arc ogival i una traceria molt simple. La Seu Vella de Lleida representa, doncs, la maduresa de l’arquitectura romànica catalana, en un moment ja tardà, recollint amb una gran coherència les formulacions anteriors i combinant-les amb les noves aportacions, sense que aquesta síntesi trenqui la unitat del projecte. El final del segle xii i l’inici del xiii és un període en què Occident assisteix a una paradoxa artística única en la història de l’art. Efectivament, a les regions del nord de França ja gairebé feia mig segle que es vivia la revolució d’un nou estil, el de l’arquitectura gòtica, mentre que, al sud, tocant al Mediterrani, però també en altres regions d’Europa, un estil tradicional, el romànic, vivia un nou renaixement, una nova vida, no per desconeixement del gòtic elaborat als voltants de la regió parisenca, sinó per voluntat pròpia dels promotors d’aquelles obres.

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Notes i referències [1] Sobre la percepció i la utilització de l’arquitectura romànica i en general de l’art de la primera època medieval durant el segle xx: Xavier Barral i Altet. L’art romànic català a debat. Edicions 62 (Llibres a l’abast, 405), Barcelona 2009. També les reflexions més generals en un context europeu, que he publicat en el llibre Contre l’art roman? Essai sur un passé réinventé. Fayard, París 2006, amb les traduccions ampliades a l’italià (Jaca Book, Storia dell’arte, 39, Milà 2009) i al croat (Institut za povijest umjetnosti, Zagreb 2009). [2] Pel que fa a l’arquitectura romànica catalana, la bibliografia completa i l’estat de les principals qüestions es troba, per a cada monument, jaciment, conjunt, ciutat o comarca, a l’apartat corresponent de l’obra Catalunya romànica (vint-i-set volums) editada per la Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana a Barcelona entre el 1984 i el 1998. En un àmbit més general, la col·lecció «Art de Catalunya = Ars Cataloniae» (setze volums) publicada a Barcelona, L’Isard, 19972003, i en particular el volum sobre l’arquitectura religiosa medieval, iv, 1999. A la península Ibèrica, s’ha publicat una Enciclopedia del románico, mentre que a Itàlia ja s’ha completat la monumental Enci clopedia dell’arte medievale. A nivell de síntesi, cal esmentar Francesca Español i Joaquin Yarza. El romànic català. Angle, Manresa 2007, i el catàleg de l’exposició El romànic i la Mediterrània. Catalunya, Toulouse i Pisa, 1120-1180 (Barcelona, MNAC, 29 febrer-18 maig 2008). Ed. Manuel Castiñeiras i Jordi Camps. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona 2008. Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps (dirs.). Els Comacini i l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. Simposi internacional (25 i 26 de novembre de 2005). Ajuntament de Girona-Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Girona-Barcelona 2010. Per a una visió historiogràfica: Xavier Barral i Altet. «Els estudis sobre l’art romànic de Catalunya». A: Catalunya ro mànica. I. Introducció a l’estudi de l’art romànic ca talà. Fons d’art romànic català del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1994, p. 169-188. Per a França: Eliane Vergnolle. L’art roman en France. Architecture, sculpture, peinture. Flammarion, París 1994. Sigui quin sigui el tema d’estudi és indispensable la sèrie anual I Con vegni di Parma. Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. 11 v. Electa, Milà 1999-2009. [3] Roland Recht. Le croire et le voir. L’art des ca thédrales xiie-xve siècle. Gallimard, París 1999; Carlo Tosco. Il castello, la casa, la chiesa. Architettura e società nel Medioevo. Einaudi, Torí 2003; Arti e sto ria nel Medioevo. Ed. Enrico Castelnuovo, Giuseppe Sergi. 4 v. Einaudi, Torí 2002-2004. [4] Marcel Durliat. L’art roman. Citadelle-Mazenod, París 1982; Xavier Barral i Altet, François Avril

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[5] [6] [7]

[8] [9]

[10]

[11]

i Danielle Gaborit-Chopin. Le monde roman: 1060-1220. 1: Le temps des croisades. Gallimard (L’Univers des formes), París 1982; Xavier Barral i Altet, François Avril i Danielle Gaborit-Chopin. Le monde roman. 2: Les royaumes d’Occident. Gallimard (L’Univers des formes), París 1983; Xavier Barral i Altet. Haut Moyen Âge. De l’Antiquité tardive à l’an Mil. Taschen, Colònia 1997; Ídem. Le Monde roman: villes, cathédrales et monastères. Taschen, Colònia 1998; Nicolas Reveyron i Véronique Rouchon Mouilleron. L’ABCedaire de l’art roman. Flammarion, París 2000; Initiation à l’art ro man, architecture et sculpture. Ed. Anne Prache. Zodiaque, París 2002; Andreas Hartmann-Virnich. Was ist Romanik? Geschichte, Formen und Technik des romanischen Kirchenbaus. Primus Verlag, Darmstadt 2004; Alain Erlande-Brandenburg. L’art roman. Un défi européen. Gallimard, París 2005; Nicolas Reveyron. L’art roman. Le Cavalier Bleu éditions, París 2008, p. 126. Boí, Burgal, Pedret, Taüll. Imitació o interpretació contemporània de la pintura mural romànica cata lana. Amics de l’Art Romànic, Barcelona 2000. Françoise Bercé. Du monument historique au Pa trimoine. Du xviiie siècle à nos jours. Flammarion, París 2000. Christan Amalvi, Xavier Barral i Altet i Dominique Iogna Prat. «La France de l’an Mil au mi roir de l’historiographie romantique». A: La France de l’an Mil. Ed. Robert Delort. Seuil, París 1990, p. 311-323; Emile Mâle. «La mosquée de Cordoue et les églises de l’Auvergne et du Velay». Revue de l’art ancien et moderne, núm. xxx (1991); Ídem. «Les influences arabes dans l’art roman». Revue des deux mondes, 1923; Xavier Barral i Altet. «Sur les supposées influences islamiques dans l’art roman: l’exemple de la cathédrale Notre-Dame du Puy-enVelay». Les Cahiers de Saint Michel de Cuxa, núm. 25 (2004), p. 115-118. Xavier Barral i Altet. Catalunya destruïda. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2005. Raquel Lacuesta. Restauració monumental a Ca talunya (segles xix i xx). Les aportacions de la Dipu tació de Barcelona. Diputació de Barcelona (Monografies, 5), Barcelona 2000; El paper de l’IEC en la història de l’art i en la restauració de monuments medievals a Catalunya i Europa. Actes del col·loqui. Diputació de Barcelona, Barcelona 2009. Domènech i Montaner i la descoberta del romànic. Ed. Manuel Castiñeiras i Gemma Ylla-Català. MNAC, Barcelona 2006; Enric Granell i Antoni Ramon. Lluís Domènech i Montaner: viatges per l’arquitectura romànica. Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya, Barcelona 2006. Jean-Marie Leniaud. Les Bâtisseurs d’avenir. Por traits d’architectes xixe-xxe siècle. Fayard, París 1998, p. 102 i s.

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[12] Elies Rogent. Santa María de Ripoll. Informe sobre las obras realizadas y las fuentes de la restauración. Barcelona 1887. [13] Una proposta semblant per a França la faria poc després Robert de Laysteyrie. L’Architecture reli gieuse en France à l’époque romane. Picard, París 1929. [14] Xavier Barral i Altet. «Adolfo Venturi, l’arte romanica e i nazionalismi del primo Novecento europeo». A: Adolfo Venturi e la Storia dell’arte oggi. Ed. Mario D’Onofrio. Panini, Mòdena 2008, p. 133140. [15] Arcisse de Caumont (1801-1873), érudit normand et fondateur de l’archéologie française. Colloque Inter national (Caen, 14-16 juin 2001). Textos recollits i publicats per Vincent Juhel. Rouen 2005 (= Mé moires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie, vol. xl). [16] Josep Puig i Cadafalch, Antoni de Falguera i Josep Goday. L’arquitectura romànica a Catalu nya. I. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1909. [17] Manuel Gómez-Moreno. Iglesias mozárabes, Arte español de los siglos ix a xi. Centro de Estudios Históricos, Madrid 1919 (Patronato de Alhambra, Granada 1975); Ídem. El arte románico español, es quema de un libro. Blass, Madrid 1934; Ídem. Pro vincia de León. Catálogo monumental de España. Ministerio de Instrucción Pública y Bellas Artes, Madrid 1925 (Nebrija, León 1980). [18] Xavier Barral i Altet. «Tra vecchio e nuovo: la disfatta europea del romanico francese». A: Il Medio evo delle Cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle immagini (secoli xi e xii). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Skira, Milà 2006, p. 335-344; Ídem. «Francia e arte medievale: appunti per un percorso storiografico». A: Medioevo: arte e storia. Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Electa, Milà 2008, p. 73-85. [19] Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Le premier art roman. L’architecture en Catalogne et dans l’Occident médi terranéen aux xe et xie siècles. H. Laurens, París 1928. [20] Josep Puig i Cadafalch. La géographie et les origi nes du premier art roman. H. Laurens, París 1935 (edició catalana: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1930). [21] Sobre Focillon: A. Ducci. «Henri Focillon et l’histoire. Réflexions à partir de l’an Mil». Revue de l’Art, núm. 150 (2005), p. 67-73; La vie des formes. Henri Focillon et les arts (Lyon, 22 janvier-26 avril 2004). Snoeck, Gant 2004; Henri Focillon. Actes du collo que (Paris, 11-12 mars 2004). Ed. Pierre Wat. Kimé, París 2007. [22] Xavier Barral i Altet. «L’étude de l’art roman catalan ou la construction d’une identité nationale». A: Catalogne romane. Sculptures du Val de Boí (Paris. Musée National du Moyen Âge, septembre 2004-janvier 2005). Ed. Jordi Camps i Sòria i Xavi-

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Carol Heitz. La France pré-romane. Errance, París 1987. Xavier Barral i Altet. L’art preromànic a Catalu nya. Segles IX-X. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1981; Jacques Fontaine. L’Art préroman hispanique. I. L’Art préroman hispanique; II. L’Art mozarabe. Zodiaque, París 1973 (L’arte mozarabica. Jaca Book, Milà 1983). També Eduard Junyent. L’arquitectu ra religiosa a Catalunya abans del romànic. Curial, Barcelona 1983. Montserrat Pagès i Paretas, Les esglésies pre-ro màniques a la comarca del Baix Llobregat. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1983. Gemma Garcia i Llinares, Antonio Moro Garcia i Francesc Tuset Bertran. La Seu episcopal d’Egara, arqueologia d’un conjunt cristià del segle iv al ix. Institut d’Arqueologia Clàssica (Documenta 9), Tarragona 2009. Nazaret Gallego Aguilera. «Els reflexos d’un mirall. Definició arquitectònica i funcional dels monestirs benedictins carolingis dins la tradició dels grups episcopals tardoantics». A: Els monestirs benedictins a l’antic comtat de Besalú. Síntesi. Quaderns dels Seminaris de Besalú, Besalú 2009, p. 2332. També molt interessants i suggestives les observacions sobre Catalunya de Gerardo Boto. «Topografía de los monasterios de la Marca de Hispania (ca. 800-ca. 1030)». A: Monjes y monasterios hispanos en la Alta Edad Media. Ed. José Ángel García de Cortázar i Ramón Teja. Aguilar de Campoo 2006. Gerardo Boto Varela. «Monasterios catalanes en el siglo xi. Los espacios eclesiásticos de Oliba». A: Monasteria et Territoria. Élites, edilicia y territorio en el Mediterráneo medieval (siglos v-xi). Ed. Jorge López Quiroga et al. BAR International Series S1719, 2007, p. 281-319. Estimulants observacions de Jean-Pierre Caillet. «Le mythe du renouveau architectural roman». Ca hiers de civilisation médiévale, núm. 43 (2000), p. 341-369. La recerca sobre els contextos rurals aporta cada dia noves realitats; un exemple: Cristian Folch i Jordi Gibert. «Als segles ix-xi: vil·les, vilars, esglésies i castells». A: Gabriel Alcalde, Maria Saña et al. Sis mil anys vivint a la vora dels aiguamolls de la vall d’en Bas. Amics de Besalú i del seu Comtat, Besalú 2009. Algunes observacions a Xavier Barral i Altet. «Chiese e paesaggio rurale in epoca romanica: qualche riflessione a partire dal ricamo di Bayeux». Hortus artium medievalium, núm. xiv (2008), p. 113-118; Ídem. «Observations sur l’organisation narrative de la broderie de Bayeux et ses rapports avec l’Antiquité». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, vol. 39 (2008), p. 31-46. Le Paysage monumental autour de l’an Mil. Ed. Xavier Barral i Altet. Picard, París 1987.

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[41] Joseph Puig i Cadafalch. Le Premier art roman. L’architecture en Catalogne et dans l’Occident médi terranéen aux xe et xie siècles. H. Laurens, París 1928. [42] Louis Grodecki. Au seuil de l’art roman. L’archi tecture ottonienne. Armand Colin, París 1958. [43] Xavier Barral i Altet. «El primer arte románico en la Península ibérica». Hortus artium medievali um, núm. iii (1997), p. 131-140. [44] Marcel Durliat. «Problèmes posés par l’histoire de l’architecture religieuse en Catalogne dans la première moitié du xie siècle». Les Cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, núm. 3 (1972), p. 43-49. [45] Joan Duran-Porta. «Sobre l’origen de Raimon Lambard, obrer de la catedral d’Urgell». Locus Amoenus, núm. 8 (2005-2006), p. 19-28. [46] Xavier Barral i Altet. «Contre l’itinérance des artistes du premier art roman méridional». A: Le vie del Medioevo. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Parma 1999). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quinta valle. Electa, Milà 2000, p. 138-140. [47] Un punt de vista avui molt discutit: Elisabeth den Hartog. Romanesque Architecture and Sculpture in the Meuse Valley. Eisma, Leeuwarden 1992. [48] Joan Duran-Porta. «The Lombard Masters as a deus ex machina in Catalan First Romanesque». Arte Lombarda, n. s. 156 (2009), p. 99-119. Anteriorment, Ídem. «¿Lombardos en Cataluña? Construcción y pervivencia de una hipótesis controvertida». Anales de Historia del Arte, 2009, p. 247-261; Ídem. «Una reconsideració sobre els orígens de l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya: el mite dels mestres llombards». Catalan Review, núm. xxii (2008), p. 227-238. També, Manuel Castiñeiras, «La cuestión lombarda en el primer románico catalán». A: Arturo C. Quintavalle (dir.). Il medioe vo delle cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle im magini (secoli xi e xii). Milà 2006, p. 345-355. [49] Jacques Henriet. «Saint-Philibert de Tournus. L’œuvre du second maître». Bulletin monumental, 1992, p. 101-164; Ídem. Saint-Philibert de Tournus. L’abbatiale du xie siècle. SFA, París 2008; Saint-Phi libert de Tournus. Histoire, archéologie, art. Actes du colloque (Tournus, 15-19 juin 1994). Ed. Jacques Thirion, Le Centre, Tournus 1995. [50] Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps (dirs.). Els Comacini i l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. Simposi inter nacional (25 i 26 de novembre de 2005). Ajuntament de Girona-Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Girona-Barcelona 2010. Aquest volum ha estat publicat en data posterior a la redacció del present text i conté una sèrie d’articles en els quals els autors desenvolupen aspectes que sovint ja han tractat en altres treballs seus, però que completen informacions sobre temes que jo toco en el present article, com Cardona, Àger, Sant Pere de Rodes, Girona, Vic, Ramon Lambard de la Seu d’Urgell, i qüestions de relacions artístiques, de tecnologia i de relacions entre Itàlia i Catalunya.

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[51] Roland Recht. «La circulation des artistes, des œuvres, des modèles dans l’Europe médiévale». Revue de l’art, 1998, p. 5-9; Vers et à travers l’art roman: la transmission des modèles antiques. Actes des XXXVIII journées romanes. Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 37 (2006). Marco Rossi. Milano e le origini della pittura romanica lombarda. Commi tenze episcopali, modelli iconografici, maestranze. Scalpendi editore, Milà 2011. [52] Manuel Castiñeiras. «La cuestión lombarda en el primer románico catalán”. A: Il Medioevo delle Cat tedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lotta delle immagini (se coli xi e xii). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Skira, Milà 2006, p. 345-355. [53] Per a la Borgonya, vegeu: Archéologie et architectu re d’un site monastique ve-xxe siècle. Dix ans de recherches à l’abbaye Saint-Germain d’Auxerre. CTHS, París 2000; Christian Sapin. Bourgogne ro mane. Ed. Faton, Dijon 2006. [54] Xavier Barral i Altet. «Observacions sobre les relacions històriques i artístiques entre Cluny i la península Ibèrica (segles x-xii)». Anuario de Estu dios Medievales, núm. 24 (1994), p. 925-942; Carlos Reglero de la Fuente. Cluny en España. Los prio ratos de la provincia y sus redes sociales (1073 ca.1270). Lleó 2008. [55] Anne Baud. Cluny: un grand chantier au cœur de l’Europe. Picard, París 2003; Ídem. «Cluny. La mai or ecclesia. 1088-1130? Expression monumental de l’Ecclesia cluniacensis». A: Vom Umbruch zur Er neurung? Das 11. und beginnende 12. Jahrhundert – Positionen der Forschung. Fink, Munic 2006, p. 219-230; Cluny, onze siècles de rayonnement. Ed. Neil Stratford. Editions du Patrimoine, París 2010. [56] Gerardo Boto Varela. «Monasterios catalanes en el siglo xi. Los espacios eclesiásticos de Oliba». A: Monasteria et Territoria. Elites, edilicia y territorio en el Mediterráneo medieval (siglos v-xi). Ed. Jorge López Quiroga (et al.). BAR International Series S1719, 2007, p. 281-319. [57] Eric Fernie. «Saint-Vincent de Cardona et la dimension méditerranéenne du premier art roman». Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, núm. 43 (2000), p. 243-256. [58] Henri Focillon. Art d’Occident. I. Le Moyen Âge roman. Armand Colin, París 1938. [59] Eliane Vergnolle. «Saint-Martin du Canigou. L’église du xie siècle». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 40 (2009), p. 133-143. [60] Imma Lorés. El monestir de Sant Pere de Rodes. Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 2002. [61] Xavier Barral Altet. «La basilica patriarcale di Aquileia: un grande monumento romanico del primo xi secolo». Arte medievale, núm. vi (2007), p. 29-64.

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[62] Immaculada Lorés i Carles Mancho. «Hec domus est sancta quam fecit domnus Oliva: Santa Maria de Ripoll». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 40 (2009), p. 205-219. [63] Xavier Barral i Altet. «Culture visuelle et réfle xion architecturale au début du xie siècle: Les voyages de l’abbé-éveque Oliba. 1ère partie: Les premiers voyages, avant l’itinéraire vers Rome». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 40 (2009), p. 177-196; Xavier Barral i Altet. «Culture visuelle et réflexion architecturale au début du xie siècle: les voyages de l’abbé-éveque Oliba. 2ème partie: Les voyages à Rome et leurs conséquences». Les Cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, núm. 41 (2010), p. 212-226. Vegeu també Manuel Castiñeiras. «Ripoll et Gérone: deux exemples privilégiés du dialogue entre l’art roman et la culture classique». Les Cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, núm. 39 (2008), p. 161-180. Xavier Barral i Altet. «L’art monumental a Catalunya entorn de l’any 1000. Una mirada cap a Roma». Ac tes del Congrés Internacional Gerbert d’Orlhac i el seu temps Catalunya i Europa a la fi del 1r. mil·leni (Vic-Ripoll, 10-13 de novembre de 1999). Eumo, Vic 1999, p. 247-254. [64] Xavier Barral i Altet. «Du Panthéon de Rome à la Rotonde de Vic: la transmission d’un modèle d’architecture mariale au début du xi siècle et la politique “romaine” de l’abbé-évêque Oliba». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 37 (2006), p. 63-75. [65] Michel Zimmermann, «Le souvenir de Rome en Catalogne du ixe au xiie siècle». La mémoire de l’Antiquité Tardive dans le Haut Moyen Âge, Michel Sot, París 2000, p. 149-159. [66] Alain Erlande-Brandenburg. La Cathédrale. Fayard, París 1990. [67] Xavier Barral i Altet. Les catedrals de Catalunya. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1994. Vegeu també Les ca nòniques catalanes. Arquitectura i art medieval. Ac tes du colloque = Lambard. Estudis d’art medieval, núm. xii (1999-2000). [68] Pel que fa a la bibliografia, la situació ha anat can viant des de fa un vintenni, després del congrés de la Seu Vella de Lleida, publicat el 1991, del volum monogràfic de la revista D’Art de la Universitat de Barcelona, corresponent a l’any 1993, sobre la catedral de Barcelona, del col·loqui publicat per la revista Lambard el 1999-2000 i del meu llibre Les cate drals de Catalunya, Edicions 62, Barcelona 1994. [69] Vegeu les observacions de Joan Duran-Porta, «The Lombard Masters as a deus ex machina in Catalan First Romanesque». Arte Lombarda, n. s. 156 (2009), p. 108-119, per a la catedral de la Seu d’Urgell. Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps (dirs.). Els Comaci ni i l’arquitectura romànica a Catalunya. Simposi internacional (25 i 26 de novembre de 2005). Ajuntament de Girona-Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Girona-Barcelona 2010.

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[70] Pere Beseran, Joan-Albert Adell i Gisbert et al. La catedral de la Seu d’Urgell. Manresa 2000. [71] Eduardo Carrero Santamaría. «La Seu d’Urgell, el último conjunto de iglesias. Liturgia, paisaje urbano y arquitectura». Anuario de Estudios Medie vales, núm. 40 (2010), p. 251-291. [72] Girona. Redescobrir la Seu romànica. Ed. Pere Freixas. Girona 2000; Marc Sureda. «La catedral de Girona, matèria històrica. Historiografia a l’entorn de la seu». Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Gironins, núm. xlv (2004), p. 94-102; Marc Sureda. «Intervencions arqueològiques a la nau de la catedral de Girona». A: VIII Jornades d’arqueologia de les co marques gironines (2004), Roses 2006, p. 377-380; Marc Sureda. Els precedents de la catedral Santa Maria de Girona. De la plaça religiosa del fòrum romà al conjunt arquitectònic de la seu romànica (ss. i aC.-xiv dC.), tesi de doctorat 2008. [73] Xavier Barral i Altet. La catedral romànica de Vic. Artestudi, Barcelona 1979. [74] Lluís Adan i Rafael Soler. «La planta de la catedral romànica de Vic». Fulls del Museu-Arxiu de Santa Maria de Mataró, núm. 54 (1996), p. 21-23; Joan Albert Adell i Josep Pujades. «Noves aportacions al coneixement de l’estructura arquitectònica de la catedral de Vic». Lambard, núm. viii (1995), p. 139-148. [75] Carme Subiranas. «Les églises de Vic au temps de l’évêque Oliba. Santa Maria la Rodona». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 40 (2009), p. 187203. Vegeu també el meu article citat a la nota 64. [76] Martin Warnke. Bau und Überbau. Sociologie der mittelalterlichen Architektur nach den Schriftque llen. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt 1976; Bauwerk und Bildwerk im Hochmittelalter. Anschauliche Beiträge zur Kultur und Socialgeschichte. Ed. Karl Clausberg, Dieter Kimpel, Hans Joachim Kunst i Robert Suckale. Anabas, Giessen 1981; Artistes, arti sans et production artistique au Moyen Âge. Ed. Xavier Barral i Altet, 3 v. Picard, París 19861990; Cantieri medievali. Ed. Roberto Cassanelli. Jaca Book, Milà 1995. [77] Marc Sureda i Jubany. «Architecture autour d’Oliba. Le massif occidental de la cathédrale romane de Gérone». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 40 (2009), p. 221-236. [78] Francesca Español. «Massifs occidentaux dans l’architecture romane catalane». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 27 (1996), p. 55-77. [79] En general: Avant-nefs et espaces d’accueil dans l’église entre le ive et le xiie siècle. Actes du colloque du CNRS (Auxerre, juin 1999). Ed. Christian Sapin. CTHS, París 2002. [80] Joan Duran-Porta. «Les cryptes monumentales dans la Catalogne d’Oliba. De Sant Pere de Rodes à la diffusion du modèle de crypte à salle». Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, núm. 40 (2009), p. 325-339.

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del segle xiv. Edició i comentari de la visita pastoral de 1388». A: Miscel·lània Litúrgica Catalana, núm. xviii (2010), p. 323-361. [92] Anne Baud. «Liturgie, circulation et espace monastique à Cluny». A: Architecture et pratiques religieu ses. VI Colloque biennal de Pommiers. Saint-Germain Laval 2008, p. 85-94. Sobre la qüestió de les relíquies, un cas concret: Francesc Fité. «Arnau Mir de Tost i el culte a les relíquies. Un exponent pirinenc en la promoció dels santuaris». Urgellia, vol. 16, 2006-2007, p. 511-549. [93] Estudi citat més amunt, a la nota 70. [94] Aquest és el cas de Dominique Iogna-Prat. La maison Dieu. Une histoire monumentale de l’Église au Moyen Âge (v. 800-v. 1200). Seuil, París 2006. [95] Totes les referències bibliogràfiques i un punt de vista crític sobre la qüestió a Xavier Barral i Altet. «Arte medievale e Riforma Gregoriana. Riflessioni su un problema storiografico». Hortus artium medievalium, núm. xvi (2010), p. 355-364. [96] Il Medioevo delle Cattedrali. Chiesa e Impero: la lot ta delle immagini (secoli xi e xii). Ed. Arturo Carlo Quintavalle. Skira, Milà 2006. [97] Rilavorazione dell’antico nel Medioevo. Ed. Mario D’Onofrio. Viella, Roma 2003; Xavier Barral i Altet. «Apropiació i recontextualització de l’antic a la creació artística romànica mediterrània». A: El romànic i la Mediterrània. Catalunya, Toulouse i Pisa, 1120-1180 (Barcelona, MNAC, 29 febrer-18 maig 2008). Ed. Manuel Castiñeiras i Jordi Camps. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona 2008, p. 171-179. [98] Marcel Durliat, «Pèlerinage et architecture romane». Dossiers de l’archéologie, núm. 20 (1977), p. 2235; Xavier Barral i Altet. Compostelle. Le grand chemin. Gallimard, París 1993. [99] Gerardo Boto Varela, «Cartografía de la advocación jacobea en Cataluña (siglos x-xiv)». El camí de Sant Jaume i Catalunya. Actes del Congrés internacio nal, Barcelona, Cervera, Lleida, 2003. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2007, p. 277-296. [100] Romei e Giubilei. Il pellegrinaggio medievale a San

Xavier Barral i Altet

Pietro 350-1350 (Roma, Palazzo Venezia, 29 otto bre-26 febbraio 2000). Ed. Mario D’Onofrio. Electa, Milà 1999; Pellegrini alla tomba di Pietro. Ed. Giovanni Morello. Electa, Milà 1999. [101] Laura Bartolomé Roviras. «La seqüència arquitectònica i ornamental de Sant Vicenç de Besalú (s. x-xiii)». A: La parròquia de Sant Vicenç, un eix reli giós, social i artístic en la història de Besalú. Ed. Miquel Àngel Fumanal Pagès. Ajuntament de Besalú, Besalú 2008, p. 44-81. [102] Laura Bartolomé Roviras. Fundació, consagra ció i renovació del temple benedictí de Sant Pere de Besalú. Ressenya històrica. Ídem. «El context d’una relació artística entre Sant Pere de Besalú i les canòniques provençals durant el regnat d’Alfons el Cast (1162-1192)». A: Sant Pere de Besalú 1003-2003. Una història de l’art. Ed. Miquel Àngel Fumanal i Pagès et al. Ajuntament de Besalú i Diputació de Girona, Besalú 2003. [103] Jordi Sagrera i Marc Sureda. «El poblament antic i medieval al voltant de Santa Maria de Besalú: les dades arqueològiques». A: Relíquies i arquitectura monàstica a Besalú. Ed. Gerardo Boto Varela, Diputació de Girona, Besalú 2006, p. 105-150; Nazaret Gallego Aguilera. Santa Maria de Besalú. Arquitectura, poder i reforma (segles x-xii). Amics de Besalú i el seu Comtat, Besalú 2007. [104] Salvador Alimbau Marquès, Antoni Llagostera Fernández, Elies Rogent i Amat i Jordi Rogent i Albiol. Pantocràtor de Ripoll. Portada romànica del monestir de Santa Maria. Ajuntament de Ripoll, Ripoll 2009. [105] Withney S. Stoddard. The Façade of Saint-Gillesdu-Gard. Its Influence on French Sculpture. Wesleyon University Press, Middletown 1973. [106] Antoni Pladevall (dir). L’art gòtic a Catalunya. Arquitectura (3 vols). Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2002-2003. [107] Caroline A. Bruzelius. Cistercian High Gothic. The Abbey Church of Longpont and the Architecture of the Cistercians in the Early Thirteenth Century. Editiones Cistercienses, Roma 1979.

Nota biogràfica Xavier Barral i Altet és catedràtic emèrit d’Història de l’Art Medieval de la Universitat de Rennes, membre numerari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i corresponent de la Real Academia de la Historia i de la Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, de Madrid. Ha estat director general del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya i ha dirigit l’obra col·lectiva en setze volums Art de Catalunya = Ars Cataloniae. És crític d’art al diari Avui i ha publicat, entre d’altres, L’art i la política de l’art (Galerada, Barcelona 2001), Chronologie de l’art du Moyen Âge (Flammarion, París 2003), Dictionnaire critique d’iconographie occidentale (Presses Universitaires, Rennes 2003), Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Escrits d’arquitectura, art i polí tica (Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2003), L’art du vitrail, xie-xvie siècles (Mengès, París 2004), Catalunya destruï da (Edicions 62, Barcelona 2005), Contre l’art roman? Essai sur un passé réinventé (Fayard, París 2006, traduccions italiana i croata), L’arte gotica (Jaca Book, Milà 2008), L’art romànic català a debat (Edicions 62, Barcelona 2009) i Abecedari Tàpies (Base, Barcelona 2009).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 201-225 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.61 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Els ordes militars a Catalunya Josep Maria Sans i Travé * Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya

Rebut 23 juliol 2010 · Acceptat 20 octubre 2010

Resum Els ordes jerosolimitans de l’Hospital, el Sant Sepulcre i el Temple tingueren una presència molt primerenca a Catalunya, entre d’altres causes, per la relació amb els territoris provençals arran del matrimoni de Ramon Berenguer III amb Dolça de Provença i també per la propaganda dels pelegrins catalans que havien visitat els Sants Llocs. Els comtes i la noblesa, principalment, els feren objecte de donacions de terres, drets i béns que motivaren la seva implantació al Principat, on a la segona meitat del segle xii ja havien constituït les seves respectives xarxes de convents, amb una incidència especial a la Catalunya Nova. Si bé institucionalment depenien dels convents centrals establerts a Orient (Jerusalem, Sant Joan d’Acre, Xipre i Rodes, en aquest darrer lloc els hospitalers), les cases catalanes es desvincularen de les províncies originàries provençals i formaren circumscripcions pròpies que integraren Aragó i, després de les seves conquestes, Mallorca i València. Els mestres provincials catalans, gairebé tots procedents socialment de la mitjana i la petita noblesa, representants del convent central, dirigien les circumscripcions assessorats pels capítols o reunions anuals dels comanadors o responsables de les diverses cases, els quals, així mateix, governaven i administraven les comandes. Una part dels ingressos era tramesa anualment als convents centrals. A banda de diners, les províncies catalanes aportaven també a Orient queviures, cavalls, armes i sobretot personal. Alguns frares catalans assoliren la màxima dignitat de l’orde, com ara fra Arnau de Torroja, mestre major del Temple entre el 1181 i el 1184, Antoni de Fluvià (1421-1437) i Pere Ramon Sacosta (1461-1467), mestres majors de l’Hospital. Els ordes militars participaren a les campanyes d’expansió territorial dels segles xii i xiii i en les actuacions militars de la monarquia catalana dels segles xiv i xv. L’Hospital i Sant Jaume fundaren al territori català convents femenins on ingressaren dames nobles. Només un orde militar es fundà al territori català, el de Sant Jordi d’Alfama, creat el 1201 per Pere el Catòlic i que, tot i la protecció de la monarquia, fou incorporat el 1400 a l’orde valencià de Montesa. Paraules clau: ordes religiosomilitars, Temple, Hospital, Sant Jordi d’Alfama, implantació i organització, Catalunya medieval

Motius de l’establiment dels ordes militars al Principat La presència i l’establiment dels ordes militars jerosolimitans a Catalunya fou molt primerenca, determinada per dues circumstàncies, entre d’altres factors.1 La primera, la seva posició geogràfica en el moment de la primera expansió inicial dels ordes del Temple i de l’Hospital de Sant Joan de Jerusalem, tot seguit a la seva fundació, a inicis del segle xii. El matrimoni de Ramon Berenguer III amb Dolça de Provença havia posat els territoris catalans en estreta connexió amb els provençals, on ben aviat s’establiren aquests ordes arran de la relació que el port de Marsella

* Adreça de contacte: Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya. Carrer de Jaume I, 33-51. 08195 Sant Cugat del Vallès. Tel. +34 935 897 788. Fax +34 935 898 035. E-mail: jmsans@gencat.cat

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mantenia amb Orient, i concretament a través del comerç amb els ports de la costa de Palestina, després de la seva ocupació occidental com a conseqüència de la primera croada.2 La segona circumstància s’ha de buscar en el coneixement que una part de la societat catalana del segon vintenni tenia d’aquestes organitzacions. El corrent de pelegrins catalans a Palestina s’havia incrementat notablement després de la primera croada que culminà amb la presa de Jerusalem el juliol del 1099.3 Si bé és cert que molts dels qui feien el pelegrinatge als Sants Llocs no tornaven, d’altres sí que ho feien, després de superar les dificultats pròpies d’un viatge llarg i sovint perillós. Els qui visitaren Jerusalem després del 1120 —any en què es fundà l’orde del Temple— pogueren ser testimonis de les missions respectives que algunes institucions eclesiàstiques s’havien fixat en aquell territori: els canonges del Sant Sepulcre vetllaven pel manteniment de l’església bastida damunt el lloc on la tradició suposava que havia estat

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enterrat Jesús,4 mentre que els de l’Hospital atenien els pelegrins que arribaven a la Ciutat Santa.5 Els Pobres Cavallers de Crist, una associació de militars adscrita al convent del Sant Sepulcre, tenien cura de garantir mitjançant l’ús de les armes, si era necessari, el viatge dels pelegrins des dels ports de la costa palestina fins a Jerusalem i les altres ciutats i llocs sacralitzats per la presència de Crist a la terra.6 Quan els beneficiaris d’aquestes accions de pietat, beneficència i policia de camins retornaven als seus països d’origen, no és d’estranyar que sovint, agraïts, els afavorissin amb donacions de béns.7 Abans de l’aprovació canònica de l’orde del Temple al Concili de Troyes a començament del 1129, aquest orde, el de l’Hospital i el del Sant Sepulcre ja foren objecte de la generositat de gent del nostre país. El 4 de gener de 1124, l’urgellenc Erovis, en atorgar el seu testament, a banda d’altres deixes pietoses, concedia el seu mul «al Sant Sepulcre, a l’Hospital i a la Cavalleria».8 L’any següent, el 1125, el cavaller empordanès Arnau de Cabanes, abans d’iniciar el viatge que tenia programat a Terra Santa, disposà testamentàriament dels seus béns. Entre els seus llegats pietosos constaven els adreçats a l’Hospital i al Temple.9

Les donacions comtals L’aprovació de la regla i de l’orde al Concili de Troyes motivà que els templers despleguessin una acció de propaganda als diversos regnes europeus: presentaren a la societat de l’època —monarquies, Església, noblesa i poble— el seu projecte de defensa dels pelegrins i també del territori jerosolimità, i sol·licitaren l’ajut occidental per dur-lo a terme, especialment el suport econòmic i el personal necessari per a col·laborar a l’empresa. On el projecte templer obtingué una resposta més positiva fou a la banda oriental de la península Ibèrica, especialment en aquells territoris els sobirans dels quals lluitaven per l’eixamplament dels seus dominis a costa de l’islam. Ramon Berenguer III, pocs dies abans de la seva mort el juliol del 1131, ingressava a l’orde del Temple i li concedia, en la confiança que fos un element promotor de la conquesta feudal de nous territoris en poder sarraí, el castell fronterer de Granyena de Segarra.10 L’any següent, el comte Ermengol IV d’Urgell també li concedia el castell de Barberà, situat a la frontera occidental.11 Al regne veí de l’Aragó, el seu sobirà Alfons I el Bataller, en el seu testament del 1131 —confirmat en un segon testament el 1134—, feia la donació més important que els ordes militars rebien a Occident, atès que els lliurava els seus regnes.12 La no-presència efectiva d’aquests ordes a Aragó, l’oposició de la noblesa aragonesa i la separació de Navarra determinaren que les voluntats testamentàries del monarca aragonès no es complissin i que Ramon Berenguer IV, arran del seu matrimoni amb Peronella, «hereva» d’Aragó, assumís la solució del problema institucional aragonès: pactà amb els tres ordes la seva renúncia tot compensant-los amb im portants donacions i privilegis.

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Josep Maria Sans i Travé

L’establiment definitiu i l’organització territorial al Principat L’actuació guerrera dels ordes militars no comprenia inicialment els diversos regnes de la península Ibèrica que des de després de l’ocupació musulmana (711-720) maldaren en una lluita constant per la recuperació del territori perdut. Ni que les circumstàncies entre aquests territoris occidentals i els de Palestina fossin coincidents —defensa del cristianisme enfront de l’islam—, els ordes militars havien circumscrit la seva acció exclusivament a Orient. Europa havia de fornir el personal i aportar els recursos econòmics per a dur a terme la missió que s’havien proposat, però no fer-los objectiu de les seves ac cions militars. Per això, inicialment, tant el Temple com l’Hospital no disposaren d’una xarxa territorial de convents al Principat, sinó que per a la percepció de les rendes designaren persones de confiança que amb el nom de «batlles» tenien cura de recollir el producte que aportaven els seus drets i béns.13 L’acord, però, al qual arribà Ramon Berenguer IV amb els ordes beneficiaris de l’herència d’Alfons I el Bataller, i concretament amb el Temple, comportà, en favor d’aquest darrer, la concessió d’un patrimoni important integrat per castells, terres i drets, que calia administrar directament per part de l’orde.14 El 27 de novembre de 1143, el comte barceloní, en una reunió a Girona, a la qual participaren el llegat papal Guido, altres comtes de l’entorn, nobles i prelats del país, el delegat del mestre major de Jerusalem, el mestre provincial de Provença i Hispània i els primers frares templers provençals i catalans, obtingué el compromís de l’orde d’assumir també la Península com a objectiu de les seves actuacions militars contra els sarraïns i «en defensa de la cristiandat occidental».15 Al cap d’un lustre —tot i que el contingent templer era molt reduït—, els frares participaven el 1148 al costat de Ramon Berenguer IV a la conquesta feudal de Tortosa, i l’any següent ho repetien a Lleida. La col·laboració en aquestes dues accions militars i en l’ocupació catalana del castell de Miravet el 1153, a més de les donacions de nobles i cavallers —ben identificats amb la idea de combatre els enemics de la fe cristiana que propugnaven els templers—, posà ben aviat a disposició de l’orde la possessió d’importants béns i drets sota l’administració i gestió del mestre provincial, que era designat pel mestre major de Jerusalem i actuava en la seva delegació en el territori que inicialment comprenia els regnes d’Hispània i Provença. El primer que ostentà aquest càrrec —documentat entre el 1143 i el 1158— fou el vallesà Pere de Rovira. Als primers mestres provincials incumbí la tasca d’organitzar arreu del territori català els diversos centres d’establiment de l’orde, que s’anomenaren «cases» o «comandes». Així, el 1145, s’organitzava al Rosselló la comanda del Masdéu en un domini que els frares havien rebut el 1138, i a la dècada dels cinquanta del segle xii ho foren les de Palau del Vallès (1151), Tortosa, Miravet (1153) i Gardeny (1156).

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L’Hospital, igual que el Temple, també havia estat objecte de diverses donacions als territoris catalans abans fins i tot que el papa Calixt II aprovés la seva regla definitiva el 1120.16 A partir d’aquesta data i sota l’impuls dels frares de Sant Gèli de la Provença —que aconseguiren també la col·laboració generosa de comtes, nobles, cavallers i pagesos i ciutadans—, l’administració dels béns i la percepció de les rendes procedents foren assumides sovint també per batlles delegats que tenien cura d’aplegarles i trametre els seus imports a Marsella.17 Les compensacions obtingudes de Ramon Berenguer IV —per la renúncia dels drets de l’Hospital a la seva part de l’herència d’Alfons I el Bataller, juntament amb l’increment progressiu de les donacions comtals, en especial després de les conquestes feudals de Tortosa i Lleida, que permeteren al comte recompensar generosament la seva participació— propiciaren la designació d’un delegat amb el nom de «prior» que tingués cura de l’administració dels béns situats al Principat, documentat ja el 1149.18 L’any següent, el 8 de gener de 1150, l’esmentat comte concedia a l’orde el castell d’Amposta i un important territori annex, a l’actual comarca del Montsià.19 El responsable de la zona catalana i aragonesa, que fixà a partir del 1157 la seva residència a Amposta i que rebé el nom de «castellà d’Amposta», administrà les diverses possessions del territori, tot fundant allí on era important o hi havia la possibilitat d’un increment en el futur les respectives cases o comandes. Inicialment es crearen les primeres comandes en territori català a Susterris (1146), Sant Celoni (1154), Amposta (1157), Alguaire (1159), Sant Valentí-Vila franca (1162), Barcelona (1163), Cervera (1172) i Lleida (1175).20 La funció directa de les comandes d’aquests ordes era doble. D’una banda, acollien la comunitat de religiosos i, de l’altra, n’administraven el patrimoni. Però també les cases exercien de centres per plasmar la seva presència per tal d’aconseguir el reclutament de nous membres i d’obtenir noves aportacions de béns i rendes dels nobles i pagesos de la contrada respectiva.

(1190), Aiguaviva (1192), Horta (1193) i Juncosa (1199).22 L’Hospital, de la seva banda, creà les d’Amposta (1184), Siscar (1188), Isot (1190) i Biure (c. 1193).23 El desplegament de la xarxa de cases religiosomilitars pel territori no fou uniforme, sinó que fou molt més intens a la banda occidental i meridional de la Catalunya Nova, on, després de la seva conquesta feudal, els sobirans disposaven de més territori per repartir que a la Catalunya Vella, en la qual, quan arribaren els membres d’aquests ordes, ja s’havia consolidat l’orde benedictí principalment. La Catalunya Nova acollí, així, les institucions religioses sorgides a principis del segle xii: els cistercencs —amb els seus tres monestirs de Poblet, Santes Creus i Vallbona, aquest darrer femení— i els templers i els hospitalers. Mentre que aquests darrers —abans d’annexionar-se les comandes del Temple rere la supressió d’aquest orde— posseïen onze cases a la Catalunya Nova i només sis a la Catalunya Vella i el Rosselló, els templers, a final del segle xiii, en tenien dotze de situades al sud del Llobregat i cinc al nord. D’altra banda, tenint en compte el fet que en aquesta època la possessió de la terra era el bé més rendible, la major part de les comandes es crearen al camp o en pobla cions petites, al redós del castell, sovint on, a través de la gestió i l’administració dels béns, podien organitzar millor el patrimoni i obtenir-ne les rendes. Això no privà, però, que els dos ordes creessin també comandes a les principals ciutats del país, ateses les possibilitats que oferien per a ser centres administratius, mercantils o comercials o perquè disposaven de ports marítims ben connectats amb altres ports de la Mediterrània. Tortosa, Barcelona i Lleida albergaren, sobre aquesta base, sengles comandes templeres i hospitaleres. Precisament en algunes d’aquestes ciutats, aprofitant el creixement urbanístic de la segona meitat del segle xiii, ambdós ordes dugueren a terme activitats immobilià ries, com és ben conegut el cas dels templers a les ciutats de Perpinyà, Tortosa i Lleida, on urbanitzaren alguns barris.24

L’expansió dels ordes del Temple i de l’Hospital al darrer quart del segle xii

Les estructures territorials: la província

Establerts al país, després de la creació de les primeres comandes en territori català, a partir dels anys vuitanta del segle xii, s’intensificaren les donacions en favor seu així com també l’ingrés de nous membres que eixamplaren les seves comunitats. D’altra banda, la predilecció d’Alfons I (1162-1196), plasmada en noves donacions i en la concessió i ampliació de nous privilegis, motivà que els responsables dels dos ordes organitzessin noves comandes. El Temple, durant el mestratge d’Arnau de Torroja (1163-1181), creà les de Corbins (1167), Barbens (1168), Puig-reig-Cerdanya-Berguedà (1169), Barberà (1172), Granyena (1181) i Ascó (1181).21 Abans d’escolar-se el segle, es crearen encara les de Selma

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Les comandes templeres i hospitaleres situades en terres catalanes formaren part d’estructures territorials supe riors anomenades «províncies» pels templers i «priorats» pels santjoanistes. Inicialment, les comandes templeres catalanes s’integraren a la província denominada de «Provença i Hispània» i, després, de «Provença i certes parts d’Hispània». A banda de les comandes catalanes i aragoneses, aquesta circumscripció abastava també les meridionals castellanes i les de Navarra, a més de les de la Provença. A partir del 1178, amb la designació d’un mestre provincial per a les comandes castellanolleoneses, fou reduïda la competència del mestre provincial en aquesta banda castellana. Les conquestes de Mallorca i València posaren també sota responsabilitat del mestre catalano-

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provençal les comandes que es crearen en aquests territoris. La presència templera a la banda nord-oriental de la península Ibèrica fou tan intensa, i també va créixer tant al costat provençal, que vers el 1240 motivà el desglossament de l’antiga província i la creació de les províncies provençal i catalanoaragonesa, aquesta última abastant les comandes del Rosselló, el Principat, Aragó, Navarra, Mallorca, València i Múrcia, mentre fou catalana.25 Aquesta divisió perdurà fins a la supressió de l’orde el 1312. Els hospitalers de la Corona catalanoaragonesa pertanyeren a la província provençal de l’orde, si bé progressivament el convent d’Amposta s’anà consolidant com a màxim responsable de la circumscripció i a mitjan segle xii es va independitzar del priorat provençal.26 Amb l’annexió, després de la supressió de l’orde del Temple, de les cases i propietats d’aquest orde, l’Hospital creà una nova organització, independent de la castellania d’Amposta, que amb el nom de priorat de Catalunya agrupava les comandes del Principat —llevat de les situades a la ribera dreta del riu Ebre—, València, Mallorca i el Rosselló. El mestres provincials templers, els castellans d’Amposta i els priors de Catalunya estaven al capdavant de les respectives circumscripcions com a delegats dels mestres majors dels seus ordes. Eren designats per aquests darrers, generalment durant la celebració del capítol general, atesa la seva rellevància dins l’organització territorial, tot i que sovint l’Hospital tingué, sobretot a la baixa edat mitjana, diverses interferències dels papes.27 Aquests responsables provincials pertanyien generalment a la petita, a la mitjana, i alguns fins i tot a l’alta noblesa del país. Cognoms com Torroja, Cardona, Montcada, Empúries, Gurb, Santjust, Ribelles, Timor, Guimerà i Oms, entre d’altres, així ho palesen.28 Generalment, però, els responsables provincials eren persones conegudes del convent central, sigui perquè havien fet viatges a Orient, sigui perquè hi havien servit temporalment. Per exemple, el mestre provincial templer fra Arnau de Torroja (1166-1181) fou designat per al càrrec després de la seva estada a Terra Santa.29 El prior de Catalunya de l’Hospital, fra Guillem de Guimerà, exercí aquest ofici (1377-1396) arran del seu nomenament fet pel seu amic Juan Fernández de Heredia.30 Els responsables de les províncies catalanes, però, en algunes ocasions proposaven al convent central les persones més adients per a ocupar els càrrecs de mestre provincial templer o castellà d’Amposta o prior de Catalunya. Generalment, també pel que fa al Temple, després de la mort del mestre provincial, mentre el convent central no nomenava un substitut, n’exercia les funcions un lloctinent. En el cas de l’Hospital, al segle xiv, després de la mort del prior, els comanadors elegien un lloctinent temporal fins que el mestre designava el nou responsable. A la mort de fra Pere Guillem d’Oms, els comanadors hospitalers, reunits a Sant Celoni, elegiren el dia 7 de març de 1372 fra Guillem de Guimerà.31

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Atesa, d’altra banda, la importància política dels responsables provincials d’ambdós ordes, sovint els mo narques catalans intentaren influir en el nomenament proposant persones de confiança al convent central per a ocupar els càrrecs, tot i que no sempre aconseguien el seu propòsit. Amb tot, tant Jaume II (1285-1327) com el seu fill Alfons II el Benigne (1327-1336) i el seu nét Pere III el Cerimoniós (1336-1387) dugueren a terme diverses actuacions que d’alguna manera comportaren el control dels càrrecs directius de la castellania i el priorat, ja sigui no acceptant els designats pel mestre major, ja sigui amenaçant de confiscar les responsions (transferències als convents centrals de Palestina) o les comandes.32 La intervenció de Pere el Cerimoniós en la designació del responsable provincial de l’Hospital és ben palesa en el nomenament de Juan Fernández de Heredia com a castellà d’Amposta el 1346 i prior de Catalunya el 1372.33 Amb tot, tal com afirma Pierre Bonneaud, «entre el 1317 i el 1377, els nomenaments de priors de Catalunya foren gairebé sistemàticament contraris als desitjos dels sobirans, que tanmateix els hagueren d’acceptar de més o menys bon grat.»34 El prestigi social d’aquests responsables era ben palès, d’altra banda, pel fet d’integrar els consells reials dels sobirans i per la seva participació, dins el braç eclesiàstic, a les Corts generals de Catalunya. Fins i tot, membres de l’orde de l’Hospital, després de la creació de la Diputació del General o Generalitat de Catalunya a la Cort general de Cervera del 1359, formaren part d’aquest organisme sigui com a diputat eclesiàstic, sigui com a oïdor de comptes. Així mateix, en la seva qualitat de caps religiosos, assistien als concilis de la Província Eclesiàstica Tarraconense.35 Alguns d’aquests dignataris de les províncies catalanes del Temple i de l’Hospital assoliren la màxima dignitat dels seus respectius ordes, com ara, entre d’altres, els casos de fra Arnau de Torroja, mestre major del Temple entre el 1181 i el 1184 —després d’haver exercit de mestre provincial de Provença i de certes parts d’Hispània entre el 1164 i el 1181—,36 de fra Juan Fernández de Heredia —prior de Catalunya entre el 1372 i el 1377, i mestre de l’Hospital a partir d’aquesta darrera data fins a la seva mort el 1396—37 i de Pere Ramon Sacosta —que havia estat castellà d’Amposta entre el 1445 i el 1461 i mestre de l’orde entre aquesta darrera data i la seva mort el 1467—.38 Els mestres provincials templers i els priors de Catalunya disposaven des de ben aviat d’una petita cúria, situada a la seu provincial: els hospitalers, pel que fa a la castellania, a Amposta i després a Saragossa,39 mentre que pel que fa al priorat de Catalunya, generalment a la casa on residia el comanador nomenat prior; els templers, successivament a Montsó i a Gardeny, i al final del segle xiii es consolidaren a Miravet. Aquesta cúria era integrada per un reduït equip de col·laboradors, entre els quals un notari escrivà, sovint un clergue, alguns frares i també cavallers aliens a l’orde.40 Amb molta freqüència, rebien els responsables de les comandes, amb els quals resolien as-

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sumptes de tràmit que per la seva poca importància no calia portar als capítols provincials. A aquestes seus provincials s’hi aplegaven els diners i els béns que després eren transferits a la casa central de l’orde a Orient, d’acord amb les taxacions que s’aprovaven per a cada comanda, en proporció a la seva riquesa i als seus ingressos. També s’hi conservava l’arxiu provincial, que estava integrat per la documentació que en l’exercici de les seves funcions generava el dignatari, a més d’altra documentació pertanyent a altres comandes però necessària per a la gestió i l’administració de la circumscripció. A Miravet, els cabals de la província templera i la documentació es conservaven en una cambra especialment sòlida anomenada «torre del tresor».41 A banda d’administrar materialment les cases de la circumscripció, els dignataris provincials també havien de vetllar perquè als convents es dugués a terme la vida religiosa i perquè els membres de les comunitats complissin les seves respectives regles i altres disposicions emanades de les jerarquies centrals. Promoure el compliment de les obligacions religioses i detectar i tallar vicis i relaxacions era una de les seves comeses, així com també castigar els transgressors amb les penes que preveia la seva pròpia legislació. Aquests dignataris, finalment, havien d’informar el convent central de la situació de la província, mitjançant cartes o fins i tot presentant-se personalment a la seu magistral quan calia. La seu magistral controlava, doncs, la província a través dels dignataris provincials, per bé que també obtenia informació a través dels frares que per raons administratives o de servei militar es desplaçaven a l’est. En algunes èpoques, el màxim responsable templer disposava d’informació de les províncies occidentals i supervisava l’actuació dels seus responsables a través d’un dignatari anomenat «mestre deçà mar», que vers la segona meitat del segle xiii evolucionà cap a la figura del visitador, en qui el mestre major delegava bona part de les seves funcions.42

Els capítols provincials El poder dels responsables de les circumscripcions no era absolut, sinó que l’exercien d’acord amb la normativa i les disposicions que emanaven dels respectius convents centrals i també dels acords que es prenien col·legiadament a les reunions anuals o capítols. Convocats pels dignataris provincials, els capítols se celebraven generalment a la seu o lloc de residència del mestre o prior i hi assistien els diversos comanadors de les cases i altres frares que hi eren convocats per tractar els assumptes importants que afectaven l’orde a la regió.43 Si al principi de l’establiment dels dos ordes al nostre país aquestes reunions es duien a terme responent a la discrecionalitat del mestre, a partir de la segona meitat del segle xiii s’anà consolidant la periodicitat anual. La seva durada era de tres o quatre dies, tot començant en diumenge. Els templers les acostumaven a

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celebrar els mesos d’abril o maig, i els llocs de preferència foren Tortosa, Barberà, Montsó i Miravet. Els hospitalers celebraven aquesta mena de reunions, pel que fa a la castellania d’Amposta, als convents d’Amposta, La Almunia de Doña Godina, Samper de Calanda i Saragossa, principalment,44 mentre que el priorat les feia a Lleida, Barcelona, Vilafranca del Penedès, Tortosa, Barberà, Gardeny i l’Espluga de Francolí.45 En aquestes reunions dels responsables de les comandes amb el dignatari provincial es tractaven i es resolien els assumptes relatius a la vida religiosa interna de les comunitats, es prenien les mesures adients per al manteniment de les regles i, molt especialment, es passava revista a l’estat econòmic de les diverses comandes.46 En aquest sentit, els comanadors templers, a partir de la segona meitat del segle xiii, fins i tot havien d’aportar una relació en la qual s’especificaven els ingressos i les despeses, els crèdits i les obligacions financeres, així com inventaris dels productes agrícoles disponibles als magatzems, del nombre d’esclaus i dels caps de bestiar, de les armes defensives i ofensives de què disposaven i també dels objectes litúrgics i de culte que es guardaven a les seves capelles.47 També s’aprovaven les propostes d’admissió de nous membres o la seva correcció o expulsió, es decidien els nomenaments dels responsables de les comandes, es fixaven les aportacions de cada casa al tresor provincial, es concedien les cartes de poblament i de franquícia, es resolien els greuges que presentaven els vassalls de l’orde —com ara l’aprovació d’ordinacions municipals i altres assumptes relacionats amb la justícia— i s’aprovaven les adquisicions, permutes i alienacions de patrimoni, la creació o la supressió de comandes, així com també les qüestions referents a la Corona, els prelats i els altres ordes religiosos, entre d’altres.48

El nucli fonamental de l’organització territorial: la comanda La base de l’organització territorial dels ordes militars descansava a casa nostra, com a la resta dels països on tenien implantació, en la comanda, preceptoria o casa, que comprenia el convent, on vivia la comunitat, i els béns i drets que constituïen el seu patrimoni.49 Les comandes es crearen de cap a cap del territori català, si bé amb una major incidència a la Catalunya Nova, on els ordes, per donació principalment dels comtes i els monarques catalans, reberen patrimonis més grans. Es fundaren a ciutats —com ara Tortosa, Lleida, Barcelona—, a poblacions mitjanes —l’Espluga de Francolí, l’Espluga Calba, Bajoles, Avinyonet, Sant Celoni—, a castells —Barberà, Granyena, Vallfogona de Riucorb, Puig-reig, Ascó, Riba-roja, Peníscola— o al mig del camp —Barbens, Aiguaviva, el Masdéu, Bajoles, Palau del Vallès—. Si bé en alguns casos la residència de la comunitat es bastí pràcticament de bell nou, en la seva major part adequaren anteriors construccions per a les necessitats de

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persones religioses. En aquest sentit, bastiren o ampliaren les capelles i les esglésies —que dotaren d’una rica ornamentació i d’objectes de culte confeccionats sovint amb materials nobles i pedres precioses—, fixaren els espais per a cementiri i arranjaren les estances destinades a dormitoris comuns i refectoris. Així mateix, disposaren de magatzems per a encabir els productes agrícoles i d’estables per al bestiar. A partir de la segona meitat del segle xiv, els hospitalers, en incrementar el patrimoni amb l’annexió dels béns del Temple i amb importants recursos econòmics, dugueren a terme diverses obres d’ampliació i d’embelliment dels seus convents, bastint «palaus nous» i noves construccions50 que per la seva complexitat, en alguns casos, s’acabaren al segle següent. A les seus de les comandes, hi residia la comunitat, integrada per persones religioses que havien fet professió solemne dels tres vots d’obediència, pobresa i castedat.51 Adequaven la seva vida al compliment de les respectives regles i a les observances fixades pels capítols generals, anomenades «estatuts», i que s’afegien al text original de la regla a mesura que s’anaven aprovant.52 També havien d’observar els bons costums i la tradició conventual de cada casa. L’incompliment de la normativa religiosa era castigat severament, sobretot al Temple, que a la seva època era considerat un dels ordes més rigorosos de la cristiandat. Les penes que s’imposaven als infractors anaven des de la penitència o presó fins a la pèrdua temporal de l’hàbit o l’expulsió definitiva. El fet que la societat catalana de la segona meitat del segle xii identifiqués el Temple i l’Hospital com a ordes militars motivà que la major part dels seus membres procedissin de la mitjana i petita noblesa del país, que coincidia profundament amb els ideals religiosos i militars d’aquests dos ordes. A mesura, però, que va anar entrant el segle xiii, les dues institucions s’obriren més a la societat, de manera que acceptaren persones procedents de les elits urbanes i del camp, caracteritzades per un cert nivell econòmic i social i generalment provinents dels grups de benefactors. Tot i això, es donava un cert hermetisme que feia que no tothom pogués ingressar a aquests ordes malgrat que els requisits indispensables fossin ser home lliure, no esclau de ningú, no estar obligat per deutes, no estar casat, no estar constituïts en ordes sagrats els no-sacerdots, no estar excomunicat, no haver-se promès a un altre orde i disposar de sanitat corporal.53 Als cavallers, a més, se’ls exigia ser «fill de cavaller i dama i procreat de matrimoni legítim.»54 Els hospitalers, segons Anthony Luttrell, fins al segle xiv no exigiren als cavallers, que foren relativament pocs, la condició de noble.55 La diversitat social d’origen dels membres de l’orde va donar com a resultat dues classes de religiosos: els cavallers —milites— i els sergents —sergentes—, als quals s’haurien d’afegir, per privilegis papals, els capellans propis.56 La tasca principal dels primers se cenyia a l’actuació militar, a la qual sovint també s’afegien al nostre país els sergents. Aquests, però, principalment ajudaven els ca-

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vallers i es dedicaven a tasques de gestió del patrimoni de la comanda o als serveis domèstics. Els capellans, que representaven una minoria dins els dos ordes, atenien es piritualment la resta de membres de la comunitat i es responsabilitzaven del culte de la capella o església. L’escassetat d’aquest tipus de membres obligà sovint els dos ordes a cercar els serveis de preveres seculars. Amb tot, si bé els capellans templers no acostumaven a dirigir cases o comandes, es donava amb molta freqüència que preveres hospitalers estiguessin al capdavant d’un convent.57 El nombre de membres que constituïen una comunitat variava segons l’orde, la casa i també l’època. Els templers disposaven de comunitats més nombroses que els hospitalers. Mentre que els primers podien acollir entre quatre i deu religiosos, com a norma general, arribant fins i tot a les comandes més importants a apropar-se a la vintena i ultrapassar-la —Gardeny comptabilitzava el 1212 vint-idos religiosos, mentre que el Masdéu el 1264 assolia la xifra de disset—,58 els convents hospitalers generalment no passaven de la mitja dotzena i el més comú era un nombre d’entre quatre i sis religiosos,59 per bé que la casa provincial, com a mínim des de la fundació de la castellania d’Amposta, degué disposar d’una comunitat més nombrosa. Aquesta reflexió demogràfica suggereix el tema del nombre global de frares a les províncies catalanes dels dos ordes, un tema ara com ara difícil de resoldre. Pel que fa als templers, només es disposa de dades fefaents corresponents a l’època del procés. Mentre que el 1319 s’assignaven les pensions fixades a cent nou frares de la província catalana de l’orde, nombre que representa la xifra dels frares sobrevivents al procés, mentre va durar, entre el 1307 i la data anterior hi ha constància de cent norantaquatre templers.60 Això vindria a confirmar que, almenys a començament del segle xiv, el nombre total de religiosos no devia anar gaire més enllà dels dos centenars. Tot i això, aquest nombre és relativament alt si el comparem amb altres països. A les illes Britàniques, en aquesta mateixa època (1308-1311), tot i disposar d’un nombre major de comandes, els frares arribaven a la xifra de cent quaranta-quatre,61 mentre que als regnes de Castella i Lleó en aquests anys es devien apropar al centenar.62 El cas de França és absolutament diferent, atesa la implantació que l’orde va tenir en aquest país, on es calcula que hi devia haver uns dos mil frares.63 També d’aquesta mateixa època se sap el rang dins l’orde de cent seixanta-sis dels cent noranta-quatre templers catalans coneguts: cent un eren sergents, que representaven el 60,84 %, cinquanta-cinc pertanyien al grup dels cavallers, representant el 33,13 %, i deu eren capellans, és a dir, només un 6,02 %.64 Ni aquestes xifres ni els percentatges no són vàlids per a final del segle xii i bona part del segle següent, moments de màxim apogeu de l’orde al nostre país, de manera que cal suposar un nombre major de frares, d’una banda, i, de l’altra, un percentatge supe rior en el grup dels cavallers.

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No tenim recomptes específics pel que fa al nombre global d’hospitalers a Catalunya. Amb tot, alguns autors han avançat les seves hipòtesis: Luttrell assigna, immediatament després de la pesta negra, entre cent cinquanta i dos-cents religiosos a la castellania65 —xifra que Maria Bonet troba excessivament baixa—,66 mentre que al priorat, a mitjan segle xiv, hi calcula entre dos-cents i doscents cinquanta religiosos.67 Entre els membres de les províncies catalanes dels dos orde, es donà una preponderància de frares d’origen ca talà com a mínim fins a començament del segle xiv. Diversos aspirants catalans ingressaren a comandes situades fora del Principat, probablement perquè les d’aquí havien ja cobert el nombre de places disponibles, fet que suggereix l’existència d’una mena de numerus clausus per a cada casa, determinat per les rendes que generava i per la capacitat dels edificis conventuals. Diversos frares templers catalans regiren comandes aragoneses. A la comanda templera d’Osca, per posar un exemple, dels nou primers comanadors entre mitjan segle xii i el 1200, sis foren catalans, i ho foren també el 36 % del total dels seus dirigents al llarg de tota la seva història.68 El català, d’altra banda, era molt sovint l’idioma utilitzat en l’administració interna d’algunes d’aquestes comandes templeres aragoneses dirigides per frares catalans. De les dotze memòries de comandes aragoneses sobre l’estat de la casa presentades al capítol provincial del 1289, vuit foren redactades en aquesta llengua i només les quatre restants utilitzaren l’aragonès o el castellà.69 Pel que fa als hospitalers, tot i la presència de frares catalans a les cases aragoneses mentre durà la circumscripció de la castellania d’Amposta, a partir del 1319, amb la creació del priorat de Catalunya, els frares d’origen català habitaren principalment a les comandes catalanes, tot i que es donaren encara casos de regir comandes aragoneses, i també, en nombre menor, d’aragonesos que dirigiren cases del priorat de Catalunya. Per exemple, al capítol de la castellania celebrat a Gandesa el 1454, tretze dels vint comanadors i frares assistents eren catalans.70 Luttrell refereix que entre el 1349 i el 1352, dels trenta-un comanadors de la castellania d’Amposta, deu eren catalans, i que, així mateix, hi havia d’aquesta mateixa nació sis conventuals d’entre seixanta, i cinc frares sacerdots sobre trenta-tres.71 Sense formar part canònicament de la comunitat religiosa, els convents templers i hospitalers albergaven sovint confrares i donats d’ambdós sexes. Es tractava de persones seglars vinculades a les cases amb diversos nivells de relació que s’hi lliuraven «en vida i en mort» i que en alguns casos fins i tot comportava la participació com a laics a la vida comunitària o un primer pas per a la seva posterior integració com a religiosos. Quan es donava la circumstància de «donades» en convents masculins, aquestes residien en cases a part.72 Sovint els convents dels ordes militars eren centres de formació d’infants i joves nobles, on se’ls ensinistrava en el maneig de les armes o simplement se’ls preparava per a

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un millor desenvolupament de les seves tasques futures.73 Un exemple prou conegut és el de l’infant Jaume, el futur Conqueridor, que passà part de la seva infantesa al castell de Montsó, sota la tutela del mestre provincial templer Guillem de Mont-rodon (1214-1217).74 Quan Jaume II féu expugnar, després d’ordenar la detenció de tots els templers dels seus regnes, el castell de Miravet perquè els seus responsables s’havien negat a complir els manaments reials, a petició dels assetjats autoritzà que abans de l’expugnació final i la capitulació poguessin abandonar el castell diversos joves seglars, fills de cavallers, que hi rebien formació.75 La vida comunitària dels frares s’adequava a les prescripcions de les seves respectives regles canòniques —la del Temple, seguint una certa tradició de la regla benedictina, i la de l’Hospital, de la de Sant Agustí— i als estatuts, usatges i costums que al llarg dels anys s’incorporaren com a annexos dels textos originals. Com a religiosos, la vida diària era regida per la celebració de la missa i el rés de les hores canòniques, que generalment escoltaven del capellà o del prevere, que les recitava o cantava, i que en cas de no poder assistir-hi substituïen pel rés d’un determinat nombre diari de parenostres. Per aquest motiu, els seus convents tenien capelles o esglésies pròpies que per privilegis papals atenien els capellans de l’orde, tot i que sovint, per la seva mancança, hagueren d’acudir als serveis de preveres seculars, els quals percebien un salari per les atencions a la comunitat.76 Sovint també, per la seva preparació literària bàsica, actuaven de notaris del convent, fet que, d’altra banda, no impedia que en actes d’especial relleu utilitzessin fedataris públics. S’acusà els templers que no se’ls permetia confessar-se amb capellans que no fossin de l’orde, cosa que era falsa, perquè, tal com varen declarar durant el procés, havien rebut el sagrament de la penitència de preveres seculars i de franciscans i dominics.77 Els hàbits diferenciaven els membres de cada orde i fins i tot les seves categories dins el seu orde. Així, els templers portaven hàbits i mantells blancs els cavallers, amb el senyal de la creu patent vermella, mentre que els sergents i els capellans els portaven negres. Els hàbits i els mantells dels membres de l’Hospital eren de color negre, amb la creu simple de color blanc; en batalla, però, els hàbits i els mantells eren de color vermell, tal com apareix al quadre sobre la batalla de Malta. Diferenciava també l’aspecte dels uns i dels altres el fet que els templers anaven barbats i els hospitalers duien la barba rasurada. Els uns i els altres, quan no es trobaven en batalla, es cobrien el cap amb bonets.78 Els ordes militars tingueren un gran interès en la cura, l’endreça i l’ornamentació de les seves esglésies, tot i que, especialment en el cas dels templers, fossin bastides amb una certa austeritat copiada del Cister. Les dotaren de veracreus d’argent, de cristall i d’orfebreria de Llemotges, frontals d’altar i llànties d’argent, a més d’ornaments sagrats confeccionats amb seda i or, i també d’obra «morisca».79 Els hospitalers dedicaren generalment al seu titular sant Joan les seves esglésies i capelles —fins i tot moltes de

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les parroquials de les poblacions que senyorejaven i a la construcció de les quals l’orde havia col·laborat econòmicament—, mentre que els templers preferiren com a titulars santa Maria i sant Salvador. Ambdós instituts tingueren una gran predilecció per les relíquies —bona part de les quals adquiriren a Orient—, que conservaven en bells reliquiaris d’argent amb incrustacions de pedres precioses, entre les quals les de la Veracreu, santa Bàrbara, santa Maria Magdalena, sant Esteve i les túniques de Jesucrist i la Mare de Déu.80 De la mateixa manera que els altres monestirs, tant les cases del Temple com les de l’Hospital acolliren a les seves esglésies i els seus cementiris les despulles de nobles benefactors de la contrada, sovint amb l’oposició dels prelats diocesans, ja que aquest costum minvava els ingressos de les seves parròquies. Tot i que per un privilegi del 1139, enregistrat a la butlla Omne datum optimum d’Innocenci II —considerada la base de totes les exempcions i els privilegis de què gaudiren els templers—, els frares podien disposar d’esglésies, capellans propis i cementiris on, a més dels membres de la comunitat, hi podien enterrar persones vinculades a l’orde, motiu pel qual moltes vegades topaven amb la intransigència dels bisbes. Els frares, però, sovint obtenien el seu propòsit acudint a la Santa Seu, que defensava els seus drets, o bé pactant mitjançant aportacions econòmiques per part dels frares o distribuint-se els drets entre el convent i el prelat. El 1200, el bisbe d’Osca es resistia a consagrar l’església i a beneir el cementiri de l’orde en aquesta ciutat, de manera que, davant la queixa dels frares al papa, aquest comminà el bisbe a fer-ho, al mateix temps que, per assegurar-se’n, ho manava també al bisbe veí de Lleida.81 En aquesta ciutat, el prelat avaluava el 1245 en cinc-centes monedes d’or els drets parroquials de vint parroquians que s’havien deixat per inhumar al cementiri de Gardeny.82 Superades algunes friccions i després de pactar diversos acords, al final es convingué que dels béns deixats a l’església cada part n’obtindria la meitat.83 A Tortosa s’esdevingueren també problemes semblants des que el 1192 el mestre provincial obtingué del bisbe l’autorització per a disposar d’un cementiri a la Suda amb la condició que no s’hi poguessin enterrar parroquians de la ciutat; el 1281, a petició del mestre, es derogà aquesta condició, si bé es pactà que una quarta part dels llegats del difunt a l’orde s’havia d’assignar al bisbe i a l’església diocesana, llevat de les concessions de pitances, cavalls i armes, que serien íntegrament per als frares.84 Als convents dels ordes hi habitaven sovint persones no vinculades pels vots religiosos per bé que els hi unien uns lligams especials: eren els confrares i els donats, que podien ser d’ambdós sexes. La major part dels primers, però, mantenien la seva vida secular i, a més de donar diners o algun bé a les respectives comunitats, es deixaven per enterrar a les seves esglésies. Podien ser homes, dones o matrimonis, i de totes les classes socials, des de nobles fins a pagesos, passant per cavallers, clergues, menestrals, artesans o pastors.85 Si a l’Aragó i a Navarra, el professor Ubieto Arteta en va comptar cinc-cents vint-i-sis entre el

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1135 i el 1182,86 i Forey cinquanta-dos vinculats a la comanda de Novillas a finals del segle xii,87 Prim Bertran n’ha comptabilitazat noranta-tres a Gardeny des de la creació de la comanda fins al 1204.88 Els donats, per la seva banda, podien ser també dels dos sexes i alguns habitaven al convent, generalment en residències diferents quan es tractava de persones de l’altre sexe.89 Quan eren inhumats als cementiris de l’orde, vestien l’hàbit corresponent, per bé que si en general anaven guarnits només amb la mitja creu,90 al nostre país, si jutgem per les tombes que resten, devien portar l’hàbit sencer.91 La comanda integrava també el patrimoni i els drets que percebia, bàsicament de l’explotació de les propietats agràries. Una part important d’aquestes propietats, tots dos ordes les obtingueren al principi del seu establiment al país, gràcies a la magnanimitat dels comtes catalans al segle xii, i després foren ampliades pels seus successors. La seva renúncia a la part de l’herència d’Alfons el Bataller fou generosament recompensada amb la concessió de diversos castells i propietats per Ramon Berenguer IV, el 1140, mitjançant un acord amb el mestre hospitaler Raymond du Puy, desplaçat expressament a Catalunya,92 i el 1143 amb Everard des Barrès, preceptor de França i delegat del mestre major templer Robert de Craon.93 Una altra part del seu patrimoni fou adquirida arran de la col· laboració dels ordes en les empreses de conquesta feudal dels segles xii (Tortosa i Lleida) i xiii (Mallorca i València).94 Les donacions dels fidels i especialment de la noblesa —molt identificada ideològicament amb el projecte bèl·lic d’ambdós ordes— representaren un forniment constant de noves aportacions de terres i drets. De la mateixa manera que els altres monestirs de la seva època, una part de les terres l’explotaven directament a través dels sergents i amb la col·laboració de donats, personal a sou, i a partir de la segona meitat del segle xiii també d’esclaus que adquiriren per a aquesta finalitat i per al servei domèstic. La resta de la propietat agrària era explotada amb concessions emfitèutiques a pagesos que pagaven amb una part de la collita o amb un cànon anual.95 A més de les rendes de procedència agrària, templers i hospitalers arrodonien els seus ingressos amb les procedents de l’exercici de la jurisdicció sobre diverses pobla cions, i també de l’explotació de molins, forns, teuleries i salines i de l’arrendament immobiliari urbà. Els templers, per la seva banda, disposaren de ramats, que explotaven per la via de la transhumància. La ramaderia no fou una tasca cenyida a les comandes rurals, sinó també a algunes d’urbanes, com ara les de Tortosa i Gardeny, que disposaren de nombrosos caps de bestiar. A més del bestiar boví, de llana i cabrum —Gardeny, a finals del segle xii, tenia unes dues mil ovelles i el Masdéu, a mitjan segle següent, unes quatre mil—, ambdós ordes, generalment per donació de nobles i cavallers, disposaven d’un nombre elevat d’equins, utilitzats en les campanyes militars i també com a mitjà de transport personal o de productes, i sovint com a pagament de compres de terres o béns en les seves transaccions.96

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La supressió de l’orde del Temple i la creació del nou orde de Montesa. La reorganització administrativa de la castellania d’Amposta A començament del segle xiv, la supressió de l’orde del Temple pel papa Climent V durant la celebració del Concili de Viena del Delfinat tingué una gran repercussió en el paper que en el futur havien de tenir els ordes militars dins els dominis dels monarques catalans. D’entrada, va comportar la desaparició —després d’un llarg procés seguit contra els templers d’arreu del món cristià (1307-1312)— d’aquests frares en el seu àmbit territorial d’actuació i després l’assignació dels seus béns a l’orde de l’Hospital en general i la creació d’un nou orde militar que continués la lluita contra els sarraïns al regne de València.97 Al llarg de les negociacions del papa quan s’estava debatent a Viena del Delfinat la sort definitiva de l’orde i sobretot dels seus béns amb els diversos representants dels prínceps europeus, no hi ha cap mena de dubte que fou Jaume II de Catalunya el més interessat a cercar una solució que respectés els seus propis interessos. Cap monarca europeu no palesà una voluntat més gran que el català a obtenir acords favorables al seu posicionament, que no acceptava el reforçament excessiu que podrien tenir els hospitalers amb el patrimoni templer i que propugnava la creació d’un nou orde vinculat a Calatrava perquè continués la tasca de defensa del territori valencià. Els seus ambaixadors aconseguiren que el pontífex fes primer una excepció de l’assignació general amb els béns que l’orde del Temple posseïa a la península Ibèrica i, després, que el 1317, el successor Joan XXII —després de diverses entrevistes amb els nuncis i els ambaixadors de Jaume II— creés el nou orde de Montesa mitjançant la butlla Ad fructus uberes, del 10 de juny d’aquell any.98 El document papal assenyalava que per a la defensa de la frontera es constituiria al castell de Montesa un nou orde amb frares de Calatrava —sota visita i correcció del mestre d’aquest orde, però amb l’assistència dels abats de Santes Creus o de Vall digna—, al qual se li assignaven els béns que el Temple havia posseït al regne de València, així com els que hi posseïa l’Hospital, llevat de l’església que tenia a la capital i el castell i vila de Torrent.99 La resta dels béns de la província catalana del Temple fou assignada als hospitalers, que incrementaren formidablement el seu patrimoni, de manera que per a gestionar-lo millor el 1319 dividiren la castellania d’Amposta en dues entitats administratives: una que rebé el mateix nom i que englobava totes les comandes situades als marges drets de l’Ebre i del Segre i una altra que denominaren priorat de Catalunya, amb les cases situades als marges esquerres d’aquests rius, més les tres del Rosselló i la de Mallorca.100 A mitjan segle xiv, passat el període de reorganització territorial, la castellania tenia, segons Maria Bonet Donato, trenta-una comandes —una de les quals femenina, Sixena—.101 Hi havia altres unitats administratives com ara les «batllies», que integraven diverses coman-

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des, els «membres» o dominis pertanyents a una comanda, i els «priorats» i «abadiats», de caràcter exclusivament eclesiàstic.102 Al llarg del segle xv es crearen algunes comandes noves mitjançant la segregació de membres pertanyents a una casa. El priorat de Catalunya, per la seva banda, el 1320, segons Anthony Luttrell, el constituïen vint-i-nou comandes —una de les quals femenina, la d’Alguaire—.103 També al priorat, durant el segle xv es crearen noves comandes, com la de l’Espluga Calba.104 El domini senyorial d’aquestes dues entitats hospitaleres era tan extens que a començament del segle xv la castellania posseïa gairebé el 24 % dels senyorius d’Aragó, amb més de 4.300 focs, uns 2.700 al sector de l’Ebre català; el priorat, per la seva banda, ultrapassava el 2.280 focs, uns quants menys dels que havia tingut el 1358, que s’elevaven a 2.612, amb jurisdicció sobre cent onze llocs.105

Les aportacions de les províncies als convents centrals La funció específica de les comandes occidentals, a banda de reclutar nous membres, es limitava a proporcionar els cabals que havien de garantir la seva missió a Orient de suport i atenció als pelegrins, primer, i de defensa dels enclavaments occidentals de Terra Santa, després. Això implicava que una part dels ingressos que les comandes eu ropees obtenien de les seves explotacions havia de ser tramesa als respectius convents centrals com a respon sions.106 La responsabilitat d’aplegar-ne l’import requeia en el mestre provincial per als templers o en el castellà d’Amposta o el prior de Catalunya, quant a l’Hospital. Si bé sembla que a les diverses províncies europees el seu import representava una tercera part dels ingressos, que, pel que fa als hospitalers, a partir del segle xiv es rebaixà a una quarta o una cinquena part,107 les especials circumstàncies d’aquestes organitzacions del Principat, com també als altres regnes de la península Ibèrica, per raó de la seva col· laboració en la lluita contra l’islam, feren que es reduís a una desena part.108 L’import, de totes maneres, era pactat per un cert temps entre la casa central i la província, i es repartia proporcionalment entre les diverses comandes d’acord amb la seva riquesa i els seus ingressos. La responsió dels templers a Orient el 1304, data de la qual tenim xifres, s’elevava a mil marques d’argent o cinquanta-dos mil tornesos del mateix metall.109 Quant als hospitalers, la contribució de les cases al convent central fou establerta en la regla de Raymond du Puy, aprovada pel papa el 1145 i que es considerava una tercera part dels ingressos de cada comanda. Cada prior era inicialment el responsable del seu aplegament i de la seva tramesa a Orient, però el capítol general de Rodes del 1358 creà dins cada priorat un responsable, amb la comesa de fer-la arribar al Tresor de Rodes. A començament del segle xiv, les responsions de la Castellania —que agrupava totes les comandes situades en terres de la Corona catalana— sumaven la quantitat de mil florins d’Aragó, xifra que des-

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prés de l’annexió dels béns del Temple s’elevà a quatre mil florins bons (d’Avinyó, Florència o Rodes) per part de la castellania d’Amposta i quatre mil més pel priorat de Catalunya, que ben aviat, però, fou reduïda a tres mil florins.110 A final d’aquest segle i a començament del següent, es mantingué la mateixa quantitat dels tres mil sis-cents florins d’Aragó (igual a tres mil «florins bons»), per bé que a partir del 1415 es rebaixà a tres mil cinc-cents florins d’Aragó. Amb aquesta aportació, el priorat de Catalunya, dels vint-i-sis priorats de l’orde, resultava el tercer en major contribució, després dels de França i Sant Gèli de Provença.111 Arran del capítol general tingut a Roma el 1446, es fixà un nou sistema de càlcul de les aportacions que significà per al priorat català la quantitat de cinc mil florins. A banda de les responsions, el mestre major sol·licità contribucions extraordinàries per a cobrir necessitats també extraordinàries. Generalment, es tractava de quantitats que s’afegien a les responsions i que es repartien en tres o cinc anys. Aquests tipus d’ajuda al convent central ja es donaren a començament del segle xiv i continuaren durant el segle següent. Es justificaven generalment per les despeses especials d’actuació contra els turcs otomans i els mongols, o també contra els mamelucs del soldà d’Egipte, els quals el 1444 posaren setge a la ciutat de Rodes, on els hospitalers resistiren durant trenta dies. L’import de les responsions i les contribucions especials, anomenades annuata —anyades, en català—, representà per al priorat, als segles xiv i xv, una aportació anual d’entre cinc mil cinc-cents i set mil florins.112 Les aportacions de la província a la casa central no es limitaven només a diners, sinó que sovint es completaven, ateses les necessitats de tota mena que tenien els ordes per a desenvolupar eficaçment la seva missió a Orient, amb la tramesa de cavalls, arnesos i armes, i també productes alimentaris com ara cereals, oli, formatge i cansalades. Malgrat que els membres d’aquests ordes a les terres catalanes eren destinats primordialment a col·laborar en les campanyes militars d’eixamplament territorial promogudes pels monarques, les províncies acudiren sempre a les crides del convent central reclamant més personal. L’aportació de frares a Orient, sigui en servei permanent o temporal, fou constant per part dels dos ordes, especialment a partir del darrer quart del segle xii, en què s’incrementà després de l’expansió catalana cap al sud aconseguint tot el territori valencià. En algun moment, els frares catalans establerts al convent central representaren veritables grups de pressió que decantaren fins i tot l’elecció del nou mestre en favor d’un frare català, com són els casos del mestre major templer Arnau de Torroja (11811184) o els hospitalers Antoni de Fluvià (1421-1437) i Pere Ramon Sacosta (1461-1467). També, en alguns moments, la presència de frares catalans fou molt destacada en la cúria magistral —com en temps del darrer mestre templer Jacques de Molay (1292-1307), en què actuaren de consellers i col·laboradors íntims—.113

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La col·laboració de la província catalana templera a Orient perdurà fins a la supressió de l’orde, com ho prova el fet que dels setanta-sis frares interrogats durant el procés a Nicòsia, set procedien de l’esmentada circumscripció, essent els catalans els més nombrosos després dels francesos.114 La presència catalana a Orient resta també ben palesa pels quatre templers engarjolats a Trípoli, per a l’alliberament dels quals Jaume II féu diverses gestions, fins i tot després de la supressió de l’orde.115 La presència, d’altra banda, d’hospitalers catalans a Orient, generalment poc significativa fins a començament del segle xv, s’intensificà després de superat el Cisma d’Occident, període en què Benet XIII controlà els càrrecs i les dignitats hospitaleres del priorat i la castellania.116 A partir de l’assemblea tinguda a Avinyó el 1418, en què el mestre major Philibert de Naillac convocà diversos representants de les llengües d’Espanya, França, l’Alvèrnia i la Provença, s’incrementaren les relacions de la castellania i el priorat amb el convent central de Rodes.117 Com a fruit de la nova situació creada, el mestre autoritzà l’ingrés al priorat català de vint-i-quatre frares cavallers per ser destinats a Rodes i, al cap de poc temps, de nou cavallers més a la castellania i onze als priorats de Castella i de Portugal, és a dir, un total de quaranta-quatre de la península Ibèrica, mentre que a la resta dels altres priorats només n’autoritzà globalment trenta-un. Entre el 1417 i el 1447, hom constata la presència a Rodes de cinquanta-dos hospitalers del priorat català, procedents socialment de la noblesa (trenta-dos frares) —entre els quals els Erill, els Cardona i els Mur—, del grup dels cavallers (vint-i-vuit frares) i del patriciat urbà (disset frares).118 El compromís i l’actuació de frares catalans a Orient propiciaren l’elecció el 1421 d’Antoni de Fluvià com a mestre major de l’Hospital, el qual durant l’exercici del seu mestrat (1421-1437) es rodejà de frares catalans per als càrrecs principals del convent de Rodes, tant a l’illa com també a l’exterior.119 Gairebé al cap d’un quart de segle, el 1461, un altre català fou elegit mestre major de l’Hospital: es tracta de Pere Ramon Sacosta. Havia col·laborat amb Fluvià, que el nomenà batlle de Rodes —on consta el 1436—, i el 1444 obtingué el càrrec de draper i l’any següent el de castellà d’Amposta, priorat que regí entre el 1445 i el 1461. Durant el seu mestrat (1461-1467), comptà també amb la col· laboració de frares catalans.120 Finalment, els hospitalers catalans participaren destacadament en la defensa de Rodes, ja fos a terra o a bord de les galeres, davant els atacs mamelucs del 1440 i el 1444 i dels otomans dels anys 1453-1454.121

La participació dels ordes a les campanyes militars122 Els templers, des del moment que van assumir la península Ibèrica com un objectiu de la seva missió a partir de

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l’acord subscrit a Girona el novembre del 1143, participaren a les campanyes militars dels comtes de Barcelona i estigueren presents a les preses de Tortosa (1148) i Lleida (1149) on reberen en recompensa una part important de les terres novament conquerides. Però on la col·laboració dels templers es féu més notòria fou en les conquestes de Mallorca i València, on reberen, així mateix, patrimonis importants que afavoriren la fundació de noves comandes (una a la Ciutat de Mallorca i les de Xivert, Borriana i València al País Valencià).123 Algunes vegades, tal com afirma Forey,124 els templers també dugueren accions militars al marge de les campanyes reials, sigui per iniciativa pròpia sigui per conquerir el que els havia concedit el monarca. Jaume I, per exemple, els atorgà les alqueries de Benhamet i Mantella, prop de Borriana, a condició que les conquerissin.125 A banda del personal militar, aquests frares sovint oferiren la seva opinió i el seu consell als monarques abans d’iniciar una campanya militar. Amb tot, els contingents templers que participaven a l’exèrcit reial no foren mai gaire nombrosos, com ho palesa el fet que a la conquesta de Mallorca no devien passar de cent cavallers126 i que el 1303 Jaume II els sol·licités inicialment un centenar de cavallers per repel·lir un atac des de Granada i que finalment només els en demanés vint o trenta.127 D’altra banda, els hospitalers, tot i que inicialment no prengueren part en la campanya de conquesta de Mallorca —després, però, foren recompensats per Jaume I amb la concessió de diverses terres—,128 foren presents en la conquesta valenciana i fins i tot el castellà Hug de Fullalquer animà, com a membre del consell reial Jaume I, a tirar endavant l’empresa, a la qual participaren. Així mateix, aquests frares contribuïren econòmicament a les campanyes de Pere el Catòlic al migdia francès. En les guerres de l’època del regnat de Pere III amb Castella, Gènova i Mallorca, el monarca comptà sovint amb la col·laboració bèl·lica de diversos membres de l’Hospital. El 1358 Juan Fernández de Heredia es traslladà a Aragó per participar a la guerra contra Castella, a la qual, d’altra banda, la castellania aportà cent cinquanta cavallers i cinquanta mil sous,129 mentre que fra Guillem de Guimerà, uns anys abans, el 1344, col·laborava en la recuperació del Rosselló.130

La col·laboració institucional Gairebé des dels inicis del seu establiment al país, el mestre provincial del Temple sovint formà part de la comitiva que acompanyava el comte rei. Si això és ben palès ja amb el primer responsable, fra Pere de Rovira (11411158), l’assistència del mestre als actes més importants de la monarquia es potencià en temps d’Alfons I (11621196). Fra Arnau de Torroja, per exemple, al llarg dels quinze anys en què dirigí la província catalanoprovençal (1166-1181), sense descurar les seves obligacions vers

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l’orde, sovint apareix documentat al costat del rei. Aquest costum perdurarà, pel que fa als responsables templers i hospitalers, al llarg de tota l’època medieval. A la baixa edat mitjana, els priors de Catalunya, i igualment els castellans d’Amposta, formaren part dels respectius consells reials. Com a tals, els monarques catalans els utilitzaven per a missions especials, sovint com a ambaixadors davant la Seu Apostòlica o davant altres monarques. El mestre provincial templer Guillem de Mont-rodon formà part de l’ambaixada tramesa a Roma a finals del 1213 per a gestionar amb Innocenci III la recuperació del rei infant Jaume I. Un altre mestre, fra Jaume de Pontons, presidí l’ambaixada tramesa pel Conqueridor el 1262 al papa Urbà IV per a negociar el casament del seu fill Pere amb Constança de Sicília. I un altre mestre, fra Arnau de Castellnou, fou enviat el 1272 a la Cort francesa per a gestions del mateix rei Jaume I.131 Després de la mort de Blanca d’Anjou, Jaume II utilitzà els hospitalers —concretament fra Mateu de Laodicea, el germà del qual era comanador de Xipre— per a concertar el seu matrimoni amb Maria de Xipre (1315).132 Pere el Cerimoniós utilitzà en diverses ocasions els serveis de Juan Fernández de Heredia com a ambaixador seu a Castella i a Navarra i molt especialment davant la cúria pontifícia d’Avinyó.133 Un altre exemple de la col·laboració institucional dels templers i els hospitalers del nostre país, el representa la participació dels seus màxims responsables a la Cort general de Catalunya, a la qual assistien, integrant el braç eclesiàstic, el mestre provincial del Temple fins al 1307 i el castellà d’Amposta primer, i a partir del 1319, amb la crea ció del priorat de Catalunya, el prior. Quan, però, els càrrecs estaven absents o vacants, o els exercien lloctinents, eren aquests o els procuradors els qui hi assistien.134 Alguns membres de l’Hospital, d’altra banda, tingueren una participació molt destacada en el màxim organisme representatiu del país, la Generalitat de Catalunya, sorgit de la Cort general de Cervera del 1359. Ja en la primera Diputació, fou elegit fra Pere Arnau de Paretstortes, prior de Catalunya, com a diputat pel braç eclesiàstic.135 En la primera etapa d’aquest organisme (1359-1413), diversos frares hospitalers foren elegits per la Cort general per a exercir càrrecs directius de la institució: fra Pere Toló, comanador de Gardeny, exercí d’oïdor eclesiàstic entre el 1375 i el 1376,136 i Guillem de Guimerà fou diputat eclesiàstic els anys 1376-1377.137 Després de la consolidació de la Diputació del General a la Cort de Barcelona del 1413, alguns hospitalers assoliren la direcció de la institució, bé com a diputats eclesiàstics o com a oïdors de comptes: en són exemples Joan Desgarrigues, comanador del Masdéu, que fou diputat eclesiàstic en el trienni 1419-1422, i Joan Despilles, comanador de Barbens, que exercí d’oïdor eclesiàstic en el trienni 1461-1464.138 La Diputació del General es componia de tres diputats —un pel braç eclesiàstic, que presidia, un pel braç miltar o nobiliari i un altre pel braç reial, és a dir, els burgesos— més tres oïdors de comptes, un també per cada braç.

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La col·laboració administrativa, fiscal i econòmica Atesa l’expertesa en la gestió econòmica de les seves comandes, els monarques catalans de finals del segle xii i primera meitat del següent comptaren sovint amb la col· laboració de frares templers en la direcció de les seves finances. Destacaren en aquests serveis els frares de la comanda de Palau del Vallès-Barcelona, els comanadors de la qual, a finals del segle xii, foren els responsables de percebre i supervisar els comptes dels batlles reials.139 Encara el 1289, Alfons II el Liberal comissionà fra Romeu Burguet per a rebre els comptes de tots els funcionaris reials.140 Des del final del segle xiii fins a la detenció dels templers a finals del 1307, fra Jaume d’Ollers exercí el càrrec de procurador del rei de Mallorca en els seus estats transpirinencs.141 Els dos ordes, d’altra banda, a més de prestar diners a nobles i particulars, ho feren sovint als monarques. Alfons I, per exemple, acudí diverses vegades al crèdit dels templers, i es veié obligat, per no haver retornat sengles préstecs de cinc mil morabatins el 1169 i el 1182, a cedir el castell de Riba-roja, que juntament amb d’altres béns havia empenyorat com a garantia de devolució dels diners.142 El 1247, Jaume I reconeixia un préstec de mil marques d’argent que els frares li havien fet, garantides sobre diversos drets reials a Tortosa i Peníscola.143 Els hospitalers, per la seva banda, foren també prestamistes primerencs dels comtes barcelonins: el 1158 Ramon Berenguer IV rebia dels frares mil cinc-cents morabatins, el retorn dels quals el comte garantia en diversos béns.144 L’Hospital, després de la supressió del Temple, sovint a requeriment de la Corona —que esperava una col· laboració més gran pel fet d’haver obtingut els béns dels templers—, contribuí a les campanyes reials. Així, el 1320 el prior de Catalunya col·laborà amb trenta mil sous per a la contenció de la frontera granadina.145 Entre el 1323 i el 1324, l’Hospital participà amb personal propi a la conquesta de Sardenya i, a més, el priorat de Catalunya va prometre a Jaume II un ajut econòmic de cent cinquanta mil sous.146

Templers i hospitalers, promotors de la colonització a la Catalunya Nova La major part de les donacions comtals als dos ordes fou a la Catalunya Nova, en territoris recentment conquerits. Per aquest motiu i per tal d’assegurar-ne l’establiment, els ordes militars dugueren a terme una important tasca de colonització de les terres concedides atraient nous repobladors perquè s’hi instal·lessin. Aquesta actuació colonitzadora fou especialment intensa a les comarques lleidatanes, a través de les comandes templeres de Gardeny, Barbens i Corbins, amb la concessió de terres a pagesos, sota pagament de cànons anuals o bé de part de les collites.147 L’acció colonitzadora fou encara més accentuada a les ter-

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res de l’Ebre,148 amb la concessió de cartes de poblament, especialment a través de la comanda templera de Miravet i de les comandes hospitaleres d’Amposta —terme concedit a l’Hospital el 8 de gener de 1150— i d’Ulldecona —donada a l’orde el 1178—. L’acció hospitalera es dugué a terme principalment entre la dècada dels anys vint i la dels vuitanta del segle xiii. La primera fou la d’Ulldecona, el 1222, a la qual van seguir les de Font de l’Ametlla el 1227, la Sénia el 1232, Alcanar el 1239, les Ventalles el 1257, l’Aldea el 1258, Sant Lluc d’Ulldecona el 1274 i Freginal el 1283.149 Els templers, per la seva banda, colonitzaren l’extens terme del castell de Miravet, concedit per Ramon Berenguer IV el 1153, i dugueren a terme una important tasca repobladora des de la comanda d’Ascó, organitzada ja el 1191. Concediren cartes de poblament als llocs de Gandesa el 1192 i el 1194,150 Pinell el 1223,151 Batea el 1205,152 Ginestar, Rasquera153 i On el 1206, les Camposines el 1209, Prat de Comte el 1210, Vilalba el 1224, Garropte el 1237, Vall de Batea el 1244, Gandesola el 1248, Pinyeres i Algars el 1280154 i la Pobla de Massaluca el 1295.155 La major part dels concessionaris d’aquests instruments poblacionals procedien de llocs sota domini dels ordes, especialment de les comarques occidentals del Principat, per bé que en algunes poblacions es fixaren normatives relatives als anteriors habitants sarraïns. La fixació de l’estructura feudal als territoris conquerits i colonitzats obligà els dos ordes a prendre mesures per a l’establiment de normatives especials que garantissin l’organització social, econòmica i jurídica dels seus habitants. Si bé inicialment la major part de les noves instal·lacions de pagesos es regiren per la normativa jurídica aragonesa de Saragossa, o bé pels Usatges de Barcelona o els Costums de Lleida, la nova situació va motivar la fixació de normatives més adequades a la complexitat social, econòmica o jurídica dels nous habitants. Els templers participaren en l’elaboració, negociació i aprovació dels Costums de Tortosa. També gestionaren l’elaboració dels Costums de Miravet, que foren aprovats ja pels hospitalers el 1319, com a successors dels templers a la senyoria. El mestre provincial templer Berenguer de Cardona aprovava el 1296 els Costums d’Horta, mentre que passats els límits de l’inici de l’època moderna, el 1517, el comanador hospitaler d’Ascó aprovava els Costums de la Torre de l’Espanyol.156 Els responsables hospitalers donaren també la seva autorització i signaren les ordinacions que havien elaborat diversos municipis sota la seva senyoria, com ara l’Espluga de Francolí (1347)157 o Vallfogona de Riucorb (1393).158

Els ordes militars i el comerç català a Orient La presència de templers i hospitalers a Orient afavorí molt especialment el comerç dels mercaders catalans, que trobaren a les seves cases no sols el sopluig sinó sovint el suport tècnic de les seves operacions mercantils. Dipòsits

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fets a la comanda del Temple de Barcelona es podien rescatar als convents orientals, i a l’inrevés. El 1270, per exemple, Guillem de Pujalt va rebre del convent de Palau una certa quantitat de diner que havia dipositat en una comanda d’Orient.159 A partir, però, del segle xiv, després de l’establiment de l’orde de l’Hospital a Rodes, s’inicià la presència dels mercaders catalans en aquesta illa, que no començà a ser important, però, fins a finals d’aquest segle,160 i s’intensificà al següent, especialment durant els governs de l’orde dels dos mestres catalans, Antoni de Fluvià i Ramon Sacosta. Com ha afirmat Claude Carrère, de la mateixa manera que els genovesos feren de Quios la seva base principal, els catalans van utilitzar Rodes com a plataforma de les seves activitats comercials al Llevant i a la mar Egea, des d’on els seus vaixells arribaven a Quios, Xipre, la mar Negra i fins i tot a Alexandria.161 Els mercaders catalans principalment exportaven draps, ametlles, metalls i corall i importaven espècies, sucre, cotó, alum i esclaus.162

Les branques femenines dels ordes militars a Catalunya Alguns ordes militars fundaren també a Catalunya diversos convents per a dones, que no tingueren, però, la importància dels d’homes. A l’orde del Temple, tot i que la seva regla prohibia taxativament l’ingrés de personal femení —«que les dones en qualitat de fraresses, no siguin, doncs, rebudes a la casa del Temple»—,163 la realitat fou ben diferent, perquè a diversos indrets d’Europa hi hagué convents femenins.164 A Catalunya, tanmateix, es donaren casos de dones nobles que en diversos nivells d’integració formaren part de comunitats templeres. El 1133, la dama rossellonesa Açalaida es lliurava al Temple «per tal de viure sota l’obediència del mestre i sense cap propietat»,165 mentre que Adelaida de Subirats precisava en el document de donació a l’orde que «es lliurava per tal de viure sota l’obediència del mestre i regla de la casa del Temple i dels seus frares.»166 Un cas més puntual el representa Ermengarda de Banyeres, la qual, havent-se ofert com a so ror al Temple el 1196,167 al cap de dos anys apareix com a «preceptora» de la comanda del Rourell, al Camp de Tarragona.168 Amb tot, l’existència d’aquesta comanda fou relativament breu en el temps, ja que, desapareguda Ermengarda, deixà de ser mixta.169 La presència femenina de l’orde de l’Hospital fou més intensa i se’n coneixen quatre convents: el d’Isot —situat prop de Bellfort, al municipi de la Baronia de Rialp (la Noguera) i documentat el 1190—,170 el de Siscar —documentat a començament del segle xiii—,171 el de Santa Maria de la Ràpita —fundat al segle xiii i present en aquest lloc fins al 1477, en què les monges es traslladaren a Tortosa—172 i el de Cervera-Alguaire —fundat el 1245 a Cervera per Marquesa de Saguàrdia, senyora de l’Espluga de Francolí, i traslladat entre el 1250 i el 1262 a Alguaire—.173 Fou el convent més important del Principat, on s’acollien

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noies i dames de la noblesa catalana. La seva priora tenia dret a assistir als capítols provincials de l’orde, juntament amb els altres responsables de comandes.174 Les religioses professes habitaven en cases privades dins l’àmbit monacal; disposaven, però, dels corresponents espais per a fer vida comunitària, com ara l’església, la sala capitular i els dormitoris. Al complex conventual, hi havia les estances destinades als capellans, a la priora —on es guardaven els documents i els llibres— i també als monarques, les anomenades «cambres reials».175 El cenobi patí els efectes de la Guerra Civil catalana del segle xv176 i molt més intensament de la dels Segadors, en què les monges —en nombre d’unes trenta-sis— foren traslladades el març del 1644 a Lleida —al palau del bisbe— i a final de maig a Barcelona, des d’on retornaren a Alguaire el 1653.177 Però l’estat ruïnós en què quedà el cenobi determinà que les autoritats santjoanistes decidissin el trasllat definitiu de la comunitat a Barcelona el 1699, i el convent d’Alguaire restà abandonat.178 Malgrat que la presència de l’orde lleonesocastellà de Sant Jaume fou molt minsa a Catalunya, diversament del que s’esdevingué a Aragó —on disposà d’una comanda a Montalbán, de la qual depenien totes les altres fundacions de la Corona catalana, i una altra a Terol—, tenia un comanador per a administrar els béns de Sidamon i Palau d’Anglesola, posseïa drets a Lleida, Alcoletge i Montblanc i regí l’hospital d’Olesa de Bonesvalls.179 Per contra, tingueren una forta rellevància els dos monestirs femenins d’aquest orde, el de Sant Pere de la Pedra, fundat a Lleida el 1260, i especialment el de Santa Maria de Jonqueres. Les primeres notícies sobre l’església de Sant Pere de la Pedra daten del 1260, en què Jaume I posà sota la seva protecció les propietats que l’orde de Sant Jaume tenia a Lleida.180 Fou patrocinat per Constança d’Anglesola i de Montcada, que en fou la primera priora. Tot i que hom preveia una comunitat de tretze religioses, en realitat sempre fou molt minsa durant els setanta anys d’existència, de manera que el 1320 només estava constituïda per dues monges.181 Integraven el seu patrimoni diversos molins a la ciutat de Lleida i drets sobre la séquia de Fontanet, Alcoletge i Vallseguer.182 La mala administració, la manca de vocacions i el progressiu trasllat voluntari de religioses a Jonqueres determinaren que el 1342 el mestre de Santiago unís la comunitat al monestir barceloní de Santa Maria de Jonqueres, al qual assignà també les propietats de Sant Pere de la Pedra, amb la condició, però, de mantenir-hi un capellà a l’església per pregar pels benefactors.183 El monestir de l’orde de Sant Jaume de Santa Maria de Jonqueres fou fundat el 1214 per una dama noble a Sant Vicenç de Jonqueres, prop de Sabadell, amb l’autorització del bisbe de Barcelona, Berenguer de Palou, i sota la regla de sant Benet.184 Aquest mateix any la comunitat fou confirmada pel papa Innocenci III.185 La comtessa Garsenda de Provença, benefactora de la comunitat, aconseguí que s’incorporés a l’orde de Fe i Pau, establert a Gascunya, afiliat a l’orde de Sant Jaume.186

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Protegit pels monarques i privilegiat pels papes —el 1246 Innocenci IV l’acollí sota la seva protecció i en confirmà les possessions—,187 el 1273 la comunitat habitava al costat del molí de Carbonell, fora de les muralles de Barcelona, a tocar del terme de Sant Martí de Provençals, que li havia concedit el 1270 el rei Jaume I.188 Les condicions sanitàries derivades de l’existència de la séquia que passava pel costat motivaren que el 1289 Alfons II i el 1293 Jaume II autoritzessin la comunitat a traslladar-se dins la ciutat de Barcelona. Vers el 1300, les religioses estaven ja instal·lades al tercer i definitiu monestir dins la Ciutat Comtal.189 La comunitat estava formada per filles de nobles i cavallers i de mercaders i ciutadans honrats de Barcelona. Sovint les futures monges hi ingressaven en edat infantil, i hi rebien la formació corresponent a la seva classe, i després podien escollir entre professar o sortir per casar-se, cosa que els era permès de fer fins i tot després de la professió. Tot i pronunciar els tres vots monàstics, les monges tenien una certa llibertat de disposició i administració dels seus béns personals i també de relació amb l’exterior, ja que la clausura era bastant mitigada. Així mateix, vivien a les seves cases pròpies bastides dins el complex monacal, per bé que alguns actes els feien comunitàriament, com ara la missa, el rés de les hores canòniques al cor i alguns àpats.190 A l’època medieval, una trentena de religioses constituïen la comunitat (vint-i-quatre el 1326 i trentatres el 1390), que tingué un notable augment al segle següent, en el qual assolí la xifra de quaranta el 1531, nombre límit que posaren els visitadors per raó de les rendes.191 Al segle xviii, però, s’inicià una minva important que s’accentuà a principis del següent —sis religioses el 1806—, època en què desaparegué.192 La comunitat, ateses les seves característiques, disposava de dones externes per al servei, a més de les criades que ajudaven a les cases de les monges. També hi consten diversos esclaus i esclaves entre el 1368 i el 1541.193 A banda, disposaren també dels serveis de diversos professionals, com ara advocats, procuradors, notaris, arxivers, metges, cirurgians, vicaris, sagristans, organistes, etc., als quals pagaven els sous corresponents.194 El setge de Barcelona del 1697, com un episodi de la Guerra dels Nou Anys, motivà que les monges abandonessin el monestir i que els edificis monacals sofrissin importants desperfectes a causa de les bombes.195 Restaurades les dependències el 1702, novament el setge del 1713 afectà negativament el monestir. Durant l’ocupació de Barcelona per les tropes franceses, el setembre del 1808 les religioses hagueren d’abandonar el monestir, que fou convertit en hospital, i la seva església en magatzem de pólvora. Tot i que Ferran VII ordenà el 1814 que fossin restituïts els edificis i els béns als ordes militars, l’edifici continuà fent d’hospital militar de les tropes espanyoles.196 Malgrat que el 1822 hi havia hagut el projecte d’instal·lar-hi la universitat i que les monges de Valldonzella el 1825 i els pares escolapis el 1828 hi volien residir, cap dels tres projectes no va reeixir. En

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canvi, l’edifici serví de Casa de Correcció el 1856, i el 1868 la Junta Revolucionària, d’acord amb l’Ajuntament de Barcelona, va decidir conservar l’església i enderrocar la resta del complex. La primera fou traslladada el 1869 a l’Eixample per a seu i temple de la parròquia de la Concepció, que s’inaugurà el 1871. També fou traslladat el claustre, que s’instal·là al costat de l’esglesia de la parròquia, si bé reduït.197

Sant Jordi d’Alfama: l’orde militar català L’únic orde militar pròpiament català fou el de Sant Jordi d’Alfama, fundat el 1201 per Pere el Catòlic amb el propòsit de defensar i repoblar el territori costaner, desèrtic, àrid i inhòspit comprès entre el coll de Balaguer i l’Ampolla.198 Inicialment, els seus membres, que sempre foren pocs, es regien per la regla de Sant Agustí fins que el papa Gregori XI, a instàncies de Pere el Cerimoniós, aprovà canònicament l’institut i la nova regla el 1373, cosa que comportà l’adaptació de l’anterior a les pròpies necessitats.199 La seva estructura organitzativa era profundament feudal, ja que els seus membres feien jurament de fidelitat al seu superior.200 Els religiosos, majoritàriament catalans, podien ser cavallers i clergues i portaven un hàbit consistent en un escapulari blanc d’estamenya, sobre el qual duien una esclavina del mateix color amb la creu vermella de Sant Jordi a la banda esquerra.201 Els seus responsables màxims reberen progressivament el títol de «qüestor d’almoines», «prior», «comanador», «comanador major» i, a partir del 1355, el definitiu de «mestre».202 Fins al 1365, aquests responsables foren elegits pel capítol dels frares; a partir d’aquesta data, però, fou tanta la influència reial en la institució que eren els monarques catalans qui els designaven.203 El seu patrimoni es limità durant molt de temps al concedit per la primera donació reial, de manera que per a dur a terme els seus objectius disposaren fonamentalment de les almoines dels fidels i dels llegats dels benefactors. La seva participació, però, a les conquestes de Mallorca i de València fou recompensada per Jaume I amb diverses propietats en aquests regnes que possibilitaren la creació d’un priorat a la ciutat de València.204 El seu patrimoni s’estenia per tots els estats de la Corona catalana, ja que tenia possessions importants a Alcarràs (Catalunya), València i Morvedre (València), Bujaraloz (Aragó), Valldemossa (Mallorca) i Toraixa (Menorca).205 A mitjan segle xiv, l’orde va viure un moment d’esplendor, afavorit per la predilecció de Pere el Cerimo niós:206 va incrementar el seu patrimoni, va obtenir l’aprovació pontifícia el 1373 i va participar al costat dels altres ordes a les campanyes militars del monarca; els seus membres oferiren el seu ajut, en aquest sentit, a les guerres contra Jaume de Mallorca, contra Castella i contra Sardenya.207 Tot i que aquestes col·laboracions implicaren noves donacions de béns i rendes per part del sobirà, i també la concessió de nous privilegis, la mala gestió eco-

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nòmica dels seus dirigents, les baralles freqüents entre ells i la relaxació general dels seus membres a final d’aquest segle208 l’abocaren a una crisi que desembocà, a proposta de Martí l’Humà, en la incorporació a l’orde de Montesa, confirmada pel papa Benet XIII el 1400, que a partir de la unió s’anomenà orde de Montesa i Sant Jordi d’Alfama.209

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Notes i referències [1] Una anàlisi dels treballs dedicats a l’Hospital i al Temple a la Corona catalana, des del 1910 fins al 2006, es pot veure a la meva introducció de la reedició de l’obra de Miret i Sans (Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalu nya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introducció de Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (reedició anastàtica del 1910), p. xxiii-cxl), i específicament sobre l’orde del Temple a Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Estat de la qüestió sobre l’orde del Temple a Catalunya: realitat i perspectives». A: Templers i Hospitalers. Ordes Militars a Catalunya. Actes de la XXXVII Jornada de Treball. Barbens, 2006. Barbens 2008, p. 11-62. [2] Steven Runciman. Historia de las Cruzadas. Vol. I. Alianza, Madrid 1975, p. 271-307; Steven Runciman. Historia de las Cruzadas. Vol. II. Alianza, Madrid 1977, p. 17-20. Vegeu també una visió general sobre el que van ser i representar les croades a Nikolas Jaspert. Las cruzadas. Universitat de València, València 2010. [3] Sobre els pelegrinatges a Terra Santa, vegeu Nicole Chareyron. Les pèlerins de Jerusalem au Moyen Âge. L’aventure du Saint Voyage d’après Journaux et Mémoires. París, 2000. Anotem unes dades aportades per P. Bonnassie: entre els testaments analitzats entre l’any 951 i el 1075, en troba set d’atorgats amb motiu d’un viatge a Jerusalem, mentre que entre el 1076 i el 1100 en troba onze (Pierre Bonnassie. La Catalogne du milieu du xe à la fin du xie siècle. Croissance et mutations d’une société. Volum I. Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1975, p. 332-337); Pierre Bonnassie. La Catalogne du milieu du xe à la fin du xie siècle. Croissance et mutations d’une société. Volum II. Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1976, p. 938-942. [4] Sobre la presència dels canonges del Sant Sepulcre a la península Ibèrica, vegeu «Die ritterorden und der orden vom heiligen grab auf der iberischen halbinsel». A: Militia Sancti Sepulcri. Idea e istituzioni, a cura di Kaspar Elm e Cosimo Damiano Fonseca. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale tenuto presso la Pontificia Università del Laterano, 10-12 aprile 1996. Ciutat del Vaticà 1998, p. 381-410. [5] John J. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Je rusalem and Cyprus, c. 1050-1310. Londres 1967 (edició anastàtica, Chippenham and Eatsburne, 2002), p. 32-43; Anthony Luttrell. «The Earliest

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[8] [9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

Hospitallers». A: Benjamin Kedar, John J. RileySmith (ed.). Montjoie. Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer. Aldershot 1997, p. 37-52. Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele. Sacrae Domus Militiae Templi Hierosolymitani Magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19-1314. Göttingen 1974, p. 19-23; Malcom Barber. The New Knighthood. A History of the Order of the Tem ple. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994 (segona edició 1995), p. 6-12 (n’hi ha una versió en espanyol: Malcolm Barber. Templarios: La nueva caballería. Barcelona 2001). Sobre els inicis dels templers i la seva vinculació amb els canonges del Sant Sepulcre, vegeu Francesco Tommasi. «“Templari” e “Templari Sancti Iohannis”. Una precisazione metodologica». Studi Medievali, 3a sèrie, núm. xxiv, i (1983), p. 373-384; Francesco Tommasi, «“Pauperes Commilitones Christi”. Aspetti e problemi delle origini gerosolimitani». A: Militia Christi e crociata nei secoli xi-xiii. Atti della XI Setti mana internazionale di studio. La Mendola, 28 agosto-1 settembre. Miscellanea del Centro di Studi Medioevali. Vol. 13. Milà 1992, p. 443-475; An thony Luttrell. «The Earliest Templars», a Autour de la première croisade. M. Balard, París 1996, p. 193-202. Sobre pelegrinatges de catalans a Jerusalem en aquesta època, vegeu Antoni Bach i Riu. «Pelegrins als grans santuaris medievals». Butlletí de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona, núm. 48 (2002), p. 547-562. Agustí Altisent. Diplomatari de Santa Maria de Poblet. Volum I. Anys 960-1177. Barcelona 1993, doc. 67, p. 72. Josep M. Marquès. Monografies empordaneses. Volum I. Escriptures de Santa Maria de Vilabertran (968-1300). Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos, Figueres 1995, doc. 441, p. 178-179. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Alguns aspectes de l’establiment dels templers a Catalunya: Barberà». Quaderns d’Història Tarraconense, núm. i (1977), p. 13-16. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Alguns aspectes de l’establiment dels templers a Catalunya: Barberà». Quaderns d’Història Tarraconense, núm. i (1977), p. 30-33. El testament el recull Santos García Larragueta. El gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén (siglos xii-xiii). Vol. 2. Documen tos. Pamplona 1957, doc. 10, p. 15-18. Sobre el monarca, vegeu José María Lacarra, Alfonso el Bata llador. Saragossa 1978, i sobre el seu testament, p. 136. La diversitat d’opinions i la polèmica sobre els motius d’aquest testament i la problemàtica institucional que se’n derivà es pot veure a Elena Lourie. «The Will of the Alfonso I “El Batallador”, King of

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[13] [14] [15] [16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

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Aragon and Navarre: a Reassesment». Speculum: a Journal of Medieval Studies, núm. L/4 (1975), p. 635-651. La seva visió fou contestada per Alan J. Forey. «The Will of Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre». Durham University Journal, núm. 73 (19801981), p. 59-65. Al cap de poc temps, Lourie donava nous arguments a la reflexió de Forey, com es pot veure a Elena Lourie. «The Will of the Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre: A Reply to Dr. Forey». Dur ham University Journal, núm. 77/2 (1984-1985), p. 165-172. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 97-98. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 87-95. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 90-95. Miret i Sans recull donacions a l’Hospital el 1108 a Sant Martí Sarroca i el 1111 a Llorac i Cervera. Vegeu Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introducció de Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (reedició anastàtica del 1910), p. 29 i 13, respectivament. Aquestes referències han estat qüestionades per María L. Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitalarios en el reino de Aragón. Guara, Saragossa 1982, p. 26. Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 65-66. Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 66. Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 34-35; Maria Bonet Donato, «Las cartas de población y la renta feudal en el dominio hospitalario del Montsià (s. xiii)». A: Miscel·lània en Homenatge al P. Agustí Altisent. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1991, p. 552. Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 68. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/ 1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de... a la Reial Aca dèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona 2006, p. 62-64. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «L’orde del Temple a Catalunya». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 16-18.

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[23] Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 68. [24] Robert Vinas. Els templers al Rosselló (Els Ordes Militars, 6). Pagès, Lleida 2002, p. 67-68; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. Els templers de les Terres de l’Ebre (Tortosa). De Jaume I fins a l’abolició de l’Or de (1213-1312). Volum I. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1999, p. 268-269; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca, Col·lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Gardeny (1070-1200). Volum I. Fundació Noguera, Barcelona 1998, p. 46-54. [25] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 87-89. Sobre els inicis de la província catalana i la seva vinculació amb la provençal, vegeu Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desem bre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de... a la Re ial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona, 2006, p. 52-54. Sobre el segon mestre provincial, fra Pere de Rovira, vegeu Jaume Vilaginés i Segura. «Pere de Rovira, un templer del Vallès». Notes, núm. 20 (2005), p. 43-61. [26] Mentre que Pierre Bonneaud afirma «cap a 1150» (vegeu Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalu nya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 18), Maria Bonet recull el primer esment a un dignatari català el 1149 (vegeu Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Am posta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 11, nota 53). Prim, de la seva banda, fixa la data del 1154 com la de la independència de Sant Gèli (vegeu Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital durant l’Edat Mitjana». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple, entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 67). [27] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 117-137. [28] Lamentablement, no existeixen gaires treballs prosopogràfics dels responsables provincials catalans dels dos ordes. Pel que fa al Temple, però, cal esmentar l’aportació de Jaume Vilaginés sobre el mestre Pere de Rovira (1143-1158) (Jaume Vilaginés i Segura. «Pere de Rovira, un templer del Vallès». Notes, núm. 20 (2005), p. 43-61). També la biografia sobre Arnau de Torroja elaborada per Josep Maria Sans i Travé (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de... a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barce

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lona. Barcelona 2006). Sobre el mestre provincial Guillem de Mont-rodon (1214-1218), destaquen els treballs d’Antoni Pladevall (Antoni Pladevall i Font. «Mont-rodon. Esbós d’història del castell i família». Taradell, núm. 143-153 (1959-1960), p. 1-42; Antoni Pladevall i Font. Guillem de Montrodon. Mestre del Temple i tutor de Jaume I. (Ordes Militars, 3). Pagès, Lleida 1993; Antoni Pladevall i Font. Mont-rodon: passat i present d’un gran lli natge i d’un casal osonenc. Vic 2001). Una breu bio grafia de Ramon de Saguàrdia ha estat elaborada per Josep Maria Sans i Travé per al Diccionari d’història eclesiàstica de Catalunya (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Saguàrdia, Ramon de». A: Diccio nari d’història eclesiàstica de Catalunya. Vol. III. Generalitat de Catalunya i Claret, Barcelona 2001, p. 316-317) i n’ha destacat el paper en els darrers moments de l’orde a Catalunya (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La defensa dels Templers catalans. Cartes de fra Ramon de Saguàrdia durant el setge de Mira vet. (Els Ordes Militars, 7). Pagès, Lleida 2002). Cal destacar també les biografies dels mestres provincials que assoliren la dignitat de mestres majors de l’obra de Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele, on enregistra les notícies referents a Arnau de Torroja, Gilbert Eral i Pere de Montagut: Marie-Luise Bulst-Thiele. Sacrae Domus Militiae Templi Hierosolymitani Magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Tem plerordens 1118/19-1314. Göttingen 1974, p. 99105 (Arnau de Torroja), 135-143 (Gilbert Eral) i 170-188 (Pere de Montagut). Unes breus biografies dels mestres templers i dels castellans d’Amposta durant el regnat de Jaume I es troben en el treball de López Elum (Pedro López Elum. «Aportación al estudio de maestres y comendadores de las órdenes del Hospital y del Temple durante el reinado de Jaime I (1213-1276)». Ligarzas, núm. 2 (1970), p. 39-56). Pel que fa a l’orde de l’Hospital, el panorama és una mica més ric, especialment per la gran personalitat de Juan Fernández de Heredia, que ha atret l’interès de diversos historiadors per les seves diverses facetes: em remeto a l’extensa bibliografia recollida a la meva introducció de la reedició de l’obra de Miret i Sans sobre els templers i els hospitalers catalans (Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introducció de Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (reedició anastàtica del 1910), p. cxxxii-cxxxv). També han estat objecte d’estudi els castellans d’Amposta Pedro López de Luna (M. Luisa Ledesma Rubio. «Pedro López de Luna, maestre de la Orden del Hospital en Aragón y Cataluña». Estudios de la Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón, núm. 8, p. 417-427) i Pedro Roís de Moros (Josep Alanyà i Roig. «Procés inquisitorial contra el castellà d’Amposta fra Pedro Roiç de Moros a la cúria pontifícia del papa Benet

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XIII (1414-1418)». Anuario de Estudios Medieva les, núm. 32/1 (2002), p. 199-292). Del primer prior de Catalunya, fra Ramon d’Empúries, han fet aportacions per a la seva biografia Miret i Sans (Joa quim Miret i Sans. «Un satirus del Empordà». A: Sempre han tigut béch les oques. Apuntacions per la història de les costumes privades. Primera sèrie. Barcelona, 1905, p. 38-46), Meloni (Giuseppe Meloni. «L’attività in Sardegna di Raimondo d’Ampurias, dell’Ordine di San Giovanni di Gerusalemme». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1982), p. 549-558) i mossèn Miquel Pujol (Miquel Pujol i Canelles. «La Casa del Temple de Castelló d’Empúries». Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Em pordanesos, núm. 28 (1995), p. 119-179, especialment p. 130-133). Sobre el prior Guillem de Guimerà, Sans i Travé li ha dedicat diversos treballs (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Guimerà i d’Abella, Guillem de». A: Gran enciclopèdia catala na, vol. 8, Barcelona 1975, p. 322; Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Guillem...», p. 338-339), una biografia com a president de la Generalitat el 1376-1377 (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Guillem de Guimerà». A: Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Generalitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volum I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya i Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, p. 76-80) i un estudi sobre la seva activitat religiosa i política (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, fra re de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrés de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008). Una síntesi bio gràfica sobre Antoni de Fluvià ha estat elaborada per Sans i Travé (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Fluvià, Antoni de». A: Diccionari d’història eclesiàstica de Catalunya. Vol. II. Generalitat de Catalunya i Claret, Barcelona 2001, p. 184). Bonneaud, d’altra banda, ha destacat la seva activitat com a mestre major de l’Hospital en el seu excel·lent treball sobre el priorat de Catalunya al segle xv (Pierre Bon neaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le couvent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 134-152) i també a Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospita lers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 13961472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 141-158. Aquest mateix autor recull les activitats de Pere Ramon Sacosta primer com a castellà d’Amposta i després com a mestre de l’Hospital (Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 13961472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 309-348). Finalment, unes notícies biogràfiques, amb moltíssima infor-

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mació, sobre els frares del priorat de Catalunya entre el 1400 i el 1450 es troben a l’obra de Bonneaud (Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le cou vent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 347-389). Algunes religioses de l’Hospital a Catalunya disposen també de la corresponent biografia. Destaquen, en primer lloc, la reina Sança, fundadora de Sixena (Mariano de Pano y Ruata. La santa reina doña Sancha, hermana hos pitalaria, fundadora del Monasterio de Sigena. Saragossa 1943), i la fundadora de la casa femenina de Cervera, traslladada després a Alguaire, que ha estat objecte d’aportacions per part de Sans i Travé (Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Huguet de Cervelló, feudatari de l’Espluga de Francolí (s. xiii)». A: Mi quel Coll i Alentorn. Miscel·lània d’homenatge en el seu vuitantè aniversari. Fundació Jaume I, Barcelona 1984, p. 193-220; Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «La comanda de l’Hospital de Cervera». A: Teresa Salat i Blanca Cuñé. Guia Històrica de Cervera. Dels orígens als nostres dies. Cervera 1993, p. 5254), d’Alturo (Jesús Alturo i Perucho. «Marquesa de la Guàrdia, fundadora, comanadora i benefactora del monestir femení de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire de l’orde de Sant Joan de Jerusalem». Ilerda. Humanitats, núm. 50 (1992-1993), p. 51-54; Jesús Alturo i Perucho. «La disputa del ciutadà de Lleida Guillem de Rees contra el monestir santjoanista de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire». A: Miscel· lània Homenatge a Josep Lladonosa. Lleida 1992, p. 173-184) i de Llobet Portella (Josep M. Llobet i Portella. «La comanda hospitalera de Cervera durant els segles xii, xiii i xiv, segons una carta de Jaume Pasqual (1788)». A: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Religioso-militars als Paï sos Catalans (segles xii-xix) (Montblanc, novembre de 1985). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, p. 302-314). També han estat objecte d’estudi la prioressa Margarida d’Urrea per part de Miret i Sans (Joaquim Miret i Sans. «La nova filla de Lot». A: Sempre han tigut béch les oques. Apuntaci ons per la història de les costumes privades. Primera sèrie. Barcelona 1905, reeditat a Barcelona 2000) i la fraressa Margarida d’Erill per part de Luttrell (Anthony Luttrell. «Margarida d’Erill hospitaller of Alguaire. 1415-1456». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 28 (1998), p. 219-249). [29] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (11181120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona, 2006, p. 50-52. [30] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del

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[31]

[32]

[33]

[34]

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segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrés de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Aca dèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, p. 40-45. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrés de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Aca dèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, p. 41-42. Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 66-69. Anthony Luttrell. «La Corona de Aragón y las órdenes militares durante el siglo xiv». A: Actas del VIII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. II. València 1971, p. 71-74. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 104. Roser Sabanés i Fernández. Els concilis Ilerdenses de la província eclesiàstica Tarraconenese a l’edat mitjana (546-1460). Barcelona 2009, p. 256. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/ 1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona, 2006, p. 49-112. Anthony Luttrell. «Aragoneses y catalanes en Rodas, 1350-1430». A: VII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1962, p. 387; Anthony Luttrell. «Juan Fernández de Heredia at Avignon: 1351-1367». A: El Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España. Verdera y Tuells, Saragossa 1972, p. 289-312; Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobier no en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 72-75. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 316-348. Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya. Els inicis». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 25. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 214-218. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 346. Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 328-331. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 209-214.

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[44] Pel que fa als capítols de la castellania, vegeu Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 266275. [45] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le cou vent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 400-402. [46] Vegeu el treball de Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Les rendes de la batllia de la comanda del Temple de Barberà l’any 1264». A: El temps sota control. Ho menatge a F. Xavier Ricomà Vendrell. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1997, p. 511-521. [47] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Armes, queviures i bestiar d’algunes comandes del Temple a Catalunya, Aragó i València segons uns inventaris de 1289 (primera part)». Sacra Militia. Revista di Storia de gli Ordini Militari, any iii (2002), p. 47-88. [48] Sobre els capítols de la castellania d’Amposta, podeu veure Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hos pital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 266-275. Pel que fa al priorat de Catalunya, podeu veure Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers ca talans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 49-69. Sobre els capítols provincials dels templers, vegeu Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 209-214. [49] John J. Riley-Smith. «The Origins of the Commandery in the Temple and in the Hospital». A: Anthony Luttrell i Léon Pressouyre (dir.). La Commanderie, institution des ordres militaires dans l’Occident médiéval. París 2002, p. 9-18; An thony Luttrell. «Los orígenes de la encomienda templaria». A: Actes de les Jornades Internacionals d’estudi sobre els orígens i l’expansió de l’orde del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó (1120-1200). Tortosa, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de 2004. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 2010, p. 55-68; Jean-Marie Carbasse. «Les commanderies. Aspectes juridiques et institutionnels». A: Anthony Luttrell i Léon Pressouyre (dir.). La Commanderie, institution des or dres militaires dans l’Occident médiéval. París 2002, p. 19-27. [50] Són paradigmàtiques les obres d’embelliment dutes a terme per fra Guillem de Guimerà al castell de Barberà: vegeu Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Ge neralitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, sego na dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrés de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva re cepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, p. 55. Vegeu també Marcel J. Poblet Romeu. Entre el

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[51]

[52] [53]

[54]

[55]

[56]

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[62]

Temple i l’Hospital. Arquitectura i formes de vida al castell del Temple de Barberà. Cossetània, Valls 2006, p. 132-148. Anthony Luttrell. «Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari, 1305-1378». A: Giovanni Minnucci i Franca Sardi (ed.). I Templari: Mito e Storia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi alla Magione Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena (29-31 maggio 1987). Siena 1989, p. 68. Alain Demurger. Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge, xie-xve siècle. París 2002, p. 81-95. Així es desprèn pel que fa als templers de les respostes donades als inquisidors durant els interrogatoris: Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 203-205; Alan J. Forey. «Recruitment to Military Orders (Twelfth to mid-Fouryeenth centuries)». Viator, núm. 17 (1986), p. 130-171. Així es desprèn també de les declaracions durant el procés del frare cavaller Ramon Oliver, comanador de Saragossa: Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 203-205. Anthony Luttrell. «Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari, 1305-1378». A: Giovanni Minnucci i Franca Sardi (ed.). I Templari: Mito e Storia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi alla Magione Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena (29-31 maggio 1987). Siena 1989, p. 67-68; Anthony Luttrell. «Las Órdenes militares en la sociedad hispánica. Los hospitalarios aragoneses: 1340-1360». Anuario de Estu dios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 593-594. Anthony Luttrell. «Gli Ospitalieri e l’eredità dei Templari, 1305-1378». A: Giovanni Minnucci i Franca Sardi (ed.). I Templari: Mito e Storia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi alla Magione Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena (29-31 maggio 1987). Siena 1989, p. 68. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 40. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 120-121. Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 40. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «El nombre de templers de la província catalana a començament del segle xiv a través de les dades que ofereix la documentació sobre el procés (1307-1319)». En premsa. Helen J. Nicholson. The Knights Templar on Tri al. The Trial of the Templars in the British Isles, 1308-1311. The Mill i Brimscombe Port Stroud, Gloucestershire 2009, p. 205-217. Gonzalo Martínez Díez. Los Templarios en la Co rona de Castilla. La Olmeda, Burgos 1993, p. 259.

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[63] Malcolm Barber. «Supplying the Crusader States: The Role of the Templars». A: The Horns of Hattin. Jerusalem 1992, p. 318. [64] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «El nombre de templers de la província catalana a començament del segle xiv a través de les dades que ofereix la documentació sobre el procés (1307-1319)». En premsa. Aquestes xifres coincideixen fonamentalment amb les donades per Forey en els seus treballs en què toca aquest aspecte: vegeu Alan J. Forey. «Towards a Profile of the Templars in the Early Fourteenth Century». A: Malcolm Barber (ed.). The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick. Variorum, Alder shot 1994, p. 196-204; Alan J. Forey. «Templar Knights and Sergeants in the Corona de Aragón at the Turn of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries». A: As Ordens Militares de Cavalaria na Constru çao do Mundo Ocidental. Actas do IV Encontro sobre Ordens Militares. Ediçoes Colibri i Câmara Municipal de Palmela, Lisboa 2005, p. 631-642. [65] Anthony Luttrell. «Hospitaller Life in Aragon, 1319-1370». A: Derek W. Lomax i David Mackenzie (ed.). God and Man in Medieval Spain. Warminster 1988, p. 103. [66] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 91-92. [67] Anthony Luttrell. «El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 30. [68] Ánchel Conte Cazcarro, «Catalans n’o Temple de Uesca». A: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Religioso-militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix) (Montblanc, novembre de 1985), Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, p. 101-104 [69] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Armes, queviures i bestiar d’algunes comandes del Temple a Catalunya, Aragó i València segons uns inventaris de 1289 (primera part)». Sacra Militia. Revista di Storia de gli Ordini Militari, any iii (2002), p. 47-88. [70] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 320, nota 210. [71] Anthony Luttrell. The Hospitaller State on Rho des and its Western Provinces, 1306-1462, XIII. Aldershot 1999, p. 324-328. [72] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 139145. [73] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 145146. [74] Antoni Pladevall i Font. Guillem de Mont-ro don. Mestre del Temple i tutor de Jaume I. (Els Ordes Militars, 3). Pagès, Lleida 1993.

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[75] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers cata lans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 126. [76] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 113-116; Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 43. [77] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers cata lans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 218 i 240. [78] Alain Demurger. Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge, xie-xve siècle. París 2002, p. 196-207; Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya. Els inicis». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 27. [79] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers cata lans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 351-364; Sebastián Salvadó. «Icons, Crosses and the Liturgical Objects of Templar Chapels in the Crown of Aragon». A: Jochen Burgtorf, Paul F. Crawford, Helen J. Nicholson, The Debate on the Trial of the Templars (1307-1314), Ashgate 2010, pp. 183-197. [80] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 117. [81] Ánchel Conte Cazcarro. La encomienda del Temple de Huesca. Osca 1986, p. 31. [82] Prim Bertran i Roigé. «Gardeny: els Templers a Lleida». A: Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu Popular de Ponent, Lleida 1992, p. 31-32. [83] Prim Bertran i Roigé. «Gardeny: els Templers a Lleida». A: Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu Popular de Ponent, Lleida 1992, p. 33. [84] Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. La Comanda del Temple de Tortosa. Primer període (1148-1213). Tortosa 1984, p. 296-298, doc. 112. [85] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 140-142. [86] Antonio Ubieto Arteta. «Cofrades aragoneses y navarros de la Milicia del Temple (Siglo XII). Aspectos socio-económicos». A: Aragón en la Edad Media. Vol. III. 1980, p. 29-93. [87] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 376-377. [88] Prim Bertran i Roigé. «Gardeny: els Templers a Lleida». A: Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu Popular de Ponent, Lleida 1992, p. 25-29. [89] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 143-146; Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya. Els inicis». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 27. [90] Francesco Tommasi. «Uomini e donne negli ordini militari di Terrasanta. Per il problema delle case doppie e miste negli ordini giovannita, templare e teutonico (secc. xii-xv)». A: Doppelklöster und an

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dere Formen der Symbiose männlicher und weib licher Religiosen im Mittelalter. (Berliner Histo rische Studien, Band 18). Ordensstudien VIII, Berlín 1992, p. 188. [91] Vegeu, per exemple, el sepulcre de Bernat Guillem de Foixà, procedent de la capella del castell de Foixà, conservat actualment a l’església de Nostra Senyora de l’Esperança, a S’Agaró. [92] María L. Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitala rios en el reino de Aragón. Guara, Saragossa 1982, p. 34-35. [93] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 90-95. [94] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 15-86. [95] Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. «Les bases socials i econòmiques del poder de l’orde del Temple». A: Àngels Casanovas i Jordi Rovira (ed.). L’orde del Temple entre la guerra i la pau. Dalmau, Barcelona 2005, p. 42-45. [96] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 238-240. [97] Alan J. Forey. The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon. Ashgate, Aldershot 2001; Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers catalans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008. [98] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers cata lans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 323-333. [99] Eugenio Díaz Manteca. «Notas para el estudio de los antecedentes históricos de Montesa». Estudis Castellonencs, núm. 2 (1984-1985), p. 235-305. [100] Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hos pitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introducció de Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (reedició anastàtica del 1910), p. 387-402. [101] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 207-208. [102] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 208-209. [103] Anthony Luttrell. «El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 29. [104] Prim Bertran Roigé. «Els orígens de la comanadoria hospitalera de l’Espluga Calba. Dues butlles de Benet XII del 1405 i 1415». A: Jornades sobre el Cisma d’Occident a Catalunya, les Illes i el País Va lencià. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 19861987, p. 383-387. [105] Anthony Luttrell. «El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 29.

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[106] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 323-327. [107] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 156. [108] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 323. [109] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 223. [110] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le cou vent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 108, nota 307. [111] Anthony Luttrell. «El Priorat de Catalunya al segle xiv». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 179 (1994), p. 32. [112] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le cou vent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 85. [113] Alain Demurger, Jacques de Molay. Le crépuscle des templiers. Biographie Payot. París 2002, espe cialment p. 177-193 i 207-212. [114] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. La fi dels templers cata lans. (Els Ordes Militars, 10). Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 253-259. [115] Alan J. Forey. The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon. Ashgate, Aldershot 2001, p. 217; Pierre-Vincent Claverie. «La contribution des templiers de Catalogne à la defense de la Syrie franque (1290-1310)». A: U. Vermeulen i J. Van Steenbergen (ed.). Egypt and Syria in the Datimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, III. Proceedings of the 6th, 7th and 8th International Colloquium organi zed at the Katolieke Universiteit Leuven in May 1997, 1998 and 1999. Leuven 2001, p. 171-192. [116] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 129-134. [117] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 134-137. [118] Pierre Bonneaud. Le prieuré de Catalogne, le cou vent de Rhodes et la couronne d’Aragon 1415-1447. Conservatoire Larzac Templier et Hospitalier, Millau 2004, p. 122-134. [119] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 146-158. [120] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 309-348.

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[121] Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 245-253 i 262-270. [122] Sobre la participació general dels ordes a les campanyes militars, podeu veure Alan J. Forey. The Military Orders. From the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries. Londres 1992, p. 44-97; Alain Demurger. Chevaliers du Christ. Les ordres religieux-militaires au Moyen Âge, xie-xve siècle. París 2002, p. 131-147; María Luisa Ledesma Rubio. «Notas sobre la actividad militar de los hospitalarios». Príncipe de Viana, núm. 25 (1954), p. 51-56. [123] Alan J. Forey. The Templars in the «Corona de Ara gón». Londres 1973, p. 15-86; Alan J. Forey. «Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 161 (1992), p. 2427. [124] Alan J. Forey. «Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 161 (1992), p. 26. [125] Alan J. Forey. «Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 161 (1992), p. 26. [126] Alan J. Forey. «Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 161 (1992), p. 27. [127] Alan J. Forey. «Els templers de la Corona d’Aragó i la reconquesta». L’Avenç. Revista d’Història, núm. 161 (1992), p. 27. [128] María L. Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitala rios en el reino de Aragón. Guara, Saragossa 1982, p. 34. [129] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castella nía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 73 i 75. [130] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Guillem de Guimerà, frare de l’Hospital, President de la Generalitat i gran prior de Catalunya (Ciutadilla, segona dècada del segle xiv - Barberà, 19 de juliol de 1396). Discurs d’ingrés de l’Acadèmic Numerari [...] a la Reial Aca dèmia de Doctors a l’acte de la seva recepció. 12 de Febrer de 2008. Barcelona 2008, p. 14-17. [131] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 230-231. [132] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 63. [133] Anthony Luttrell. «Juan Fernández de Heredia at Avignon: 1351-1367». A: El Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España. Verdera y Tuells, Saragossa 1972, p. 289-316. [134] Antoni M. Udina i Abelló. «Els Ordes religiosomilitars i les Corts Catalanes (1283-1412)». A: Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre els Ordes Religioso-

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Militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix) (Mont blanc, novembre de 1985). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, p. 132-139. [135] Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol. «Les corts de Catalunya i la creació de la Diputació del General o Generalitat en el marc de la guerra amb Castella (1359-1369)». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 34/2 (2004), p. 881. [136] Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Ge neralitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volum I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya i Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, p. 71. [137] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Guillem de Guimerà». A: Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Generalitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volum I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya i Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, p. 76-80. [138] Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté (dir.). Història de la Ge neralitat de Catalunya i dels seus presidents. Volum I. 1359-1518. Generalitat de Catalunya i Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 2003, p. 123-124 i 189. [139] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 232. [140] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 233. [141] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 233. [142] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Arnau de Torroja: un català mestre major de l’orde del Temple (1118/ 1120?-1184). Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de 2006 en l’acte de recepció pública de [...] a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Barcelona 2006, p. 76-81 i 71. [143] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu. Pagès, Lleida 1996, p. 185. [144] Maria Bonet Donato. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de Aragón. Poder y gobierno en la Castellanía de Amposta (ss. xii-xv). CSIC, Madrid 1994, p. 36. [145] Anthony Luttrell. «The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1291-1350». English Historical Review, núm. lxxvi (1961), p. 9. [146] Anthony Luttrell. «La Corona de Aragón y las órdenes Militares durante el siglo xiv». A: Actas del VIII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. II. València 1971. [147] La comanda més estudiada ha estat la de Gardeny, gràcies principalment als treballs de Ramon Sarobe. Els documents publicats per aquest autor palesen a bastament l’acció colonitzadora dels frares en el sector del Segrià. Vegeu Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Gar deny (1070-1200). Volum I. Fundació Noguera, Barcelona 1998, i pel que fa a l’activitat colonitzadora de la zona, especialment les pàgines 46-66. Vegeu també Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. Els molins dels templers al Segrià al segle xii. Estudi a través dels seus documents. Memòria de llicenciatura inè-

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dita. Universitat de Barcelona, 1997; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. «Deu establiments fets pels templers al Segrià durant l’any 1181». Urtx. Revista Cultural de l’Urgell, núm. 11 (1998), p. 60-67; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. «L’evolució socioeconòmica de Rosselló de Segrià. De la repoblació a la consolidació (1149-1260)». A: Jordi Bolòs, Joan Busqueta (ed.). Territori i societat a l’Edat Mitjana. Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 1997, p. 191-202; Ramon Sarobe i Huesca. «Gardeny, Corbins i Barbens en els seus orígens». A: Actes de les Jornades Internacio nals d’estudi sobre els orígens i l’expansió de l’orde del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó (1120-1200). Torto sa, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de 2004. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 2010, p. 93-104. [148] Vegeu especialment els treballs de Pagarolas: Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. «Els senyorius templers de les Terres de l’Ebre». A: Actes de les Primeres Jor nades sobre els Ordes Religioso-militars als Països Catalans (segles xii-xix). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994, p. 54-66; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. La Comanda del Temple de Tortosa. Primer període (1148-1213). Tortosa 1984; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. Els templers de les Terres de l’Ebre (Tortosa). De Jaume I fins a l’abolició de l’Orde (1213-1312). Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1999, 2 v.; Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté. «Les cases del Temple de Tortosa i Miravet: creació i primers anys». A: Actes de les Jornades Internacionals d’estu di sobre els orígens i l’expansió de l’orde del Temple a la Corona d’Aragó (1120-1200). Tortosa, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de 2004. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 2010, p. 135-148. [149] Maria Bonet Donato. «Las cartas de población y la renta feudal en el dominio hospitalario del Montsià (s. xiii)». A: Miscel·lània en Homenatge al P. Agustí Altisent. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1991, p. 551-571. [150] Anton Monner i Estopinyà. «Les cartes de poblament de la Terra Alta». A: Actes de les Primeres Jor nades d’Estudi sobre la Terra Alta (Horta, 1993). Centre d’Estudis de la Terra Alta, Horta de Sant Joan 1994, p. 367-406; Antoni Monner i Estopinyà. La Carta de Poblament de Gandesa. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1992. [151] Josep Serrano Daura. «La carta de población de Pinell (de Brai), en la comarca catalana de la Terra Alta, de 1223». Anuario de Historia del Derecho Es pañol, núm. lxix (1999), p. 275-290. [152] Josep Alanyà i Roig. Batea i el seu terme munici pal. El repoblament templer (s. xii-xiii). Vol. I. Diputació de Tarragona, Tarragona 1994; Josep Alanyà i Roig. «La carta de poblament de Batea i Algars». La Vila Closa (1986), p. 19-23, i (1989), p. 163-170. [153] Pascual Ortega Pérez. «Un nuevo documento repoblacional de la Ribera d’Ebre (Tarragona): la car-

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ta de población de Rasquera (1206)». A: Miscel· lània en homenatge al P. Agustí Altisent. Tarragona 1991, p. 519-528. [154] Josep Alanyà Roig. «La carta de poblament de Pinyeres (Batea, Terra Alta) (1280)». Anuario de Es tudios Medievales, núm. 21 (1991), p. 97-141. [155] Pascual Ortega Pérez. «La carta de población de la Pobla de Masaluca (1295)». Acta Historica et Ar chaeologica Mediaevalia, núm. 7-8 (1986-1987), p. 193-204. [156] Josep Serrano Daura. La Torre de l’Espanyol (Ri bera d’Ebre). Història, règim senyorial i aspectes del seu antic dret local, en particular les Costums del 1517. Tarragona 1988, p. 171-200; Josep Serrano Daura. «L’ordenament processal a l’antic dret local de la Torre de l’Espanyol (Ribera d’Ebre)». Qua derns d’Història Tarraconense, núm. 8 (1989), p. 57-74; Josep Serrano Daura. «L’ordenament jurídico-penal a l’antic dret local de la Torre de l’Espanyol (Ribera d’Ebre)». Quaderns d’Història Tarra conense, núm. 7 (1988), p. 63-73. [157] Agustí Altisent. «Ordinacions de l’Espluga de Francolí Sobirana». Arrels. Miscel·lània d’Aportaci ons Històriques i Documentals de l’Espluga de Fran colí, núm. i (1980), p. 131-157. [158] Ramon Corbella. Lo nostre poble (Aplech de noti cies fahents pera l’historia de Vallfogona). Vic 1898 (reeditat amb el títol Història de Vallfogona. Barcelona 1975), p. 66-68. [159] Maria Vilar Bonet. «Actividades financieras de la Orden del Temple en la Corona de Aragón». A: VII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1962, p. 584. [160] Anthony Luttrell. «Actividades económicas de los hospitalarios de Rodas en el Mediterráneo occidental durante el siglo xiv». A: VI Congreso de His toria de la Corona de Aragón. Madrid 1959, p. 181183. [161] Claude Carrère. Barcelona 1380-1462. Un centre econòmic en època de crisi. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1978, p. 126-128. Vegeu també Mario del Treppo. Els mercaders catalans i l’expansió de la Corona Catala no-aragonesa. Barcelona 1976, p. 25-68. [162] Anthony Luttrell. «Aragoneses y catalanes en Rodas, 1350-1430». A: VII Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón. Vol. 2. Barcelona 1962, p. 389; Pierre Bonneaud. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de l’edat mitjana. L’orde de l’Hospital a Catalunya i la Mediterrània, 1396-1472. Pagès, Lleida 2008, p. 159. [163] Laurent Dailliez. Les templiers et les Règles de l’Or dre du Temple. París 1972, p 54; Judith M. UptonWard. El código templario. Texto íntegro de la regla de la Orden del Temple. Barcelona 2000, p. 52. [164] Francesco Tommasi. «Uomini e donne negli ordini militari di Terrasanta. Per il problema delle case doppie e miste negli ordini giovannita, templare e

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teutonico (secc. xii-xv)». A: Doppelklöster und an dere Formen der Symbiose männlicher und weib licher Religiosen im Mittelalter (Berliner Histo rische Studien, Band 18). Ordensstudien VIII, Berlín 1992, p. 182-183. [165] Alan J. Forey. «Women and the Military Orders in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries». Studia Mo nastica, núm. xxix (1987), p. 65. [166] Alan J. Forey. «Women and the Military Orders in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries». Studia Mo nastica, núm. xxix (1987), p. 66. [167] El document es pot veure a Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la casa del Temple de Barberà (945-1212). Departament de Justícia, Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1997, doc. 185, p. 278-279. [168] Vegeu el document a Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la casa del Temple de Bar berà (945-1212). Departament de Justícia, Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1997, doc. 193, p. 286287. Sobre aquesta comanda mixta de l’orde del Temple, vegeu Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «El Rourell, una preceptoria del Temple al Camp de Tarragona (1162-1248)». Boletín Arqueológico de Tarra gona, núm. 113-114 (1976-1977), p. 133-201. [169] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «El Rourell, una preceptoria del Temple al Camp de Tarragona (11621248)». Boletín Arqueológico de Tarragona, núm. 113-114 (1976-1977), p. 182-189. [170] Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hos pitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introducció de Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (reedició anastàtica del 1910), p. 192-193; Prim Bertran i Roigé. «El capbreu-llevador de la comanda de Susterris (1378)». Urgellia, núm. viii (1986-1987), p. 383-384. [171] Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases de Templers i Hos pitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i documents històrics. Introducció de Josep M. Sans i Travé. Pagès, Lleida 2006 (reedició anastàtica del 1910), p. 211-213. [172] Manuel Beguer Piñol. El real Monasterio de Santa María de la Rápita de la Sagrada y Soberana milicia hospitalaria de San Juan de Jerusalén (Orden de Malta), Tortosa 1948. [173] Josep Maria Sans i Travé. «Huguet de Cervelló, feudatari de l’Espluga de Francolí (s. xiii)». A: Mi quel Coll i Alentorn. Miscel·lània d’homenatge en el seu vuitantè aniversari. Fundació Jaume I, Barcelona 1984, p. 193-220; Jesús Alturo i Perucho. «Marquesa de la Guàrdia, fundadora, comanadora i benefactora del monestir femení de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire de l’orde de Sant Joan de Jerusalem». Ilerda. Humanitats, núm. 50 (1992-1993), p. 51-54; Jesús Alturo i Perucho. «La disputa del ciutadà de Lleida Guillem de Rees contra el monestir santjoanista de la Mare de Déu d’Alguaire». A: Miscel·

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lània Homenatge a Josep Lladonosa. Lleida 1992, p. 173-184. Sobre la instal·lació inicialment del convent a Vergós de Cervera vegeu Josep Maria Sans i Travè. «La comanda de l’Hospital de Cervera». A: T. Salat i B. Cuñé. Guia Històrica de Cervera. Dels orí gens al nostres dies, Cervera 1993, p. 52-54. Una visió general sobre aquest monestir santjoanista, traslladat després a Sant Gervasi de Cassoles i posteriorment a Valldoreix, on darrerament s’ha extingit la comunitat, es pot veure a Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, i a Antonio Paulí Meléndez. El Real Monaste rio de Ntra. Sra. de Alguaire y San Juan de Jerusalén de Barcelona, 1250-1950. Barcelona 1951. [174] Es coneixen unes ordinacions específiques del centre religiós donades a conèixer per Prim Bertran: Prim Bertran i Roigé. «Les ordinacions del convent d’Alguaire». Cuadernos de Historia Económica de Cataluña, núm. 17 (1977), p. 25-55. [175] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, p. 51-63. [176] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, p. 96-106. [177] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, p. 185-189. [178] Josep Lladonosa. Història de la vila d’Alguaire i el seu monestir santjoanista. Lleida 1981, p. 189-209. A Barcelona residiren a l’antiga seu del priorat de Catalunya fins al 1835, el 1860 passaren a Sant Gervasi de Cassoles i el 1977 a Valldoreix, fins a l’extinció de la comunitat el 2005, en què les dues religioses supervivents foren integrades a la comunitat sanjoanista de Salinas de Añana (Àlaba). [179] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. La orden de Santiago en la Corona de Aragón. La encomienda de Montalbán (1210-1327). Saragossa, 1980; Prim Bertran i Roigé. Notícies històriques del Palau d’Anglesola. Segles XII-XVII. Lleida 1981, p. 24-30; Prim Bertran i Roigé. «L’orde de Sant Jaume de l’Espasa a la diòcesi de Lleida», Arrels cristianes. Presència i significació del Cristianisme en la història i la societat de Lleida. Volum II. Temps de consolidació. La Baixa Edat Mit jana. Segles xiii-xv. Lleida 2008, p. 183-184. [180] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. «El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida». Anua rio de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 384. [181] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. «El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 388-389. [182] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. «El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 392-398. [183] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. «El monasterio santiaguista de San Pedro de la Piedra en Lérida». Anua rio de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 400. [184] María Pilar Ibáñez Leiría. «La fundación y primera época del monasterio de Junqueras (1212-

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1389)». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 363. [185] María Pilar Ibáñez Leiría. «La fundación y primera época del monasterio de Junqueras (12121389)». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, núm. 11 (1981), p. 363-364. [186] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 12-13. [187] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 12. [188] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 14-15. [189] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 15. [190] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 33-49. [191] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 98. [192] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 102. [193] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 56-62. [194] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 51-56. [195] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 91-92. [196] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 102-103. [197] Maria-Mercè Costa i Paretas. El món de les da mes de Jonqueres. Lleida 2005, p. 105-106.

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[198] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 7-9. [199] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. L’orde català de Sant Jordi d’Alfama (1201-1400). Lleida 1991, p. 72-76. [200] Regina Sáinz de la Maza. L’orde català de Sant Jordi d’Alfama (1201-1400). Lleida 1991, p. 26-29. [201] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 21-22; Regina Sáinz de la Maza. L’orde català de Sant Jordi d’Alfama (1201-1400). Lleida 1991, p. 162. [202] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 24-29, 47-51 i 62-66. [203] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 29 i 67. [204] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 35-36, 40-45, 64 i 68-71. [205] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 37-45. [206] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 67-78. [207] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 60-68 i 162-164. [208] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 85-86, 88-92 i 102-106. [209] Eufemià Fort i Cogul. Sant Jordi d’Alfama; l’orde militar català. Dalmau, Barcelona 1971, p. 99-119.

Nota biogràfica Josep M. Sans i Travé és director de l’Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya i membre numerari de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona i de la Reial Acadèmia de Doctors de Catalunya. Membre del consell de redacció i de comitès d’edi cions de diverses revistes científiques i editorials, també forma part del patronat de diverses fundacions catalanes. Format a les universitats de Barcelona i de Bolonya, ha estat professor de les universitats de Barcelona i Internacional de Catalunya. Ha estat director tècnic de l’Arxiu Històric de Protocols de Barcelona i, dins l’Administració autonòmica catalana, cap del Servei d’Arxius i director general del Patrimoni Cultural. Ha dirigit l’edició dels Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya (deu volums, 1994-2007). Ha col·laborat en l’organització de diversos congressos sobre les Corts de Catalunya, el notariat català i els ordes militars. És autor de diversos llibres relatius a la història de la Generalitat (Dietari o llibre de Jornades de Jaume Safont (1411-1484), 1992), a la repoblació de la Catalunya Nova (Col·lecció diplomàtica de la Casa del Temple de Barberà (945-1212), 1997; La colonització de la Conca de Barberà després de la conquesta feudal. El cas de Vimbodí 1149?/1151-1200, 2002), als ordes militars (Els templers catalans. De la rosa a la creu, 1996; El setge del castell de Miravet: 1 de desembre de 1307 - 12 de desembre de 1308: un episodi dramàtic del procés dels templers catalans, 1998; La defensa dels templers catalans: cartes de fra Ramon de Saguàrdia durant el setge de Miravet, 2002; La fi dels templers catalans, 2008) i a la història monàstica (Història del Tallat, 1986; Vallbona. Guia històrico-artística, 1998, en col·laboració amb G. Gonzalbo; Precedents i orígens del Monestir de Santa Maria de Vallbona (1154-1185), 2002; El monestir de Santa Maria de Vallbona. Història, Monaquisme i Art, 2010).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 227-240 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.62 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La implantació de la Reforma catòlica a les terres de parla catalana (1563-1700). Un procés reeixit? Ignasi Fernández Terricabras *

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Rebut 9 maig 2010 · Acceptat 20 maig 2010

Resum El procés de la Reforma catòlica, endegat després del Concili de Trento (1545-1563), va tenir èxit en alguns territoris europeus, però en d’altres no aconseguí canviar la religiositat ni la moral existents. Pel que fa als territoris de parla catalana, no es pot encara arribar a una resposta definitiva sobre l’èxit o el fracàs de la Reforma catòlica. Però ja sabem que hi va haver una intensa campanya reformadora del rei, de les autoritats eclesiàstiques i d’una part important del clergat regular, incrementada per la por que el veïnatge amb França i la immigració occitana afavorissin la penetració del calvinisme. S’esmerçaren molts recursos en la propagació dels dogmes catòlics i en la reforma del clergat, tal com havien estat definits durant i després del Concili de Trento. D’altres elements, però, dificultaven el procés, en particular el bandolerisme i la presència de moriscos. Es pot formular la hipòtesi que a les zones amb una forta presència urbana la Reforma catòlica s’imposà a mitjà termini, però que va patir més dificultats a les serralades i a les zones més rurals i aïllades, malgrat els esforços dels reformadors. Paraules clau: contrareforma, reforma catòlica a Catalunya, València i Mallorca

De la Contrareforma a la confessiona lització*

L’Església catòlica reaccionà lentament davant els reptes plantejats per Martí Luter i la Reforma a partir del 1517. El continu transvasament de fidels a les noves esglésies forçà finalment la Santa Seu a convocar un concili. Els bisbes reunits a Trento (1545-1563) aprovaren un conjunt de decrets que fixaven clarament el dogma catòlic i assenyalaven el camí que havia de seguir la reforma del catolicisme.1 Després, els papes de la segona meitat del segle xvi no solament desenvoluparen els preceptes conciliars, sinó que completaren aspectes sobre els quals el concili no s’havia pronunciat, tot donant la seva fesomia específica al catolicisme de l’època,2 que tradicionalment ha estat denominada Contrareforma o Reforma catòlica.3 L’acció del Concili de Trento no es limità a definir els dogmes catòlics enfront dels atacs luterans. Els bisbes eren conscients que calia donar satisfacció a les aspira cions de reforma de sectors molt importants de la població i posar remei a la degradació del clergat, que havia estat una causa fonamental de l’expansió de la Reforma. El

* Adreça de contacte: Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. Departament d’His tòria Moderna i Contemporània, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Campus UAB, Edifici B. 08193 Bellaterra. Tel. +34 935 811 186. E-mail: Ignasi.Fernandez@uab.cat

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Concili de Trento fixà clarament l’atenció pastoral de la població, la cura animarum, com l’objectiu prioritari de l’Església catòlica. Per a això dissenyà una estructura molt clara, en la qual els bisbes, ara obligats a residir a les seves diòcesis, havien de vigilar l’actuació dels rectors de parròquia, també sotmesos a residència; els rectors, al seu torn, estaven obligats a instruir els fidels en les veritats de la fe tal com les havia establert el concili (sobretot a través del catecisme i de la predicació) i a administrar-los els sagraments (incloent-hi l’obligació de combregar i confessar almenys un cop a l’any). El bisbe esdevenia el motor bàsic de l’aplicació de les reformes a cada diòcesi i per això el concili reforçava molt els seus poders, especialment de jurisdicció.4 La voluntat de dignificar el clergat, tant el secular com el regular, que hauria d’auxiliar aquests bisbes era evident en molts decrets (obligació de vestir hàbit, creació de seminaris, clausura obligatòria de les monges, etc.). El laic, al final de la cadena, era vist com el receptor passiu dels dogmes i de les instruccions del clergat. L’Església dissenyada a Trento era una Església molt clerical i molt jerarquitzada. A la dècada del 1980, la historiografia es va veure en condicions de superar les categories, aparentment excloents, de Reforma i Contrareforma mitjançant el concepte de confessionalització.5 Els teòrics de la confessionalització insistien en les semblances en certs comportaments de les confessions catòlica, luterana i calvinista, més que no

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pas en allò que les diferenciava. En particular, paraven atenció a la posició de l’Estat, que, immers en una dinàmica absolutista, no podia restar al marge del conflicte confessional: tot monarca, per conservar el seu poder, havia d’intervenir donant suport a una de les confessions i imposant-la tant per mitjans persuasius com repressius, prohibint de forma intolerant les altres.6 Al començament del segle xxi, sembla que el concepte de confessionalització no acaba de suscitar la unanimitat. Hom discuteix si implica una concepció massa vertical i jerarquitzada de les creences, si difumina la importància de les diferències entre les confessions, si es pot aplicar més enllà de la pugna confessional de l’Imperi germànic...7 S’han formulat noves paraules: Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia prefereix «Catholic Renewal» i John W. O’Malley proposa «Early Modern Catholicism».8 En espera d’un nou terme que susciti el consens, Contrareforma i Reforma catòlica, amb tot el seu bagatge historiogràfic al darrere però ja sense la càrrega ideològica, continuen sent utilitzats, sovint com a sinònims, pels historiadors del catolicisme posterior a Trento.9

Èxit o fracàs? Més enllà de les discussions sobre el nom del procés, altres debats han marcat el treball dels historiadors sobre el catolicisme als segles xvi i xvii. Un dels més interessants ha estat la discussió sobre la capacitat de propagació de les noves —o renovades— doctrines confessionals enmig d’un marc de creences populars sòlidament establertes des de temps medievals. Ja el 1975, Gerald Strauss havia plantejat la qüestió en el món luterà: segons ell, l’esforç d’adoctrinament havia acabat en un fracàs i la major part dels evangèlics continuaven ignorant al segle xvi aspectes fonamentals de la teologia reformada. La causa principal era la persistència de cultes màgics anteriors a les noves confessions, les quals semblaven massa abstractes i dogmàtiques a la majoria de la població.10 El 1992, Geoffrey Parker va contraposar aquesta sensació de fracàs, generalitzada en el món reformat, a l’èxit de les campanyes catòliques d’adoctrinament. Parker atribuïa aquest èxit a l’acceptació per part del catolicisme d’algunes pràctiques i costums tradicionals (culte a les relíquies, processons, pelegrinatge), a la utilització de tota mena de recursos adoctrinadors (impremta i predicació, és clar, però també el teatre, les arts visuals, etc.) i a la deliberada simplificació dels propis continguts teològics quan eren presentats a la massa del poble.11 Divuit anys després de l’article de Parker, el panorama que dibuixen els estudis sobre diversos territoris de l’Europa occidental és molt divers. Hi ha territoris on el sistema jeràrquic implantat a Trento funciona eficaçment. Tenen un clergat nombrós, moralment digne, culturalment instruït, que vetlla per la transmissió de la doctrina als feligresos. Segons tots els indicadors, els laics tenen un bon nivell de coneixement dels fonaments del catolicisme

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posttridentí i mostren afecció a les devocions, creences i conductes que les autoritats eclesiàstiques esperen d’ells. En canvi, hi ha zones que no encaixen gens en aquest patró: territoris on una jerarquia ineficaç no aconsegueix imposar a la població aspectes bàsics de la Reforma catòlica, com la distinció entre el món sagrat i el profà, el celibat sacerdotal, l’assistència a la missa dominical, la confessió anual, etc. A certs llocs persisteix una religiositat amplament majoritària que, seguint la terminologia de William A. Christian, se sol anomenar «religiositat local».12 En un recent article hem formulat com a hipòtesi de treball que alguns factors podien ser determinants per a l’èxit de la Reforma catòlica: l’existència d’un relleu pla o ondulat, amb bones vies de comunicació; el predomini d’una xarxa urbana, amb un hàbitat concentrat; la implantació d’un sistema econòmic amb un alt nivell de comercialització dels productes. Com a norma general, aquests factors haurien afavorit la circulació cultural ràpida i, consegüentment, haurien facilitat la capacitat d’adoctrinament de la població per part de l’Església catòlica. En canvi, un relleu accidentat, un poblament dispers i una producció orientada cap a l’autoconsum menen a pensar, sense caure però en cap determinisme geogràfic, en grups humans més isolats i refractaris a les novetats ideològiques que poguessin venir de l’exterior.13 Són aplicables aquests criteris als territoris de parla catalana? Hi va tenir èxit la Reforma catòlica? Ja disposem tant de monografies, que citarem al llarg de l’article, com d’algunes obres de síntesi14 que presenten allò que sabem del catolicisme dels segles xvi i xvii. Tanmateix encara no tenim un coneixement suficient per a poder fixar el mapa i els ritmes de penetració de la Reforma catòlica, si és que va tenir lloc. L’aportació més suggestiva, des d’aquest punt de vista, ha estat la de Henry Kamen. Segons ell, un cop superat l’impuls de la primera generació conciliar, que s’esgota vers el 1580, perviu molt majoritàriament una religiositat que no passa per l’administració dels sagraments ni pel tipus de culte de la Contrareforma, sinó que manté rituals i pràctiques comunitàries populars heretades de les generacions anteriors. A la Catalunya descrita per Kamen, la inquisició, la Corona o el clergat no controlen el territori i no són capaços d’imposar les seves formes de pràctica religiosa ni les seves pautes morals —en matèria de sexualitat, per exemple—. Hi sobreviu còmodament un catolicisme tradicional de base medieval, rural i popular en detriment de la religió oficial i institucionalitzada que voldrien propagar les autoritats civils i eclesiàstiques. «In Catalonia the campaign of the Church against traditional subcultures and communal practices which had always formed part of traditional religion, seems largely to have failed because no radical change took place in the social framework within which those practices existed; and the Church had to content itself with a slow assertion of external discipline from above, in the areas it could most directly control or where it could count on the collabora tion of secular authority», escriu Kamen.15

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La implantació de la Reforma catòlica a les terres de parla catalana (1563-1700). Un procés reeixit?

En el cas de la Catalunya Nord, Raymond Sala ha anat un xic més enllà. Per a Sala, existeix una «religiositat catalana» tradicional que, a despit d’algunes modificacions, resisteix les reformes del segle xvi, el gal·licanisme del segle xvii, la Il·lustració del segle xviii i reneix amb força després de la Revolució Francesa.16 La tesi de Kamen contrasta, però, amb la situació que presenten els estudis sobre la religiositat catalana al segle xviii, en particular l’obra de Joaquim M. Puigvert. De les seves recerques es dedueix que al Segle de les Llums l’Església controla bé el territori i les formes de sociabilitat local (parròquies, confraries...). Els bisbes es recolzen en un clergat secular instruït, disciplinat i econòmicament solvent, ben relacionat amb les classes benestants del país, de les quals procedeix.17 Per això, disset anys després de l’obra de Henry Kamen, és hora de tornar a plantejar la qüestió de l’èxit o del fracàs de la Reforma catòlica a Catalunya i, més generalment, als territoris de parla catalana. Al meu entendre, Kamen generalitza al conjunt de Catalunya exemples molt concrets relatius a zones rurals o de muntanya, que estan sobrerepresentades en els seus treballs. La religiositat no podia ser viscuda de la mateixa manera a les valls dels Pirineus o a contrades isolades de l’interior que a la xarxa urbana que s’estava vertebrant a gran velocitat a la Catalunya del segle xvi, segons les investigacions més recents.18 A les ciutats hi havia un excés d’oferta religiosa i uns mecanismes de pressió ideològica sobre la població davant dels quals els feligresos difícilment podien romandre impassibles. Per exemple, a mitjan segle xvi, Barcelona tenia set parrò quies, tretze comunitats religioses masculines, dos capítols de canonges (la catedral i una col·legiata) i tretze comunitats religioses femenines per a satisfer les necessitats espirituals d’uns trenta mil habitants.19 El debat no està tancat i caldran noves investigacions amb un abast geogràfic i cronològic ben determinat per a aproximar-nos a una solució.20 Però ja estem en condi cions de valorar els factors que hi podien influir, com, a més del desplegament de la xarxa urbana a la qual ens hem referit, l’esforç ingent de les autoritats eclesiàstiques catalanes per introduir la Reforma catòlica, la proximitat de la frontera amb França, la difusió del bandolerisme i la presència d’importants contingents de població morisca.

La insistència de les autoritats eclesiàstiques Els territoris de parla catalana no estigueren gaire representats al Concili de Trento. Entre els assistents al concili dels quals coneixem l’origen, hi havia dotze valencians, onze catalans i tres mallorquins; aquesta xifra inclou no solament els bisbes i els superiors dels ordes religiosos, sinó també les persones sense vot, com ara teòlegs, diplomàtics, consellers dels bisbes, etc. Quant als bisbes, a la primera etapa (1545-1548) hi va participar el bisbe de Mallorca, Giovanni Battista Campeggio, que mai no va

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posar els peus a la seva diòcesi. A la segona etapa del concili (1551-1552) hi prengueren part, a més de Campeggio, el bisbe d’Elna, el de Sogorb i tres bisbes auxiliars. Només a la tercera etapa del concili (1561-1563) hi participaren sis bisbes de diòcesis catalanes i el de Sogorb.21 Alguns d’ells van sobresortir en els debats, com el bisbe auxiliar de Barcelona Joan Jubí, el de Tortosa, Martín de Córdoba, o el bisbe de Lleida, Antoni Agustí, però cap d’ells no va exercir un rol determinant.22 Aquesta migradesa de la participació a Trento contrasta amb la rapidesa amb la qual el concili fou acceptat i començat a aplicar. Després de la confirmació del concili per Pius IV i de la seva acceptació per Felip II, el 1564, l’arquebisbe de Tarragona Ferran de Lloaces convocà un concili provincial per rebre els decrets del concili ecumènic a la seva província eclesiàstica. Una ordre taxativa del rei, però, ordenà suspendre’l. El monarca volia que aquests primers concilis provincials posteriors a Trento es desenvolupessin tots sota el seu estricte control. Finalment, entre el 1565 i el 1566 van tenir lloc el concili provincial de Tarragona, amb la participació dels bisbes de Catalunya, i el concili provincial de València, amb l’assistència dels bisbes dels regnes de València i de Mallorca. A tots dos concilis hi assistiren agents reials que controlaren estrictament el desenvolupament dels debats i la redacció de les consti tucions provincials.23 Les apel·lacions que els capítols catedralicis, gelosos de la pèrdua de la seva autonomia a mans dels bisbes, interposaren davant de la cúria romana no invalidaren el gruix de les decisions conciliars.24 Els bisbes es convertien, com hem dit, en un instrument bàsic per a la implantació de la Reforma catòlica. El rei els nomenava per concessió papal des del 1523. Després del concili, Felip II va assumir plenament el model de bisbe ideal de la Reforma catòlica, cercant bisbes no sols personalment i moralment dignes, sinó amb graduació universitària i que haguessin donat mostres de la seva capacitat de govern. Bisbes que fossin capaços de visitar les parròquies, supervisar els confessors i predicadors, controlar els mestres d’escola, proveir els càrrecs eclesiàstics amb els candidats idonis sense favoritismes, perseguir a través dels tribunals diocesans les faltes de clergues i laics, detectar els casos d’heretgia i advertir-ne la inquisició, socórrer els pobres i impulsar les obres de beneficència, etc. Per això va ser una anomalia que l’illa d’Eivissa continués formant part de l’arxidiòcesi de Tarragona, lluny del control de l’arquebisbe. En tot cas, el nivell cultural i religiós de l’episcopat va millorar extraordinàriament a la segona meitat del segle xvi, en què trobem personatges tan rellevants com l’arquebisbe de València sant Joan de Ribera (1568-1611), el bisbe d’Urgell Andreu Capella o el bisbe de Lleida (1561-1576) i arquebisbe de Tarragona (15761586) Antoni Agustí.25 En temps de Felip II, a Catalunya hi ha quaranta-sis nomenaments de bisbes dels quals coneixem el lloc de naixement: en vint-i-sis casos són designats catalans; en vuit, aragonesos; en cinc, valencians; en un, un mallorquí, i només en sis casos són bisbes castellans. Però la designa-

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ció de bisbes castellans s’incrementarà al llarg de l’època moderna. Segons les investigacions de Joan Bada, entre el 1563 i el 1640, el 41,6 % dels bisbes de les seus catalanes són catalans. Entre el 1640 i el 1715, aquesta xifra puja al 47,8 %.26 El procés és més acusat al regne de València: només en cinc dels setze nomenaments de bisbes Felip II va triar bisbes nadius. La majoria eren de la Corona de Castella (en vuit casos), però també hi va haver un bisbe navarrès i dos de catalans.27 En el cas de Catalunya, una important tradició conci liar i sinodal, pràcticament única a tots els territoris catòlics, va ser utilitzada pels bisbes per a implantar les reformes tridentines. Entre el 1567 i el 1598 se celebraren nou concilis provincials, i un cada cinc anys fins al 1757, excepte en temps de guerra. En aquests concilis s’aprovaren moltes mesures en el més estricte esperit tridentí, relatives a la litúrgia, la situació dels clergues, la predicació o la promoció de noves devocions.28 En canvi, a la província de València no hi va haver cap altre concili provincial durant la resta de l’època moderna. Al costat dels concilis provincials, els sínodes diocesans es van celebrar regularment. En els sínodes el bisbe es reunia amb els clergues de la seva diòcesi, escoltava els seus parers i els comunicava les seves directrius. Així es regulaven les activitats de les parròquies, les pràctiques sacramentals, la vida del clergat, les festes diocesanes, etc. També a la diòcesi de l’Alguer, on es van celebrar quatre sínodes entre el 1564 i el 1586, aquesta va ser una institució fonamental.29 En paral·lel a la reforma del clergat secular, el clergat regular, de més clar sentit contrareformista, coneix una expansió sense precedents, tant a Catalunya30 com a València31 i a Mallorca.32 Entre els primers membres de la Companyia de Jesús, fundada per sant Ignasi de Loiola el 1540, destacaven personatges de parla catalana com el mallorquí Jeroni Nadal o el valencià sant Francesc de Borja. No és estrany, doncs, que els jesuïtes hi fundessin col·legis ràpidament, començant pel de València el 1544. La primera universitat europea de la Companyia va ser la de Gandia, creada el 1547. En canvi, els escolapis, fundats a Roma per un sacerdot aragonès del bisbat d’Urgell, sant Josep de Calassanç, s’expandiren ràpidament per Itàlia i l’Europa central, però no aconseguiren consolidar una fundació estable a la Corona d’Aragó fins a la creació del col·legi de Moià, el 1683. Els carmelites descalços fundaren un convent a Barcelona el 1586 i un altre a València el 1589; a totes dues ciutats, les carmelites descalces creades per santa Teresa de Jesús van establir-s’hi també el 1588. Els caputxins, sorgits a Itàlia el 1528, van arribar a Barcelona el 1578, amb el suport de la municipalitat. Conegueren una expansió fulgurant: tenien vint-i-un convents l’any 1600.33 Tot i que no pogueren fundar a València fins al 1597, per culpa de les traves que els posà Felip II, el 1611 posseïen ja tretze comunitats a tot el regne. En efecte, la reforma dels ordes regulars es va veure pertorbada per la interferència de motius polítics. Aquest va

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ser el cas de la supressió dels franciscans conventuals a petició de la Corona el 1567,34 de l’oposició de Felip II a l’expansió dels caputxins fora de Catalunya35 o de la negativa del rei a acceptar la creació d’una província franciscana recol·lecta amb les cases de recol·lecció que l’orde de Sant Francesc tenia a Catalunya i a València.36 També va ser la causa que el rei impulsés la presència a la Corona d’Aragó de religiosos castellans dels moviments reformats, com en el cas dels agustins,37 o fins i tot que intentés imposar-ne la superioritat als religiosos de parla catalana, com en el cas dels mercedaris.38 La Corona no tan sols estava interessada a impulsar les reformes religioses, sinó també a millorar les seves estructures de control polític sobre el clergat, espe cialment en els territoris de la Corona d’Aragó. En el procés de reformes religioses calia combinar els dos factors, la qual cosa no sempre s’aconseguí de manera harmònica. Malgrat algunes tibantors i alguns problemes, els nous ordes o ordes reformats impulsaren la Reforma catòlica a través de les seves esglésies, col·legis i publicacions. La seva tasca com a confessors i predicadors no pot ser menystinguda, especialment en el moment de les missions, de les quals parlarem més endavant.

Els mitjans d’adoctrinament És difícil comprovar l’èxit d’aquesta gegantina temptativa d’aculturació. L’historiador no té mecanismes per a penetrar a l’interior de les consciències i conèixer el grau de sinceritat i de convicció d’una persona en adherir-se a determinats postulats. A Catalunya, a més, no disposem de documentació que ha estat molt útil a d’altres territoris, com els interrogatoris de la inquisició emprats per Sara Nalle i per Jean-Pierre Dedieu per escatir el grau de coneixement dels rudiments de la fe per part dels reus del Sant Ofici.39 Plantejar-se l’èxit de la Reforma catòlica a Catalunya equival, doncs, a preguntar-se què sabem sobre els instruments dels quals disposava el clergat per a adoctrinar el conjunt de la població. El Concili de Trento va ordenar als bisbes vetllar especialment per la realització de la predicació a totes les parròquies i per la seva adequació a l’ortodòxia. Als territoris de parla catalana, això implica plantejar-se la qüestió de la llengua de la predicació. Hi ha molts testimonis que mostren que la influència de la retòrica barroca va fer que alguns predicadors, nadius o forasters, prediquessin en castellà, a la recerca d’una més gran ostentació i elegància. Això podia perjudicar seriosament la capacitat de comunicació de l’Església catòlica. Cal recordar que tota la litúrgia catòlica era en llatí i que les edicions de les Sagrades Escriptures en llengües vernacles estaven prohibides. El sermó es revelava com el moment fonamental de transmissió dels continguts bíblics i de les veritats de la fe a la massa de la població adulta. La predicació esdevenia un dels mass media de l’època. A Catalunya, el concili provincial del 1591 va manar que el catecisme i la predicació es fessin en català a Cata-

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lunya, en «la llengua materna i natural d’aquell Regne» a les terres aragoneses del bisbat de Lleida i «en llengua valenciana» als territoris valencians del bisbat de Tortosa. La persistència de la predicació en castellà va fer que el concili provincial del 1636 repetís aquestes ordres.40 Però la predicació en castellà, en major o menor grau, devia subsistir, perquè el sínode diocesà de Tortosa del 1687 encara es veia en l’obligació d’insistir sobre l’ús exclusiu del català a la predicació. A Mallorca no hi ha referències dels bisbes a la predicació en castellà fins al segle xviii.41 Al regne de València, en canvi, l’evolució sembla haver estat diferent. Segons Vicent Pitarch, es produí una situació de diglòssia. L’aristocràcia, l’alta clerecia i els sectors més benestants de la burgesia urbana demanaven sermons en castellà. Com que els sínodes diocesans no van prohibir aquesta predicació, s’arribà a una situació de «dualitat»: els sermons «de prestigi», bàsicament a les grans ciutats, eren predicats en castellà, mentre que els sermons «de rutina», sobretot a les zones rurals, eren pronunciats en català.42 El compliment de les directrius emanades dels concilis provincials i dels sínodes diocesans, ja fos sobre la llengua o sobre d’altres qüestions, era verificat a les visites pastorals. Aquestes van ser una eina fonamental per a controlar l’actuació del clergat parroquial. El bisbe personalment o un visitador enviat per ell inspeccionava els llocs de culte, així com l’estat religiós i moral del clergat i del laïcat de cada parròquia de la seva diòcesi.43 S’ha objectat sovint que aquestes visites van ser massa breus i irregulars per a ser eficaces. Però estudis recents mostren que fins i tot zones rurals i de muntanya van ser constantment visitades i, sobretot, que l’èxit de la visita no depenia de la realització d’una inspecció en concret més o menys minuciosa, sinó de la seva reiteració insistent durant més d’un segle. Els bisbes de Girona, segons les dades de Xavier Solà, ordenen aproximadament una visita cada quatre anys entre el 1588 i el 1699, i els de Vic en fan una cada dos anys i vuit mesos, com a mitjana, entre el 1589 i el 1647.44 A l’illa de Mallorca, entre el 1561 i el 1604, van tenir lloc onze visites pastorals.45 Les missions populars són un moviment que ha desvetllat una gran atenció dels historiadors als darrers anys, però del qual tenim encara poc coneixement a les zones de parla catalana. Les missions eren campanyes intensives d’adoctrinament que es feien en una parròquia durant uns quants dies. Clergues regulars vinguts de fora complementaven així la tasca del clergat parroquial submergint temporalment la població en un ambient abrandat, ple de sermons, misses, confessions, oracions, explica cions de la doctrina cristiana, etc. En el cas de Catalunya, Martí Gelabertó ha mostrat que les missions van ser una eina de primer ordre en l’intent de reformar conductes heterodoxes de les classes populars. Ell sosté, amb una tesi altament suggestiva, que a Catalunya no hi va haver una imposició d’una cultura eclesiàstica oficial sobre la religiositat popular, sinó un «procés de substitució»46 de les creences i pràctiques tradicionals per cerimònies catòliques

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acceptables des del punt de vista dels reformadors. Progressivament, certes nocions populars sobre bruixeria, màgia, festivitats o guarició de malalties van ser desterrades o modificades per conciliar-les amb l’ortodòxia de la Contrareforma. Els missioners esdevenien així una mena d’intermediaris culturals entre els neguits espirituals de la pagesia catalana i les aspiracions reformistes de la jerarquia catòlica. Coneixem millor les taxes d’alfabetització a la Catalunya del segle xviii que a la de les centúries anteriors.47 Tot i així, també sabem que les publicacions religioses són les més nombroses en els inventaris post mortem dels habitants de Barcelona al segle xvi, no solament entre els clergues, sinó en tots els grups socials i professionals que posseïen llibres, cosa que inclou els nobles, els juristes, els metges, els notaris, els mercaders i àdhuc els artesans. A més de la producció editorial específica per part dels clergues (sermonaris, missals, breviaris...), hi havia llibres i opuscles que arribaven a totes les classes socials, com els llibres d’hores, els catecismes, les Ars Moriendi, les vides de Crist o de sants... Segons Manuel Peña, a Barcelona es mantingué una producció impresa en català important, gairebé majoritària fins al 1570, mentre que a València les edicions en castellà van ser més nombroses. Els llibres en llatí mantingueren la seva importància i foren majoritaris a Barcelona entre el 1561 i el 1570.48 La fundació dels seminaris, que el Concili de Trento havia establert com una eina fonamental per a la dignificació del clergat, no fou eficaç. Allà on els bisbes van aconseguir crear-los, els seminaris tingueren sovint una vida esllanguida i pocs alumnes.49 La formació del clergat continuà fent-se per les vies tradicionals (família, escoles catedralícies...) o mitjançant els col·legis de jesuïtes. El fracàs en els intents de creació dels seminaris ens parla de l’existència de sectors clericals contraris a la reforma, la posició dels quals caldria estudiar, especialment a l’entorn dels capítols catedralicis50 o a l’interior d’ordes religiosos.51 Predicació i missions van ser un factor decisiu en la implantació de noves devocions que recollien l’esperit reli giós contrareformista i l’exaltació dels sants, posats en qüestió pels protestants. Per exemple, els dominics es van distingir en la difusió del rés del rosari, institucionalitzat gràcies a les confraries de la Mare de Déu del Roser, i del culte a l’Eucaristia, a través de les confraries de la Minerva. Arreu van sorgir capelles consagrades a la Mare de Déu dels Dolors i a les ànimes del Purgatori i van assolir una gran importància les processons del Corpus. En una data tan tardana com el 1771, segons el cens de confraries ordenat pel comte d’Aranda, el 97,27 % dels llocs del corregiment de Girona i el 98 % de les parròquies del corregiment de Vic que depenien del bisbat de Vic tenien una confraria del Roser.52 El culte als sants més difosos per la Reforma catòlica s’estengué per esglésies i capelles53 dins el marc del creixement arquitectònic de les esglésies catalanes que es prolongà almenys fins al 1640.54 Caldria escatir, però, si

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aquesta difusió es féu en detriment de devocions ante riors. És conegut, per exemple, que al Rosselló el culte a sant Galdric, el patró tradicional dels pagesos, va ser substituït per la devoció a sant Isidre llaurador, la canonització del qual havia estat impulsada pel rei el 1622.55 L’estudi de les visites pastorals56 i de la prolífica iconografia deixada pel culte als sants en forma de retaules,57 gravats, estampes, etc. haurà de permetre fixar el mapa i la cronologia de la difusió d’aquestes devocions, en un terreny comú als historiadors i als historiadors de l’art.58 L’estudi, per exemple, dels goigs obre el camp a una investigació interdisciplinària des de la història, la teologia, l’antropologia, la filologia i la història de l’art.59 Els goigs són poesies religioses dedicades als sants, a la Mare de Déu o a Crist. Les devocions propiciaven una litúrgia vistosa i solemne, que incloïa la celebració de processons amb danses, representacions teatrals i arquitectures efímeres. Els pelegrinatges i les romeries, que les autoritats intentaven regular, eren molt populars i al costat de centres que atreien pelegrins dels pobles veïns, hi havia santuaris, com el de Montserrat, de renom internacional.60 Però la fe en el poder benefactor i mitjancer dels sants i de la Verge tenia un revers, la creença en les bruixes: persones, sobretot dones, que, a causa d’un pacte amb el dimoni, podien causar desgràcies. Tant les autoritats eclesiàstiques com les civils —i aquestes a vegades amb particular duresa— reprimiren la bruixeria. Agustí Alcoberro calcula que entre el 1616 i el 1622, en el moment àlgid de la cacera de bruixes, unes quatre-centes víctimes van ser executades a Catalunya.61 La repressió no se circumscrivia a les bruixes. Totes les formes de religiositat que no tenien cabuda en els estrets marges del catolicisme de la Reforma catòlica van ser perseguides amb força. La inquisició i els tribunals eclesiàstics imposaven una religiositat formal i de consentiment passiu, castigant tota inclinació cap al misticisme, cap al protagonisme dels laics en la vida religiosa o cap a creences considerades heterodoxes.62 Dissortadament, cal dir que en tots aquests apartats el nostre coneixement encara té moltes llacunes. No només hi ha temes com les predicacions, la iconografia religiosa o les missions que deixen encara un ampli ventall a futures recerques; també hi ha qüestions que estan protagonitzant el debat historiogràfic sobre la Reforma catòlica a molts països i que resten per estudiar a la Corona d’Aragó: l’ús de la confessió63 o dels catecismes en la transmissió de la doctrina,64 el control eclesiàstic de l’educació primària i secundària, la subjecció dels pelegrins als patrons contrareformistes, etc.

El veïnatge protestant i el bandolerisme La Reforma protestant no arrelà als territoris de parla catalana. Situacions com les de l’aragonès de la Franja Miquel Servet o del català Pere Galès són casos individuals i

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aïllats.65 Els reis disposaven d’una maquinària repressiva ben organitzada: al segle xvi, la inquisició moderna, que havia estat fundada el 1478 per perseguir els conversos d’origen jueu, va ser reorientada per detectar i jutjar, entre d’altres, els protestants. El primer procés inquisitorial per luteranisme va tenir lloc a València el 1524, a Mallorca el 1531 i a Barcelona el 1539. L’apogeu de la persecució es va produir entre el 1560 i el 1565, enmig de l’atmosfera febril desencadenada pel descobriment de cenacles protestants a Valladolid i a Sevilla: un 36 % dels processats aleshores pel Tribunal de la Inquisició de Barcelona van ser acusats de protestantisme.66 En el cas català, hi havia un factor determinant: la frontera amb França, dessagnada durant la segona meitat del segle xvi per les guerres entre catòlics i calvinistes, era vista com un perill objectiu. A través dels Pirineus, els predicadors hugonots podien entrar a Catalunya i difondre les seves idees. Les autoritats eclesiàstiques enviaven contínuament missatges de preocupació a la Corona. Per exemple, el bisbe de Barcelona, Guillem Caçador, escrivia a Felip II el 1561, després d’haver travessat França per anar a Trento: «Sols suplicaré a Vostra Majestat [...] se recorde quant veï na sia Cathaluña en aquest tan horrible incendi, del qual se ha de tenir molt gran temor en tos los regnes d’España.»67 I un personatge a priori tan allunyat de la frontera com el bisbe de Còrdova, Cristóbal de Rojas y de Sandoval, es veia en l’obligació d’advertir al monarca: «La mayor fuerza de estos Reynos son los Montes Pirineos, y si estos se dañasen con la herejía [...], considere Vuestra Majestad cuán dañoso sería.»68 El rei mateix se n’havia convençut i el 1588 descrivia així al papa la diòcesi d’Urgell: «tan grande y tan áspera y de frontera de herejes.»69 L’existència d’un corrent continu d’immigració occitana entre el 1490 i el 1630 augmentava la preocupació de les autoritats.70 Però sembla que l’acollida d’aquests nouvinguts va ser, en general, bona. Un dels mecanismes bàsics d’integració va ser la seva inserció en la xarxa parroquial i de confraries catalana, afavorida per la presència nombrosa de capellans francesos a Catalunya.71 Als ulls de les autoritats, la introducció dels hugonots es podia veure afavorida per la presència de colles de bandolers. No volem entrar ara en la discussió sobre l’origen del bandolerisme endèmic a la Catalunya dels segles xvi i xvii, més ben conegut que el bandolerisme valencià o balear. Sí que podem, però, constatar que la falta de control de les autoritats sobre el territori era vista com un factor propiciador de l’expansió d’heretgies. Un frare dominic escrivia des de Puigcerdà al seu provincial el 1565: «Lo que más me angustia es que estamos vecinos de los luteranos y témese que so color de bandoleros no entren este verano [...]. Témese que no traigan algunos predicadores luteranos para del todo pervertir la tierra, que está llena de ignorancia.»72 La identificació entre el bandoler català i l’immigrant occità era un lloc comú als documents de l’època: «De las quatro partes de los bandoleros que perturban la paz pú-

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La implantació de la Reforma catòlica a les terres de parla catalana (1563-1700). Un procés reeixit?

blica de este Principado, las tres son de gascones y gente fronteriza de Francia», escrivia el carmelita Josep Serrano al començament del segle xvii. Els historiadors actuals han demostrat que aquestes afirmacions eren inexactes, però cal deixar constància de com influïen en la mentalitat col·lectiva de la població catalana —i de les autoritats— de l’època.73 Tanmateix la inestabilitat social que generava el bandolerisme podia afectar greument la tasca pastoral del clergat en pro de la Reforma catòlica. «Será imposible poder dar un paso por este obispado que no demos en las manos de los bandoleros», escrivia el bisbe d’Urgell, Andreu Capella, a Felip II, el 1589.74 No és un cas aïllat el del sacerdot Pere Font, nomenat rector de la parròquia de Tàrrega el 1591, que, tot just arribat a la seva destinació, rebia visites de quadrilles de bandolers que el comminaven a declarar si volia ser nyerro o cadell, és a dir, a prendre partit per un dels dos bàndols que dividien la societat catalana del moment.75 Els testimonis de clergues que han de fugir dels seus domicilis per la coacció de bandolers són nombrosos. El capítol de la catedral d’Urgell deia el 1588: «Estan las cosas de la comarca y frontera de França tan mal parades que puy la gente facinorosa y gascons ab gran seguretat y sens recel de contradichió captivan los capellans, oprimintlos en gran manera per conseguir dells majors rescats, obligant als Rectors dels logarets que escapen de apartarse dexant ses Residencies. Tenim por no sie principi de algun error en la Fe.»76 El 1615, el bisbe de Vic, Andrés de San Jerónimo, lamentava que els rectors no gosaven acudir quan els convocava per por dels bandolers i que molts s’havien allunyat de llurs parròquies perquè estaven amenaçats de mort.77 Encara més, coneixem bastants casos de clergues implicats ells mateixos en les lluites de bandolers. A Catalunya existia àdhuc una jurisdicció especial, el Tribunal del Breu Apostòlic, per jutjar aquests casos.78 El cas extrem és el de Francesc Robuster, bisbe d’Elna (1591-1598) i de Vic (1598-1607), que es distingí per la seva vinculació amb els cadells, utilitzant els bandolers en les seves lluites amb els canonges de la catedral fins al punt que els seus detractors l’acusaven d’instigar un assassinat.79 Els monjos catalans de Montserrat utilitzaren també bandolers per expulsar de l’abadia els monjos castellans el 1585, en el clímax d’una constant rivalitat entre ambdós grups.80 La sensació d’inestabilitat era especialment aguda als Pirineus. Com gairebé totes les serralades europees, les zones muntanyoses eren vistes com a territoris de difícil accés als reformadors religiosos. Les descripcions dels pobladors d’aquests territoris com a supersticiosos o ignorants amaguen en realitat la seva reticència a acceptar les noves doctrines. El 1581, el doctor Pedro Hervás informava a la Corona que entre Sobrarb i la Cerdanya, la gent vivia sense «quien los predique e instruya en las cosas de nuestra Santa Fe.»81 El carmelita descalç Joan de Jesús es planyia a Felip II el 1590 «de la ignorancia grande que tienen i falta de doctrina» al bisbat d’Urgell.82 A zones com

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Andorra, que depenia del bisbe d’Urgell, o la Vall d’Aran, sotmesa al bisbat de Comenge, hi va haver problemes per la introducció de les pautes de creença i de conducta de la Reforma catòlica, en part per l’existència d’institucions clericals específiques vinculades a les famílies locals que dificultaven la implantació de l’estructura jeràrquica definida a Trento.83 La Corona no va romandre inactiva davant els senyals d’alerta que li arribaven de les autoritats eclesiàstiques catalanes. D’una banda, va reforçar els mecanismes repressius. Tots els historiadors de la inquisició destaquen que els tribunals de Barcelona i de Saragossa, del qual depenia la diòcesi de Lleida, es distingiren dels d’altres districtes per la seva preocupació gairebé obsessiva pels francesos, que van ser objecte d’una severa vigilància.84 El 13,86 % dels processos incoats pel Tribunal del Sant Ofici de Barcelona són per «luteranisme», mot que per a la inquisició englobava totes les branques protestants, mentre que, per exemple, al tribunal de Toledo només un 7,3 % dels processos entre el 1561 i el 1620 estaven protagonitzats per «luterans». Tanmateix els processos inquisitorials mostren que el protestantisme no arrelà a Catalunya: en una gran majoria dels casos, els acusats són soldats o comerciants estrangers de pas per Catalunya. Però l’actuació política no es limità a la repressió inquisitorial. L’esforç pastoral que hem descrit a l’apartat anterior respon també a la mateixa preocupació. L’actuació decidida de bisbes, ordes religiosos i clergat secular no perdia de vista el veïnatge amb França. La voluntat de disposar a la zona fronterera d’unes diòcesis més reduïdes, que poguessin ser fàcilment controlables pels bisbes, si tuats ara en primera línia de la detecció de l’heretgia, conduí a la creació de les diòcesis de Barbastre i Jaca el 1571, tot fraccionant la diòcesi d’Osca, i el 1593 a la fundació del bisbat de Solsona, per tal de reduir les circumscripcions de Vic i d’Urgell.85 És remarcable que Catalunya sigui l’únic territori sota el patronat reial de Felip II en el qual predominen els bisbes juristes sobre els teòlegs. El Concili de Trento havia manat que tots els bisbes fossin graduats universitaris. Al segle xvi es considerava que els titulats en teologia eren més aptes per a vetllar per la bona administració dels sagraments i la correcta predicació de la doctrina; en canvi, els diplomats en dret canònic serien millors per a detectar o investigar l’heretgia i per a mantenir la pau social i l’ordre a les seves diòcesis. Entre els bisbes triats per Felip II al regne de València, inclosa la diòcesi de Tortosa, catorze eren teòlegs i set eren juristes; entre els nomenats a les diò cesis catalanes, sense tenir en compte la de Tortosa, hi havia cinc teòlegs i nou juristes. Mentre que a València l’esforç adoctrinador sobre els moriscos, al qual ens referirem tot seguit, obligava a designar teòlegs, les peculiaritats socials, polítiques i institucionals de Catalunya condicionaven l’elecció de bisbes juristes. També al bisbat de Mallorca, on es temia que calia fer front a una suposada ignorància religiosa de la població, els dos bisbes nomenats per Felip II van ser teòlegs.86

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En part per la mateixa raó, la presència entre els bisbes de la Corona d’Aragó d’antics inquisidors és més nombrosa que a la Corona de Castella. Els inquisidors estaven molt més familiaritzats amb els problemes que plantejaven tant els bandolers com els «luterans» i els moriscos.87 Simultàniament, es va procedir a una reorganització dels recursos eclesiàstics al Pirineu i al Prepirineu utilitzant els béns dels benedictins i dels canonges regulars de Sant Agustí. A proposta de Felip II, el papa Climent VIII aprovà, el 1592, la supressió dels canonges regulars de Sant Agustí, que disposaven de quaranta-tres esglésies a Catalunya, i el reagrupament de les seixanta comunitats benedictines de la Congregació Claustral Tarraconense i Cesaraugustana, una vintena de les quals desapareixeria. En una operació política i religiosa de profundes conseqüències, es remodelava completament la xarxa monàstica de la Catalunya Vella, forjada lentament durant l’edat mitjana. D’aquesta manera, no tan sols es podia evitar la dispersió dels monjos per molts monestirs de zones rurals, més difícilment controlables, sinó que s’alliberaven un seguit de rendes eclesiàstiques que serien destinades a impulsar la Reforma catòlica. Amb els béns dels monestirs desapareguts es va finançar la creació de la diòcesi de Solsona, del seminari de la Seu d’Urgell, per disposar d’un clergat instruït a les zones de muntanya, i del nou col·legi de l’orde de Sant Benet a Lleida, que havia de permetre formar a la universitat monjos que després instruirien els habitants de les poblacions properes als monestirs. També es destinaren rendes a finançar el convent d’agustins de la Seu d’Urgell i el convent de dominics de Tremp, des dels quals s’enviaven predicadors a les àrees veïnes, així com a millorar els ingressos de la Universitat de Lleida.88

Els moriscos La presència d’importants contingents de població d’origen musulmà va ser un altre element que va distorsionar els esforços per a propagar la Reforma catòlica. Els moriscos eren els cristians descendents dels musulmans que havien romàs a la península Ibèrica sota la dominació cristiana, anomenats mudèjars. Després que durant les Germanies els revoltats forcessin el bateig de molts d’aquests mudèjars, Carles V decidí el 1525 que tots els musulmans de la Corona d’Aragó fossin batejats. Oficialment i per la força, els mudèjars desapareixien i tots passaven a ser nominalment cristians, i, doncs, moriscos. La qüestió afectava diferentment els territoris de parla catalana. A Mallorca, tots els musulmans havien estat foragitats durant la conquesta cristiana. La relació de la població de les Illes amb l’islam s’articulava només a través de les ràtzies dels otomans i els barbarescos i del retorn dels renegats, els cristians que durant estades en territoris musulmans s’havien convertit a l’islam.89 A Mallorca, la discriminació d’origen religiós afectava durament sobretot els descendents dels jueus, anomenats xuetes.90

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A Catalunya va quedar un nucli molt reduït de moriscos, tot just uns cinc mil a l’inici del segle xvii. Pocs si considerem que no arribaven a ser el dos per cent de la població catalana, però localment importants perquè es concentraven en uns pocs pobles de la Ribera d’Ebre i del Segrià. Encara desconeixem molts elements de la història dels moriscos catalans, però és possible que un percentatge important dels que vivien a les Terres de l’Ebre estiguessin en un procés d’assimilació més fort que els moriscos valencians o aragonesos.91 Al regne de València els moriscos eren aproximadament 125.000 al començament del segle xvi, xifra que equivalia a una tercera part de la població. Tot i que dispersos pel territori, majoritàriament es concentraven a les valls de l’interior i habitaven pobles de senyoria on pràcticament tota la població era morisca.92 Lògicament, a València la qüestió de la seva conversió al cristianisme es va plantejar amb molta força. El bateig forçat dels moriscos plantejava molts problemes. Com aconseguir que els moriscos es tornessin bons cristians de la nit al dia? Encara més: era possible fer-ho? Era plausible que abandonessin pràctiques i creences tradicionals en les quals la religió es barrejava amb trets identitaris, culturals i socials? No continuarien practicant els ritus de l’islam, secularment arrelats, d’una manera més o menys oberta? Al cap i a la fi, no només s’exigia dels moriscos que oïssin missa, rebessin els sagraments i aprenguessin la doctrina cristiana; també se’ls demanava canviar els seus vestits i la seva llengua, consumir aliments que fins aleshores els estaven vedats o evitar els banys —per posar fi a les ablucions—; en definitiva, desarrelar una cosmovisió que havien mantingut durant segles.93 Al llarg dels gairebé cent anys que transcorren entre les Germanies i l’expulsió dels moriscos, les autoritats civils i religioses oscil·laren entre dues polítiques per respondre aquests interrogants: d’una banda, les campanyes d’adoctrinament i d’aculturació; d’altra banda, quan aquestes es consideraven condemnades al fracàs, els projectes de dispersió dels moriscos per trencar la seva cohesió social i cultural, àdhuc els plans per a la seva expulsió. En aquesta darrera visió pesava tant el pessimisme respecte a la capacitat persuasiva de l’Església com la por que els moriscos s’aliessin amb els otomans i els barbarescos per portar la guerra al cor de la Monarquia hispànica.94 La pressió sobre la població morisca va ser un element bàsic per a justificar la reforma dels límits diocesans: la creació del bisbat d’Oriola (1564), que permetia fer coincidir els límits polítics i eclesiàstics del regne de València amb el de Múrcia, i la divisió dels bisbats de Sogorb i Albarrasí (1577).95 Tot i així, encara coneixem poc els projectes d’adoctrinament dels bisbes del regne de València. Aquests es basaven en dos pilars: les rectories de moriscos i les missions. Les rectories dels pobles de moriscos, desplegades des dels anys 1534-1535, estaven molt minsament dotades. Els esforços d’alguns bisbes més conscients del problema foren debades no solament per la resistència morisca,

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sinó també per falta de braços executors. És el cas, per exemple, de les instruccions per a la predicació als moriscos i del catecisme bilingüe àrab-castellà, publicats el 1566 per l’arquebisbe de València Martín Pérez de Ayala.96 Poca cosa podia fer un capellà sol i mal pagat, a càrrec d’una església sovint en estat precari, enmig d’una comunitat íntegrament —o quasi— morisca. El reforç de la tasca d’aquests rectors en forma de missions de durada efímera, encomanades normalment al clergat regular, no va ser eficaç, malgrat l’ús dels mitjans habituals dels missioners.97 Però, normalment, ni rectors ni missioners parlaven l’algaravia, la llengua pròpia dels moriscos valencians, molts dels quals —sobretot les dones— no coneixien ni el castellà ni el català. La tasca dels col·legis especials per a nens moriscos, com el que regentaven els dominics a Tortosa,98 tampoc no va ser significativa. La persuasió era complementada amb la repressió. A cada poble, un agutzil vetllava junt amb el rector pel compliment dels preceptes cristians. En els casos més greus, el Tribunal de la Inquisició de València, del qual depenia també la diòcesi de Tortosa, perseguí amb força els moriscos sospitosos de practicar l’islam d’amagat. El seu objectiu principal eren els alfaquís, és a dir, els líders de les comunitats morisques que tenien coneixements més o menys precisos de la llei islàmica. Tot i això, la pressió cristiana i en particular de la inquisició no era benvista per la noblesa valenciana, que obtenia una part important de les seves rendes dels drets que pagaven els moriscos. Per això, l’acció de la inquisició no va ser contínua: el 1543 s’inhibí de la persecució dels moriscos, però a partir del 1567, dins el marc de la política de confessionalització de la Monarquia hispànica, la reprengué amb una particular cruesa. Entre el 1566 i el 1620, segons Raphaël Carrasco, el 73,5 % dels processos de la inquisició valenciana són contra els moriscos.99 L’arquebisbe sant Joan de Ribera emprengué al principi del seu mandat diverses mesures per a millorar la situació, entre les quals l’augment de les rendes dels rectors. Però la migradesa dels resultats obtinguts va fer que a partir de la dècada del 1580 esdevingués un dels principals partidaris de l’expulsió dels moriscos, enfrontant-se als nobles que els defensaven. En canvi, el bisbe de Sogorb (1599-1609), Feliciano de Figueroa, va posar en pràctica fins a l’últim moment mesures d’evangelització.100 Els moriscos —i els seus senyors feudals— repetien incansablement que necessitaven més temps i més recursos per a ser correctament instruïts en el cristianisme. El 1609, per ordre de Felip III, els moriscos van ser expulsats de València i el 1610, de Catalunya i d’Aragó. La decisió d’exiliar-los sancionava el fracàs d’una política pastoral i mostrava la capacitat de resistència i la fidelitat a la seva identitat de les comunitats morisques.

Conclusió El fracàs de la política envers els moriscos no es pot extrapolar a les campanyes d’adoctrinament dels cristians vells.

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Al capdavall de l’estat de la qüestió que hem intentat esbossar, hom constata que estem encara lluny d’establir un mapa clar i una cronologia precisa de la penetració de la Reforma catòlica als territoris de parla catalana. Tanmateix podem apuntar que la situació no era la mateixa a les zones més urbanitzades, com bona part de Catalunya o de l’arxidiòcesi de València, que a les terres més rurals i muntanyoses. En el cas de les illes Balears, per exemple, coneixem la situació de Palma, però sabem molt poc de la resta de l’illa, i encara menys de Menorca o d’Eivissa. A les ciutats i les seves rodalies, l’oferta religiosa de la Reforma catòlica era abundant, tant gràcies a la xarxa parroquial com a la presència de nombroses fundacions d’ordes religiosos i a la vigilància de la Inquisició. L’administració de sagraments, les predicacions i les sessions de catequesi, la producció d’obres literàries i artístiques de temàtica religiosa, l’acció de les confraries, les processons i altres activitats litúrgiques tenien lloc amb normalitat i, a mitjà termini, segurament amb èxit. A la ruralia, però, hi havia factors que objectivament dificultaven la difusió de les reformes religioses: els problemes de desplaçament, la menor ràtio clergues/laics, el bandolerisme que impedia el desenvolupament d’una acció pastoral, la presència massiva dels moriscos al regne de València... Les autoritats civils i eclesiàstiques eren conscients d’aquesta situació, agreujada, segons el seu punt de vista, per la proximitat dels hugonots, que podien aprofitar el corrent d’immigració francesa per a introduir-se a Catalunya. Per això el rei, les autoritats locals, els bisbes i molts sectors del clergat redoblaren els seus esforços adoctrinadors per imposar un real procés d’aculturació al conjunt de la població. El reforç de l’acció de la Inquisició, la creació de diòcesis més petites i controlables, la reiteració de les visites pastorals dels bisbes o dels seus agents, la reforma de la xarxa monàstica, l’impuls a les missions de religiosos i altres mesures de la mateixa sensibilitat anaven dirigides específicament a fer front a aquests problemes. Caldrà, però, esperar encara nous estudis per a determinar si aquest procés d’aculturació va ser completament reeixit.

Notes i referències [1]

[2] [3]

Hubert Jedin. Geschichte des Konzils von Trient. Herder, Friburg 1957 (traducció al castellà: Historia del Concilio de Trento. EUNSA, Pamplona 1972-1981. 4 v.); Alain Tallon. Le concile de Trente. Cerf, París 2000; Adriano Prosperi. Il Concilio di Trento: una introduzione storica. Einaudi, Torí 2001 (traducció al castellà: El Concilio de Trento, una introducción his tórica. Junta de Castilla y León, Valladolid 2008). Giuseppe Alberigo. «Du concile de Trente au tridentinisme». Irénikon, núm. 54 (1981-1982), p. 192-210. N’exposa clarament el problema Hubert Jedin. Katholische Reformation oder Gegenreformation? Josef Storcker, Lucerna 1946 (traducció a l’italià:

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Riforma Cattolica o Controriforma? Morcelliana, Brescia 1957). Vegeu Paolo Prodi. «Il binomio jediniano riforma cattolica e controriforma e la storiografia italiana». Annali dell’Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, núm. 6 (1980), p. 8598. [4] Joseph Bergin. «The Counter-Reformation Church and its bishops». Past and Present, núm. 165 (novembre 1999), p. 30-73; Giuseppe Alberigo. «L’epis copato nel cattolicesimo post-tridentino». Cristia nesimo nella Storia, núm. 6 (1985), p. 71-91. [5] Wolfgang Reinhard. «Gegenreformation als Modernisierung? Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters». Archiv für Reformati ongeschichte, núm. 68 (1977), p. 226-251 (traducció a l’italià a Annali dell’Istituto Storico Italo-Germa nico in Trento, núm. 8 (1982), p. 13-37); Heinz Schilling. «Konfessionsbildung und Konfessionalisierung: ein Literaturbericht». Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, núm. 42 (1991), p. 447-463 i 779-794. Actualització de les idees d’aquests autors: Paolo Prodi (ed.). Disciplina dell’anima, disciplina del corpo e disciplina della so cietà tra medioevo ed età moderna. Il Mulino, Bolonya 1994; Wolfgang Reinhard i Heinz Schilling (ed.). Die katholische Konfessionalisierung. Aschendorff-Gütersloher, Münster-Gütersloh 1995. [6] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Les bases ideològiques: la confessionalització i la intolerància religiosa a l’Europa moderna (segles xvi-xvii)». A: Agustí Alcoberro et al. Per bruixa i metzinera. La cacera de bruixes a Catalunya. Museu d’Història de Catalunya, Barcelona 2007, p. 56-68. [7] Per exemple: Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Confessionalització i disciplinament social a l’Europa catòlica (segles xvi-xviii)». Manuscrits. Revis ta d’Història Moderna, núm. 25 (2007). [8] Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia. The World of Catholic Re newal. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1998; John W. O’Malley. Trent and all that. Rena ming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era. Harvard University Press, Londres-Cambridge (Mass.) 2000. [9] Paolo Prodi. «Controriforma e/o Riforma cattolica. Superamento di vecchi dilemmi nei nuovi panorama storiografici». Römische Historische Mittlei lungen, núm. 31 (1989), p. 227-237. [10] Gerald Strauss. «Success and Failure in the German Reformation». Past and Present, núm. 67 (maig 1975), p. 30-63; Íd. «The Reformation and Its Public in an Age of Orthodoxy». A: Ronnie PoChia Hsia (ed.). The German People and the Refor mation. Cornell University Press, Ithaca (Nova York)-Londres 1988, p. 194-214. [11] Geoffrey Parker. «Success and Failure during the first century of the Reformation». Past and Present, núm. 136 (1992), p. 43-82 (traducció al castellà. A:

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[35] Valentí Serra de Manresa. «Oposición del Rey Felipe II a la implantación y expansión de los franciscanos capuchinos». A: Ernest Belenguer Cebrià (coord.). Felipe II y el Mediterráneo. Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, Madrid 1999, t. ii, p. 205217. [36] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Enjeux de pouvoir et identités franciscaines. L’éphémère tentative d’émancipation de l’Observance des Récollets de la Couronne d’Aragon (1567-1583)». A: Frédéric Meyer i Ludovic Viallet (dir.). Identités francis caines à l’âge des Réformes. Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand 2005, p. 313-331. [37] C. Alonso. La reforma tridentina en la provincia agustiniana de la Corona de Aragón (1568-1586). Estudio Agustiniano, Valladolid 1986. [38] Bruce Taylor. Structures of Reform: The Merceda rian Order in the Spanish Golden Age. Brill, Leiden 2000. [39] Jean-Pierre Dedieu. «Christianisation en Nouvelle Castille. Catéchisme, communion, messe et confirmation dans l’archevêché de Tolède, 1450-1650». Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, núm. 15 (1979), p. 261-294 (traducció a l’anglès a Anne J. Cruz i Mary E. Perry (ed.). Culture and Control in Coun ter-Reformation Spain. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis-Oxford 1992, p. 1-24); Sara T. Nalle. God in La Mancha. Religious Reform and the People of Cuenca, 1500-1650. The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore-Londres 1992, p. 120129. [40] Modest Prats. Política lingüística de l’Església ca talana, segles xvi-xvii. Concilis de la Tarraconense, anys 1591, 1636, 1637. Eumo/Universitat de Girona, Vic/Girona 1995. Vegeu també Alfred Agustí i Farreny. Llengua i Església a la Lleida del xvi al xviii, Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 1994. [41] Josep Amengual i Batle. «La llengua del poble dins els sínodes mallorquins dels segles xvi-xvii». Randa, núm. 6 (1977), p. 526. [42] Vicent Pitarch i Almela. Llengua i Església du rant el Barroc valencià. Institut Interuniversitari de Filologia Valenciana/Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, València/Barcelona 2001. [43] Existeix una àmplia bibliografia europea sobre les visites pastorals. Pel que fa a la seva aplicació a Catalunya, Joaquim Puigvert (ed.). Les visites pasto rals. Dels orígens medievals a l’època contemporà nia. Universitat de Girona, Girona 2003. [44] Xavier Solà Colomer. La Reforma catòlica a la muntanya catalana. Els bisbats de Girona i Vic (1587-1800). Universitat de Girona, Girona 2008. Vegeu també Eugeni Perea Simón. Església i socie tat a l’Arxidiòcesi de Tarragona durant el segle xviii. Un estudi a través de les visites pastorals. Diputació de Tarragona, Reus 2000. També per al bis-

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bat d’Elna, Dominique Julia ha establert que hi va haver una important quantitat de visites, les actes de les quals malauradament s’han perdut: Marc Venard i Dominique Julia. Répertoire des visites pas torales de la France. Anciens diocèses (jusqu’en 1790). CNRS, París 1979, t. 2, p. 276. Lorenzo Pérez Martínez. Las visitas pastorales de Don Diego de Arnedo a la Diócesis de Mallorca (1562-1572), Palma de Mallorca 1963 i 1969, 2 v.; Guillermo Pons. «La reforma eclesiástica en Mallorca durante el pontificado de D. Juan Vich y Manrique de Lara (1573-1604)». Anthologica An nua, núm. 16 (1968), p. 175-325; Íd. «La cura de almas y la vida cristiana del pueblo de Mallorca bajo el pontificado de D. Juan Vich y Manrique de Lara (1573-1604)». Anthologica Annua, núm. 18 (1971), p. 467-583. Martí Gelabertó. La palabra del predicador. Con trarreforma y superstición en Cataluña (siglos xviixviii). Milenio, Lleida 2005, p. 363. Javier Antón Pelayo. La herencia cultural: alfabe tización y lectura en la ciudad de Girona (17471807). Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra 1998. Philippe Berger. Libro y lectura en la Valencia del Renacimiento. Alfons el Magnànim, València 1987; Manuel Peña Díaz. El laberinto de los libros. Histo ria cultural de la Barcelona del Quinientos. Fundación Germán Sánchez Ruipérez, Madrid 1997; Íd. Cataluña en el Renacimiento: libros y lenguas (Bar celona, 1473-1600). Milenio, Lleida 1996. Per exemple, a Barcelona: Enric Subirà i Blasi. El Seminari de Barcelona (1593-1917). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1993. Antoni Jordà Fernández. Església i poder a la Ca talunya del segle xvii. La seu de Tarragona. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1993; Pedro Fatjó Gómez. La catedral de Barcelona en el siglo xvii: las estructuras y los hombres. Tesi doctoral. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1999; Montserrat Jiménez Sureda. L’Església catalana sota la mo narquia dels Borbons: la catedral de Girona en el segle xviii. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1999; Íd. «La catedral de Girona en l’època moderna i contemporània». Annals de l’Institut d’Es tudis Gironins, núm. xlv (2004), p. 47-57. A tall d’exemple, Fray Tomás Gómez. En reino ex traño. Relación de la visita del Real Monasterio de Valldigna. Autobiografía, vida cotidiana y lucha po lítica en la España de Carlos II, ed. Fernando Andrés Robres, Rafael Benítez Sánchez-Blanco i Eugenio Ciscar Pallarés. Universitat de València i Mancomunitat de la Valldigna, València 2008. En general, Jean-François Galinier-Pallerola. «Le bon pasteur et le mauvais prêtre au temps de la Réforme catholique: l’exemple catalan». A: Pierre Bonnassie (ed.). Le clergé rural dans l’Europe mé

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diévale et moderne. Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1991, p. 259-269. Joaquim M. Puigvert. Església..., op. cit., p. 173. Sílvia Canalda i Llobet i Santiago Mercader. «La tímida irrupción de los santos contrarreformistas en la catedral de Barcelona». A: Germán Ramallo Asensio (coord.). La catedral, guía mental y espiritual de la Europa barroca católica. Universitat de Múrcia, Múrcia 2010, p. 441-476. Carme Narváez Cases. El tracista fra Josep de la Concepció (1626-1690). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2004; Marià Carbonell i Buades. L’arquitectura classicista a Catalunya, 1545-1659. Tesi doctoral. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1991; Magdalena Mària i Serrano. Re naixement i arquitectura religiosa. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona 2002. Marie-Jeanne Trogno-Bonhomme. «Saint Isidore face à saint Gaudérique en Roussillon, ou la lutte d’influence entre le pouvoir royal et les privilèges séculaires d’une abbaye bénédictine». A: Michel Brunet, Serge Brunet i Claudine Pailhés. Pays pyré néens et pouvoirs centraux (xvie-xxe siècles). Conseil Général de l’Ariège, Foix 1993, t. i, p. 533-551; JeanLouis Olive. «Saint Gaudérique du Canigou et le discours identitaire en Pyrénées catalanes et occitanes, indicateur de territorialité historique et vindicateur d’identité ethnique». A: Íd., t. i, p. 553-568. En la línia de la recerca que ha començat a Mallorca, vegeu Bartomeu Martínez Oliver. Art i esglé sia a la Mallorca del segle xvi a través de les visites pastorals del bisbe Joan Vich i Manrique (15731604), treball final de postgrau disponible a <http:// www.recercat.net/handle/2072/40650> Joan Bosch i Ballbona. Alba daurada. L’art del retaule a Catalunya. Museu d’Art, Girona 2006. Sílvia Canalda, Cristina Fontcuberta i Carme Narváez. «Arte y religión en Catalunya durante los siglos xvi y xvii: el impacto de la Contrarreforma en la arquitectura y las artes visuales. Nuevas propuestas de anàlisis». A: La multiculturalidad en las artes y en la arquitectura. XVI Congreso Nacio nal de Historia del Arte, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria 2006, t. ii, p. 545-553. Com a síntesi per al cas català, Joaquim Garriga. L’època del Renaixement. Segle XVI. A: Història de l’art català, vol. iv. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1986, i Joan-Ramon Triadó. L’època del Barroc. A: Íd., vol. v. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1996 (4a ed.). Dominique de Courcelles. L’écriture dans la pen sée de la mort en Catalogne. École des Chartes, París 1992. Anselm M. Albareda. Història de Montserrat. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2010 (nova ed. ampliada per Josep Maria Massot i Muntaner). Agustí Alcoberro. Per bruixa..., op. cit.

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[62] Francisco Pons Fuster. Místicos, beatas y alum brados. Ribera y la espiritualidad valenciana del si glo xvii. Alfons el Magnànim, València 1991. [63] Arran del debat generat per Adriano Prosper I. Tri bunali della coscienza. Inquisitori, confessori, missi onari. Einaudi, Torí 1996. [64] Coneixem el cas mallorquí gràcies a Josep Amengual i Batle. Llengua i catecisme de Mallorca: en tre la pastoral i la política. Govern Balear, Institut d’Estudis Baleàrics, Palma de Mallorca 1991. [65] Antonio Fernández Luzón i Doris Moreno. Pro testantes, visionarios, profetas y místicos. Debolsillo, Barcelona 2005. [66] Ricardo García Cárcel. Orígenes de la Inquisici ón española: el Tribunal de Valencia 1478-1530. Península, Barcelona 1976; Joan Bada. La Inquisi ció a Catalunya (segles xiii-xix). Barcanova, Barcelona 1992; Mateu Colom i Palmer. La Inquisi ció a Mallorca, 1488-1578. Curial, Barcelona 1992. [67] Arxiu General de Simancas. Estado, 328, s. f. [68] Arxiu Zabálburu (Madrid). Carpeta 129, f. 153. [69] Ernest Zaragoza Pascual. «Reforma de los benedictinos y canónigos regulares en Cataluña. Documentos inéditos (1588-1616)». Studia Monastica, núm. 23 (1981), p. 82. [70] Continua essent bàsic Jordi Nadal i Emili Giralt. La population catalane de 1553 à 1717. L’immigra tion française. SEVPEN, París 1960 (traducció catalana: Immigració i redreç demogràfic: els francesos a la Catalunya dels segles xvi i xvii. Eumo, Vic 2000). [71] Antoni Simon i Tarrés. «Catalunya moderna». A: Albert Balcells (ed.). Història de Catalunya. L’Esfera dels Llibres, Barcelona 2004, p. 359-371; Enric Moliné. «Els sacerdots francesos del bisbat d’Urgell (segles xiv-xvii)». Urgellia, núm. 9 (19881989), p. 365-402. [72] Arxiu General de Simancas. Estado, 332, s. f. [73] Xavier Torres Sans. «Bandolerisme catalan et protestantisme français (xvie-xviie siècles). Image et réalité». A: Tolérance et solidarités dans les pays Py rénéens. Archives Départementales de l’Ariège, Foix 1998, p. 391-412; la citació a p. 392; Patrice Poujade. «Le voisin et le migrant. Hommes et circulations dans les Pyrénées modernes (xvie-xix siègle). Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Rennes 2001». [74] Arxiu Zabálburu (Madrid). Carpeta 177, f. 75. [75] Eulàlia Duran. Història dels Països Catalans. Edhasa, Barcelona 1982, t. ii, p. 1091. [76] Arxiu Zabálburu (Madrid). Carpeta 177, f. 79. [77] Henry Kamen. Catalonia..., op. cit., p. 208. [78] Jean-François Galinier-Pallerola. «La délinquance des ecclésiastiques catalans à l’époque moderne d’après les Archives du Tribunal du Bref». Annales du Midi, núm. 104 (1992), p. 43-67; Josep Maria Marquès. «Tribunals peculiars eclesiasticocivils de Catalunya: les contencions i el breu». a Pri mer Congrés..., op. cit., t. ii, p. 381-385.

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[79] Xavier Torres. Nyerros i cadells. Bàndols i bandole risme a la Catalunya moderna (1590-1640). Quaderns Crema, Barcelona 1993, p. 201-223. [80] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Reforma i obe diència. Actituds institucionals durant la visita del monestir de Montserrat (1583-86)». Pedralbes. Revis ta d’Història Moderna, núm. 13-II (1993), p. 171-180. [81] Henry Kamen. Catalonia..., op. cit., p. 86. [82] Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (Barcelona). Consell d’Aragó, 342, s. f. [83] Enric Moliné. «Organitzacions eclesiàstiques autònomes al Pirineu durant l’Antic Règim: les Valls d’Àneu, de Boí i d’Aran». Urgellia, núm. 5 (1982), p. 331-422, i núm. 6 (1983), p. 401-452; Jean-François Galinier-Pallerola. La religion populaire en Andorre, xvie-xixe siècles. Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1990; Serge Brunet. Les prêtres des montagnes. La vie, la mort, la foi dans les Pyrénées centrales sous l’Ancien Régime. Pyrégraph, Aspet 2001. [84] Elisabeth Balancy. «Les immigrés français devant le tribunal de l’Inquisition de Barcelone (15521692)». A: Les Français en Espagne à l’époque mo derne. CNRS, Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1990, p. 45-69; Juan Blázquez Miguel. La Inquisición en Cata luña. El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Barcelona, 1487-1820. Arcano, Toledo 1990; William Monter. La otra Inquisición. La Inquisición española en la Corona de Aragón, Navarra, el País Vasco y Sici lia. Crítica, Barcelona 1992. [85] Demetrio Mansilla. «Panorama histórico-geográfico de la Iglesia española en los siglos xv y xvi». A: Ricardo García Villoslada (dir.). Historia de la Iglesia en España. BAC, Madrid 1980, t. III-1, p. 3-23. [86] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Por una geografía del patronazgo real: teólogos y juristas en las presentaciones episcopales de Felipe II». A: Enrique Martínez Ruiz i Vicente Suárez Grimón (ed.). Iglesia y Sociedad en el Antiguo Régimen. Asociación Española de Historia Moderna-Universitat de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria 1994, p. 601-609. La diòcesi de Tortosa s’estenia en part per Catalunya i en part pel regne de València. [87] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Des évêques inquisiteurs au temps de Philippe II (1556-1598). Réflexions à propos de leur profil professionnel». A: Marie-Catherine Barbazza (ed.). L’Inquisition espagnole et ses réformes au xvie siècle. Université Paul Valéry, Montpeller 2006, p. 167-183. [88] Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Catalunya, “frontera d’heretges”. Reformes monàstiques i reorganització dels recursos eclesiàstics catalans per Felip II». Pedralbes. Revista d’Història Moderna, núm. 18-I (1998), p. 547-556; Antoni Pladevall i Font. «Les transformacions i canvis en l’estructura monàstica de Catalunya l’any 1592». A: Miscel·

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[89]

[90]

[91]

[92] [93]

[94]

lània en honor del Dr. Casimir Martí. Fundació Vives i Casajuana, Barcelona 1994, p. 390-397. Natividad Planas. «Les majorquins dans le monde musulman à l’époque moderne». Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, núm. 27-2 (1991), p. 115-128. Sobre els renegats en general, incloent-hi els de les Illes: Bartolomé i Lucile Bennassar. Les Chrétiens d’Allah. L’histoire extraordinaire des renégats. xviexviie siècles. Perrin, París 1989 (traducció al castellà: Los cristianos de Alá. Nerea, Madrid 1989). Josep Amengual i Batle. Història..., op. cit., p. 4660. Vegeu Enric Porqueres i Gené. Lourde allian ce. Mariage et identité chez les descendents de juifs convertis à Majorque (1435-1750). Kimé, París 1995 (traducció al català: Lleonard Muntaner, Palma de Mallorca 2001). N’hem fet una síntesi a partir dels estudis de Carmel Biarnés, Pascual Ortega, Josep Serrano Daura i Pau Ferrer: Ignasi Fernández Terricabras. «Los moriscos en Cataluña: entre asimilación y destie rro». A: Antonio Moliner Prada (ed.). La expul sión de los moriscos. Nabla, Alella 2009, p. 211-233. Manuel Ardit. «The expulsión of the Moriscos from the Catalan Countries: ideology and history». Catalan Historical Review, núm. 2 (2009), p. 65-81. Eugenio Ciscar Pallarés. «Los moriscos en Valencia». A: Antonio Moliner Prada (ed.). La ex pulsión de los moriscos, op. cit., p. 147-177. Vegeu també Rafael Benítez Sánchez-Blanco. «Los moriscos en la política de la Monarquía hispánica y su expulsión». A: Antonio Moliner Prada (ed.). La expulsión de los moriscos, op. cit., p. 235-266. Les alternances entre aquestes dues polítiques han estat descrites per Rafael Benítez Sánchez-Blan-

Ignasi Fernández Terricabras

co. Heroicas decisiones. La Monarquía católica y los moriscos valencianos. Institució Alfons el Magnànim, València 2001. [95] Demetrio Mansilla. «Panorama histórico-geográfico de la Iglesia española en los siglos xv y xvi», op. cit., p. 18-20. [96] N’hi ha una edició moderna: Doctrina cristiana en lengua arábiga y castellana para instrucción de los moriscos. Llibreries París, València 1980. [97] Borja Franco Llopis. La pintura valenciana entre 1550 y 1609. Cristología y adoctrinamiento morisco. Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 2008. [98] Enric Querol Coll i Jacobo Vidal Franquet. Cultura i art a la Tortosa del Renaixement. Arxiu Històric Comarcal de les Terres de l’Ebre, Tortosa 2005, p. 41-47. [99] Ricardo García Cárcel. Herejía y sociedad en el siglo xvi. La Inquisición en Valencia, 1530-1609. Península, Barcelona 1980; Anita Gonzalez-Raymond. «Les morisques». A: Raphaël Carrasco (dir.). L’Inquisition espagnole et la construction de la monarchie confessionnelle (1478-1561). Ellipses, París 2002, p. 205-222; Raphaël Carrasco. «Historia de una represión. Los moriscos y la Inquisición en Valencia (1566-1620)». A: La Monarchie catholi que et les morisques (1520-1620). Études franco-es pagnoles. Université Paul Valéry, Montpeller 2005, p. 69-72. També de Raphaël Carrasco, Deporta dos en nombre de Dios. La expulsión de los moriscos. Destino, Barcelona 2009. [100] Eugenio Ciscar Pallarés. «Notas sobre la predicación e instrucción religiosa de los moriscos en Valencia a principios del siglo xvii». Estudis, núm. 15 (1989), p. 205-244.

Nota biogràfica Ignasi Fernández Terricabras (Barcelona, 1966). Professor d’història moderna a la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Llicenciat en geografia i història per la Universitat de Barcelona (1990) i doctor en història per la Universitat de Toulouse-Le Mirail (1999). Autor de Felipe II y el clero secular. La aplicación del concilio de Trento (Madrid, 2000), de Philippe II et la Contre-Réforme. L’Église espagnole à l’heure du concile de Trente (París, 2001) i de nombrosos articles sobre l’aplicació de la Reforma catòlica a la Monarquia hispànica i la política religiosa de la Corona.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 241-255 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.63 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Les colònies industrials a Catalunya Rosa Serra i Rotés * Historiadora

Rebut 29 març 2010 · Acceptat 30 juny 2010

Resum Les colònies industrials, enteses com a nuclis de poblament industrials situats en zones rurals, són un dels fenòmens més característics del procés d’industrialització de Catalunya, tant pel model industrial, empresarial i social que van desenvolupar com perquè han esdevingut un dels trets més singulars del paisatge de les conques fluvials del Ter i del Llobregat, i més concretament de les comarques del Ripollès, Osona, el Berguedà i el Bages. De la mà de les colònies, aquestes comarques van deixar de ser espais rurals i es van industrialitzar i urbanitzar. Paraules clau: colònia industrial, industrialització, paternalisme, moviment obrer, valls fluvials

Moltes colònies, totes diferents* La colònia industrial es caracteritza per l’erecció d’un poblat obrer al costat de la fàbrica, que utilitza l’energia hidràulica d’un riu com a força motriu. Les primeres aparegueren a la Gran Bretanya al segle xviii. La més famosa és l’escocesa New Lanark (1786), situada vora el riu Clyde i dirigida des del 1800 per Robert Owen, futur cooperativista i reformador social. Una altra de ben estudiada és la de Saltair (1853), al Yorkshire. A Itàlia es troben exemples com el de Crespi d’Adda (1878), a la província de Bergamo, no lluny dels Alps. Però enlloc no es troba una tal densitat de colònies industrials com a Catalunya, amb cent cinquanta anys d’existència, si bé les fàbriques que els van donar origen ja han desaparegut. Les colònies industrials, enteses com a nuclis de poblament productius situats en zones rurals, són un dels fenòmens més característics del procés d’industrialització de Catalunya, tant pel model empresarial i social que van desenvolupar com perquè han esdevingut un dels trets més singulars del paisatge de les conques fluvials del Ter i del Llobregat, i més concretament de les comarques del Ripollès, Osona, el Berguedà i el Bages. De la mà de les colònies, aquestes comarques van deixar de ser espais rurals i es van industrialitzar i urbanitzar. Les colònies tèxtils són les més importants en nombre i també les més conegudes i estudiades, les que defineixen el model. A la vall del Llobregat es concentren els exemples

* Adreça de contacte: Rosa Serra i Rotés. Muntaner, 200, àtic 8a. 08036 Barcelona. Tel. +34 933 630 823. Fax: +34 933 630 824. E-mail: serrarr@diba.cat

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més destacats des del punt de vista arquitectònic i urbanístic, i també els més complexos quant a sistema productiu: la majoria de les fàbriques de les colònies filaven, teixien i fei en els processos de l’acabat, l’aprest i el tint. Com les de la vall del Ter i dels rius secundaris —Cardener, Calders, Anoia, Freser i fins i tot el canal de Pinyana, a les terres de Lleida—, prop d’un centenar de documentades, es van construir en espais rurals, lluny dels petits nuclis urbans que no podien proporcionar subministraments i serveis; per aquesta raó, els propietaris van organitzar tot allò que es necessitava aleshores per a treballar i viure i, per tant, esdevenir al màxim possible autònoms. Sovint s’ha ressaltat aquest aspecte autònom pel que fa als serveis que la colònia oferia als seus treballadors-habitants, però aquesta autosuficiència era un objectiu prioritari per al funcionament de la fàbrica. Gracies als equips de paletes, fusters i sobretot manyans, la desitjada autosuficiència esdevenia una realitat; el taller de manyaneria i el seu magatzem eren la clau que feia funcionar la fàbrica i que en garantia la constant modernització i adaptació tècnica. Tot i que les colònies es concentren especialment al nord de les valls, el fenomen de les colònies industrials va de nord a sud, seguint el curs del riu. En el cas del Llobregat, per exemple, en podem trobar a pocs quilòmetres del naixement del riu, com és el cas del complex industrial del Clot del Moro, que comprenia, a més de la fàbrica de ciment i les seves instal·lacions complementàries, l’estació de tren, la casa dels directius amb la seva zona esportiva i el xalet del propietari, el comte Güell; els treballadors vi vien a la Pobla de Lillet, a pocs quilòmetres del complex. Llobregat avall, de manera contínua, el rosari de colònies, fins al Baix Llobregat, amb la Colònia Sedó i la Colònia Güell com a grans exemples, arriba fins al delta mateix, on

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es van bastir dues grans colònies agrícoles, la Casanova i la Ricarda, al Prat de Llobregat. Val la pena insistir en el fet que la colonització indus trial és molt rica i plural i que al costat de les tèxtils també es van fundar colònies que allotjaven població dedicada a altres activitats industrials, ja que, en aquesta etapa de la segona industrialització, la disponibilitat i l’especialització de la mà d’obra eren un requeriment primordial per a fer rendible la inversió industrial. Al peu de les mines de carbó de Fígols, es van construir les colònies mineres de Sant Corneli, Sant Josep i la Consolació (Cercs) i la de la Vall de Peguera (Fígols), com també, al Ter, al peu de les mines d’Ogassa (Ripollès); de colònies mineres, també n’hi va haver a la conca potàssica del Bages (Cardona, Súria, Balsareny i Sallent). La fabricació de ciment va obligar també, en alguns casos, a construir petites colònies com és el cas del Clot del Moro (Castellar de n’Hug, Berguedà) i el Collet (Guardiola de Berguedà). La de Graugès (Avià, Berguedà) i les desaparegudes del Prat del Llobregat (Casanova i la Ricarda) són exemples del sistema aplicat a explotacions agropecuàries modernes. Hem de destacar especialment el cas de la Colònia Güell, tant pel seu valor arquitectònic i urbanístic que ha fet que la seva església, obra del gran arquitecte Antoni Gaudí, hagi estat declarada Patrimoni de la Humanitat per la Unesco, com pel fet que, essent tèxtil, és l’únic exemple d’aquest sector que no aprofita l’aigua del riu com a font d’energia. Moltes colònies i totes diferents, perquè, com el poblament rural, els pobles i les ciutats, no n’hi ha dues d’iguals, tot i que comparteixen les característiques del model productiu i l’organització socioeconòmica.1

Molt més que un marc legislatiu favorable La primera llei de colònies i les que la van seguir partien d’una potent tradició en el camp de la colonització que es remunta, en el cas espanyol, no únicament al segle xviii amb la important tasca de colonització impulsada per Carles III, sinó a segles d’experiències al continent americà arran de la conquesta i l’explotació d’aquell immens imperi colonial. Amb aquests precedents, és lògic que a partir del 1833 la colonització agrària continués essent una qüestió pendent. Entre el 1833 i el 1868 s’inicià el llarg i difícil camí de la creació d’un estat liberal, en el qual la monarquia es transformà lentament i amb pocs encerts sota el guiatge dels liberals moderats que aplegaven la major part de la noblesa terratinent i de la burgesia. Els liberals —units contra l’absolutisme i entorn d’Isabel II—, impulsors del procés de creació del nou estat, estaven dividits en dos grans partits, el moderat i el progressista; la burgesia industrial adoptava actituds cada vegada més conservadores i la Corona mai no trobava el moment per a cridar els progressistes a formar govern, de manera que només hi van accedir després de pronunciamientos. Fou justament durant els curts períodes de govern pro-

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Rosa Serra i Rotés

gressista que s’inicià la reforma agrària amb les lleis de desamortització del sòl (Mendizábal, 1836, i Madoz, 1855) i d’un seguit de lleis complementàries molt importants, una de les quals fou la Llei de colònies del 1855, la primera d’una llarga llista i que va anar seguida de la del 1866 i la del 1868.2 La del 1855 era una llei relacionada amb les de desamortització, la de ferrocarrils i la de societats anònimes de crèdit, també del període 1855-1856, que foren polèmiques i criticades, tant des del punt de vista teòric com per les conseqüències que va generar la seva aplicació. L’objectiu final no era altre que transformar i modernitzar el camp espanyol, que és gairebé el mateix que dir el país, perquè a mitjan segle xix Espanya era, en la seva totalitat, un país rural. Només cal repassar les xifres: quinze milions i escaig d’habitants, dels quals només un 44 % es podien considerar població activa, i d’aquest percentatge el sector agrari representava el 63,5 %, seguit del 25,5 % del sector serveis (criats, comerç, clergat, etc.) i un 12 % del sector secundari (artesanat i indústria). L’esperança de vida dels espanyols de mitjan segle xix era de trentacinc anys, la taxa de mortalitat d’un 29 ‰, i la de natalitat del 34 ‰. Un panorama ben galdós! A més, l’aplicació de les reformes polítiques i econòmiques era massa lenta, ja que l’any 1855 només s’havien construït 477 quilòmetres de la xarxa ferroviària estatal. La Llei de colònies del 1855 va ser seguida per la del 1866, dirigida al foment de l’anomenat «caserío rural» i que coincideix també amb un altre paquet d’importants lleis: la Llei d’aigües. Comprovada la seva poca efectivitat, fou substituïda per la del 3 de juny de 1868, que posà les bases per a l’autèntic desenvolupament de les colònies industrials: l’article primer indicava que una indústria no agrícola que estigués situada en una zona rural estaria exempta de la contribució industrial sempre que formés part de població rural.

La incidència de la Llei de colònies a Catalunya Però, és clar, una cosa és la llei i una altra de ben diferent la seva aplicació, que requereix el desplegament dels reglaments i les ordres ministerials corresponents. Tot això dins el marc d’un estat en construcció, immers en lluites polítiques contínues, crisis econòmiques al camp i en el naixent sector industrial, convulsions socials, i les cruentes guerres civils —les carlines—, però també els conflictes colonials al Marroc i a Cuba. Diverses reials ordres van concretar molt més els privilegis de la llei amb l’objectiu de frenar l’allau de peticions; amb tot, es va interpretar de manera desigual per part dels governadors civils, i en el cas de Catalunya només se’n beneficiaren trenta-cinc, un reduït grup d’empresaris agrícoles, tèxtils, metal·lúrgics i miners, un percentatge molt baix si tenim en compte que eren més d’un centenar les colònies que es van construir a Catalunya. De les 142 colònies industrials beneficiades per la llei i escampades per Espanya, el nombre més im-

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Les colònies industrials a Catalunya

portant —una seixantena— correspon, segons l’expedient de sol·licitud i de concessió, a les que es dedicaven a la indústria agroalimentària (fabriques de sucre, aiguardent, farineres, molins d’oli, etc.); les segueixen, en nombre d’importància, les vint-i-sis que figuren com a tèxtils, quinze de les quals se situen a la província de Barcelona, dues a Girona, i una a Lleida. Les colònies catalanes que es van beneficiar de l’estatut de colònia van ser: la Colònia Sedó d’Esparreguera (1879), la Colònia Vila-seca de Torelló (1880), l’Ametlla de Merola (Puig-reig 1880), Cal Pons i Cal Prat de Puig-reig (1882), Viladomiu Nou i Viladomiu Vell de Gironella (1892), La Mambla d’Orís (1882), Salou i el Còdol Dret (les Masies de Roda, 1882), Can Serra, El Burés i El Borràs a Castellbell i el Vilar (1883), Matabosc a Camprodon (1883), la Colònia Güell a Santa Coloma de Cervelló (1883) i la Colònia Rosal a Berga (1885). L’any 1883, també varen obtenir l’estatut la colònia minera d’Ogassa (Surroca, Ripollès), propietat de la Compañía Ferroviaria Ferrocarril y Minas de San Juan de las Abadesas, i dotze colònies més que no hem pogut identificar: sis a la província de Lleida (quatre d’agrícoles, una de tèxtil i una de paperera) i sis a la de Tarragona (una de salinera, quatre d’agroalimentàries i una de paperera). Les colònies industrials es construeixen allà on l’empresari troba matèries primeres rendibles per a explotar, cosa que succeeix a les zones rurals de l’interior del país. Allà on hi ha minerals (carbó, galena, potassa, etc.), s’hi aixequen empreses mineres i metal·lúrgiques, on hi ha pedra s’ubiquen les de ciment i les químiques, empreses agrícoles transformen grans extensions de terra de secà en regadiu, i els empresaris tèxtils aprofiten l’aigua com a font d’energia gratuïta per a les seves fàbriques. I, és clar, instal·lats en zones rurals, obligats a construir habitatges i serveis per tal d’assegurar-se una mà d’obra estable, és lògic que els empresaris intentin aprofitar els avantatges d’una llei de colonització que no solament els estalviava de pagar els impostos que gravaven les indústries, les terres, els horts i les botigues, per un període de quinze a vint-i-cinc anys a més de possibles pròrrogues, sinó que els donava altres privilegis: el d’ocupar càrrecs de representació pública, permís d’armes gratuït, permís per a explotar pedreres i construir forns de calç, de teules i d’obra, i fins i tot la possibilitat de redimir els obrers de la colònia del servei militar. Tot i que l’article 19 de la llei els obligava a sufragar els serveis bàsics d’educació —mestre i escola, metge i servei religiós—, els propietaris que construïen més de cent cases mai no van ésser inclosos en cap partida pressupostària per part dels diferents governs. La llei és fruit de la preocupació de l’agrarisme, que confiava en la bondat dels mètodes indirectes d’intervenció en el camp espanyol per impulsar-ne la modernització i, per tant, és una llei de privilegis. Però entre el 1885 i el 1892, la tendència canvia al mateix temps que es generalitzen els conflictes entre les colònies i els municipis, que no s’oposaven a la nova ocupació urbana i industrial, però sí que es queixaven dels greus desequilibris socioeconòmics que les co-

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lònies amb estatut causaven al municipi i de la gran independència de què gaudien els propietaris, i sobretot dels perjudicis que provocava a la hisenda municipal la nopercepció d’impostos. A aquesta pressió municipal, que no hem de valorar en excés, ja que es tractava d’uns quants municipis relativament petits de la Catalunya interior —Gironella, Esparreguera, Puig-reig, les Masies de Voltregà, etc.—, s’hi afegí la més contundent i poderosa del Ministeri d’Hisenda.3 Finalment, la Llei de pressupostos del 30 de juny de 1892 disposa, en el seu article 19, la suspensió de la tramitació de noves concessions, així com la revisió de les que havien estat atorgades fins a aquell moment, davant la sospita generalitzada que molts dels milers de propietaris afavorits per la Llei de colònies agrícoles i industrials no havien complert l’esperit de la llei.

Aigua, carbó i electricitat Les colònies tèxtils es van instal·lar al peu del Llobregat, del Ter i dels seus afluents per aprofitar l’aigua com a font d’energia gratuïta, tal com ho havien fet els seus avantpassats a l’època preindustrial. Els avenços tècnics els van permetre substituir les velles rodes de calaixos per modernes turbines, els arbres de transmissió de fusta per gruixuts i valents arbres drets, estructures de ferro calibrat que s’enfilaven pel cor de la fàbrica i que, mitjançant un complex sistema de politges, corretges i embarrats, transmetien la força a les màquines. I a partir del començament del segle xx, força mecànica per electricitat. En plena construcció de l’Estat liberal, el procediment per a tramitar les concessions d’aigües destinades a usos industrials estava regulat per la Llei d’aigües del 1866, revisada el 1879, la qual, a més de permetre utilitzar l’aigua com a font d’energia gratuïta, eximia l’empresari de pagar impostos de contribució industrial per un període de deu anys. Beneficiava tots els empresaris, fos quina fos la seva activitat, ja que es considerava que els aprofitaments hidràulics estalviaven importacions de carbó anglès. Per això l’aigua del Llobregat i del Ter va interessar a tothom. L’any 1904, s’inaugurava la primera fàbrica de ciment de l’empresa Asland a l’indret del Clot del Moro (Castellar de n’Hug). Per a fer funcionar la fàbrica s’utilitzava carbó de l’Alt Berguedà i sobretot l’aigua del riu. El 1905, José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, propietari de bona part de les mines de carbó de l’Alt Berguedà, va comprar la concessió hidràulica del Collet (Guardiola de Berguedà) amb un aprofitament de 3.000 l/seg; des de la central, tres línies d’alta tensió portaven l’electricitat fins a les boques de mines i d’aquesta manera s’aconseguí introduir ventilació mecànica a l’interior de les galeries i iniciar el procés de modernització i mecanització de les explotacions mineres. Aquest riu de règim mediterrani —rebec, arrauxat, massa vegades eixut i repetidament torrencial— que travessa de nord a sud el nostre país i el divideix per la meitat, és l’únic riu de Catalunya que porta directament de la

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muntanya al mar, de l’espai buit a la gran conurbació de Barcelona. El Rubricatus dels romans —per les tonalitats vermelloses de la terra on neix i també perquè quan creix baixa tèrbol, fosc, fangós, relliscós, és a dir, lubricatus— és aigües amunt, en el seu curs mitjà i alt, un riu llòbrec, ja que discorre entre muntanyes plenes de boscos que li fan ombra. I, encara més, és el riu més treballador, és a dir aprofitat, explotat, del món; el gran geògraf Pierre Deffontaines ho va resumir amb una frase magistral que no deixem mai de reescriure: «Cap riu del món, potser, no ha estat objecte d’un aprofitament tan exhaustiu com l’indigent Llobregat.» Menys cabalós que el Ter, i naturalment que el Segre, l’«indigent» Llobregat ha estat, i encara és, el nervi de Catalunya, no solament perquè les seves aigües s’han aprofitat com a energia des de temps immemorial, sinó també perquè la seva conca, des de Castellar de n’Hug, on neix, fins al delta, on mor, és el territori més densament poblat, urbanitzat i comunicat de Catalunya. Riu domesticat a la fi, canalitzat i desviat del seu curs natural per rescloses i canals de fàbriques i per obres d’enginyeria que al llarg del temps s’han construït amb el fi d’aprofitar encara més les seves aigües. Entre el 1885 i el 1900, es va construir a l’Alt Llobregat el Canal Industrial de Berga, de vint-i-un quilòmetres, des de Guardiola de Berguedà fins a la Colònia Rosal. Prop de la desembocadura, es va construir entre el 1855 i el 1885 el Canal de la Dreta del Llobregat, i entre el 1817 i el 1819 el de la Infanta, utilitzats per a regar i moure molins i que al llarg del segle xx van tenir importants aprofitaments industrials. L’aigua esdevé riquesa i negoci per als propietaris rurals que tenen terres al peu dels rius treballadors. El Cardener n’és un exemple, on es troben pagesos i propietaris rurals que no volen renunciar a la possibilitat, moltes vegades frustrada, d’esdevenir industrials. Alguns són grans propietaris, fins i tot amb títols nobiliaris, que inverteixen capitals i terrenys en el procés de transformació en el tram de Súria a Callús. El 1870 el marquès de Gelida construeix una gran fàbrica, inicialment dedicada a la fabricació de paper amb la fusta dels boscos de la finca, i que finalment s’especialitza en filatura de cotó, la Gelidense, que acaba traspassada a Bonaventura Jover i Mata, un industrial barceloní. Riu avall, a Callús, fàbriques i colònies poc desenvolupades són iniciativa de propietaris agrícoles: és el cas de la Colònia Antius, d’El Guix i de la Colònia El Cortès. Entre aquests propietaris destaca el marquès de Palmerola i baró de Callús, Josep Maria Despujol i Ricart, propietari del mas Ribera i fundador de la petita colònia de Cal Cavaller. El Cardener, llevat del cas de les grans colònies El Palà Vell i El Palà Nou o Colònia Valls, és un riu de petites filatures els propietaris de les quals les acaben llogant, un sistema que ara coneixem bé i que pren forma amb l’expansió dels nous polígons industrials. Entre el 1874 i el 1881, se succeeixen els litigis pel control de l’aigua del tram de Cal Rosal fins a l’Ametlla, i molt especialment entre Gironella i Puig-reig; les disputes es repeteixen, riu avall, a finals de segle entre els Vidal i els amos de la Casa Gran de Cal Riera. Durant el període

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1879-1905, la Junta de la Séquia de Manresa es queixa repetidament que els fabricants de l’Alt Llobregat emmagatzemen aigua a l’estiu i tallen el curs de la séquia que des del segle xix porta aigua del Llobregat a la capital del Bages. S’exigia molt al riu, massa, i semblava que el Llobregat era inesgotable. Tot i els problemes i la lentitud en la concessió d’usos per part de l’Administració, els industrials no paraven de presentar sol·licituds, i així es generà una autèntica lluita per l’aigua, una «febre de l’aigua» que succeí la «febre d’or», terme utilitzat per a denominar el període d’eufòria del començament dels anys vuitanta del segle xix, que es comparava exageradament al que es produí a Califòrnia vers el 1848. La realitat era i és, però, una altra; no hem d’oblidar que es tracta de l’«indigent» Llobregat. L’any 1879, la Junta de la Séquia de Manresa inicia un llarg període de queixes a la Secció de Foment, perquè els fabricants tèxtils de l’Alt Llobregat emmagatzemaven aigua mitjançant «embalses, deteniendo la corriente en épocas de escasez de aguas y utilizándolas después según las necesidades de cada fábrica, lo cual origina las intermitencias en las llegadas del agua hasta la acequia de Manresa.» Les queixes es van repetint els anys 1896, 1898 i 1905. La Junta de la Séquia es preocupava amb raó: les concessions eren prou importants (aprofitaments de 3.000 a 5.000 l/seg) i, a més, a l’Administració li plovien sol·licituds per a reformes en rescloses i canals de les fàbriques que ja funcionaven des de feia anys i també per part de les noves instal·lacions; es tractava d’aconseguir més aigua, o almenys de garantir-ne l’ús quan ja eren evidents les mancances del Llobregat. L’aigua del Llobregat s’ha aprofitat d’una manera molt especial a la zona del delta; des de l’inici del poblament d’aquest territori, es perforaren pous de poca profunditat i l’aigua s’emmagatzemava en cisternes. La gran secada del 1892 esperonà Jaume Casanovas i Parellada, amo de la colònia agrícola Casanova, a trobar una solució definitiva. Encarregà al mestre pouaire de Cornellà conegut com el Met de Cornellà la perforació d’un pou profund «fins a trobar aigua o foc»; al cap de poques setmanes de treball, es descobriren les aigües artesianes que van permetre tenir aigua potable per a usos domèstics al Prat i poder desenvolupar l’agricultura de regadiu del delta. L’aprofitament de les aigües artesianes del Llobregat arriba molt més lluny; només cal recordar que el Grup Agbar, que té els seus orígens en l’empresa Compagnie des Eaux de Barcelone —fundada a Lieja el 1876 per abastir d’aigua les poblacions pròximes a Barcelona a través de l’aqüeducte de Dosrius— i en la societat anònima Empresa Concesionaria de Aguas Subterráneas del Río Llobregat, del 1871, és avui al capdavant d’un gran hòlding constituït per més de cent cinquanta empreses que opera en tots els àmbits relacionats amb el cicle integral de l’aigua. El 1903 es va construir el primer pou industrial per a la fàbrica de sacs Godó-Tàpies, al qual seguiren els de Tallers Roca de Gavà dedicats a la construcció de radiadors i calderes de calefacció, el de La Papelera Española SA al Prat de Llobregat o el de la fàbrica de la companyia Es-

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pañola de Industrias Químicas SA, antecedent de La Seda de Barcelona SA. Avui, quan el model de fàbrica de riu i de colònia tèxtil ja no té futur, el riu continua essent una font d’energia preuada per a un país pobre en recursos energètics. I és que, a les turbines de les fàbriques, s’hi van acoblar, des de finals del segle xix, generadors d’electricitat i l’energia elèctrica obtinguda es va poder utilitzar per a ús intern de la fàbrica i de les colònies i fins i tot es va distribuir en un àmbit reduït. Les possibilitats que oferia el Llobregat van permetre que alguns industrials tèxtils instal·lats en colònies, com per exemple els Gomis de Manresa, desenvolupessin el 1909 una xarxa de transport d’electricitat; l’èxit d’aquesta empresa i de la comercialització del fluid elèctric va permetre que posteriorment el complex productiu iniciat a la Colònia Gomis, als peus de Montserrat, es transformés en una important empresa hidroelèctrica, Fuerzas Hidroeléctricas del Segre.4 Amb l’aigua del Llobregat no n’hi havia prou per a garantir el funcionament de les fàbriques. Quines eren, doncs, les altres oportunitats que calia sumar a la de l’aigua i als pocs incentius fiscals? En un país de micarelles com el nostre, pobre en recursos energètics, pobre en matèries primeres, pobre en mercats consumidors, els fabricants, que eren gent disposada a fer negoci, estudiaven totes les oportunitats. I, no en tinguem cap dubte, si optaven pel model de colònia era perquè l’operació era rendible, gairebé sempre a curt termini. Estem convençuts que la suma d’aquestes micarelles i el fet, gens anodí, que la majoria dels fabricants fundadors fossin d’aquell tros de riu i coneguessin bé el territori —és a dir, la gent i la seva idiosincràsia, el riu i el seu règim fluvial, les distàncies, els terrenys, el veïnatge... que no és poc— els feia decidir pel model. Construir una fàbrica de riu —resclosa i canal inclosos— i posar-la en marxa —motors, màquines, sistemes de transport, matèries primeres, etc.— exigia una gran inversió; encara més quan calia construir també la colònia. Els industrials de colònia van intentar sempre pal·liar el cost extraordinari que comportava la construcció, ni que fos a terminis i amb sous molt baixos, d’una colònia obrera amb tots els seus serveis. No podem perdre de vista que al capdamunt de les conques fluvials del Ter i del Llobregat se situen les conques carboníferes més importants del país: la de Sant Joan de les Abadesses-Ogassa i la de Berga (Fígols-Cercs), que ben aviat proporcionaren carbó per fer funcionar les fàbriques durant els llargs i continuats períodes d’estiatge, un cop van quedar connectades per les respectives xarxes ferroviàries, molt més tard del que els promotors del ferrocarril i els mateixos industrials de riu havien desitjat. Al Llobregat, el tren impulsat per industrials de colònia (Pons, Rosal, Monegal, Soldevila, Regordosa, Claret, Pla...) va arribar a Puig-reig el 1885, a Cal Rosal el 1887 i al peu de les mines de Fígols el 1903, solucionant el problema del transport de les primeres matèries —cotó i carbó— i dels productes manufacturats —teixits—; però també, en arribar a l’Alt Berguedà, va connectar amb la

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conca minera i, per tant, va permetre aconseguir carbó a preus molt competitius. Tot plegat va fer del tren un bon negoci, ja que va esdevenir el tren del cotó, del carbó, del ciment i de la fusta que, des de Manresa, va connectar amb Barcelona resseguint la vall del Llobregat. El 1878, la premsa local de Berga es felicitava del fet que la secada permetia augmentar el consum de carbó de la conca minera berguedana, tot i que es lamentava que els preus eren massa alts ja que no hi havia encara ferrocarril. I és que amb l’aigua del riu no n’hi havia prou. El 1904, la fàbrica de la Colònia Pons va canviar la vella màquina de vapor de 150 CV per una de 400 CV fabricada a La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, que va venir a reforçar les dues turbines Francis de 160 CV cadascuna. El 1911, set anys després de l’arribada del tren de Manresa-Berga al peu de les mines, tots els fabricants cotoners catalans, inclosos els de les colònies, compraven carbó a José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, comte de Fígols i principal accionista de l’empresa minera Carbones de Berga SA. Les colònies del Llobregat compraven carbó quan no disposaven d’aigua suficient, cosa que passava sovint. Per aprofitar al màxim l’energia gratuïta que fornia el riu, i un cop introduïts uns precaris sistemes d’il·luminació d’arc voltaic, a les fàbriques de les colònies es podia treballar vint-i-quatre hores diàries; les màquines de vapor proporcionaven la regularitat energètica que necessitaven les màquines i que el Llobregat no podia oferir. Fins al 1976, any en què s’inaugurà l’embassament de la Baells, les seves aigües no es van regular. Tot indica que l’opció exclusiva de l’aigua només es va poder mantenir als primers anys, entre el 1858 i el 1880 com a molt tard. A partir d’aquesta data, gairebé totes les grans fàbriques de colònies funcionen amb l’energia complementària proporcionada per una màquina de vapor. A la Colònia Borgonyà, al Ter, fundada el 1894, la potència de vapor instal·lada és igual a la que proporcionen les turbines, i la fàbrica es dissenya pensant en el treball conjunt dels dos motors. L’any 1904, la fàbrica de Cal Pons (Puigreig) canvia la seva antiga màquina de vapor de 150 CV per una de 400 CV fabricada per La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima; el 1896, a la fàbrica hi havia en funcionament dues turbines Francis de 160 CV cadascuna. Amb la generalització de l’electricitat, moltes de les velles màquines de vapor es van vendre com a ferro vell; a les turbines, s’hi van connectar generadors i totes es van convertir en centrals hidroelèctriques locals. Avui, un cop tancades les fàbriques de les colònies industrials, moltes continuen venent fluid elèctric a les empreses que el distribueixen a la xarxa. A Ribes de Freser, per exemple, l’enginyer Esteve Recolons va construir tres salts d’aigua al Freser: el de Diaó i el de Rialb servien per a alimentar la fàbrica i el de Recolons per a obtenir electricitat i vendre-la, i amb aquest objectiu es fundà la Cooperativa de Fluido Eléctrico que acabà venent a Energía Eléctrica de Cataluña. Els Brutau de Sabadell també aprofitaren els salts per a fer electricitat, entre Ripoll i Sant Pau de Segúries, i els Pericàs Boixeda, els

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amos de la colònia La Coromina a Torelló, van obtenir un salt a Sant Quirze de Besora amb el qual podien arribar a produir 950 CV. De tots els exemples, el més important és el cas dels Burés, industrials manresans que, a més de la seva fàbrica de Castellbell i el Vilar, als peus de Montserrat, van construir el salt del Pasteral, a la Cellera de Ter, una gran obra d’enginyeria hidràulica que els va permetre generar 1.600 CV per a alimentar la seva fàbrica d’Anglès, però també per a subministrar electricitat a molts pobles de la província de Girona, des d’Anglès fins a la Bisbal, Palamós i Sant Feliu de Guíxols.

Aquest és el cas, per exemple, de les revoltes de juliol del 1909 —les de la Setmana Tràgica—, o les vagues, mai revolucionàries a les colònies però sí existents i encara poc conegudes, dels anys del pistolerisme immediatament anteriors a la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923-1930). Superat el curt període de la Segona República (19311936) i el temps catastròfic de la Guerra Civil (1936-1939), amb el franquisme s’inaugura una nova etapa que s’allarga fins al 1960: és el temps de l’autoritarisme, de la repressió, de la crisi i de l’autarquia, el temps del silenci i el temps en què el sistema, emparat per la dictadura, esdevé més dur.

De la fundació al creixement: una aproximació a la cronologia

Multicausalitat per explicar un fenomen complex

A l’empara de la legislació —les lleis de colònies i sobretot la Llei d’aigües— i sota l’impuls del procés d’industrialització, es pot establir una cronologia del naixement i el creixement de les colònies industrials. La primera etapa comprèn el període entre el 1858, i molt especialment el 1860, i el 1880; és l’etapa caracteritzada, des del punt de vista tècnic, per la generalització de la segona generació de màquines de vapor que consumeixen grans quantitats de carbó d’importació —les conques carboníferes catalanes encara no s’exploten de manera sistemàtica, amb tècniques d’enginyeria minera i amb capitals capaços de solucionar el problema del transport i de la producció a gran escala—. Els industrials tèxtils, els nous emprenedors cotoners, opten per aprofitar l’energia gratuïta que ofereixen els rius catalans i també les oportunitats de les noves turbines, moltes de les quals ja es fabriquen a l’empresa gironina Planas, Junoy i Barné. Els migrats cabals del Ter i del Llobregat es compensen amb bones instal·lacions en salts naturals i amb la construcció d’infraestructures hidràuliques —la resclosa i el canal— relativament barates, en terrenys encara més barats, i beneficiades per la Llei d’aigües del 1868 que eximeix del pagament d’impostos durant un període de deu anys. En aquesta primera etapa, al mateix temps que la infraestructura hidràulica, la fàbrica i els edificis annexos, es construeixen el primer nucli d’habitatges i els serveis més indispensables, sovint concretats en una botiga que també és forn de pa. És a partir del 1880, i molt especialment a partir del 1890, superats i controlats els primers grans conflictes i reivindicacions obreres, que els propietaris opten per ampliar els serveis de les seves colònies, les quals es converteixen en veritables nuclis d’habitatges i serveis. Es construeixen més habitatges, que es diferencien en funció de la jerarquia obrera, i al mateix temps que s’amplia el nombre de productes que es venen a la botiga s’edifiquen l’escola, l’església, el cafè i fins i tot un casino, a més del teatre. La segona etapa s’allarga: arriba fins a la segona dècada del segle xx i fa front, amb aquesta creixent oferta de serveis, a les constants i cada cop més dures reivindicacions obreres de les zones urbanes que, debilitades, esmorteïdes i minimitzades, arriben també a les colònies.

Els industrials van intentar espavilar-se a fi de pal·liar el cost extraordinari que comportava la construcció —ni que fos a terminis i amb mà d’obra mal pagada— d’una fàbrica de riu i d’una colònia obrera amb els seus serveis. L’exemple més estudiat és el dels industrials tèxtils que es van instal·lar al peu dels rius per a aprofitar l’aigua com a font d’energia gratuïta, tal com ho havien fet els seus avantpassats a l’etapa preindustrial. A mitjan segle xix i en plena construcció de l’Estat liberal, el procediment legal per a la tramitació de concessions d’aigües destinades a usos industrials estava regulat jurídicament per la Llei d’aigües aprovada el 3 d’agost de 1866 i revisada el 1879, la qual, a més de permetre utilitzar l’aigua com a font d’energia gratuïta, eximia l’empresari, per un període de deu anys, dels impostos que gravaven la construcció industrial. Però només disset colònies industrials catalanes entre més de vuitanta es van beneficiar d’aquells privilegis abans que fossin suprimits. Hi havia altres factors favorables. Aquesta llei beneficiava els empresaris tèxtils de les colònies i també els empresaris propietaris d’una fàbrica de riu que no havien de construir una colònia i tots els empresaris, fos quina fos la seva activitat econòmica, que feien servir l’energia hidràulica, i que eren molts. Les colònies creixien i es desenvolupaven, i es continuaven fundant al peu dels rius quan ja tothom tenia clar i havia quedat demostrat que l’aigua dels nostres rius era insuficient per a garantir els ritmes de producció que la indústria requeria, fins i tot a finals del segle xix. Així com la Llei de colònies del 1868, la Llei d’aigües del 1866 tampoc no explica per si sola l’intens fenomen de les colònies industrials. Al peu dels rius Llobregat i Ter —i dels seus afluents—, els industrials tèxtils hi van trobar, a més d’energia gratuïta, mà d’obra barata amb ganes de treballar, menys disciplinada del que inicialment pensaven, però que, a còpia de control, de paternalisme, del catolicisme social de l’encíclica papal Rerum novarum, de serveis i d’anys de pressió, aconseguiren domesticar. La prova la tenim en l’absència de conflictivitat durant tot el segle xx —excepte, és clar, durant els anys de la Guerra Civil—, fins i tot quan la crisi del sector tèxtil colpejà amb una força extraordinària entre el 1980 i el 1990.

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També hi van trobar terrenys barats, molt barats, lliures d’ordenances municipals i de veïns, amb possibilitats d’expansió i amb abundant matèria primera per a bastir el complex fabril i obrer —pedreres sense explotar, tota mena de graves per a fabricar ciment i calç, terres argiloses per a la fabricació de teules i maons, fusta, etc.—, i mà d’obra per a la construcció: picapedrers, paletes, guixaires, calcinaires, manobres i fusters, que procedien del món rural, dirigits, és clar, per mestres d’obra i enginyers. També hi trobaven xarxes ferroviàries, en construcció o en funcionament, que des de Barcelona pujaven riu amunt fins a les conques mineres de Sant Joan de les Abadesses-Ogassa i de Berga-Fígols, les més importants del país i que havien de proporcionar carbó, molt sovint, quan arribaven cada any els estiatges d’hivern i d’estiu i les intermitents temporades de secada. I encara més: a les valls fluvials, els empresaris hi van trobar independència i àmplies oportunitats d’exercir competències, protagonisme i poder. Els fabricants de colònia són els «amos» a la colònia, al cap del municipi i a la comarca. Ho són quan funden la colònia, ho són quan la colònia creix i mostren el seu potencial econòmic, i ho són especialment durant el llarg període del franquisme. Si el sistema de colònia no hagués funcionat, si els resultats no haguessin estat positius al llarg de tants anys de colònies tèxtils, totes haurien mort aviat i el sistema no s’hauria generalitzat i multiplicat. A les despeses pròpies de qualsevol activitat industrial, en el cas de les colònies cal afegir-hi les inversions en la construcció i el manteniment d’habitatges i serveis: escola, guarderia, forn de pa, botiga, església, cafè, teatre, cinema, biblioteca, rectoria, convent de monges, cases dels mestres, residència per a noies treballadores, zones esportives, etc. També en la construcció i el manteniment d’infraestructures: carrers i places, estacions i baixadors del tren, subministrament d’aigua i d’electricitat, xarxa de clavegueram, recollida de deixalles, neteja pública... Sense oblidar el capítol que avui qualificaríem de «recursos humans», és a dir, el personal de la colònia: capellans, comunitats religioses, serenos i vigilants, mestres, cafeters, botiguers, escombriaires, etc., i el transport per a cobrir el llarg trajecte entre la colònia i Barcelona —viatges dels amos i dels directors, i sobretot el transport del cotó i dels productes manufacturats—. Els industrials de colònia obtenen beneficis econòmics, pau social i protagonisme industrial; els treballadors, milers i milers de persones anònimes fins a quatre i cinc generacions, han trobat en el sistema de colònia treball, habitatge i serveis, és a dir, un lloc per a viure.

Colònies i urbanització del territori El món de les colònies no es pot destriar del procés d’industrialització de Catalunya i molt especialment d’aquella part del país que a partir de finals del segle xix i fins ben entrat el segle xx va deixar de ser rural, fruit d’un procés en què la industrialització no era possible si al mateix

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temps no es construïen habitatges i serveis, és a dir, colònies industrials. L’exemple de la comarca del Berguedà ho il·lustra clarament. Al Baix Berguedà, entre Cal Rosal i l’Ametlla de Merola, es troba la major densitat de colònies tèxtils evolucionades de Catalunya, ja que en un tram de vint quilòmetres n’hi ha catorze. És un tram de riu que a mitjan segle xix es caracteritzava per ser, a diferència de la part nord de la comarca, una zona amb una baixa densitat demogràfica. Per a poder aprofitar els recursos minerals i naturals de l’Alt Berguedà, els industrials també es van veure obligats a construir colònies més o menys desenvolupades en funció de la mà d’obra necessària, de la disponibilitat de capital inversor i de la rendibilitat del negoci. A l’Alt Berguedà, es funden les colònies obreres més o menys desenvolupades al costat dels conjunts industrials de la fàbrica de ciment pòrtland de l’empresa Asland del Clot del Moro, al terme municipal de Castellar de n’Hug, però tan a prop de la Pobla de Lillet que fins fa molt pocs anys tothom la coneixia com la fàbrica de la Pobla. A la vall de Peguera (Fígols), a 1.500 m d’altitud i amb l’objectiu d’explotar carbó i fusta, s’alça a principis del segle xix la colònia minera de la Vall, que al mateix temps impulsa el creixement de l’anomenat poble de Peguera. Al Collet, dins l’actual terme municipal de Guardiola, a l’aiguabarreig del riu de Saldes amb el Llobregat, Pere Pujol i Thomàs, de Berga, construeix una fàbrica de calç i una colònia obrera a finals del xix. A la mateixa època, dins el terme municipal de Berga, però al peu del Llobregat, prop de la Colònia Rosal (Avià-Berga-Olvan), es construeix la gran fàbrica química de Carburos Metálicos, a l’entorn i prop de la qual també es bastirà un petit nucli d’habitatges i serveis que funcionarà com una colònia de l’empresa. Amb tot, els grans exemples a l’Alt Berguedà són els de les colònies mineres de Sant Corneli, Sant Josep i la Consolació, al terme municipal de Cercs. Construïdes entre el 1880 i el 1920, constitueixen el conjunt més destacat de totes les colònies mineres de Catalunya, des del punt de vista històric, arquitectònic i urbanístic. És al terme municipal de Cercs, al cor de la conca carbonífera més important de Catalunya, que el fenomen de la construcció de colònies s’allarga fins ben entrat el segle xx. Als peus del Llobregat i de la fàbrica de filats, es va construir la Colònia Carme durant la segona dècada del segle vint, i, després de la Guerra Civil, l’empresa minera Carbones de Berga SA va construir una gran quantitat d’habitatges obrers que convertiren el poble de Sant Salvador de la Vedella i l’estació del tren en una gran colònia de les mines de Fígols. Les valls dels rius Llobregat, Cardener, Ter i Freser van viure, des de mitjan segle xix i d’una manera molt intensa, el procés d’industrialització de la mà de la indústria tèxtil, fonamentada en una llarga tradició manufacturera. El procés d’industrialització es va escampar des dels nuclis urbans de Ripoll, Manlleu, Berga i Manresa seguint el curs dels rius i va provocar un altre fenomen molt important, el de la urbanització, del qual són protagonistes des-

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tacades les colònies tèxtils. Només cal fixar-se en la intensa ocupació de les valls en el continuat corredor urbà que uneix els Pirineus i el litoral, per entendre que sense les colònies industrials, i molt especialment les tèxtils, els desequilibris territorials del nostre país encara serien molt més grans.5

Aïllament, ferrocarril i carretera La construcció del ferrocarril és un dels trets més característics del procés d’industrialització des que la revolució industrial va néixer a Anglaterra a mitjan segle xviii i es va escampar per tot el continent europeu a la primera meitat del segle xix. A més de les línies ferroviàries de via ampla, definides a partir de la Llei de ferrocarrils del 1855, es construïren a Catalunya línies secundàries de via estreta, destinades a omplir els buits que presentava la xarxa ferroviària principal i a solucionar els greus problemes de comunicació. Coneguts amb el nom popular de carrilets, i amb el nom oficial de «ferrocarriles económicos», es van convertir en una peça clau, no solament del sistema viari i de comunicacions del país, sinó també del procés d’industrialització, urbanització i modernització de Catalunya. La resolució del problema de les comunicacions fou —i és encara al començament del segle xxi— la gran reivindicació d’una bona part dels sectors econòmics de la comarca del Berguedà. Al segle xix es confiava plenament que el tren, i també la carretera, havien de solucionar tots els problemes i portar, riu Llobregat amunt, feina, progrés i benestar. No obstant això, tot i que la Junta de Carreteres de Catalunya havia projectat construir, el 1848, tres grans vies que havien de passar per la comarca berguedana, la seva construcció es va endarrerir fins al començament del segle xx. La carretera de Manresa, resseguint el Llobregat, no arribà a Berga fins al 1864, disset anys després d’iniciar-se’n la construcció, i amb l’obra encara no acabada del tot, fins al 1882 no començaren els treballs de la carretera de Berga a Montesquiu, passant per Vilada i Borredà, que no finalitzaren fins als anys trenta del segle xx. La construcció de la carretera de Solsona a Ribes de Freser també s’eternitzà, perquè el tram de Berga fins al límit amb la província de Lleida, en direcció a Solsona, no s’assolí fins al 1916. L’aventura del ferrocarril de l’Alt Llobregat, el ferrocarril de les colònies, havia nascut l’any 1880 quan una reial ordre va aprovar el projecte del tramvia Manresa-Berga, projectat per Marià Puig i Valls. Es tractava d’un ferrocarril amb un ample de via de cent centímetres. La viabilitat del projecte era inqüestionable, segons el periòdic El Semanario de Manresa del dia 29 de març de 1881, atesa la gran riquesa de la vall del Llobregat: «carbons, ferro, ciment, fusta; 160 establiments industrials entre fàbriques (tèxtils) i molins fariners, amb una força hidràulica de més de 140.000 cavalls...» Es calculava un trànsit de cent viatgers i vuitanta-cinc tones de mercade-

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Rosa Serra i Rotés

ries diàries i uns preus de nou cèntims de pesseta per viatge i quilòmetre en segona classe, sis cèntims en tercera classe i tretze cèntims per tona i quilòmetre de transport per a les mercaderies. El cost de la construcció s’elevava a 550.000 duros. El 1881, l’Estat va atorgar l’explotació de la línia fèrria, per un període de seixanta anys, a la societat Tranvía o Ferrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga. Just al cap d’un mes es van reunir els accionistes, que van escollir els membres del Consell d’Administració: Pau Sedó, Antoni Rosal, Baltasar de Bacardí, Josep Pons, Manuel Roig, Jaume Soldevila, Marià Regordosa, Pere Badia, Victorià Feliu, Agustí Rosal, Josep Monegal i Antoni Pons. Es nomenà director general de la societat Marià Puig i Valls, autor del projecte, el qual assumí el compromís de construir la via en un termini de dos anys. La construcció del tren fou una iniciativa dels fabricants cotoners de l’Alt Llobregat, que volien enllaçar les seves fàbriques amb la línia ferroviària de Barcelona i aconseguir optimitzar el transport de les bales de cotó des del port de la capital, a més de tenir una sortida econòmica i ràpida per als seus productes manufacturats. No només el primer consell d’administració, sinó tots els que el van succeir fins al traspàs de la línia a la companyia dels Ferrocarrils Catalans l’any 1919, eren controlats pels grans industrials cotoners de les colònies del Llobregat, especialment pels Pons i els Rosal. Propietaris de colònies tèxtils i accionistes de la companyia ferroviària ho eren també els germans Soldevila (Colònia Soldevila de Balsareny), Antoni Teixidor i Bassacs (Cal Bassacs), Josep Monegal i Nogués (l’Ametlla de Casserres), els germans Viladomiu (Viladomiu Vell), Pau Sedó (Colònia Sedó) i una llarga llista d’amos de fàbriques de riu, com ara els Pons i els Clerch, socis de la companyia Claret, Pla i Cia. de Sallent, o Marià Regordosa, amb fàbrica al Pont de Vilomara. Tampoc no hi faltaven alguns dels principals inversors i capitalistes d’aquells anys, com Baltasar de Bacardí, Manuel Farguell i de Magarola o Evarist Arnús i de Ferrer. També hi havia un reduït però selecte grup d’enginyers, coneixedors d’aquesta zona geogràfica: els enginyers de mines Lluís M. Vidal i Carreras i Victorià Felip i Vidal, els enginyers Alfons Flaquer i Buñil i Lluís Ribas i Casanovas, i els germans Puig i Valls —Rafael, enginyer forestal, i Marià, enginyer, autor del projecte ferroviari i concessionari de la línia—. La línia ferroviària que es va dibuixar, en una gran part del traçat paral·lela al riu Llobregat, enllaçava l’estació del Nord de Manresa amb la Colònia Rosal, i més concretament amb l’estació que es va construir davant mateix de la colònia, però al terme d’Olvan. L’últim tram, des de Cal Rosal fins a Berga, plantejava serioses dificultats tècniques i econòmiques i, finalment, enmig d’una gran polèmica que va enfrontar polítics, industrials i l’opinió pública de Berga, el tren va quedar aturat a l’estació d’Olvan, a Cal Rosal. L’any 1884, l’estesa de la via arribava fins a Sallent i el 1885 es va poder fer el primer viatge fins a Puigreig. Dos anys més tard, el 1887, el tren arribava a l’estació d’Olvan, a les portes de la Colònia Rosal.

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El 1881 es va fundar la societat Ferrocarril y Minas de Berga, a la qual l’any següent el Ministeri de Foment transferí la concessió de la construcció i explotació de la línia ferroviària Manresa-Guardiola. Aleshores ja era evident que per fer rendibles els lignits de l’Alt Berguedà calia construir un ferrocarril, les obres del qual començaren el 10 d’octubre de 1882 en el tram Cercs-Guardiola. Els treballs eren complexos, atesa l’orografia del terreny, ple de desnivells, i la considerable quantitat de túnels i ponts que s’havien de construir provocà la fallida i la paralització de l’obra fins al 1890, en què s’uniren les companyies Ferrocarril y Minas de Berga i Tranvía o Ferrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga, amb l’acord previ dels seus homes forts, Lluís G. Pons i Enrich, el propietari de la Colònia Pons de Puig-reig, i José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, el qual el 1893, en nom del grup financer DGE De Olano, es va fer càrrec de les mines. L’any 1903, el tren arriba al peu de les mines de José Enrique de Olano, a l’estació de Fígols-Les Mines. Aquesta estació donà nom al lloc i era una de les més grans i complexes de tota la línia, atès que connectava amb tot el sistema de plans inclinats que baixaven des de Sant Corneli, Sant Josep i la Consolació. Des d’aleshores, tot i que l’indret i les explotacions mineres més importants estaven situades dins el terme municipal de Cercs, el conjunt miner es va conèixer amb el nom de Fígols i la conca minera de l’Alt Berguedà es va transformar en la més important de Catalunya. Així, doncs, el tren va arribar a l’Alt Berguedà el 1904, molt abans que la carretera. Tal com havia succeït a molts altres llocs, aquest fet va provocar una transformació extraordinària del territori. Sens dubte, el primer impacte fou econòmic, atès que el tren es va convertir en el mitjà de transport de mercaderies, principalment matèries primeres —cotó, carbó i fusta— i productes manufacturats —filats i teixits de cotó i ciment—. També transportava productes alimentaris de caducitat curta, la qual cosa va permetre ampliar notablement la dieta de la gent de la comarca. El tren també pujava carregat de mobles, roba, eines i màquines, a més dels primers electrodomèstics i, és clar, del correu i la premsa diària. Fou un tren per a tothom, i encara que els vagons de primera i de segona classe podien marcar una certa categoria, s’hi barrejaven miners, excursionistes, estiu ejants, boletaires i emigrants. Com a tot arreu on es des plegà la xarxa ferroviària, es feia servir per a anar a treballar, al mercat i a la fira, a la festa major i al cinema, a la font o a banyar-se al riu, a cal metge o a cal notari, i sobretot, per a baixar a Barcelona. L’any 1904, tot el Llobregat, des del naixement fins al delta, s’havia convertit en un riu industrial, un estret corredor industrial i de comunicacions, allò que els historiadors han anomenat el «nervi» de Catalunya. Pel que fa al Ter, el 1880 el ferrocarril arribava des de Barcelona fins a Ripoll i Sant Joan de les Abadesses, afavorint així les colònies industrials d’aquell riu. En el transcurs del segle xx, el trànsit rodat per carretera desplaçà el del ferrocarril i el de Manresa a Guardiola de Berguedà deixà de funcionar el 1973.

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Els amos Els industrials van trobar a les zones rurals independència, àmplies oportunitats d’exercir competències, protagonisme i poder, tot això a casa seva, entre els seus, on eren, més que a la mateixa Barcelona on vivien, els «amos». Els fundadors de les colònies més antigues del Llobregat eren homes que encara vestien amb americana de pana, sens dubte rics, però als quals encara se’ls podia anomenar pel nom i pel renom; és el cas del Tomàs de cal Rei de Sallent, de Tomàs Viladomiu Bertran, de Josep Alsina, l’amo de cal Metre, o el de la treballadora i emprenedora Raimunda Bassacs. Són gent amb les seves arrels familiars a les comarques del Berguedà i del Bages i de llarga tradició manufacturera. Els Rosal, els Alsina de cal Metre, els Bassacs i els Comelles del Guixaró són berguedans; els Vidal, els Pons, els Borràs, els Valls i els Gomis són del Bages. També n’hi ha de forans. Els Puig del molí de Broquetes, després Colònia Sedó, tenien experiència industrial a Vilanova i la Geltrú, d’on procedien també els fundadors de la colònia de Sant Benet de Bages. Els Serra Feliu de l’Ametlla de Merola havien estat abans fabricants a Vilassar de Dalt (Maresme) i d’allí marxaren cercant energia i mà d’obra més barata i treballadors més dòcils. El barceloní Eusebi Güell va vendre el Vapor Vell de Sants (als afores de Barcelona) per crear vers el 1890, a la seva finca del poble de Santa Coloma de Cervelló (Baix Llobregat), la colònia que porta el seu nom i que va ser l’única moguda només per màquina de vapor. De Bilbao procedia José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga, fundador de les colònies mineres berguedanes. Fins i tot alguna fundació de colònia es degué a capital estranger, com el de l’empresa escocesa Coats, fundadora al darrer decenni del segle xix de la colònia tèxtil de Borgonyà, al Ter, al terme de Torelló, abans d’associar-se el 1904 amb el fabricant de la major filatura de Sant Andreu de Palomar (Barcelona), Ferran Fabra i Puig, marquès d’Alella. Ràpidament, els industrials que encara no hi viuen s’instal·len a Barcelona —els carrers més propers al passeig de Gràcia i el mateix passeig són el seu escenari— i com la resta d’industrials tèxtils obren la comercial a la zona compresa entre la ronda Sant Pere, els carrers de Trafalgar i d’Ausiàs Marc i el passeig de Sant Joan. A la colònia hi mantindran una luxosa residència, la «torre». Aquests industrials que a Barcelona són un més entre molts, a les colònies, als pobles i a les comarques són els amos. La seva influència ultrapassa els límits geogràfics de la seva colònia i s’estén als pobles i a les capitals de comarca. Durant els anys de la Restauració de la monarquia de la casa de Borbó, després del 1875, participen activament en la vida política local i comarcal: són alcaldes de les capitals de comarca, diputats provincials i diputats i senadors a les Corts espanyoles. Al Berguedà, els Pons, els Rosal i José Enrique de Olano y Loyzaga faran política i assoliran quotes de poder avui impensables; Josep Monegal i Nogués, propietari de la colònia de l’Ametlla de Monegal, fou alcalde de Barcelona i

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fundador de la Caixa de Pensions; Puig i Llagostera esdevingué un dels màxims defensors del proteccionisme a Madrid. Esdevenen mecenes i promotors d’obres socials als pobles on pertanyen les colònies, paguen les obres de construcció d’escoles, camps de futbol i hospitals de pobres i impulsen la creació de grans infraestructures, com per exemple el ferrocarril Manresa-Berga-Guardiola de Berguedà, o intervenen en la fundació de la Caixa d’Estalvis de Manresa. De la importància política dels fabricants de colònia al començament del segle xx, n’és un bon exemple la visita que va fer l’any 1908 el rei Alfons XIII a Catalunya. Durant els quinze dies que va durar la seva estada, a més de participar en actes culturals i polítics a Barcelona, el monarca va visitar les principals indústries de Catalunya; el rei pretenia enfortir els lligams amb les elits locals catalanes amb l’ennobliment de nombroses famílies industrials —com, per exemple, Eusebi Güell o José Enrique de Olano— amb la intenció de crear una elit dirigent local propera al règim. La visita als dos rius industrials de Catalunya es va preparar amb molt d’interès, ja que també va servir per a escenificar l’adhesió de les classes populars al monarca Borbó i deixar clar que els antics territoris on havien campat els rebels carlins a Catalunya havien abandonat i oblidat la causa carlina i la rebel·lia contra la monarquia constitucional, considerada massa liberal. Amb la fi de la Restauració i l’arribada de la Segona República el 1931, els amos passen a un segon pla i es distancien de la colònia, que deixen en mans dels seus homes de confiança (directors, capellans, majordoms i mestres), una actitud que mantindran durant els anys del franquisme. Gràcies a la difusió de l’automòbil i a la millora de les carreteres i del servei telefònic, les seves estades a la colònia es redueixen cada vegada més i es limiten a uns quants dies d’estiueig a la torre i, finalment, moltes d’aquestes majestuoses cases queden tancades llargues temporades fins que el descuit i la crisi les fan malbé. Amb tot, no deixen mai d’estar presents en els actes importants per a la colònia, com són la festa major, aniversaris, celebracions, inauguracions, etc., acompanyats de les autoritats locals, de la Guàrdia Civil, del capellà, i, si l’ocasió s’ho val, dels procuradors a Corts, els diputats provincials i el bisbe.

Els treballadors Dinasties d’industrials i dinasties de treballadors de colònia, perquè les colònies van ser un poderós factor d’atracció de mà d’obra i redistribució territorial de la població. Als primers temps, els habitants de les colònies provenien de l’entorn rural; fugien de la misèria dels pobles, dels durs contractes de masoveries i dels problemes generats per les guerres carlines —totes tres es viuen amb força a les comarques del Berguedà, el Ripollès i Osona, i també al nord del Bages—. No desconeixien del tot el treball amb màquines ni la matèria primera; sí, en canvi, el treball a la fàbrica.

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Als orígens i en força colònies, el treball a la fàbrica proporciona habitatge i serveis bàsics a una família de tres membres productius. I s’entén per productius les dones i les criatures a partir de vuit o nou anys, a més dels homes, és clar. Cal que ens fixem en aquest fet: els amos donaven feina preferentment a les famílies que podien incorporar un major nombre de treballadors, d’una manera immediata o a curt termini. També triaven els treballadors, que canviaven sovint de colònia, buscant millors condicions de treball, d’habitatges o de serveis, i més oportunitats per a la totalitat dels membres de la unitat familiar. La concessió d’un pis a la colònia a un preu baix de lloguer estava condicionada a la dedicació a la fàbrica. Així, a la Colònia Pons, per exemple, només rebien un pis aquelles famílies amb tres membres treballant a la fàbrica. Tenien també la possibilitat de llogar un hort a baix preu i de tenir un galliner. Una segona tongada és la que protagonitzen, als primers anys del segle xx, les famílies procedents de comarques agrícoles en crisi com ara el camp de Tarragona, Lleida o la Franja de Ponent, i fins i tot de la zona fronterera entre Aragó i València, als quals s’hi van afegir els de Múrcia i València a les dècades del 1920 i el 1930. Cada colònia va crear la seva xarxa de reclutament, que va donar feina a parents, veïns i amics d’indrets concrets de la geografia espanyola, en especial del sud d’Espanya, però també de Lleó, Galícia i Andalusia, una dinàmica que no s’aturà fins a l’arribada de la crisi de l’any 1973. Però no tots els treballadors de la fàbrica vivien a la colònia, com ja s’ha indicat. Una part ho feia al poble i també a les masies de la rodalia, des d’on anaven a peu cada dia a treballar en llargs trajectes que feien en colla i en funció dels torns de treball. Per allotjar les noies i estal viar-los els llargs trajectes, a les colònies més grans es van construir les residències per a noies treballadores, a cura d’algun orde religiós femení, i que també acollien les vídues soles i sense família amb l’objectiu d’alliberar l’habitatge a favor de famílies completes. Sovint s’ha parlat del caràcter dòcil i disciplinat dels treballadors de «muntanya»; els estudis recents permeten afirmar que la docilitat arribà a còpia de control, paternalisme i catecisme. I és que des del començament del segle xix hi ha notícies de conflictes violents de tipus ludista a les comarques on posteriorment s’instal·laren les colò nies. El 1824, un grup de treballadors destrossà les màquines de la fàbrica de Miquela Laccot a Camprodon (Ripollès), i situacions semblants es van viure a mitjan segle xix a Sallent i a Balsareny (Bages). El 1855, els treballadors de la fàbrica de Cal Lluís Né de Berga es declaraven en vaga en solidaritat amb els treballadors barcelonins durant el conflicte de les selfactines, i van ser durament reprimits. L’escriptor Josep Pla explica que fou a Manlleu on va néixer el mot esquirol, quan els fabricants van substituir els treballadors en vaga per d’altres procedents dels pobles veïns, una bona colla dels quals eren de l’Esquirol, el nom popular que a partir de llavors rebé el poble de Santa Maria de Corcó. De Manlleu van marxar força fabricants, Ter

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amunt cap al Ripollès, on van fundar noves fàbriques i colònies fugint de la conflictivitat. D’aquesta conflictivitat ludista es passà, als anys vuitanta del segle xix, a la conflictivitat generada per les demandes de millores salarials i reducció de la jornada de treball. Al Ter, Manlleu i Roda es van convertir en places fortes del sindicat Les Tres Classes del Vapor, que es mobilitzà solidàriament amb els treballadors de la Colònia Matabosc de Camprodon el 1881 quan l’empresari utilitzà esquirols i organitzà expedicions per a cercar obrers d’Almeria en resposta a les reivindicacions dels seus treballadors. La lluita dels treballadors d’aquesta conca tenia com a objectiu bàsic el reconeixement del dret d’associació —els obrers associats no trobaven feina— i l’organització de mecanismes de resistència sòlids per fer front als períodes de vaga. Es tractava, però, d’una conflictivitat que no es quedava només en vagues puntuals, sinó que anava molt més lluny —el 1888 al Ter la vaga va durar prop d’un any—. Al Llobregat, el conflicte es radicalitzà fins al punt d’esdevenir violent. El 1883 hi va haver atemptats amb bombes a les colònies berguedanes de Cal Rosal, Cal Metre i Cal Pons contra directius i propietaris. Entre el 1884 i el 1890, el gran conflicte de fons no era solament la reducció de la jornada de treball, sinó també la lluita contra la imposició del treball nocturn. L’oportunitat de fer servir l’energia hidràulica dia i nit era massa llaminera perquè els industrials la desaprofitessin. La vaga del 1890, protagonitzada pel sindicat Les Tres Classes del Vapor, es va viure amb una duresa especial al Llobregat. La repressió va ser tan forta i les conseqüències tan importants que les reivindicacions van quedar tallades en sec amb acomiadaments i llistes negres per a negar la feina a la comarca a uns sis-cents obrers: el «pacte de la fam». Algunes colònies industrials van ser rodejades d’un mur que les separava de l’exterior, amb una porta que es tancava a la nit o quan convenia, justificant així les crítiques que qualificaven les colònies fabrils de «feudalisme industrial». L’amo de la fàbrica era el propietari de l’habitatge i de la botiga. Ser acomiadat comportava ser desnonat i expulsat del nucli industrial. Fou a partir d’aquest conflicte, provocat pel locaut dels mateixos fabricants que tenien estocs acumulats, que es va començar a aplicar a les colònies la política paternalista que es concretava en un fort control dels treballadors i en l’oferta de més serveis (guarderies, escoles, bar, casino, teatre, zones de lleure, etc.), a més de models tous d’organització de serveis (societats mutualistes i recreatives, economats, etc.) que durant molt de temps foren superiors als que podien oferir els pobres ajuntaments dels pobles, caps del terme municipal. El fabricant suplia un Estat amb responsabilitats socials que encara trigaria molt a arribar. Així es tractava de retenir uns treballadors per tal que no emigressin a Barcelona o a altres poblacions. Aquesta política tingué especialment èxit al Llobregat, on s’aplicà amb molta cura: directors i capellans, mestres i monges es van encarregar d’adoctrinar els treballadors,

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de premiar fidelitats, i fins i tot de promoure els fills dels treballadors amb la possibilitat d’accedir a estudis. I és que no faltaven ideòlegs: des de l’Església catòlica a partir de l’encíclica Rerum novarum del papa Lleó XIII, del 1891, aplicada amb molta cura als bisbats de Solsona i Vic, on s’escampava la geografia de les colònies, fins al mateix Enric Prat de la Riba amb la seva obra Ley jurídica de la empresa, del 1898. El sistema de colònia era vist com un bon instrument de regeneració de la classe treballadora i un mitjà per a enaltir els valors de la disciplina, el treball, la família, la tradició i la religió. Les colònies no són únicament centres de treball, sinó llocs adequats per a l’educació, l’esbarjo, per a fomentar la religiositat i els valors de la vida tradicio nal. Els treballadors que no s’hi adapten abandonen la colònia per iniciativa pròpia o per força; amb un ofici après podien anar a treballar a una fàbrica de poble o a la ciutat, fins i tot provar sort a l’altre riu, que és el nom amb què la gent del Llobregat berguedà i del nord del Bages anomenen el Ter; i a l’inrevés, els del Ter respecte al Llobregat. Al Ter, amb una llarga tradició de reivindicació, la conflictivitat s’allargà fins a finals del xix, amb la generalització de les màquines de filar contínues, que estalviaven molta mà d’obra i que podien treballar amb personal no qualificat. A aquest problema, s’hi afegí el de les reivindicacions salarials i els horaris de treball. La vaga del 1899 a Osona se saldà amb una victòria transitòria dels treballadors, però el 1901 començaren els locauts empresarials. L’any anterior s’havien constituït les associacions de fabricants amb l’objectiu de mantenir les condicions laborals vigents, fer front a les mobilitzacions obreres, confeccionar llistes negres de treballadors considerats conflictius i augmentar els serveis i millorar les condicions de vida de les colònies, i s’aconseguí també la pau social. A la Colònia Sedó, Agustí Sedó efectuà diverses millores el 1903, i aconseguí evitar la conflictivitat el 1913 i el 1919. A la Colònia Borgonyà, la primera vaga es va viure el 1898-1899 i la segona el 1927, en plena dictadura de Primo de Rivera, com a conseqüència d’una imposició horària de 52 hores davant les 48 vigents, i va ser protagonitzada per les dones, que constituïen el percentatge més important de treballadors. Cal també destacar que el món obrer de la colònia no era uniforme. Una de les seves principals característiques era la clara jerarquia existent entre treballadors d’elit, majordoms, contramestre i encarregats, però també escrivents i administratius. La formació era bàsica per a poder pujar en l’escalafó jeràrquic de la fàbrica i de la colònia, i es basava en l’aprenentatge i en l’estudi, conceptes aplicables només als nois. L’aprenentatge més sòlid i prestigiat era el que tenia lloc a la manyaneria o taller mecànic, on els nois aprenien, al costat del manyà gros, les diferents branques de l’ofici —ajustador, torner, soldador, ferrer i forjador—, cosa que els obria les portes de l’ascensió professional i l’accés a la muntura, i d’aquí a les categories d’encarregats, contramestres i majordoms. Els estudis nocturns, impartits a les mateixes colònies i vin-

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culats a l’Escola del Treball de Barcelona, permetien assolir les categories d’oficial mecànic, instal·lador, electricista, filador o industrial tèxtil. L’accés a la mestria i a l’enginyeria tècnica exigia passar per la prestigiosa Escola Industrial de Terrassa, la gran escola vinculada a la indústria tèxtil catalana. La història de la família Puig-Riera, de Puig-reig, mostra molt bé alguns dels aspectes més característics d’aquetes famílies obreres. Són originaris de masoveries properes a les valls fluvials en procés d’industrialització, famílies nombroses, i la majoria dels seus membres treballen a la fàbrica i canvien de colònia fins a trobar la que esdevé definitiva i en la qual aconsegueixen l’ascensió professional i social. Els orígens de la família Puig s’han trobat a Serrateix (Berguedà) a principis del segle xix. Salvador Puig i la seva esposa Antònia Trujols són els pares de Josep Puig Trujols que, casat amb Antònia Conill de Viver, es trasllada a viure a Castelladral (Bages) per fer de masover. Allí van néixer els seus fills: Miquel (1886), Hermenegild (1889), Maria (1892) i Josep (1895), quatre germans que es van casar amb quatre dels quinze fills que va tenir el matrimoni Boixader Serra, l’agutzil i carter de Serrateix. L’Hermenegild Puig Trujols i la seva esposa Rita Boixader Serra van viure una temporada a Castelladral i després a Merola, però, a mesura que la família augmentava fins a deu fills, es van traslladar a Cal Pons. Allí, les quatre grans —la Carme (1917), la Ció (1919), la Maria (1920) i la Lurdes (1922)— van treballar de filadores i l’Àngel (1924) i en Joaquim (1926) van ser contramestres de la secció de teixits; la Pilar (1928), teixidora; en Josep (1931), encarregat de la secció de preparació; en Miquel (1934), encarregat de la secció de filatura, i en Jordi (1937), transportista. La branca materna és coneguda des de mitjan segle xix. Florenci Riera Solà, nascut a Balsareny (1868), es va traslladar a la Colònia Soldevila per fer-hi de traginer i allà es va casar amb Maria Corominas Sardans (1874), minyona del pis de l’amo de la colònia. Els tres fills d’aquest matrimoni, Maria, Peronella i Isidre (1911), van aprendre a teixir a la fàbrica de la Colònia Soldevila, on l’Isidre va conèixer la qui fou la seva esposa, Maria Reguant Oliva. Els Reguant s’havien instal·lat a la Colònia Soldevila després de passar per dues colònies: El Fusteret, al Cardener, i Cal Riera, al Llobregat. Eren gent amb ofici. Francesc Reguant Gras era filador i la seva dona, Dolors Oliva Boix, teixidora; el seu germà, l’oncle Jacob, fou tècnic tèxtil, majordom i director d’una fàbrica tèxtil de Sevilla. Isidre Riera Corominas, nascut a la Colònia Soldevila de Balsareny el 1910, s’instal·là a la Colònia Pons de Puigreig amb la seva esposa, Maria Reguant Oliva; durant molts anys fou majordom de telers i la seva esposa, teixidora. Els seus fills, els tres primers nascuts a la Colònia Soldevila i la petita a Cal Pons, han treballat, poc o molt, a la fàbrica: la Maria Dolors (1934), de nuadora; en Francesc (1938), s’ha jubilat com a majordom de telers de Cal Pons; en Joan (1941), enginyer tècnic tèxtil, es traslladà a treballar a la indústria del punt d’Igualada, i la Maria Rosa (1947) és administrativa. A l’església de Cal Pons es van

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casar en Josep Puig Boixadera i la Maria Dolors Riera Reguant; els seus fills, l’Ermengol (mestre), en Florenci (cantant líric), en Joaquim (filòleg) i en Francesc (bibliotecari), ja no han treballat a la fàbrica: són hereus de la crisi, però també de la progressió social d’una família de colònia.

La construcció d’una colònia. el cas de Cal Pons Josep Pons i Enrich (Manresa, 1811 - Barcelona, 1893), descendent d’una família de perxers vinculats a la indústria de la seda manresana del segle xviii, fou un important industrial cotoner que també es va dedicar a la política local. Va ser un dels membres de la generació manresana més emprenedora de la seva època, de la generació dels polítics i dels poetes, però també dels grans industrials que van intentar la gran transformació de l’economia industrial catalana. Fa més de cent anys, el 1875, la família Pons va comprar els terrenys de cal Garrigal (Puig-reig), que va ampliar posteriorment; la intenció era crear una colònia industrial. El 20 de gener de 1876, el governador civil de Barcelona autoritzava Ignasi i Lluís G., els fills de Josep Pons, a aprofitar 4.620 l/seg d’aigua del Llobregat i a construir un salt de 13,78 metres. Tot seguit van iniciar les obres de construcció de la resclosa, el canal, la sala de turbines, la fàbrica i els primers blocs d’habitatges; la fàbrica s’inaugurà el 1880. A la casa de cal Garrigal, totalment reformada i ampliada, s’hi va instal·lar la botiga, un dels serveis més importants de la colònia; avui en diríem un supermercat perquè, a més de vendre tota mena de comestibles, s’hi trobava carn, bacallà i sardines, roba, espardenyes, sabates, sabó i productes de neteja, vi i aiguardent, oli i qualsevol cosa que la població de la colònia pogués pagar. Al costat de la botiga, també s’hi va instal·lar el cafè. Al mateix temps que es construïa el conjunt d’edificis industrials, s’alçava el mur de dos metres d’alçada que tancava tota la propietat, inclosos els horts i els camps de secà. Tenia tres portals: el de la fàbrica, el de les Abelles i el del camí de Cal Biel, i dues portes: la de l’estació i la de la resclosa. D’aquesta primera etapa que va del 1875 al 1880 també és la torre dels amos, un magnífic edifici historicista de dues plantes, golfes i baixos, enmig dels jardins que, a poc a poc, s’havien de convertir en un dels parcs més espectaculars i més excepcionals que es poden trobar en una colònia industrial. Els Pons devien ocupar la torre d’una manera força continuada, atès que fins al 1885 el tren no va arribar a Puig-reig i, per tant, els industrials, importants accionistes de la companyia, van haver d’esperar uns deu anys abans no van poder fer servir aquest modern i còmode mitjà de transport per a viatjar fins a la seva colònia. Cinc anys d’intensos treballs que va dirigir Francesc Joan Canals, l’únic mestre d’obres titulat de tota la comarca del Berguedà i que, tot i que no s’atrapava la feina, defensava amb entusiasme el privilegi que el seu títol li pro-

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porcionava. Amb tot, els Pons van contractar el servei d’arquitectes perquè projectessin les torres i l’església, les obres més monumentals de la colònia. Probablement també els va assessorar algun expert en jardins, ja que la seva disposició no és pas fruit de la improvisació. Tot i que és evident, no podem deixar passar l’oportunitat d’insistir en la importància i la complexitat de les obres portades a terme. Imaginem un tragí constant de picapedrers —les grans quantitats de pedra que es van fer servir per a bastir tots aquests edificis van sortir de les pedreres situades al peu del Llobregat, dins i fora de la finca de cal Garrigal—, paletes, manobres, guixaires, fusters i tota mena d’operaris que treballaven al mateix temps que manyans i muntadors instal·laven la turbina, els telers i tota la maquinària de la filatura. L’obra era tan important i la inversió tan elevada, que els Pons no van dubtar ni un moment a sol·licitar l’estatut de colònia agrícola i industrial, i d’aquesta manera aconseguir l’exempció d’impostos. El 22 de maig de 1882, Ignasi i Lluís Pons Enrich obtenien la concessió de colònia per a quinze anys, període que aconseguiren ampliar en cinc més el 1892. És interessant adonar-se de les dates. El 1886 finia l’exempció d’impostos concedida per la Llei d’aigües del 1866. Tot era ben planificat i no s’havia deixat res a l’atzar. A un nivell superior al dels habitatges obrers i de la fàbrica, al mateix nivell de la torre vella, es construeix el conjunt format per l’església —aixecada entre el 1886 i el 1887—, la rectoria, el convent de la comunitat de germanes dominiques de l’Anunciata, l’escola de nens i la de nenes, la residència per a noies treballadores i el teatre. Aquestes obres finalitzen el 1893 i el mateix any que mor Josep Pons Enrich a l’edat de vuitanta-dos anys, tres anys abans de la mort de l’hereu, Ignasi Pons, que deixa tres fills orfes, Josep, Antoni i Heribert Pons Arola. Lluís G. Pons Enrich, que ja portava des de feia anys el negoci familiar i el comandament de la colònia, esdevé l’home fort fins a la seva mort el 1921. Abans del 1893 construeix la sala nova que s’omple de moderns telers mecànics i construeix la torre nova que s’inaugura el 1897 i que es converteix en residència del matrimoni PonsRoca, mentre que els nebots i la cunyada, quan visitaven la colònia, s’allotjaven a la torre vella. L’any 1900 s’inaugura el xalet del director, una figura clau que haurà de garantir la producció i el control de la colònia i permetre a Lluís Pons dedicar-se intensament a la política a nivell comarcal, provincial i estatal. Quan el 1909 els seus nebots arriben a la majoria d’edat, la raó social Luis G. Pons y Enrich, fábrica de Hilados y de Algodón es transforma en Luis G. Pons y Sobrinos. Lluís G. Pons Enrich fou, sens dubte, el membre de la família que més va destacar, no solament per la seva faceta d’industrial i de constructor, sinó també com a polític, vocació que va heretar del seu pare. De la seva dedicació industrial, cal remarcar que participà i influí decididament en els consells d’administració de la Caixa d’Estalvis de Manresa, fundada entre altres pel seu pare, que en fou el primer director, i de la companyia ferroviària Tranvía o

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Ferrocarril Económico de Manresa a Berga. El seu paper fou decisiu a l’hora de desencallar la construcció del tram ferroviari de Cal Rosal fins a Guardiola de Berguedà i des d’aleshores va establir una forta aliança amb José Enrique de Olano, futur comte de Fígols, enginyer de mines i propietari dels jaciments més importants de carbó de Catalunya, les mines de Fígols. Per tal de controlar i augmentar els seus negocis, no dubtà de fer política i ho féu primer dins el marc del partit liberal dinàstic, pel qual fou diputat al Congrés, a Madrid, a les legislatures del 1901 i el 1905. Des del 1919 fou membre destacat de la Unión Monárquica Nacional, un dels partits més dretans de l’àmbit polític català del moment. A partir del 1918, l’escó parlamentari pel districte de Berga estava en mans d’Olano y Loyzaga, primer comte de Fígols. Lluís G. Pons Enrich fou protagonista indiscutible de la vida econòmica, política i social del primer terç del segle xx a Barcelona, a Manresa, al Bages i al Berguedà, un clar exponent del paternalisme i promotor d’obres de beneficència: va endegar l’Hospital de Sant Josep de Manresa, on va pagar una sala per a atendre ferits en accident de treball, i va ser impulsor i mecenes de l’Hospital de Sant Josep de Puig-reig. Si a Manresa li agradava presentar-se com a benefactor dels pobres regalant cada any saques d’arròs procedents de les propietats a l’Ebre on navegava el vapor Anita, en honor de la seva esposa, a Cal Pons don Lluís i donya Anita excel·lien en l’aplicació del paternalisme, una pràctica que van mantenir fins a la seva mort el 1921.6

La fi del sistema de colònies L’autarquia econòmica del règim franquista, des del 1939 fins a finals dels anys cinquanta, va ser una època favorable per a les colònies industrials. A partir dels anys seixanta, amb la primera crisi de la filatura i amb els canvis provocats pels nous temps, el sistema s’enfonsa. Les colònies eren societats anònimes familiars que acaben sentint-se com un pes excessiu a mesura que s’acosta la crisi, molt especialment a partir dels anys seixanta; una crisi que no té aturador i que acaba posant fi al sistema abans que a l’activitat de la fàbrica. També hi ajuda, i molt, la conjuntura general. Catalunya entrava de ple dins la societat de consum i vivia intensament els canvis polítics i culturals que també van entrar a les colònies. L’augment del nivell de vida implicà un augment del consum —electrodomèstics i cotxe— i el desig generalitzat d’accedir a un habitatge propi, símbol com cap altre de l’èxit professional i materialització de les oportunitats que oferia viure al poble i treballar a la colònia. Un major accés a l’educació, el descens de les pràctiques i de la influència religiosa, les revoltes generacionals contra els adults, una lleu liberalització i la imitació de les pautes de conducta estrangeres visibles a través de la televisió, determinades lectures i els efectes del turisme, van fer trontollar la dictadura i també el món segur i plàcid de les colònies.

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Als amos, el sistema ja no els sortia a compte, i la majoria de treballadors estaven disposats a pagar la seva nodependència. D’una manera lenta, sostinguda, però sense pausa, les colònies es van anar buidant progressivament de gent, abans fins i tot de la crisi industrial definitiva, agreujada a partir del 1978. Abans d’acabar el segle, l’any 1999, tancaven les dues darreres fàbriques de colònia industrial: la de Borgonyà (Torelló) al Ter i la de l’Ametlla de Merola (Puig-reig) al Llobregat. Als últims anys, l’interès per conservar el patrimoni integral —urbanístic, arquitectònic, històric, documental, natural i immaterial— de les colònies ha culminat en l’aprovació, per part de la Conselleria d’Obres Públiques de la Generalitat, del Pla director urbanístic per a les colònies industrials del Llobregat a les comarques del Berguedà i del nord del Bages. Està en procés d’elaboració el de les colònies del Ter; queda pendent el de les colònies del Baix Llobregat (des de la Sedó, passant per Can Gros i la Colònia Güell), i cal articular el sistema perquè les que queden escampades i un xic més allunyades dels grans nuclis es puguin integrar als plans directors que les ordenen i que en tots els casos les consoliden com a espais de residència, d’activitat productiva i turística i de preservació de la memòria històrica. El Manifest de les Colònies, elaborat el 2005 per a reivindicar de les institucions una clara actuació d’ordenació sobre aquests conjunts, acabava amb aquest prec: «Les colònies no es poden considerar només com a patrimoni històric; són una realitat fins ara silenciosa, un element clau en el present i el futur d’aquest país per a frenar l’anomenat desequilibri territorial entre la Catalunya rural i la Catalunya urbana, entre els Pirineus i el litoral. No estem parlant d’una anècdota, sinó de més d’un centenar de nuclis urbans que tenen tot el dret a formar part de la Catalunya del segle xxi.» Les colònies industrials són un dels elements més destacats del patrimoni industrial català. De tot el ric conjunt, més d’un centenar, algunes han optat per fer del seu patrimoni un recurs de turisme cultural, amb interessants propostes de museus i centres d’interpretació, itineraris i visites guiades. Aquest és el cas de l’Ametlla de Merola, de Cal Pons i Cal Vidal (Puig-reig, Berguedà), de la colònia minera de Bellmunt del Priorat, de la Colònia Borgonyà i la Colònia Vila-seca (Sant Vicenç de Torelló, Osona), de la Colònia de Sant Corneli (Cercs, Berguedà), de la Colònia Güell (Santa Coloma de Cervelló, Baix Llobregat), de Viladomiu Nou i Viladomiu Vell (Gironella, Berguedà), de la colònia minera d’Ogassa (Ripollès) i de la Colònia Sedó (Esparreguera, Baix Llobregat).

Notes i referències [1]

Rosa Serra i Rotés. Les colònies tèxtils de Catalu nya. Angle Editorial, Manresa 2000, col·l. «Patrimoni Artístic de la Catalunya Central», núm. 8; Co lònies industrials. Catàleg de l’exposició organitzada pel Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de

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Rosa Serra i Rotés

[2]

[3]

[4] [5]

[6]

Catalunya, el Museu d’Història de Catalunya i el Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya (2 de desembre de 2009 - 7 d’abril de 2010). Barcelona 2009. Àngel Paniagua Mazorra. Repercusiones socio demográficas de la política de colonización durante el siglo xix y primer tercio del xx. Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentación, Madrid 1992, «Serie Estudios», núm. 3. Jordi Clua i Mercadal ha estudiat el tema de les conflictives relacions entre els municipis i les colònies a partir dels exemples dels Viladomiu i l’Ajuntament de Gironella (Berguedà), les colònies de Salou i El Còdol Dret amb el municipi de les Masies de Roda (Osona), i la colònia Sedó d’Esparreguera. Vegeu: Les colònies industrials. Els Llibres de la Frontera, Barcelona 2001, col·l. «Coneguem Catalunya», núm. 31, p. 235-284; Àngel Paniagua Mazorra, op. cit. Rosa Serra i Rotés, op. cit., p. 10-20. Rosa Serra i Rotés. Les colònies del Llobregat. In dustrialització i urbanització. Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 2009, p. 134-151. Rosa Serra i Ramon Viladés. La colònia Pons (1875-1987). Àmbit de Recerques del Berguedà, Berga 1987.

Bibliografia complementària 150 anys de colònies industrials. L’Erol (Berga), núm. 8687 (2005). Boixader, Alba; Serra, Rosa. Viure al peu de la mina. Les colònies mineres de Cercs. Manresa: Zenobita Edicions, 2007. Cabana, Francesc. «Fàbriques i empresaris». A: Gran En ciclopèdia Catalana. Vol. II. Barcelona, 1993. Clua i Mercadal, Jordi. Les colònies industrials. Sant Cugat del Vallès: Els Llibres de la Frontera, 2001. Colònies industrials. Catàleg de l’exposició organitzada pel Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya, el Museu d’Història de Catalunya i el Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya (2 de desembre de 2009 - 7 d’abril de 2010). Barcelona, 2009. Dorel-Ferré, Gràcia. Les colònies industrials de Catalu nya. El cas de la colònia Sedó. Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1992. Enrech, Carles. El Pla contra la Muntanya. La crisi de la indústria fabril i la colonització fabril de la munta nya (1874-1904). Lleida: Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida; Patronat Josep Lladonosa, 2003. Ferrer i Alòs, Llorenç. «Los beneficios de los tejidos. La empresa Berenguer y Cía de Artés en la industrialización catalana». Revista de Historia Industrial, núm. xviii (39), 2009, p. 37-75. Marín, Jeroni. Condicions de vida i de treball i conflictivi tat social al Ripollès (1900-1923). Ripoll: Consorci Ripollès Desenvolupament, 2006.

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Nadal, Jordi; Maluquer de Motes, Jordi. Catalunya, la Fàbrica d’Espanya 1833-1936. Barcelona: Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1985. Padró i Margó, Josep. La colònia Güell. Manresa: Angle Editorial, 2001. Serra i Rotés, Rosa. Les colònies tèxtils de Catalunya. Manresa: Angle Editorial, 2000. Serra i Rotés, Rosa; Bayon, Emili. La Farga Lacambra. Solucions en coure des de 1808. Barcelona: Angle Editorial, 2008.

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Serra i Rotés, Rosa; Viladés, Ramon. La colònia Pons (1875-1987). Berga: Àmbit de Recerques del Berguedà, 1987. Terrades, Ignasi. La qüestió de les colònies industrials. L’exemple de l’Ametlla de Merola. Manresa: Centre d’Estudis del Bages, 1994. Vall, Pere. De colònies textils a parc fluvial. Barcelona: Associació d’Enginyers Industrials, 1999.

Nota biogràfica Rosa Serra i Rotés (Puig-reig, 1958) és llicenciada en història de l’art per la Universitat de Barcelona (UB), diploma d’estudis avançats (DEA) per didàctica i patrimoni per la UB, i ha estat professora de geografia i historia a diferents instituts de la Catalunya central entre el 1982 i el 1998. Des del 1999 fins al 2005, va dirigir el Museu de les Mines de Cercs (Barcelona) per passar posteriorment a dirigir l’empresa Transversal Produccions Culturals fins el 2010. Actualment treballa com a freelance en diferents projectes culturals. Professora dels màsters «Museologia didàctica» de la Universitat de Barcelona, «Gestió del Paisatge» de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona i «Didàctica del patrimoni i turisme» del CETT/UB, és autora de llibres i articles sobre patrimoni industrial (colònies tèxtils, molins, mineria del carbó) i sobre història de la seva comarca, el Berguedà.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 257-268 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.64 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La guerra civil en la narrativa catalana Maria Campillo *

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Rebut 11 maig 2010 · Acceptat 30 juny 2010

Resum En aquest article es presenta, en una primera part, la producció entorn del tema de la guerra escrita coetàniament, entre el 1936 i el 1939. Destaquen, en aquest període, les formes narratives breus no ficcionals i sovint destinades a la premsa periòdica, com les cròniques del front (hi excel·leix Pere Calders) o les de rereguarda. Entre els gèneres ficcionals, durant la guerra té molt d’interès el conte, mentre que la novel·la, un gènere que requereix l’assimilació lenta de l’experiència, trobarà la màxima expressió a la postguerra en dues obres canòniques, de Joan Sales i Mercè Rodoreda, que s’analitzen a la segona part. Paraules clau: Guerra Civil 1936-1939, narrativa, crònica, conte, novel·la

Narrar la guerra durant la guerra L’inici de la dècada dels anys trenta havia estat un període fecund per a la prosa catalana, en els seus diferents gèneres i especialment en els ficcionals. Cal tenir en compte que les consideracions de crítics i editors entorn de la necessitat d’ampliar el públic lector amb ofertes atractives, per tal de consolidar un mercat literari estable, repercuteix sobretot en el camp de la novel·la i en el de la narrativa curta. En efecte, l’embranzida que prenen aquests dos gèneres respon tant a la varietat d’una oferta editorial que ha incrementat projectes i col·leccions com al fet que les obres que es publiquen abracen des de l’aprofundiment en algunes tendències majoritàries en la postguerra europea, com serien les psicologistes, fins a la més minoritària experimentació avantguardista.1 Un ventall que tindrà la seva continuïtat durant els anys de la guerra, com es veu reflectit, per exemple, en els autors guanyadors del prestigiós Premi Crexells de novel· la (atorgat per la Generalitat de Catalunya) o en els atractius i renovadors catàlegs de traducció de les col· leccions menades per l’editor Josep Janés i Olivé.2 Així, alguns autors continuen construint la seva obra dins els paràmetres iniciats al llarg dels anys vint, i d’altres, més joves, s’afegeixen a aquests corrents ja formats, aportant-hi novetats o, en alguns casos, adequant la seva temàtica a les circumstàncies històriques.

* Adreça de contacte: Maria Campillo. Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Edifici B. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. 08193 Bellaterra. Tel. +34 935 868 078. Fax: +34 935 812 782. E-mail: Maria.Campillo@uab.cat

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I és que, en el context del debat sobre la vinculació dels intel·lectuals amb la societat a la qual pertanyen i, en concret, amb la realitat dels fets sobrevinguts el juliol del 1936, el fet d’escriure «sobre la guerra»3 és, per a la majoria d’escriptors en actiu, només una part del compromís d’escriure (tout court) que com a professionals tenen contret amb la societat a la qual pertanyen. Escriure és, també, en aquest moment històric d’enfrontament entre raó i barbàrie, i en les circumstàncies d’una cultura amenaçada, una part fonamental d’un compromís cívic que, en realitat, va abraçar moltes altres facetes de la consecució i de la continuïtat de la vida cultural catalana fins a la desfeta del 1939.4 El 1938, l’autoritzada veu del poeta Carles Riba vinculava l’«ofici» d’escriptor amb el «deure» d’escriure, en un article, «Literatura i grups salvadors» (aparegut a la més prestigiosa de les publicacions culturals, la Revista de Catalu nya), en el qual conferia a la creació literària un valor no circumstanciable, però alhora no independent d’una funció històrica: «puix que es tracta de política, però segons un pla general, suprem, de salvació de la pàtria.»5 Paral·lelament, un altre escriptor de corda ben diferent, Joan Oliver, advertia, a les pàgines del setmanari d’orientació marxista Meridià, sobre els perills de la literatura improvisada o pamfletària i manifestava que el servei de l’escriptor envers el cos social seria tant més eficaç com millor acomplís la seva primera obligació, la de produir «bona literatura, obra artística, de la que salva el temps i l’espai i ennobleix el nom i la memòria d’una terra, i fixa una personalitat nacional en l’assemblea dels grans pobles. Aquesta, i no altra, ha d’ésser l’ambició d’un escriptor al servei de la seva pàtria i de la seva llengua.». Ara bé, afegia:

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Altrament, l’obra literària és sempre necessàriament una obra lenta, de depuració, de sedimentació, de tria [...]. Alguns dels nostres millors conreadors literaris han començat a treballar en allò que seran els primers resultats de llur observació i de llur talent aplicats a l’ingent fenomen de la revolució i de la guerra. I l’obra llur no serà probablement, com alguns malintencionats o altres d’ingenus esperen, un cant ditiràmbic a la força destructora d’un poble, provocat pels seus mateixos opressors, ni un elogi demagògic de les primeres provatures d’un més equitatiu repartiment de la riquesa, ni una pintura incondicionalment favorable d’aquells mesos de justícia sanguinària. Tots aquests fets seran, a ben segur, objecte de llur especulació literària; però transformat tot en matèria artística, en valors humanes, sense baixes concessions a la política de partit, extraient d’aquest tros d’història bategant, part de la immensa riquesa ètica i estètica que conté.6 En efecte, la guerra com a «objecte d’especulació literària» és present dins els diferents gèneres, però resulta oportú considerar que dins el context històric el referent immediat per a la prosa és la guerra de 1914-19187 i, entre les refle xions proposades per la crítica, la dialèctica entre immediatesa i distància no és la menys important. La distinció entre la producció escrita «mentre s’estan produint els fets» i la producció posterior afecta no sols qüestions pragmàtiques, com el temps o la calma que es requereix per escriure novel· la (una condició a la qual també al·ludeix Oliver), o bé les limitacions imposades per la censura ideològica, inevitables en la prosa no imaginativa, però no desdenyables en la de ficció (ni que sigui per evitar la desmoralització entre la població civil). O, paral·lelament, la censura militar en els gèneres més documentals destinats a la premsa. La coetaneïtat afecta, també, qüestions relacionades amb l’adopció d’una forma d’escriptura o d’una altra, el predomini d’uns gèneres (els breus, que forneixen material per a les publicacions periòdiques) sobre els altres, o la fluïdesa de les fronteres genèriques que caracteritzen unes tipologies literàries que cavalquen sovint entre el periodisme i la ficció. Pel que fa, justament, a les tipologies genèriques, hom sembla coincidir en la idea que la temàtica de guerra escau sobretot, en el moment, a les formes narratives breus i no ficcionals. Així, escriptors consagrats i d’altres sorgits del moment històric escriuen cròniques del front, impressions i dietaris de campanya, anecdotaris de rereguarda i un llarg etcètera. Uns gèneres que, a més, són promoguts per institucions i revistes: Soldat català de l’Exèrcit de la República, tens obertes les pàgines d’aquest periòdic a la teva col·laboració [...] envia’ns narracions d’episodis bèl·lics que hagis viscut, o anècdotes que t’hagin ocorregut, a tu o als teus companys.8 I són, també, reconeguts per la crítica com una forma subsidiària de document per a la novel·la del demà. So-

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bretot per la seva vinculació directa amb la realitat, justificada a través de l’apel·lació a l’experiència viscuda (i, doncs, considerada «autèntica») i al testimoni real (i, doncs, considerat «veritable»). En efecte, aquests gèneres, inspirats en els models narratius de la Primera Guerra Mundial,9 parteixen del desig d’atenció a l’actualitat i de la voluntat testimonial per a mostrar directament els esdeveniments i la impressió o la reflexió moral que en deriva. Atenen, doncs, la suggestió i la percepció immediata, l’apunt momentani sobre el terreny, més que no pas la composició d’elements, la invenció o la recreació pròpies de la ficció realista. I prioritzen, en definitiva, el «verídic» sobre el «versemblant». Per a alguns en detriment, si cal, de la literatura. La crida als milicians que, en aquest sentit, fa l’escriptor Lluís Montanyà és ben explícita: En els dietaris al·ludits no caldria que el seu autor aboqués cap mena de literatura. Amb la impressió personal n’hi hauria ben bé prou [...]. Milicians, soldats, escriviu el vostre «Diari de Campanya».10 Hi ha, també, un consens generalitzat sobre el valor de l’experiència viscuda en relació amb la «petita història», aquella que, a diferència de la «gran història», del tractat filosòfic o de la poesia heroica, procura donar el batec íntim, personal, la cara «humana» de la guerra.11 I això malgrat el caràcter provisional —o precisament a causa d’aquest caràcter— que hom atribueix a aquesta mena de narrativa, «pedrera inexhaurible de la qual els novel·listes del demà trauran les seves novel·les de guerra.»12 Penyora, doncs, que, com en el cas de la guerra europea, pot assegurar la novel·lística posterior. O documentar la historiografia. Una atribució, aquesta darrera, que es detecta, fins i tot, en les demandes institucionals: Per iniciativa de la Institució de les Lletres Catalanes, els escriptors catalans que es troben al front, treballen temps ha a recollir i ordenar llurs notes de guerra, llurs fulls de dietari, materials que degudament seleccionats seran publicats i constituiran un document de gran valor per a l’estudi històric de la guerra.13 Sigui com sigui, en aquests anys prolifera la crònica escrita en campanya, destinada bàsicament a la premsa periò dica. Producte d’una intenció documental d’actualitat que es presta a interpretacions formals variades, el resultat literari és més aviat proteic, sobretot perquè és subsidiari de models diferents de la prosa i del periodisme. Així, aquesta «literatura de l’experiència» va de l’apunt impressionista o la meditació reflexiva (característic, per exemple, de les cròniques de l’escriptor Josep Sol per a Meridià) al reportatge dels corresponsals dels diaris (els de Joaquim Grau per a La Publicitat o els de J. Morera Falcó per a Treball); de l’escena viscuda i de la descripció episòdica d’ambients o tipus al dietari de campanya; de la simple «anècdota bèl· lica», despullada de tota intenció literària i, a voltes, pròxima a l’acudit, a formes narratives que, per la seva concepció

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i procediment, s’aproximen al conte. Les diferents rúbriques que encapçalen les seccions literàries de la premsa («Cròniques del front», «Del meu carnet de guerra», «Narracions de combatents», «Anecdotari de la lluita», etc.) tampoc no permeten establir gaires distincions genèriques en tota aquesta producció, més enllà d’una hibridesa ben característica. Per bé que en les convocatòries de concursos s’intenta diferenciar: la revista Amic, dels Serveis de Cultura al Front, ofereix un premi «a la millor narració d’un fet bèl·lic de l’Exèrcit republicà, preferentment viscut pel narrador», i un altre «a la millor anècdota de guerra, preferentment contada per un dels seus protagonistes»; el setmanari Juliol, de les JSU, secció juvenil del PSUC (Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya), diferencia entre el premi a «cròniques i relats de guerra» i a «contes de guerra».14 Poques vegades, però, aquest tipus de prosa periodística apareix, durant el període i entre nosaltres, en forma de volum i amb una intenció explícita d’unitat narrativa.15 Ni mai, que jo sàpiga, en forma de recull de diversos autors, com és el cas de la compilació feta per Marcel Acier de les cartes crònica escrites pels combatents de les Brigades Internacionals, publicades el 1938 amb el títol Des de les trin xeres espanyoles. Llibres, en canvi, com Diari de guerra (1937), de l’escriptor Lluís Capdevila,16 o Impressions de vi atge. Catalans a Madrid (1938), del polític Jaume Miravitlles, recullen escrits —alguns publicats abans a la premsa de Barcelona— amb una certa voluntat de recopilació unitària que no arriba, però, a evitar el fragmentarisme. Però és aquest un procediment compartit pels corresponsals estrangers, com és el cas de Jean Alloucherie, que aplega a Nits de Sevilla (traduït el 1937 per Joaquim Vilà i Bisa) els reportatges escrits per al rotatiu parisenc L’Humanité. Altrament, entre els projectes editorials sobre temàtica de guerra de la Institució de les Lletres Catalanes es diferenciava clarament entre una col·lecció de novel·la i una altra de «Documents de guerra», que havia d’aplegar la producció dels escriptors mobilitzats: «treballs que han d’ésser simples dietaris de campanya, testimonis vivents de la vida al front, coses vistes o recollides, escrites amb simplicitat i sinceritat absoluta i sense intenció de novel lar-les.»17 Però encara que aquesta invitació va ser seguida per alguns (i pels textos publicats a la premsa), com l’esmentat Josep Sol (a Meridià, des del front de Llevant) o Gifré Bosch (escriu des del front d’Aragó la secció «Notes de guerra», que apareixia regularment a La Publicitat), o per d’altres que, com Lluís Ferran de Pol, iniciaren projectes (Dietari de l’Ebre, juliol 1938) que han estat recuperats posteriorment,18 cap d’ells no arribà a editar-se en volum. I, doncs, Unitats de xoc, de Pere Calders, redactat i tramès per episodis, però publicat com a llibre unitari, restà com el primer i únic volum de la col·lecció. L’autor (constituït en narrador-personatge) explica, en dotze episodis consecutius, les seves experiències des que surt de Barcelona fins a l’arribada a primera línia de foc. Hi barreja fets de campanya, esdeveniments i anècdotes, amb les impressions i reflexions suscitades per tot allò que està vivint. La combinació d’aquests elements, la naturalitat del

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llenguatge, la perspectiva acotada als primers plans (ben allunyada de l’escenificació vuitcentista del «teatre de la guerra») i relacionable amb els delicats apunts d’Enric Cluselles que il·lustren el volum, basteixen un relat que, ja en el seu moment, és considerat un model i la forma d’escriptura més plausible sobre la guerra durant la guerra. És per això que Rafael Tasis pot dir que Unitats de xoc és «la mena de literatura de guerra que ara tenim dret a demanar dels nostres soldats-escriptors.» Un llibre, considera el crític, que, com el punyent Vie des martyrs (1917) de Georges Duhamel o com el més amable d’André Maurois, Les silences du Colonel Bramble (1918), traduït el 1930 al català per l’historiador Ferran Soldevila, constitueix una narració personal, en to menor: Un seguit de notes breus, sense èmfasi, però vertebrades per una emoció autèntica. Tot el que és i tot el que representa la nostra guerra es troba reflectit a Uni tats de xoc, diari d’un modest soldat que lluita a plena consciència de l’horror intrínsec de la guerra però també amb l’orgull infinit de contribuir amb el seu esforç i, si cal, amb el seu sacrifici, a merèixer la llibertat del seu país i a guanyar per al món que ens contempla indiferent aquesta mateixa llibertat. El llibre de Pere Calders és, per ara, la millor representació de la literatura catalana de guerra.19 En efecte, unes «notes breus, sense èmfasi». I és que, si hem de parlar de les actituds i els tractaments envers la literatura de guerra, hi ha en molts escriptors la reticència envers la poètica de «deliri bèl·lic»,20 el refús de la tradició romàntica, la de les «ampul·loses descripcions» o «l’exaltació d’heroismes», en paraules de Ramon Xuriguera, que havia escrit des de París, abans del conflicte, referint-se a una bona part de la tradició francesa (la contrària als citats per Tasis).21 I, inversament, trobem als anys trenta una certa proclivitat cap als productes del sector realista, protestatari i/o pacifista (Remarque, Glaeser, Barbusse), que són, en definitiva, els que tenen més repercussió, també a Catalunya, i els que són a la base de la narrativa moderna sobre el tema, desenvolupada a partir de la Segona Guerra.22 És així com el llibre Unitats de xoc (1938) de Pere Calders, que concep la guerra com un fet devastador, al qual hom contribueix, si de cas, no pas per convicció sobre les seves hipotètiques virtuts, tan traginades en la literatura fins al segle xix, sinó per pura necessitat de defensa, pot ser llegit també com un al·legat contra la guerra, vista des d’uns ulls pacífics i civils i tant o més antimilitaristes que els de Barbusse a Le Feu.23 Tot plegat fa que el relat de Calders,24 que es basteix entorn d’arquetips ben fixats en la literatura de guerra, com són les peripècies de la vida al front sobre el canemàs d’una operació militar (l’ocupació de Terol, al final del 1937, per les forces republicanes), tingui una gran singularitat, constituïda pel registre antièpic o el punt de vista civil, que impedeixen l’habitual confusió entre la legitimitat de l’obligada defensa25 i els valors intrínsecs a l’actitud

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«guerrera» més o menys tenyida d’esperit militar. Els valors de «l’honor» o «la glòria» (servits rarament i en to menor), la implantació social dels quals (a propòsit no pas de la guerra sinó dels codis del comportament en la vida civil) havia estat parodiada (i explicitat el seu origen «convencional») poc abans, pel mateix autor, a La glòria del doctor Larén (1936), una primera declaració sobre poètica novel·lística que regirà la seva producció posterior dins d’aquest gènere. Altrament, que Calders havia llegit els autors de la guerra del 1914 sembla evident, i ell mateix ho explicita a l’episodi «Brigada de xoc» per reforçar la distinció entre les persones «normals» i els herois «d’ofici», aquells que «estan preparats per morir en qualsevol revolta», els que s’apunten a totes les insurgències o «van a fer les guerres per iniciativa pròpia.» El fet que un home pacífic, amb il· lusions netament civils i amb reticències envers la idiosincràsia militar es cregui moralment obligat a allistar-se i anar al front no hauria de resultar tan estrany, indica, a la llum de l’experiència de la passada guerra europea, només que aquesta semblava fixada en un temps remot i, doncs, «impensable» la seva repetició: És clar que tota la filosofia elaborada entorn de la Gran Guerra, i la lectura dels llibres de guerra haurien d’haver-nos previngut contra la simplicitat d’aquesta manera de pensar [la que faria «cadascú del seu ofici»]. Però és que, a desgrat que cada una de les estampes bèl· liques que veiem ens evoqui el color i el contingut dels escenaris guerrers del 1914 tal com els imaginem, per a nosaltres aquella guerra estava arrapada a la història i ens semblava tan allunyada, en possibilitats de repetició, com les matances de cristians o les campanyes napoleòniques. (Episodi «Brigada de xoc»). El fragment és rellevant també perquè revela la fixació d’una experiència no viscuda per l’autor, però recognoscible a través, precisament, dels codis literaris (de les narracions bèl·liques sobre la guerra de 1914-1918) i és aquesta consciència la que permet, al seu torn, la manipulació dels codis de la realitat, com ho demostra el mateix text, per exemple, en l’ús humorístic i/o paròdic d’alguns dels motius reiterats en aquesta mena de literatura, que en algun cas fins i tot explicita: Referent als polls i a la guerra jo tenia una opinió personal, que me l’estimava molt. Estava convençut que eren dues coses que podien deslligar-se perfectament, posant-hi una mica de cura, i m’indignava cada vegada que algú escrivia coses de la guerra i parlava dels polls. Ho atribuïa a una falta d’imaginació. Però ara reconec que tenien raó els altres, i que els polls donen caràcter al soldat i li fan companyia. L’experiència ens ha permès, àdhuc, arribar a una conclusió sobre aquest afer: els polls no molesten tant com les puces i són molt més confiats i van més de bona fe. (Episodi «La primera línia»).

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El tractament personificat del motiu dels polls és, en aquest cas, molt similar a l’efectuat per Robert Graves a Goodbye to All That (1929), on dos soldats debaten sobre la conveniència de matar els polls vells o els polls joves (i decideixen que els joves, perquè els vells es poden atrapar quan van a l’enterrament dels joves). Sigui això influència o, més probablement, simple confluència, el cas és que a Unitats de xoc Calders maneja els tòpics de la narrativa bèl·lica de la guerra del 1914 per contravenir les relacions convencionals entre «catàstrofe» i «catarsi», com ho farà posteriorment en la narrativa de ficció, en contes com «Fet d’armes» o «El batalló perdut». També a «La clara consciència» (publicat a Meridià el 1938), on l’autor integra el bombardeig en la vida quotidiana de la ciutat, i l’usa com a pretext per a dinamitar la idea de lliure albir contra la de fatalitat. Calders s’adscriu, doncs, al corrent que refusa la retòrica derivada de l’èpica o de l’epopeia, atès que, després de la irrupció de la barbàrie en un món que es percebia com a civilitzat, no es pot descriure aquesta catàstrofe, ni els valors que la sustenten, a la manera tradicional. Però, al mateix temps, l’autor usa els arquetips de l’heroic i els des plaça amb distintes finalitats. L’operació caldersiana a Unitats de xoc, la d’explicar una experiència modesta (la d’un combatent sense relleu, gens procliu a la vida militar) i donar-ne la reflexió (la paradoxa d’haver de defensar uns valors eminentment civils des d’un exèrcit), apel· la absolutament als valors de l’home comú. El llibre, com ja va advertir Carles Riba al «Prefaci», és fet de ple «dins el sentiment de les realitats humanes elementals». Com és natural, també les experiències de rereguarda forneixen narracions de fets i escenes viscuts: des del retrat de «caràcters» (l’emboscat, el provocador, el negligent, etc.) amb propòsits deliberadament pedagògics que constitueix el llibre de Manuel Valldeperes, Els perills de la rereguarda (1937), fins a l’aplec d’emissions radiofòniques de l’«Home Desconegut» (Jaume Elies Bracons), patrocinat pel Comissariat de Propaganda i que, amb títols com Crítica de la rereguarda (1937) o Xerrameques (1938), aplega episodis ciutadans en la línia del costumisme humorístic vuitcentista. A l’àmbit de l’alta pedagogia hem de referir, en canvi, les narracions per a infants (un terreny molt ben atès a l’època), entre les quals destaca el delicat llibre de la dibuixant Lola Anglada, El més petit de tots, publicat pel Comissariat de Propaganda el 1937.26 Ara bé, és en el periodisme literari on millor copsem el pols de la vida ciutadana, a les cròniques de la secció «L’accent de Barcelona», publicada al llarg del 1938 per Andreu Avel·lí Artís a la Revista de Catalunya, recollides fa uns anys en volum,27 i molt especialment a les dues rúbriques de Cèsar August Jordana a Meridià: «Simples esplais» i «Monòlegs interiors», recuperades també fa molt poc.28 Tributàries de l’actualitat i, doncs, cròniques de l’etapa més crítica de la rereguarda barcelonina, la primera, «Simples esplais», combina observació i reflexió, no exempta d’una certa moralitat (llegiu valoració de la dignitat moral) ben amanida amb humor, sobre l’ambient i

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la psicologia d’un cos social sotmès a les dificultats materials, les privacions i els bombardeigs. La concreció temàtica en els punts clau de la vida urbana —el precari servei dels transports públics a causa dels talls elèctrics, la manca de queviures i d’altres articles de consum majoritari, o la inquietud provocada per les alarmes antiaèries— té alguna cosa de manual de comportament per a usuaris d’una ciutat que es troba en «temps especials» (i l’autor s’afanya, al primer article, a distingir aquests temps dels «temps normals»). És, com el registre humorístic, com els jocs de paraules, els dobles sentits o els contrastos irònics, una tàctica destinada a treure ferro a unes circumstàncies col· lectives que, palesament, són compartides per l’autor i els lectors. Tot plegat, però, no amaga la gravetat de determinades situacions, però evita l’ascens indecorós al regne de la transcendència o del sentimentalisme banal (que ja campaven prou per arengues i pamflets) i la davallada inoportuna al del derrotisme. La prosa de «Monòlegs interiors» conserva molts d’aquests procediments, però el ventall de registres s’amplia de forma molt notable. D’una banda, s’incrementa la reflexió ètica sobre actituds i comportaments i, doncs, la crítica als golafres o als acaparadors, com la dirigida als escapistes, als inconscients o als desertors és paral·lela a la lloança d’aquells que compleixen el seu deure, en especial els soldats anònims que lluiten, pateixen i moren al front. Però també l’humor és molt més corrosiu i la ironia ben fiblant. D’una altra banda, Jordana recupera la temàtica sobre política espanyola i internacional i, tal com havia fet anteriorment al periòdic L’Opinió,29 carrega frontalment contra els mecanismes de poder (i les ideologies que els perpetuen) que han provocat, consentit i sostingut la guerra. Així, són passats pel sedàs el poder civil i religiós dels sublevats i, especialment, l’actuació dels representants de les grans potències europees que intervenen en la guerra del cantó franquista; tant els responsables directes (Hitler, Mussolini) com els «consentidors» (l’ominós paper dels factòtums de la No-Intervenció). Els articles de Jordana a Meridià tenen, a més, una textura que resulta una veritable innovació i que produeix algunes de les peces més brillants i combatives de tota la prosa escrita en temps de guerra. En efecte, com suggereix la rúbrica, els «Monòlegs interiors» constitueixen una adaptació al periodisme d’actualitat d’una de les convencions narratives pròpies de la novel·la moderna. Jordana, novel·lista i traductor reputat, havia mostrat molt d’interès per aquesta tècnica de penetració en la consciència dels personatges de ficció, i havia contribuït a la seva exitosa i controvertida introducció a Catalunya a partir de la divulgació de James Joyce des de L’Opinió i, sobretot, de la traducció que va fer de Mrs Dalloway, de Virginia Woolf, per a l’editorial Proa, publicada l’any 1930, nomes cinc anys després que l’original anglès. Ni Dublín ni Londres eren aleshores, als anys vint, unes ciutats en guerra; la Barcelona del 1938, sí. Però la interiorització de la ciutat en aquests escriptors assajava una tècnica que va fer córrer molta tinta entre nosaltres, en un debat paral·lel al de

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la novel·la urbana, un debat que atenia el procés de canvi en les noves percepcions de la realitat.30 El 1938, l’escriptor, en constituir-se en flâneur que camina i pensa al mig d’una ciutat amenaçada, assaja una forma nova d’adequació entre gènere i mode que vol reflectir l’impacte dels fets externs sobre la consciència: l’home comú dins la ciutat en guerra s’expressa a través del monòleg interior.31 L’atenció a la realitat, a les vivències quotidianes del front i de la rereguarda regeix també els models breus de ficció, els contes, que tendeixen a tractar l’experiència comuna i recognoscible de la guerra (la marxa del soldat, la vida al front, les penalitats de la rereguarda, els bombardeigs, etc.) i les actituds i sentiments que generen (el valor, la pèrdua, la tristesa, la por, etc.) des de models realistes i a través de temes, situacions i comportaments (exemplaritat inclosa) fixats per la tradició de la narrativa bèl·lica. Per bé que, en general, l’atenció a les repercussions del conflicte en la vida civil individual i col·lectiva és més gran que la destinada a la vida de trinxera (i no proliferen les descripcions de combat a primera línia), un espai recreat gairebé sempre, com és natural, pels escriptorscombatents, com Avel·lí Artís-Gener, Agustí Bartra o Vicenç Riera i Llorca. Pel que fa a la prosa de ficció escrita durant el període, la narrativa curta representa la producció més digna, com pot veure’s en una compilació dels anys vuitanta que recull textos apareguts a les revistes literàries o a les seccions culturals dels diaris, i que procura atendre des de la narrativa d’autors consagrats fins a la dels escriptors perfectament desconeguts, sorgits del moment històric.32 Sobresurten els contes publicats a Meridià, a Catalans! i, especialment, a la Revista de Catalunya. I entre les peces més importants cal consignar-ne algunes de Mercè Rodoreda, que fou prolífica en aquest gènere durant la guerra,33 i les narracions de C. A. Jordana i de Xavier Benguerel. Aquest excel·leix a «Xandri el titellaire», que formaria part d’un recull, Tres contes de guerra, guanyador del Premi Narcís Oller de l’any 1938, però que tanmateix ja no va poder ser editat a Barcelona i formà part del volum Sense retorn, aparegut a Buenos Aires el 1939, un dels primers llibres editats a l’exili. A la mateixa col·lecció (Edicions de la Revista Catalunya de Buenos Aires) apareixeria l’any següent Tres a la rereguarda, on Jordana inclouria la sèrie de narracions iniciada a la Revista de Catalunya amb «El bombardeig» i «L’atemptat».34 En canvi, malgrat la demanda de novel·les de tema bèl· lic feta des d’organismes culturals i des de publicacions periòdiques, són molt poques les que hi van aparèixer coe tàniament. Potser perquè, com afirmava Rafael Tasis, és excessiu reclamar una bona novel·la de forma tan peremptòria: Una novel·la ha d’ésser pensada i construïda, escrita amb temps i repòs. Les novel·les més bones sobre la nostra guerra, com les més sensacionals que es publicaren sobre la del 14, s’escriuran uns quants anys després que s’hagi extingit el caliu de la lluita. Serà aleshores

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quan l’experiència, madurada, donarà la seva collita magnífica. Serà aleshores que podrem tenir una veritable literatura de guerra [...]. Els nostres Remarque, els nostres Glaeser, els nostres Tomlison tardaran uns quants anys a sorgir. Però sorgiran.35 Efectivament, la «collita magnífica» dels escriptors que havien viscut l’experiència de la guerra va tenir lloc uns anys després, com veurem, però ja a l’època es van publicar un parell de novel·les de guerra, força irrellevants. Sobre una d’elles, La mort m’ha citat demà (1938), de Joan Merli, Tasis mateix afirmava: Tot resulta massa cuinat per a ésser un document fidel i massa poc literari per a passar com una interpretació artística. El diàleg que oposa la monja exclaustrada i la prostituta és, per exemple, ultra inversemblant, farcit de detalls exteriors que el fan participar d’aquella ingenuïtat revolucionària, feta de renecs i de tòpics, que tants estralls ha fet. Són dos tipus convencionals i el diàleg encara ho és més, sota la seva aparent cruesa realista.36 És clar que abans (perquè es tracta d’una novel·la anterior, del 1937) el mateix crític ja havia advertit dels perills de la ingenuïtat i el tòpic en fer la ressenya de Per la Pàtria i per la Llibertat, de Domènec Diumenge, quan considerava que aquesta «novel·la de la guerra i reportatge de la revolució (com subtitula l’autor el llibre) no arriba, evidentment, a cap de les dues coses [...] tot plegat revela una excel·lent intenció de moralista i de patriota, però no pas un talent de novel·lista.»37 Ara bé, potser el gènere hauria gaudit d’una altra sort si haguessin arribat a bon port les novel·les encarregades per la Institució de les Lletres Catalanes a diversos autors d’entre els més solvents. Havien d’aparèixer en una col·lecció paral·lela a la de «Documents de guerra» (la d’Unitats de xoc), i editades també a l’Editorial Forja. Estaven enllestides, la majoria, l’estiu del 1938 i no van arribar a sortir, probablement per manca de paper.38 De la de Pere Calders en coneixem el títol, La cèl·lula, i sembla que la de Francesc Trabal havia de dir-se El pit a la mà. Potser Les nits blaves39 de Mercè Rodoreda anava en la línia d’En una nit obscura, que és un dels millors contes de guerra del període i gairebé l’únic no realista (amb algun altre de Calders en què la guerra és un tema subsidiari). Finalment, de Flames de ju liol, de C. A. Jordana, que sempre havíem donat per perduda, en coneixem, de fa poc, la part final.40 No obstant això, entre la producció posterior a la guerra41 podem trobar novel·les que, si més no en part, poden haver estat escrites durant el conflicte, com és el cas de La guerra civil, de Joan B. Xuriguera,42 publicada ben entrats els vuitanta. O que depenen molt directament dels gèneres no ficcionals, com és el cas de 556 Brigada Mixta, d’Avel·lí Artís-Gener, apareguda a Mèxic el 1945. Es tracta d’una crònica novel·lada de la vida a primera línia del front, en el moment de la transformació de les milícies en exèrcit regular, i que el mateix autor ha considerat poste-

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riorment com a novel·la fallida, que hauria d’haver quedat en reportatge periodístic.43 I és que, de fet, les previsions de la crítica del moment, com les paraules de Tasis reclamant paciència als abanderats de la novel·la («el solatge d’emocions, l’arreplec de notes personals i d’experiències alienes han de reposar abans de convertir-se en matèria literària d’imaginació»),44 han demostrat ser encertades. Per exemple, de les cinc tipologies establertes per Andrew Rutherford en el seu llibre, ja clàssic, sobre la literatura de guerra,45 com a mínim dues, «The Christian as Hero» (que l’autor refereix a l’escriptor catòlic Evelyn Waugh) i «The Common Man as Hero»,46 han presidit la producció posterior de la generació que va viure la guerra. I n’han donat dues novel·les canòniques: Incerta glòria, de Joan Sales, i La plaça del Dia mant, de Mercè Rodoreda.

Dues novel·les canòniques: Incerta glòria, de Joan Sales, i La plaça del Diamant, de Mercè Rodoreda L’any 1956 apareixia Incerta glòria, de Joan Sales, la primera novel·la publicada a Catalunya que enfocava la guerra des de la perspectiva dels vençuts. Es tracta, però, d’una obra reescrita, ampliada i revisada fins als anys setanta.47 Mutilada per la censura en la primera edició, no va ser fins al 1962 que en va sortir una primera versió íntegra, en publicar Gallimard la traducció francesa de Bernat Lesfargues (Gloire incertaine). Més endavant, però, es produeixen més incorporacions de material, sobretot a la darrera part, en diferents edicions, de forma que el crític Joan Triadú, el seu principal exegeta, ha pogut parlar d’aquesta addició d’afegits, entorn del nucli temàtic principal, com d’una «segregació literària autobiogràfica, com una expressió molt autoritzada de la personalitat total de l’autor, el qual en aquest cas se’ns presenta com un “entaforador” segons l’expressió de Thomas Wolfe (és a dir, el tipus de novel·lista que farceix la novel·la, que hi entafora elements, en lloc de delimitar-la, de fer-la un producte d’exclusions).»48 El sentit de l’obra de Sales, per a qui la guerra, viscuda en plena joventut i com a combatent, va constituir l’experiència vital més rellevant, és sempre el retorn sobre aquesta mateixa experiència i, principalment, sobre les seves conseqüències i derivacions en l’ordre moral; és a dir, tot allò que desplaça el conflicte bèl·lic cap al conflicte moral, ideològic i/o religiós. I és que l’autèntic objectiu de l’obra és la indagació entorn del destí de l’home i del sentit últim de la seva existència. Així, els personatges, subjectats a un tractament realista (com els episodis o am bients, del front i de la rereguarda) i que reflecteixen actituds humanes i ideològiques estrictament versemblants, representen, també, diferents recerques de l’absolut dins d’una circumstància històrica (la guerra i la postguerra) que constitueix una situació límit que emmarca i dóna sentit a la reflexió moral.

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L’obra s’estructura en quatre parts, que corresponen a les veus dels diferents personatges, que s’expliquen a través de cartes o de memòries, i ofereixen els seus corresponents punts de vista sobre una mateixa realitat, experimentada per consciències distintes. Aquests tres personatges comparteixen una idèntica obsessió per un altre personatge, anomenat Soleràs, que, a manera de consciència col· lectiva, compendia tots els interrogants que ells no saben o no gosen formular i els extrapola en els seus extrems de lucidesa o d’absurd. Soleràs acumula la preocupació pel no-res, pel sentit de la realitat i del temps que, en diferents graus, tenen els altres personatges i, a més, com que és l’únic que mor durant la guerra, adquireix una qualitat profètica en augurar «la nàusea que vindrà després». Amb les seves reflexions, vehiculades pels altres, se’ns manifesta com el veritable «home» en l’assumpció de la derrota com a component essencial de la condició humana. És també l’antítesi d’un altre personatge repulsiu, construït a la manera de Mauriac, l’antihome Lamoneda, autèntic «dimoni antisoleràs» que representa la síntesi del mal individual i social que presideix la vida, altrament vista, i de forma reiterada, com una trajectòria «entre l’obscè i el macabre». És Soleràs, doncs, qui s’interroga en nom de tots sobre el sentit de la glòria i qui en determina l’impossible abast: «¡Tots hem nascut per conquerir l’univers i no conquerim ni una merda! L’univers és bell però no es deixa [...]. Per què és tan bell si no el podem posseir?» Així, la set de glòria, de causes grans, heroiques i absolutes, és en la cons ciència humana, però resulta limitada en les seves realitzacions: en l’amor, per la impossibilitat de retenir la felicitat fugaç («Si poguéssim fer eterns tals i tals moments que se’ns escapen...»); en la guerra, per la mateixa condició humana que malmet els ideals primigenis i els degrada («Hi ha en nosaltres una dualitat incomprensible i insuportable. D’una banda és l’aire lliure i la llum que ens crida, d’altra el fang de la terra»). És aquesta coexistència del bé i del mal la que converteix l’amor i la mort en l’obscè i el macabre, els seus contraris. L’home, però, per sortir del no-res, de l’absurd i del buit necessita transcendir-se i, per això, les causes que porten els personatges a la guerra són totes diferents perquè, de fet, no han seguit cap «causa» sinó la necessitat d’una expiació: «Han vingut a crucificar-se. Els uns i els altres. Els uns als altres.» Per tant, l’heroisme i la voluntat de permanència que porten els homes a cercar «la incerta glòria d’un matí d’abril»49 (en una lectura literal, la lluita pels ideals humans, al capdavall efímers) és producte de la recerca de la plenitud del sentit, de l’antiabsurd, que només és abastable, afirma Soleràs, a través de la captació de la plenitud del moment, perquè «La glòria en aquest món es transforma en monotonia si dura més d’un instant.» El personatge, fascinant i contradictori, en evidenciar els ressorts ocults de les accions humanes, es converteix en la clau de volta de la novel·la; però, al capdavall, és un altre personatge, el sacerdot Cruells, qui construeix la resposta dialèctica a Soleràs. En el diàleg implícit que tots dos mante-

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nen a la darrera part, Cruells arriba a la conclusió que allò que s’anomena «no-res, absurditat, buit, nàusea i de mil maneres» és sempre la mateixa cosa antiga: «ser esborrat de la memòria de Déu.» Aquesta és l’actitud última que es desprèn de l’obra; i el seu sentit positiu, com ha dit Triadú, la salvació per la conversió, o el triomf de la creu sobre l’absurd. Un discurs, en definitiva, perfectament compaginable amb els paradigmes metafísics i morals de l’anomenada «novel·la catòlica», entronitzada a França per escriptors com François Mauriac o Georges Bernanos.50 O, en un sentit més ample, les preocupacions que inclourien Joan Sales «entre els novel·listes de la “conscience déchirée” i de tota una temàtica de la salvació, és a dir de la superació que resol el conflicte interior per una presa de consciència.»51 Per la seva banda, Mercè Rodoreda, que havia estat una narradora reconeguda en el període republicà, es va haver d’exiliar el 1939 i, establerta a Ginebra des del 1954, reprengué la seva carrera novel·lística. La plaça del Diamant, editada per Joan Sales a El Club dels Novel·listes el 1962, va tenir una important difusió, amb edicions successives. Suposà, també, per a l’autora, l’inici d’una trajectòria brillant que li va reportar un reconeixement molt extens de la crítica especialitzada i, alhora, una gran difusió popular, amb repetides edicions de les seves obres i tiratges inu suals.52 Tot plegat implica que, pels diferents nivells de lectura que la seva producció permet, l’obra de Rodoreda va arribar a un sector de lectors molt ampli i variat, precisament aquell al qual era més difícil d’accedir en les condicions que per al mercat literari català havia determinat la postguerra. La plaça del Diamant ha esta traduïda a trenta llengües (incloses, per exemple, el txec, el grec o el xinès) i algunes d’aquestes llengües tenen fins i tot dues o més versions del text, a càrrec de traductors diferents. Així, la novel·la, en posar la història recent en la veu d’un personatge humil que en sofreix les conseqüències, ha esdevingut un dels textos literaris sobre la Guerra Civil i la postguerra espanyoles més universalment difosos.53 La novel·la és la història d’una supervivència relatada pel personatge supervivent, que narra (explica o confessa) el seu particular viatge als inferns i la seva sortida, al darrer capítol, «de la nit de cada nit, que aquell matí era un migdia». Així, Natàlia (un nom que etimològicament connota naixença i, doncs, es vincula al ressorgiment del jo) explica la vida de Colometa (d’ella mateixa com a Colometa) des de la seva identitat recuperada de Natàlia; és a dir, explica el seu passat, el període de la seva vida des que va començar a ser Colometa, el dia que coneix el seu primer marit, Quimet, que li imposa aquest nom al ball de la festa major del barri de Gràcia (anticipant i connotant, així, el malson de coloms en què es convertirà la seva vida amb ell), fins que deixa de ser-ho definitivament i signa la seva història al final de la novel·la, sobre la porta de l’antiga vida que ha deixat enrere: («vaig escriure Colometa, ben ratllat endintre»). Una història rememorada que es desplega des del ball a la plaça del Diamant del primer capítol fins al «crit d’infern que devia fer molts anys que

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duia a dintre» proferit al mig de la mateixa plaça. I, doncs, que, des de la distància temporal, fusiona realitat exterior, realitat interior i diferents formes d’apropiar-se’n; és a dir, tots els elements que formen part de l’experiència, des de la consciència fins al subconscient. Però la percepció del propi passat no s’acostuma a moure en un territori asèptic i, doncs, la vida de Colometa és «recordada» amb més o menys empatia emocional pel material evocat, una actitud que es manté al llarg del discurs, que al·ludeix sovint a les oscil·lacions de la memòria com a component essencial de l’acte narratiu, tant per constatar-ne els buits («coses que no recordo», «coses que s’esborren») com per remarcar la significació de les coses més recordades (o recordades més sovint) i remarcar-les en relació amb els punts d’inflexió de la seva narració de vida. Una operació que recrea literàriament els processos reals de la memòria selectiva i que adquireix la màxima eficàcia en el fragment del capítol xiv relatiu a la proclamació de la República («Encara em recordo d’aquell aire fresc, un aire, cada vegada que me’n recordo, que no l’he pogut sentir mai més. Mai més»), paral·lel a la insistència que posa en els oblits quan, al capítol xxxiii, relata l’ocupació de Barcelona pels vencedors («Com vam viure aquells dies no ho sé [...]. No sé qui em va dir que donaven menjar no sé on i vaig anar-hi. No ho sé»). Però, paral·lelament a aquesta actitud selectiva, hi ha molts elements discursius, preferentment els motius que vertebren l’ordit simbòlic, que fan que la narració «reveli» més coses que les derivades de la simple voluntat enunciativa, i els dos mecanismes, l’actitud selectiva de la veu (les coses que no es diuen perquè encara que es «pensin» no es poden «dir») i la seva capacitat de revelació (les coses que es diuen sense pensar que es diuen), formen part del comportament generalitzat en tota narració «real» a un interlocutor. I l’artifici de la ficció el recrea (no l’imita) alterant la mesura dels components en funció de la seva «significació», i, doncs, potenciant i extremant la càrrega simbòlica i poètica del text. Així, els diferents elements de la realitat que la ficció incorpora, l’espai geogràfic o el marc històric de la novel·la, apareixen assimilats a aquesta veu, i en formen part, entre d’altres coses, perquè els esdeveniments històrics són part integrant de l’experiència i de les transformacions de la vida (i de l’espai en què aquesta vida es dóna), que és objecte del relat. No són simplement un «marc», sinó una part essencial i completament determinant de la vida, de les coses que la componen i la pasten (que són la vida, segons el lema «My dear, these things are life» que encapçala la novel·la) i, doncs, que sustenten una narració de vida. Un dels aspectes més rellevants de l’escriptura de Mercè Rodoreda és, justament, que la precisió, sovint molt detallada, dels elements de la realitat (carrers, botigues i aparadors, interiors de cases, objectes, topònims, formes expressives d’ús popular), l’adequació dels personatges a un ambient, a unes formes de vida recognoscibles, a una geografia urbana concreta i a uns esdeveniments històrics decisius, no contravé en absolut l’alta densitat simbòlica

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del discurs, sinó que la sustenta i en bona part la constitueix. Per exemple, la formidable descripció de «la plaça de vendre» del capítol xiv té, a causa del seu lloc no fortuït dins la narració (just abans del fragment relatiu a la proclamació de la República), una funció que va molt més enllà d’una evocació ambiental afortunada: suggereix un moment de vida, plena d’olors i colors, que conté, però, el germen de la mort. I recupera, també, de manera força explícita el motiu del menjar (present des de l’inici del relat, atès que la protagonista, de soltera, treballa en una pastisseria), un motiu que travessa de forma recurrent tota la novel·la (veces de colom incloses) i que marca el període de la guerra i de la immediata postguerra: serà «l’adroguer de les veces», el que proporcionava l’aliment dels coloms, qui salva Colometa del suïcidi oferint-li menjar i feina, quan ella i els fills s’estan morint literalment de gana. És a causa d’aquesta veu de rendiment múltiple que en el relat de Natàlia es destria molt bé el temps històric, els esdeveniments col·lectius (polítics, socials i bèl·lics), que apareixen derivats de tot allò que el discurs revela, de forma directa o indirecta, a través de les observacions de la protagonista o del que diuen els altres personatges i la narració reprodueix; per això la forma «em va dir» és molt freqüent i, en molts casos, com seria per exemple tot allò que afecta el front, l’única versemblantment possible. Un temps històric, el de l’adveniment de la República, el de la guerra i el de la postguerra, que trobem amb uns detalls perfectament identificables i un mapa sociològic significatiu. La narració de l’inici d’aquestes tres etapes és un bon exemple de la combinació entre els esdeveniments de la realitat històrica i la percepció subjectiva que en té la protagonista, immersa en les transformacions d’una vida progressivament alienada. Així, per exemple, la proclamació de la República constitueix una elegia d’un dia concret d’abril connotat d’olors novençanes de «fulla tendra» i de poncella, amb «un aire fresc», inoblidable, però «que va fugir» aviat. Un temps, doncs, ple de prometences («flors tancades») i d’esperança, perdut per sempre i irrecuperable («que no l’he pogut sentir mai més. Mai més»). Els fets que assenyalen l’inici dels dos altres moments històrics que afecten la vida de Colometa, la guerra i l’ocupació de Barcelona pels vencedors, apareixen, en canvi, sense marques cronològiques concretes (la narradora no diu «juliol» o «gener» com havia dit «abril») i explicats de forma indirecta i gairebé innominada. No es diu que va començar la guerra i el consegüent esclat revolucionari, sinó que «Mentre em dedicava a la gran revolució dels coloms va venir el que va venir, com una cosa que havia de ser molt curta.» Els indicis, els trobem, en canvi, en les consideracions sobre «la calor» i «el fum» de la crema d’esglésies, que ja no és l’«aire fresc» d’aquell abril, ni tampoc, encara, el «fred» i el «vent» que connoten el dia de l’ocupació de Barcelona («I l’últim dia feia vent i feia fred [...]. I el fred a dins del cor era un fred que no s’acabava mai»). La percepció interior dels fets externs queda, així, més que suggerida a través de les marques del clima estacional i de les diferents dura

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cions dels tres moments històrics (república, guerra i postguerra): un aire fresc, flor d’un dia, que no va tornar mai més; un període inflamat que havia de ser curt i va ser (o es va fer) molt llarg, i un altre de fred i inacabable. I la gràcia no rau tant en el fet que el relat de la narradora protagonista reculli que aquests esdeveniments van tenir lloc, com tothom sap, a la primavera, a l’estiu i al cor de l’hivern, sinó en el partit, en el terreny literari (el de les relacions entre ordre real i ordre simbòlic que la novel·la estableix) que l’autora, Rodoreda, treu d’aquesta evidència, d’aquest coneixement comú que forma part de la memòria col·lectiva i compartida amb el lector. En aquest sentit, la narració recull episodis, fets o detalls ben presents en la memòria històrica col·lectiva. Pel que fa al temps de la guerra, per exemple, Rodoreda en tria de ben significatius, que proporcionen una visió sintètica (i molt exactament cronològica) de la rereguarda: la fugida de mossèn Joan «amb vestits d’en Mateu i amb un camió que els havia procurat en Cintet»; els assassinats a la rereguarda a mans dels incontrolats i algunes motiva cions d’aquestes «passejades»; les requises, el racionament, l’acaparament i el mercat negre, les diferents lleves, les colònies de nens refugiats; els bombardeigs (i les mesures antiaèries de protecció civil, que expliquen, a nivell simbòlic, el motiu dels «llums blaus», convertits a la postguerra en una visió obsessiva que amenaça la protagonista fins al final de la novel·la); el cartell dels tancs (un cartell del dibuixant Martí Bas, editat pel Comissariat de Propaganda el 1937, molt citat en el memorialisme sobre la guerra a causa de les reaccions, ben reflectides a la novel· la, que provocava una demanda, la de «Feu tancs, tancs, tancs!», que, adreçada a la població civil, resultava insòlita), o l’esbotzament de magatzems el dia de la caiguda de Barcelona. I una visió, més desdibuixada, del front d’Aragó, amb els períodes d’immobilisme forçat, les converses de trinxera a trinxera, etc. Quimet promet als fills figuretes de «baturrets i baturretes», de la mateixa manera que Cintet, al capítol següent, porta taronges perquè ha estat al front de Llevant. D’altra banda, i de forma paral·lela als episodis i als indicis factuals dels tres moments històrics, trobem a la novel·la una sèrie de posicionaments altament representatius (perquè tipifiquen posicions sociològicament reals) dels fets polítics i socials, especialment pel que fa al període de la guerra. Això té una justificació narrativa, ja que, encara que la guerra ocupi un menor espai proporcional dins la novel·la, és el fet que té un major impacte col·lectiu i, també, més conseqüències dins la vida que és objecte del relat. Diferents personatges de l’entorn de la protagonista formen part d’aquest ventall, que abraça des de les classes benestants fins a les més populars, per bé que aquest mapa sociològic no és gens mecanicista. Com ho demostra, per exemple, la diferent actuació de dos personatges de la mateixa classe social i d’ofici idèntic: els dos adroguers. L’un, el que viu sota la casa de Colometa («l’adroguer de sota»), és un home acomodatici que primer és favorable als republicans, més endavant només vol que la guerra s’acabi

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com sigui, i a la postguerra fa mal paper a la protagonista, per por de comprometre’s. Tot al contrari de «l’adroguer de les veces», que ha fet la guerra amb els republicans i un any d’hospital, i mostra la solidaritat entre els perdedors quan evita la mort de Colometa. Però aquest personatge, Antoni, el segon marit de la protagonista (que li restitueix el seu nom veritable, un fet que li suposarà, a la llarga, la recuperació de la identitat pròpia), és un esguerrat de guerra («inútil del mig»), i aquesta condició se superposa, en el pla simbòlic, a la d’adroguer (que té menjar a la botiga i no fa volar coloms però ha d’empaitar les rates) i totes dues són significatives a diferents nivells per a l’etapa històrica de la postguerra. Una posició clarament favorable als franquistes és representada pels senyors de la torre on Colometa serveix, que la despatxen quan saben que Quimet «és d’aquells que fan tabola»; i a la postguerra tampoc no li volen donar feina per ressentiment amb els vençuts («i va dir que jo era roja»). Però també el jove aprenent de la fusteria de Quimet es passa als enemics, i a la postguerra explica a Colometa que ara té botiga pròpia i que haver canviat de banda «li donava moltes facilitats per viure.» I un personatge molt senzill com la senyora Enriqueta, la consellera de la protagonista en funcions de mare, expressa una devoció monàrquica, plena de simplicitat popular, i espera, de manera ben ingènua, que entrin els nacionals per «tornar a tenir rei.» A l’altra banda, la narració proporciona un Quimet engrescat amb la República i amb els canvis polítics i socials que comporta, que es llança al carrer amb el seu amic Cintet i que, quan se’n va a la guerra, diu a la seva dona que no s’amoïni, «que no tenia importància perquè tota la vida estava canviada i que encara canviaria més però en millor i que tots en tocaríem els resultats.» Aquest entusiasme revolucionari (que contrasta amb el desencís que mostra quan torna del front, malalt, brut i malmenjat) és compartit per l’amiga de la protagonista, Julieta, que representa un somni ingenu de felicitat col·lectiva a través d’un discurs amb ressons llibertaris. Ara bé, d’entre tots els posicionaments, n’hi ha un de particularment significatiu i és el de Mateu. No és l’engrescament revolucionari de Quimet o de Julieta, sinó que correspon al sector del republicanisme catalanista més afí a l’autora, Mercè Rodoreda. Mateu, que des del començament és presentat amb un fort component de figura romàntica, és, com el protagonista d’Unitats de xoc de Pere Calders, un «home de pau» que marxa al front perquè «no hi ha més remei». Perquè no hi ha altra alternativa a la sublevació armada dels militars, i perquè la victòria «és una cosa de tots i si perdem ens esborraran del mapa.» Així, La plaça del Diamant és també, entre moltes altres coses no excloents, una novel·la sobre la guerra en una de les modalitats més modernes del gènere: la del relat d’una supervivència a l’horror. És això el que fa la protagonista: explicar no pas com es fa la història sinó com se sofreix, la història; i, doncs, Rodoreda inscriu la veu de Natàlia-Colometa dins d’una variació important: la de, diríem, «The

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Common Woman as Hero», sumable als «homes comuns» de Calders o de Jordana, els quals preconitzen una revisió de la categoria «heroi», entre d’altres categories que l’horror de la guerra moderna, vista des d’uns ulls del segle xx, ha tornat inservibles.

Maria Campillo

[4]

Notes i referències [1]

[2] [3]

Una primera síntesi dels corrents literaris durant aquest període es troba a Maria Campillo i Jordi Castellanos. La literatura del 1925 al 1939. A: Albert Balcells (coord.). Història de Catalunya, vol. vi. Salvat, Barcelona 1982, p. 220-231. Per a la gènesi i el desenvolupament de les relacions entre corrents estètics i mercat cultural, vegeu Jordi Cas tellanos. «Mercat literari i cultura nacional (1882-1925)». Els Marges, núm. 56 (octubre 1996), p. 5-38, i Josep Maria Balaguer. «Algunes consideracions generals sobre la literatura des de la fi del Noucentisme fins al final de la guerra». A: Pere Gabriel (dir.). Història de la cultura catalana, vol. ix: República, autogovern i guerra, 1931-1939. Edi cions 62, Barcelona 1998, p. 119-134. Per a l’etapa republicana, Josep Maria Balaguer i Margarida Casacuberta. «L’embranzida cultural». A: Borja de Riquer (dir.). Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. 9: De la gran esperança a la gran ensulsiada (1930-1939). Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1999, p. 170-189. Per a la narrativa curta, Maria Campillo. «Estudi introductori». A: El conte 1911-1939. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1983, p. 7-30. Per al mercat femení, Neus Real i Mercadal. Dona i literatura a la Catalunya de preguerra. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2006. Per a la novel·la, Maria Campillo. «La literatura i les institucions literàries. La novel· la». A: Pere Gabriel (dir.) Història de la cultura ca talana, op. cit., p. 135-148. Es poden trobar a Jacqueline Hurtley. Josep Janés. El combat per la cultura. Curial, Barcelona 1986, p. 354-362. Convé recordar que dins el corpus literari temàti cament compromès, la literatura revolucionària respon a influències i a models diferents dels de la literatura de guerra. Vegeu Ricard Vinyes. La pre sència ignorada. La cultura comunista a Catalunya (1840-1931). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1989; Jordi Castellanos. «Literatura i compromís social en els anys trenta». Els Marges, núm. 69 (gener 2002), p. 7-23; Natàlia Kharitonova. «Escriptors compromesos? Sobre el moviment d’escriptors revolucionaris catalans». A: La projeccció social de l’escrip tor en la literatura catalana. Punctum & GELCC, Lleida 2007, p. 425-436. Ara bé, al llarg del conflicte, la praxi apareix condicionada pel doble carés (guerra i revolució) que caracteritza els fets histò-

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[5]

[6] [7]

[8]

[9] [10]

[11] [12] [13] [14]

rics del 1936. Més precisions a Maria Campillo. «La literatura de la guerra civil». A: Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció. Institut d’Estudis Ilerdencs, Lleida 2002, p. 27-48. Vegeu Maria Campillo. Escriptors catalans i com promís antifeixista (1936-1939). Curial i Publica cions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1994; Íd., La cultura entre el front i la rereguarda. A: Borja de Riquer (dir.). Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. 9, op. cit., p. 350-369. Carles Riba. «Literatura i grups salvadors». Revista de Catalunya, x: 85 (abril 1938), p. 475-484; Joaquim Molas (ed.). Carles Riba. Llengua i literatura. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1965, p. 57-65 (recollit a Íd., Obres Completes/3, Crítica, 2. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1986, p. 587-602). Joan Oliver. «Literatura de guerra». Meridià. Set manari de literatura, art i política. Tribuna del front intel·lectual antifeixista, i: 9 (11-III-1938), p. 1. No és el lloc per a tractar la recepció que se’n fa abans del conflicte del 36, però cal mencionar la importància de gèneres com la crònica (per exemple, La guerra contada por los soldados) dins la col·lecció d’opuscles «Páginas de actualidad 1914-1917», o la recopilació de Román Jori a Voces de guerra 19141916, editada a Barcelona el mateix 1916. Pel que fa a la novel·la, és notable la divulgació de Res de nou a l’oest de Remarque, que va aparèixer en català l’any 1931 a les edicions Proa, en traducció de Joan Alavedra, amb un tiratge inusual. Un motiu de reflexió seria l’escassa influència de l’experiència de la Guerra del Marroc sobre la Guerra Civil, excepte en Josep Maria Prous i Vila, que té producció anterior sobre aquest tema en poesia i narrativa. Amic. Publicació quinzenal per a esplai del soldat català de l’Exèrcit de la República, editada pels Ser veis de Cultura al front de la Generalitat, i: 6/7 (abril 1938), p. 3. Aquesta publicació ha estat editada en facsímil per la Fundació Carles Pi i Sunyer (edició no venal) amb motiu de les commemoracions «Barcelona 1938, capital de la República». Estudiats en la imprescindible obra de Paul Fussell. The Great War and Modern Memory. Oxford University Press, Londres 1977. M. «Dietaris de Campanya». La Publicitat, 10-IV1937. També Rafael Tasis, crític especialitzat en novel·la, insisteix que aquests escrits poden ser «un pur document sense intenció literària, però verídic.» Vegeu Rafael Tasis. «Literatura de guerra». Meridià, i: 28 (22-VII-1938), p. 6. Així ho indica, per exemple i entre d’altres, Avel·lí Artís. «La petita història de la guerra». Meridià, i, 42 (28-X-1938), p. 6. Rafael Tasis. «Literatura de guerra», art. cit. «Carnet de les Lletres». Meridià, I: 9 (11-III-1938), p. 6. Juliol, iii: 90 (4-VI-1938), p. 3.

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[15] El volum publicat el 1937 pel Grup Sindical d’Escriptors Catalans, Escriptors de la Revolució, té un caràcter completament miscel·lani (poesia, narra cions, assaigs, etc.). [16] Al pròleg, signat al front, a Alcanyís, afirma que l’escriu «per expressar sincerament, cruament, el que he vist i el que he viscut.» Lluís Capdevila. Dia ri de guerra, Barcelona 1937. [17] Segons les actes de la Institució de les Lletres Catalanes, es comptava inicialment amb Josep Sol, Lluís Casals, Gifré Bosch i Manuel Cruells. Més endavant s’hi va afegir Lluís Ferran de Pol. Vegeu Campillo. Escriptors catalans..., op. cit., p. 319, notes 389 i 394. [18] Vegeu-ne els processos de publicació a J. V. Garcia Raffi. «Un de tants o la memòria de la derrota». «Epíleg» a Lluís Ferran de Pol. Un de tants. Club Editor, Barcelona 2009, p. 121-138. En alguna ocasió, els mateixos autors han recuperat i publicat textos escrits al front, com és el cas d’Edmon Vallès. Dietari de guerra (1938-1939). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1980. [19] Rafael Tasis. «Literatura de guerra», art. cit. [20] Josep Gimeno-Navarro. «Un poeta davant la guerra». Meridià, i: 28 (22-VII-1938), p. 3. [21] Ramon Xuriguera. «Més llibres de guerra». La Veu de Balaguer, núm. 38 (3-XI-1929). [22] Vegeu, per exemple, Alan Munton. English Fiction of the Second World War. Faber and Faber, Londres 1989, i Bernard Bergonzi. Wartime and After math.Oxford University Press, Oxford i Nova York 1993. [23] Vaig indicar algunes coses sobre la influència entre nosaltres de la narrativa produïda per la Primera Guerra Mundial sobre els gèneres no ficcionals a Maria Campillo. «Estudi introductori» a Pere Calders. Unitats de xoc. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1990, p. 5-27. [24] Que més d’algun malfixat s’entesta avui a considerar «novel·la», quan l’operació genèrica és precisament una de les seves singularitats. Fins i tot al marge de l’aspecte «formal» (l’autor anava enviant els capítols a mesura que els anava escrivint), la modernitat del text rau en la construcció deliberada de la veu narrativa que fa l’autor (de la identitat del narrador que porta el seu mateix nom), desdoblament del qual no eren, ni són, conscients la majoria d’escriptors del gènere autobiogràfic. Una modalitat que recull, altrament, pel que fa al tema de la guerra, uns productes característics dins els quals s’incriu sens dubte Unitats de xoc. Per a la distinció entre textos autobiogràfics i textos ficcionals de guerra, vegeu Bernard Bergonzi. Heroes’ Twilight. A Study of the Literature of the Great War. Carcanet, Manchester 1996, p. 139-189. Pel que fa a la modernitat del text caldersià, Maria Campillo. «The Common man as Hero: cròniques de la guerra del 36». A: Concepcions i discursos sobre la moderni

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[25] [26] [27] [28] [29]

[30]

[31] [32] [33]

[34]

[35] [36] [37]

tat en la literatura catalana dels segles xix i xx. Punctum & GELCC, Lleida 2010, p. 187-200. I potser cal recordar que Pere Calders, com Maurois, va anar al front com a voluntari. El 1978 se’n va fer una edició facsímil, a l’editorial Alta Fulla. Andreu A. Artís «Sempronio». L’accent de Barce lona 1938. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1985. C. A. Jordana. Barcelona 1938: La veu de les sire nes. Edicions de 1984, Barcelona 2008. Des de l’ascens de Hitler al poder, Jordana havia pres una actitud combativament antifeixista (quan no tohom, ni de bon tros, era conscient de l’amenaça), i va denunciar a les pàgines de L’Opinió el fet que els grups nazis i mussolinians gaudissin a tot Europa d’una llibertat de moviments que considerava perillosa. Com també havia denunciat, ben d’hora pels nostres encontorns, la persecució nazi dels jueus, que als «monòlegs» també recupera. Vegeu Jordi Castellanos. «Barcelona: ciutat i literatura». A: Literatura, vides, ciutats. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1997, p. 137-185, i Margarida Casacuberta i Marina Gustà (ed.). Narratives urbanes. La construcció literària de Barcelona. Fundació Antoni Tàpies i Institut de Cultura de Barcelona, Barcelona 2008. Vegeu Campillo. «The Common Man as Hero...», art. cit. Maria Campillo (ed.). Contes de guerra i revolució (1936-1939), vol. i i ii. Laia, Barcelona 1982. Mercè Rodoreda, que no volia recuperar res ante rior al 1939, va autoritzar la publicació dels contes de guerra en l’esmentada compilació del 1982. Exhaurida l’edició, van ser reproduïts per Carme Arnau (ed.) a Mercè Rodoreda. Un cafè i altres narra cions. Fundació Mercè Rodoreda i Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1999. El darrer, no inclòs a Contes de guerra i revolució..., op. cit., el vaig recollir a C. A. Jordana. Quimet dels Lleopards i altres contes. Laia, Barcelona 1983, reeditat el 1989 amb el títol L’atemptat i altres contes, Laia, Barcelona 1989. El caràcter d’aquestes narracions, força extenses, que comparteixen el protagonisme de tres nois, ha portat algun crític a considerar la sèrie com a «novel·la». Vegeu Josep Faulí. Novel·la catalana i guerra civil. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1999. Aquest llibre resulta útil per a la tematització d’alguns aspectes de la guerra en la novel·lística de postguerra. Rafael Tasis. «Literatura de guerra», art. cit. Rafael Tasis. «Una novel·la ingènua». La Publicitat, 3-VII-1938. Rafael Tasis. «Revista de llibres». La Publicitat, 30XI-1937. D’altra banda, la ressenya de la novel·la de tema revolucionari de Josep M. Murià porta per títol Els dos puntals o el cinisme gratuït de l’adolescèn cia. La Publicitat, 10-VII-1938.

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[38] La Institució de les Lletres Catalanes, davant el problema del paper, va prioritzar la sortida mensual de la Revista de Catalunya. [39] És possible que una part del material d’aquesta novel·la, o més aviat el que podria haver-ne estat el motiu central (les nits blaves a causa dels fanals pintats de blau com a mesura de protecció civil contra els bombardeigs), anés a parar a La plaça de Dia mant (al començament del capítol xxxi), però tampoc no tenim manera de demostrar-ho. [40] Vegeu Maria Campillo. «Un capítol de la novel·la inèdita Flames de juliol de C. A. Jordana». Els Mar ges, núm. 74 (tardor 2004), p. 77-96. [41] Les novel·les catalanes centrades en la guerra o que d’alguna manera s’hi refereixen són moltes. Vegeu Josep Faulí. Novel·la catalana i guerra civil, op. cit., i, especialment, Helena Mesalles. «Bibliografia de la memòria i ficció de la Guerra Civil espanyola en la literatura catalana». A: Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., p. 261-353. Per a un estat de la qüestió molt complet, fins ara, a Mallorca, vegeu Josep Massot i Muntaner. «Literatura de la guerra civil a Mallorca». A: Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., p. 81-132. [42] Editorial El Llamp, 1986. L’autor adverteix en un avís preliminar que una bona part és escrita mentre encara durava la guerra i que «la documentació utilitzada i també l’estil literari corresponen a aquella època», però que no l’ha retocat «per no llevar-li tota la naturalitat i el verisme que tenia en aquells moments dramàtics.» [43] Com afirma en el «Pròleg» a la reedició d’Editorial Pòrtic, Barcelona 1969, p. 7-9. [44] Rafael Tasis. «Literatura de guerra», art. cit. [45] Andrew Rutherford. The Literature of War. Stu dies in Heroic Virtue. Macmillan Press, Londres 1989. Segona edició revisada. [46] «The Common Man as Hero: Literature of the Western Front» (amb referència al paradigma re-

Maria Campillo

[47]

[48]

[49]

[50]

[51]

[52]

[53]

presentat pel divulgadíssim llibre de Remarque All Quiet on the Western Front). Vegeu la complicada gestació del text a Xavier Pla. «Una obra en moviment. Aproximació a la gènesi textual d’Incerta glòria, de Joan Sales». A: Literatu ra de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., p. 209216. Joan Triadú. «Panorama de la novel·la catalana». Serra d’Or, núm. 120 (setembre 1969), p. 63-65. Vegeu també Joan Triadú. La novel·la catalana de postguerra. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1982, p. 51-54 i 182-186, i «Incerta glòria», dins Literatura de la guerra civil. Memòria i ficció, op. cit., p. 183-203. Segons el mateix autor, el títol de la novel·la prové d’uns versos de Shakespeare, del final de la tercera escena del primer acte de The Two Gentlemen of Verona: «O, how this spring of love ressembleth/ The uncertain glory of an April day.» Vegeu Jordi Castellanos i Maria Campillo. «La novel·la catòlica» i «Joan Sales». A: Joaquim Molas (dir.). Història de la litertaura catalana, vol. xi. Barcelona 1988, p. 71-80. És la proposta de Xavier Pla. «Incerta glòria de Joan Sales o una poètica de l’excés». Miscel·lània d’homenatge a Modest Prats, ii. Estudi General, Re vista de la Facultat de Lletres de la Universitat de Gi rona, núm. 22 (2002), p. 529-553. Existeix una molt àmplia bibliografia sobre Mercè Rodoreda, especialment deguda a Carme Arnau, que també ha curat i prologat la darrera edició de la narrativa completa. Vegeu Carme Arnau. «Mercè Rodoreda i la novel·la». A: Mercè Rodoreda. Nar rativa completa. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2008, vol. i: Novel·les, p. xxiii-xlvii, i vol ii, Mercè Rodoreda i el conte, p. ix-xxxii. Sobre el tema de la guerra civil en aquesta novel·la, vegeu Maria Campillo. «La plaça del Diamant: el substrat històric en una narració de vida». Els Mar ges, núm. 70 (setembre 2002), p. 5-23.

Nota biogràfica Maria Campillo és professora titular de literatura catalana contemporània a la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Ha publicat estudis sobre cultura i literatura del segle xx, especialment centrats en la narrativa dels anys trenta, la guerra i la postguerra, i sobre alguns dels autors significatius d’aquests períodes. Entre la seva producció destaca el llibre Escriptors catalans i compromis antifeixista, 1936-1939 (1994) i diversos treballs sobre la literatura de l’exili. Ha estat també col· laboradora de la Història de la literatura catalana, dirigida per Joaquim Molas (1988), de la Història de la cultura catala na, dirigida per Pere Gabriel (1998), i d’Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, dirigida per Borja de Riquer (1999).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 269-274 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.65 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Sisè centenari de la mort del rei Martí l’Humà : el Congrés Internacional «Martí l’Humà, el darrer rei de la dinastia de Barcelona (1396-1410). L’interregne i el Compromís de Casp» Josep M. Palau i Baduell *

Oficina d’Assessorament Històric Institut d’Estudis Catalans

L’any 2010 es compleixen sis-cents anys de la mort del rei Martí l’Humà, que fou el darrer rei de la dinastia de Barcelona (1396-1410). Fou un rei assenyat que va tornar a lligar Sicília a la Corona catalanoaragonesa a través del matrimoni del seu fill amb Maria de Sicília i va endegar una expedició a Sardenya que a la llarga permeté el domini total de l’illa. Malgrat tot, els darrers anys de la seva vida li mancaren forces per pacificar la lluita de bàndols a València i a Aragó. El gran error d’aquest monarca fou no haver nomenat cap successor en morir el seu fill, l’únic hereu legítim, fet que comportà una crisi institucional i la final entronització d’una dinastia castellana. Per commemorar-ho, la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica, en col·laboració amb el Consell Superior d’Investigacions Científiques,** ha organitzat un congrés internacional titulat «Martí I l’Humà, el darrer rei de la dinastia de Barcelona (1396-1410). L’interregne i el Compromís de Casp», celebrat a la seu de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), a Barcelona, entre el 31 de maig i el 4 de juny de 2010. El congrés s’organitzà en vuit grans blocs dins dels quals es distribuïren les trenta ponències i les set comunicacions que els diversos especialistes internacionals entorn de la figura del rei Martí pronunciaren al llarg de la setmana. La sessió inaugural constà d’unes paraules de benvinguda del president de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Salvador Giner, i d’una conferència de Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, coordinadora científica del congrés, que versà sobre la figura de Martí l’Humà i el seu regnat. El primer dels blocs, «El govern dels regnes», consistí a fer un repàs de la situació política als diferents regnes de la Corona catalanoaragonesa en l’època del rei Martí.

* Adreça de contacte: Josep Maria Palau i Baduell. Oficina d’Assessorament Històric. Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Carme 47. 08001 Barcelona. Tel. +34 932 701 620. E-mail: jpalau@iec.cat ** A través del projecte de recerca finançat «La Corona d’Aragó a la Mediterrània medieval: pont entre cultures, mediadora entre la cristiandat i l’islam» (HUM2007-61131) i els grups de recerca consolidats La Corona Catalanoaragonesa, l’Islam i el Món Mediterrani (2009SGR 1452) i Renda Feudal i Fiscalitat a la Catalunya Baixmedieval (2009SGR 1367) del Departament d’Estudis Medievals de la Institució Milà i Fontanals.

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En primer lloc, Tomàs de Montagut, de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra i l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, en la ponència «El govern dels regnes: l’ordinació jurídica de Catalunya», analitzà els aspectes del regnat de Martí l’Humà pel que fa a la constitució política i del dret de la Corona d’Aragó, així com el significat jurídic i polític i la producció normativa de les Corts de Perpinyà, Sant Cugat del Vallès i Barcelona hagudes entre 1405 i 1410. Després d’una introducció dels aspectes politicojurídics de les Corts, féu un estudi de l’ordinació jurídica vigent a Catalunya durant el regnat de Martí i de les reformes d’aquesta ordinació per les Corts catalanes, comparant els projectes formulats i la normativa finalment aprovada. Conclogué la seva intervenció amb algunes opinions del jurista Tomàs Mieres (1400-1474) sobre el significat de les Corts de Martí l’Humà i destacà que la producció normativa duta a terme per aquestes corts és una fita essencial en la validació de la constitució política catalana basada en l’imperi del dret i el pactisme jurídic. Flocel Sabaté, de la Universitat de Lleida, a la ponència «El govern del territori i els bàndols», va analitzar la manera com s’organitzava el territori dels diversos regnes. Destacà la importància que tenien els municipis en la política, atesa la fragmentació jurisdiccional de la Corona. En aquest context, el professor Sabaté féu palesa la reacció que cada municipi tenia per tal d’obtenir benefici propi i féu notar que això no era incompatible amb el fet que internament estiguessin dividits en bàndols. Seran aquests bàndols els que marcaran tota la política baixmedieval i es podran veure en el repartiment del poder municipal. Aquest sistema de bandositats es farà encara més evident quan esclati la crisi successòria. Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i la Institució Milà i Fontanals, a la ponència «Les Corts i la Generalitat de Catalunya», explicà el contingut dels parlaments dels quals es té notícia durant el regnat de Martí l’Humà, els anys 1396 i 1397, si bé alguns autors consideren que és un de sol, per preparar la defensa de Catalunya, amenaçada pel comte de Foix. També comentà el parlament de l’any 1400 celebrat a Tortosa per tractar la defensa de Sardenya i la navegació. La professora Ferrer

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i Mallol va comentar que l’absència del rei, que era a Sicília, no permeté reunir les Corts. L’única Cort General fou la de Perpinyà-Sant Cugat-Barcelona de 1406 a 1410, que quedà inconclusa per la mort del monarca. S’hi discutí la legalitat del braç de cavalleria i el rei hi obtingué ajuda per lluitar contra els Arborea a Sicília. A la ponència també s’abordaren les vicissituds que passà la Generalitat de Catalunya, fundada feia pocs anys (1359), durant el regnat de Pere el Cerimoniós. Esteban Sarasa, de la Universitat de Saragossa, en la ponència «Las cortes y la diputación de Aragón en el reinado de Martín el Humano», estudià les Corts i la Diputació del General d’Aragó. Les Corts només es van convocar dues vegades al regne aragonès, en concret, les celebrades a Saragossa entre 1398 i 1400, en què destacaren els greuges presentats al monarca, i les de Maella de 1404, en les quals es féu palesa la preocupació per l’ordre públic i privat i la importància d’elaborar un cens de població amb finalitat fiscal i recaptadora. Sarasa va destacar que les Corts, a Aragó, van seguir la mateixa dinàmica que les Corts precedents, sobretot les de Pere el Cerimoniós, mantenint les mateixes preocupacions i dificultats que continuaren després, durant l’interregne. Tot i això, s’obtingueren resultats favorables al regne pel que fa a les qüestions forals, l’administració territorial, la fiscalitat i la institucionalització de la Diputació del General aragonesa. En una línia similar, Rosa Muñoz, de la Universitat de València, en la ponència «Las cortes y la Generalidad valenciana durante el reinado de Don Martín», analitzà les Corts de València celebrades entre 1401 i 1407. L’objectiu de les Corts era, segons paraules del monarca mateix, complir els furs, resoldre els greuges i obtenir diners per redimir el patrimoni reial. Foren unes corts marcades pels conflictes socials i les dificultats econòmiques sorgides arran de la política expansionista de Pere el Cerimoniós i la mala gestió de Joan I. La professora Muñoz destacà que la importància d’aquestes corts radicava en la consolidació de l’estructura de la Generalitat Valenciana, tot i que no es consagrarà com un ens permanent fins a 1418, i la creació d’una comissió de trenta-dos membres (vuit per cada braç i vuit pel rei), que es dissoldrà el 1407, quan acabin les Corts, havent aprovat nous furs i l’ampliació del donatiu. La comunicació de Josep Alanyà, de l’Arxiu Diocesà de Tortosa, titulada «La governació de Martí l’Humà en el territori del bisbat de Tortosa», estudià les actes de governació del rei Martí a la diòcesi de Tortosa, entre les quals destaquen aquelles que revelen la preocupació del monarca per l’estat de l’Església tortosina com a conseqüència del Cisma d’Occident, així com les que mostren els problemes socials de l’època, que permeten de fer una visió general de la societat i l’Església tortosina entre 1350 i 1410. Juan Abella i Mario Lafuente, membres del Grup CEMA de la Universitat de Saragossa, van exposar en la seva comunicació «La intervención de la baja nobleza en las Cortes de Aragón durante el reinado de Martín I» les característiques de la baixa noblesa que assistí a les Corts de Saragossa i de Maella de 1398-1400 i 1404, respectiva-

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ment, tot analitzant la tipologia, l’examen de les votacions i els greuges presentats per aquesta classe social. La comunicació d’Isabel Sánchez de Movellán, de la Universitat a Distància de Madrid, titulada «L’Administració de justícia al segle xv», estudià els diversos intents de reforma de l’Administració de justícia al Principat de Catalunya a través dels processos de les Corts celebrades entre 1405 i 1437. S’hi destaca que la majoria de propostes partien dels braços i que una gran part no prosperaren en un primer moment, si bé s’anaren aconseguint a través d’un període de temps dilatat. El segon dels blocs del congrés portava per títol «El patrimoni reial, la fiscalitat» i englobà les ponències i les comunicacions referides a la hisenda i al patrimoni del monarca. Enric Guinot, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i la Universitat de València, en la ponència «L’administració del patrimoni reial i la recuperació del patrimoni alienat», féu una anàlisi del patrimoni reial, el qual havia empitjorat des de Pere el Cerimoniós, atesa la crisi econòmica que féu que els monarques alienessin part del seu patrimoni a la recerca urgent de diners en benefici de la noblesa. Aquesta alienació consistí principalment en la venda de drets reials i en la senyorialització de les viles reials. El professor Guinot també destacà la tímida recuperació d’aquest patrimoni durant el regnat de Martí l’Humà, moltes vegades a càrrec dels habitants de les localitats alienades. En la comunicació titulada «La hisenda municipal del regne de Mallorca en el canvi de segle (1390-1410)», Ricard Urgell, de l’Arxiu del Regne de Mallorca, estudià la hisenda al regne de Mallorca entre els anys 1390 i 1410, de la qual destacà la relació amb l’assalt al call jueu de 1391, la creació d’un administrador de les monedes comunes, l’augment de la fiscalitat municipal amb la creació de nous impostos, la voluntat de controlar l’administració del deute públic, la presència de bàndols i l’auditoria de comptes de 1406. El tercer dels blocs, titulat «La consolidació del poder a la Mediterrània central», va comptar amb la presència d’especialistes internacionals que analitzaren les lluites pel poder a Sicília i Sardenya. Henri Bresc, de la Universitat de París X (París-Nanterre), en la ponència «Un royaume pour Martin, duc de Montblanc et son fils. La réinstauration de la reine Marie en Sicile», va tractar els motius i les conseqüències del matrimoni entre Maria de Sicília, filla de Constança d’Aragó, i Martí el Jove, fill de Martí l’Humà, per a la situació política del regne de Sicília. Destacà com la reina Maria de Sicília representava la legitimitat per als sicilians, hereus d’una llarga lluita contra la dinastia angevina, però que alhora era un regne sense rei. En aquest context, el professor Bresc destacà que Martí el Jove representava l’enllaç perfecte entre les aspiracions de domini de l’illa del seu pare Martí l’Humà i la legitimitat política que cercava Maria de Sicília.

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Luisa d’Arienzo, de la Universitat de Càller, se centrà en l’illa de Sardenya i la seva ponència titulada «La lotta contro gli Arborea in Sardegna. La spedizione di Martino il Giovanne (1408-1409) e la fine del Giudicato» féu un estat de la qüestió dels estudis sobre les relacions entre la Corona d’Aragó i el Jutjat d’Arborea entre els segles xiii i xv, a partir de la butlla del papa Bonifaci VIII, de 1297, amb la qual el pontífex creava el Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae i l’infeudava al rei Jaume II d’Aragó. La professora Arienzo analitzà en profunditat les lluites internes de l’illa sarda entre els Arborea i la resta de jutjats, així com l’aliança que Guillem II féu amb els anticatalans i que fou derrotada per Martí el Jove l’any 1409, a la batalla de Sanluri. El quart dels blocs, titulat «La política internacional», estava dedicat a la política internacional durant el regnat del rei Martí l’Humà. Prim Bertran, de la Universitat de Barcelona, amb la ponència titulada «El Cisma d’Occident en la política del rei Martí», estudià les relacions entre el rei Martí i el papa Benet XIII dins el marc del Cisma d’Occident. En la seva intervenció, féu especial atenció a l’evolució de les relacions entre la Cort catalana i el papat. Exposà que el Cisma —les faccions entre el papa romà Urbà VI i el papa avinyonès Climent VII— fou un problema de la Corona heretat des de 1378, en època de Pere el Cerimoniós. Aquest monarca optà per la neutralitat, si bé la seva família es decantà per l’avinyonès. El primogènit, Joan I, es decantà pel papa d’Avinyó i aquesta fidelitat s’incrementà amb l’elecció del papa Benet XIII, d’origen catalanoaragonès. Martí l’Humà, en pujar al tron, seguí donant suport al papa avinyonès. El professor Bertran destacà dos episodis: quan França aixecà l’obediència al papa avinyonès i la ciutat fou assetjada (1398-1403), restant només sota obediència de Benet XIII el rei Martí l’Humà, i quan al Concili de Perpinyà (1408-1409) es decidí que el papa avinyonès renunciés i el papa volia el favor del rei Martí, però Martí se’n desentengué atesa la indiferència del papa cap a la Corona catalanoaragonesa. Carles Vela, de la Universitat de Palerm, se centrà en «La política internacional de Martí l’Humà». En la ponència, analitzà els diversos aspectes de la política internacional duta a terme pel rei Martí, que tingué un caire continuista respecte a la del seu germà i antecessor, Joan I. Se centrà, especialment, en les relacions de la Corona catalanoaragonesa amb Navarra, França, Castella i els països mediterranis. Destacà la renovació de la pau amb Navarra (1399) i la negociació del matrimoni entre el primogènit de Martí i Blanca de Navarra. Amb França, va fer especial atenció a les cordials relacions i a la signatura d’un tractat sobre represàlies mútues el 1402. Pel que fa al Mediterrani, Martí l’Humà pretenia solucionar el problema del cors barbaresc i cristià, primerament amb mesures militars i finalment amb la diplomàcia, a través de la signatura de diversos tractats. El professor Vela va destacar que les relacions amb Castella s’enrariren durant el regnat d’Enric III, especialment pel que fa al marquesat de Villena.

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El cinquè bloc es dedicà a l’estudi de «la societat i l’economia en temps del rei Martí» i s’hi tractaren diversos temes com l’espiritualitat, la producció, les relacions amb jueus i musulmans, el comerç intern i internacional. Josep Hernando, de la Universitat de Barcelona, en la seva ponència «L’Església i la vida religiosa, la predicació», féu una anàlisi d’aquesta institució durant el regnat de Martí a la Corona catalanoaragonesa. Destacà com l’estament eclesiàstic s’incorporà a l’engranatge polític a mesura que la nació assumí les estructures d’Estat (les Corts, la Diputació del General...). Féu atenció al desenvolupament que obtingueren els ordes religiosos, espe cialment els mendicants, tant a nivell religiós i cultural com polític. El professor Hernando explicà com en aquesta època la societat s’estructurava a partir de la religió: el pes dels sagraments de la litúrgia romana, els ritus religiosos funeraris, les festivitats lligades als cicles devocionals (Nadal, Pasqua...), les festes lligades als sants i els seus miracles i el pes social que tingueren les confraries. També comentà la importància que anà adquirint la possessió de Bíblies i altres llibres religiosos, com es pot comprovar a través dels testaments i els inventaris. Conclogué la seva intervenció analitzant la sinceritat de les conversions jueves després del pogrom de 1391, la proliferació de la Inquisició i de la predicació. Gaspar Feliu, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i la Universitat de Barcelona, en la ponència «Producció rural i urbana», féu una anàlisi de les repercussions que la pesta negra havia causat en aquests dos àmbits. D’una banda, es donaren una sèrie de trastorns al camp que derivaren en la diversificació de la producció i en l’augment de problemes socials, especialment entre els pagesos de remença. D’altra banda, a les ciutats hi hagué problemàtiques com a conseqüència de la manca de mà d’obra, però alhora s’obrien nous mercats a Orient. Cal tenir en compte que es dedicà una part important de la producció a l’exportació i que per tant estava molt exposada a la competència i els canvis polítics i militars que dominaven l’evolució dels mercats internacionals. Brian A. Catlos, de la Universitat de Califòrnia a Santa Cruz, a la ponència «“Entre eulx plusieurs Sarrazins”. Jueus i musulmans al regne de Martí I», va estudiar quina era la situació de les comunitats jueva, musulmana i cristiana durant el regnat de Martí l’Humà. Pel que fa als jueus, se centrà en l’impacte que van tenir els pogroms i, en especial, el de 1391. Quant als musulmans, analitzà el procés de declivi econòmic i l’augment de marginalització social que van patir. Per a ambdós col·lectius va estudiar el proselitisme cristià que s’originà en contra d’ells i quines relacions tenien amb la Corona i amb el rei, ja que el rei Martí i la seva muller Maria de Luna, malgrat la seva profunda religiositat, van protegir jueus i musulmans en tant que aquestes dues minories ajudaren econòmicament i políticament el rei. Amb la fi de la dinastia de Barcelona, acabà també la protecció monàrquica a les minories jueves i musulmanes.

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Antoni Riera, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i la Universitat de Barcelona, en la ponència «El proveïment alimentari de les ciutats a la Corona d’Aragó», va tractar l’abastament alimentari de les grans ciutats de la Corona entre l’anomenat «any de la fam» (1374) i les dificultats de 1428. Per a fer-ho, se centrà en dos aliments bàsics: els forments i la carn. Estudià quins eren els mercats d’origen, les rutes de comerç, els circuits urbans de distribució i el paper dels mercaders en llur comerç. Analitzà de quina manera els consells municipals intervingueren per mantenir els preus i facilitar l’increment de l’oferta, per garantir la salubritat dels productes i la protecció dels proveïdors, i per millorar la importació en èpoques de crisi. Dolores López, de la Universitat de Barcelona, a la ponència «El comercio interno. Ferias y mercados. La redistribución a través de los caminos terrestres, fluviales y el tráfico de cabotaje», féu una anàlisi del comerç intern de la Corona d’Aragó. Destacà la importància que havien tingut fins fa poc els estudis sobre el comerç internacional i la poca rellevància que s’havia donat al comerç interior. Féu un estat de la qüestió de les fires i mercats i de la importància que tingueren durant els segles xiii, xiv i xv, i féu especial atenció al fet que no solament se centraven en les grans capitals, sinó també a zones de l’interior, afavorides per la navegació fluvial o per la seva situació prop d’importants vies romanes. També destacà la rellevància que en aquesta època tingué el tràfic de cabotatge a través dels ports costaners catalans. Maria Elisa Soldani, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals, a la seva ponència «Il commercio internazionale all’epoca di re Martino», analitzà el comerç a l’època del rei Martí l’Humà, fent especial atenció a les repercussions de la política econòmica del monarca tenint en compte la que havien tingut els predecessors i la que tindran els successors. La professora Soldani estudià també l’evolució del comerç internacional a partir dels principals centres mercantils de la Corona (Barcelona, València i Mallorca) a través de les principals vies comercials (a llevant, a ponent, al Magrib i a la zona tirrena), que estaven molt ben articulades i interconnectades per un sistema de relacions i dependències recíproques. Finalment, analitzà els efectes de les expedicions militars i de la política econòmica proteccionista de Martí l’Humà sobre l’activitat dels mercaders catalans i dels mercaders estrangers a les terres de la Corona. Andreu Galera i Pedrosa, de l’Arxiu Municipal de Cardona, a la comunicació «Senyoriu, sal i safrà. Economia regional i oligarquies urbanes a la vila i comtat de Cardona a l’alba de 1400», analitzà la vila de Cardona, la seva oligarquia local i les seves relacions amb el comte de Cardona i el rei Martí l’Humà, així com els privilegis obtinguts per la vila en anys precedents: la recuperació dels drets sobre la sal de Cardona i la concessió del privilegi de fira. Aquests privilegis permeten estudiar l’economia de la zona de Cardona al voltant de l’any 1400. Daniel Duran i Duelt, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals, a la ponència «Consolats de mar i consolats d’ultramar.

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La defensa de l’espai marítim», estudià com el regnat de Martí l’Humà fou un moment importantíssim per a l’estructuració del sistema institucional i legislatiu que, al servei dels mercaders i els homes de mar, que volien més autonomia, s’havia anat bastint al llarg dels segles medievals. El professor Duran analitzà els canvis operats durant el regnat de Martí i el significat que tingué dins el marc general del sistema dels consolats de mar i d’ultramar. El sisè bloc es consagrà a l’anàlisi de «la cultura i l’art en temps del rei Martí» i s’hi tractaren diversos temes com la literatura, les universitats, les cerimònies reials, l’arquitectura i l’art. Albert G. Hauf, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i de la Universitat de València, a la ponència «El panorama literari en temps del rei Martí: Bernat Metge i Eiximenis», va destacar la sòlida formació clàssica i literària del rei Martí, ajudat, en part, pel seu sedentarisme i la seva profunda religiositat, que li donà el títol de l’Eclesiàstic. Aquest fet propiciava que el monarca s’agradés molt de l’estudi i de la lectura. Molts dels textos que han pervingut de l’època de l’Humà són de caràcter religiós, com els de fra Joan Eiximeno i fra Antoni Canals, que van escriure algunes obres per a ús personal del rei. També Eiximenis, al final de la seva vida, va enllestir la Vida de Jesucrist, que dedicava a Maria de Luna, l’esposa de Martí. Aquestes obres de profunda religiositat contrasten amb l’obra de Bernat Metge, secretari reial, i en especial, amb Lo Somni. Se sap que el rei Martí es féu portar a Saragossa un exemplar de Lo Somni i Albert Hauf plantejà quina lectura en degué fer el monarca des del seu punt de vista tan espiritual. Salvador Claramunt, de la Universitat de Barcelona, a la ponència «La creació de l’Estudi General de Medicina de Barcelona per Martí l’Humà i el seu interès pel món dels Estudis Generals», va analitzar com gràcies a la voluntat del monarca es fundà l’Estudi General de Medicina el 1401, que més endavant esdevindria l’Estudi General de Barcelona. El professor Claramunt va destacar que el rei Martí va seguir els passos del seu pare, Pere el Cerimo niós, en aquesta matèria, però que ben aviat ensopegà amb diversos esculls. D’una banda, el fort gremialisme dels metges barcelonins, que temien un enfrontament amb els metges que podien sorgir d’aquest estudi general. D’altra banda, el monopoli de l’ensenyament que tenia a les seves mans el Consell de Cent i que en un primer moment hi estava en contra, fins que s’adonà dels beneficis que atorgava una universitat a la ciutat. Malgrat tot, el monarca es veié obligat a deixar córrer alguna de les iniciatives que tenia per a evitar enfrontaments amb els diversos estaments. Miquel Raufast, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals, a la ponència «Monarquia, regne i ciutat. El llenguatge de les cerimònies a la Corona d’Aragó en temps de Martí l’Humà», va estudiar quina era la importància de les cerimò nies en tots els actes públics de la Corona catalanoaragonesa durant l’edat mitjana. Després d’una introducció en la qual explicà la importància, fins a cert punt teatral, de les

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coronacions, entrades reials, recepcions, processons, exèquies fúnebres i altres festes populars, se centrà especialment en l’activitat cerimonial del rei Martí l’Humà i la seva família als diferents territoris (Catalunya, Aragó, València, Sicília) i a les principals ciutats (Barcelona, Saragossa, València, Palerm...). Destacà la importància que tenia la representació visual per part de la Corona en tots aquests actes. Xavier Barral, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i la Universitat de Rennes, en la ponència «Un mirall impossible? Voluntat política catalana i creació arquitectònica mediterrània sota Martí l’Humà (1396-1410)», féu un balanç de l’arquitectura àulica del rei Martí, principalment a Barcelona i Poblet, però sense oblidar d’altres indrets del regne, en un moment en què arribaven modes septentrionals a l’art gòtic més mediterrani. El professor Barral analitzà com s’integraren aquestes formes més decoratives del Gòtic internacional a l’austeritat mediterrània i comparà les iniciatives arquitectòniques del rei Martí amb les d’altres focus de creació monumental àulica com poden ser Itàlia, Avinyó i altres llocs del nord de França. Estudià també l’estructura de les residències reials, tant pel que fa a l’exterior com a l’interior, tenint en compte tant la monumentalitat com la funcionalitat. Marta Serrano, de la Universitat Rovira i Virgili, a la comunicació «Martí l’Humà: semblances figuratives del darrer rei del casal de Barcelona i de la casa d’Aragó», va analitzar les representacions iconogràfiques més rellevants del rei Martí que han perdurat fins als nostres dies. A partir de manuscrits, monedes, segells i obres d’art, va estudiar la representació del monarca, de la qual destaca la continuació de les innovacions iconogràfiques introduï des pel seu pare, així com la seva profunda religiositat i la voluntat de sacralització de la monarquia. El setè bloc es dedicà a l’estudi de «la família del rei Martí» i s’hi tractaren diversos temes com les mullers del monarca, la successió del regne de Sicília i les seves reines i la descendència il·legítima del rei. Núria Silleras, de la Universitat de Colorado a Boulder, en la ponència «Dues reines per un rei: les mullers de Martí l’Humà», va analitzar la figura de Maria de Luna i de Margarida de Prades. El monarca es casà l’any 1372 amb Maria de Luna, amb qui convisqué trenta-quatre anys, fins a la malaurada mort d’ella. Amb Margarida de Prades, s’hi casà el 1409, quan ja era un home vell. La professora Silleras destacà el fet que, contràriament al que era habitual, el rei Martí s’esposà amb dues nobles locals, una d’aragonesa i una de catalana. Féu especial atenció al paper destinat a la reina a la Corona i a com desenvoluparen el seu càrrec les dues reines del monarca, així com a la seva relació amb Martí. Destacà el paper i el poder de la reina Maria de Luna, una precursora de la major participació de les reines ibèriques en la política dels segles xv i xvi. Laura Sciascia, de la Universitat de Palerm, en la ponència «Le regine di Sicilia: Maria di Sicilia e Bianca di Navarra», va analitzar les esposes del rei Martí el Jove, fill

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de Martí l’Humà. Maria de Sicília es casà amb Martí el Jove l’any 1396 i morí el 1402. El mateix any, Martí es casà amb Blanca de Navarra, matrimoni que perdurà fins a la mort del rei el 1409. D’ambdós matrimonis nasqueren sengles fills, els quals, malauradament, no arribaren a l’adolescència. Aquestes dues reines es caracteritzen per haver detingut el poder del regne de Sicília: Maria de Sicília ho féu a la mort del seu pare, Frederic, i Blanca de Navarra, a la mort del seu espòs, Martí el Jove. La professora Sciascia analitzà en profunditat la figura d’aquestes dues reines i la seva actitud enfront del rei i del regne. Salvatore Fodale, de la Universitat de Palerm, a la ponència «Martino il Giovane e la soggezione del Regno di Sicilia a quello d’Aragona», va analitzar com es van desenvolupar els esdeveniments que portaren al fet que Martí el Jove es casés amb Maria de Sicília per tal que el regne de Sicília passés a formar part de la Corona catalanoaragonesa. Els diversos papes negaven els drets dels reis catalans al tron de Sicília i preferien com a rei Lluís d’Anjou, cosa que féu que l’única forma que la Corona obtingués el regne fos mitjançant el matrimoni de Maria amb Martí el Jove. Josefina Mutgé, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals, a la ponència «Els reials: la descendència il·legítima de Martí el Jove. La descendència de Joan I. La descendència de Pere el Cerimoniós. La descendència d’Alfons el Benigne. La descendència de Jaume II», va estudiar aquells prínceps de sang reial que podien aspirar a ser reis de la Corona catalanoaragonesa en morir el rei Martí l’Humà (1410), que no tingué descendència legítima. La professora Mutgé va analitzar les figures dels reials, és a dir, d’aquells que per sang reial podien accedir al tron. Entre els més destacats hi havia l’infant Frederic de Luna, el príncep Lluís III d’Anjou, el duc de Gandia, Ferran de Trastàmara i el comte Jaume II d’Urgell. Aquest darrer es perfilava com l’aspirant amb més possibilitats d’heretar el regne, ja que era el governador general, càrrec que es concedia sempre a l’hereu, però els seus enemics aconseguiren que tots partissin amb les mateixes condicions. La pugna final fou entre Ferran de Trastàmara i Jaume d’Urgell, i finalment es va imposar el primer. El darrer dels blocs es dedicà a «l’interregne i el Compromís de Casp» i s’hi analitzà l’interregne als diversos regnes de la Corona (Catalunya, Mallorca, València i Aragó) i el significat del Compromís de Casp. Jaume Sobrequés, de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, a la ponència «Catalunya i la Corona d’Aragó: llenguatge nacional i estructura política», va destacar que l’interregne sembla que fou el primer cop en què Aragó, València i el Principat de Catalunya varen sentir en pròpia carn que tenien un destí comú que els relacionava i els exigia trobar una solució pactada a un problema intern que els afectava tots igual. La innovació d’aquesta intervenció del professor Sobrequés és la voluntat d’estudiar el llenguatge nacional i polític de les autoritats reunides a les Corts de Barcelona i Tortosa de 1410-1412 i de demostrar la fortalesa i la cohesió constitucionals de la confederació.

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Maria Barceló, de la Universitat de les Illes Balears, a la ponència «L’interregne a Mallorca», féu palès el poc interès que ha despertat aquest tema per als historiadors fins fa relativament poc. Destacà que a hores d’ara l’obra de referència sobre el tema és el treball d’Álvaro Santamaría de l’any 2003. Pel que fa a l’interregne a Mallorca, la professora Barceló féu especial atenció al fet que Mallorca, malgrat tots els intents de participació activa, quedà al marge del procés d’elecció del nou monarca, fet força incomprensible en tenir el mateix paper dins la confederació. Comentà les dificultats que els emissaris tingueren per a fer sentir la seva veu en els debats que havien de conduir primer a la Concòrdia d’Alcanyís i després a la Sentència de Casp. Rafael Narbona, de la Universitat de València, a la ponència «Govern ciutadà i lluites de bàndols: l’interregne a València», explicà com l’interregne fou el colofó a una època desastrosa per al regne de València que s’inicià vers el 1375, moment en què es començaren a enfonsar les relacions socials i polítiques establertes després de la Guerra dels Dos Peres. El professor Narbona va destacar que l’interregne a València no solament va intentar dirimir una qüestió dinàstica o un procediment jurídic, sinó que també venia a resoldre una enquistada rivalitat entre un grup de famílies per aconseguir l’hegemonia, la qual s’arrossegava i havia crescut des de temps enrere. Josep-David Garrido, de la Universitat Miguel Hernández d’Elx, a la ponència «Interregne i bandositats a Aragó», explicà com, de manera similar a València, hi havia a Aragó una lluita de bàndols que venia de temps enrere i que s’encengué a la mort del rei Martí. Els conflictes entre els Luna, la família de Maria de Luna, i els Urrea, la família política de la germana de Maria de Luna, Brianda, desfermaren una rivalitat que si bé s’inicià com una qüestió d’honor, s’acabà convertint en una

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Josep M. Palau i Baduell

lluita pel poder i les influències al reialme. Totes aquestes bandositats es traslladaren en el moment de l’interregne i l’elecció del nou rei, quan Jaume d’Urgell, que gaudia de les simpaties dels Luna, automàticament rebé les antipaties dels Urrea. Antoni Furió, de la Universitat de València, a la ponència «El Compromís de Casp. El seu significat. Visió de la historiografia», féu una valoració aprofundida de què va significar el Compromís de Casp per a la Corona catalanoaragonesa. D’una banda, va destacar el seu significat com a fet cabdal per a la història de la Corona i també per a la història política i institucional de l’Europa occidental per la manera insòlita d’escollir un monarca mitjançant compromissaris dels diversos regnes confederats. El professor Furió també va destacar les conseqüències de l’entronització de la dinastia castellana dels Trastàmara i les valoracions que se n’han fet al llarg de la història des de la banda catalana i la banda castellana. Finalment, Víctor Muñoz, de la Universitat de Valladolid, a la comunicació «La candidatura al trono del infante Fernando de Antequera y la intervención castellana en la Corona de Aragón durante el interregno», va aportar la visió que des de Castella es tenia de la pretensió al tron de Ferran d’Antequera. Va destacar el desplegament de mitjans que des de Castella es féu per tal de promoure Ferran: accions diplomàtiques, enviaments de tropes i despeses numeràries amb la finalitat d’afavorir aquesta candidatura per sobre de les altres. Després d’aquesta intervenció, s’obrí un torn de debat i el congrés es clogué amb unes paraules de Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, presidenta de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i coordinadora científica del congrés. Com a colofó del congrés, es visità la catedral de Barcelona, on es pogueren veure diversos objectes relacionats amb el rei Martí.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 275-276 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.66 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Ianua Coeli: La porta monumental romànica als territoris peninsulars Congrés Internacional. Barcelona-Ripoll 24-27 de novembre de 2010 Francesca Español i Bertran * Amics de l’Art Romànic

L’estudi de la porta monumental d’època romànica ha estat l’eix del congrés internacional organitzat pels Amics de l’Art Romànic, societat filial de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, el proppassat mes de novembre a Barcelona, a la seu de l’IEC i a Ripoll, on va tenir lloc la clausura i on els participants van poder admirar la superba façana del monestir. La reunió científica perseguia abordar per primera vegada a l’Estat espanyol l’estudi de les grans portades sorgides als territoris cristians de l’occident i de l’orient peninsular durant el segle xii i als anys inicials del xiii. El romànic va traduir visualment el valor simbòlic atribuït pel cristianisme als seus edificis cultuals i a determinats sectors i elements que els signifiquen, un dels quals la porta d’accés. Glossada reiteradament en els textos com a porta del cel, Ianua Coeli, els programes iconogràfics i els usos litúrgics vinculats a aquesta fita termenal entre l’àmbit sagrat i el profà subratllen tal dimensió. El congrés volia apropar-s’hi des de diverses perspectives, complementàries entre si: analitzant els programes iconogràfics que s’hi van desplegar i les intencions dels seus promotors, l’estil de la seva escultura i les connexions que se’n deriven, la singularitat de la tipologia adoptada o bé les funcions litúrgiques que s’hi van acomodar. Es perseguia que el debat dels especialistes il·luminés totes aquestes qüestions, plantejades per primer cop amb abast general en aquest congrés, i alhora obrir les sessions als estudiants universitaris i als amateurs. La convocatòria va ser molt reeixida. Entre ponents, comunicants i assistents es van aplegar un centenar de persones, entre les quals estu diants originaris de diverses universitats espanyoles, d’Alemanya, d’Anglaterra, de França i d’Itàlia. Van inaugurar les sessions el senyor Salvador Giner, president de l’IEC, el senyor Daniel Solé, subdirector general del Patrimoni Cultural de la Generalitat de Catalunya, i la senyora Francesca Español, presidenta d’Amics de l’Art Romànic i directora científica del congrés. Per al desenvolupament de les ponències, es va poder comptar amb prestigiosos hispanistes. El doctor Pe* Adreça de contacte: Francesca Español i Bertran. Departament d’Història de l’Art, Facultats de Filosofia i de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona. Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 933 333 466 (3173). Fax: +34 934 498 510. E-mail: francescaespanol@ub.edu

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ter Klein, professor de la Universität Tübingen, va impartir la lliçó inaugural («Las imágenes marginales en las portadas románicas en España»), en el decurs de la qual va revisar diversos monuments en què destaca la presència de temes profans (i heterodoxos) i va avaluar-ne la funció com a antítesi o complement dels assumptes sagrats predominants dins aquests conjunts. La professora nord-americana Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo (Montclair State University) va presentar una nova lectura iconogràfica de la porta del claustre del monestir de Silos, sota l’enunciat «Acróbatas a la puerta del cielo, donde se encuentran lo sagrado y lo profano». L’anàlisi iconogràfica també va ser l’eix de la ponència de la doctora Therese Martin (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid), que va tenir com a epicentre un dels edificis més emblemàtics del romànic del nord-oest peninsular: «Formas elocuentes en las tres portadas de San Isidoro de León». El doctor José Luis Senra (Universidade de Santiago) va enquadrar la seva intervenció («Angeli ad portas: sobre alguno de los umbrales desaparecidos en el ámbito monástico castellano-leonés») en un tema del qual s’ha revelat especialista indiscutible: el massís occidental d’edificis tan emblemàtics com ara Frómista i Carrión de los Condes, avaluant-ne la disposició arquitectònica, l’ús funerari i els trets de les portes que s’hi obrien envers l’església. Les coincidències tipològiques i ornamentals entre diverses portalades emplaçades al llarg d’un vast territori del nord-est peninsular, recorregut pel Camí de Sant Jaume, va ser l’eix de l’aportació de les doctores M. Victoria Herráez i M. Concepción Cosmen, professores de la Universidad de León. La ponència del doctor José Luis Hernando Garrido (Museo Etnográfico de Castilla-León, Zamora) va tractar sobre el ressò que han tingut les receptes compositives i els motius estilístics presents en una de les portalades més representatives de la catedral de Zamora: la Portada del Obispo. A la seva ponència «Portadas románicas en Navarra», la doctora Clara Fernández-Ladreda (Universidad de Pamplona) va resseguir els trets característics dels exemplars més rellevants conservats al territori, incloent-hi la porta de Sangüesa que, dins el conjunt monumental peninsular, esdevé un dels projectes més retardataris.

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Les portalades catalanes analitzades al congrés presideixen l’entrada d’esglésies monàstiques (Santa Maria de Ripoll, Sant Pere de Rodes o Covet) i de catedrals (la Seu d’Urgell, Girona, Vic i Perpinyà) i les ponències que s’hi van consagrar van emfasitzar primordialment qüestions estilístiques i compositives. Aquesta fou la lectura proposada pel doctor Marc Sureda Jubany (Museu Episcopal de Vic) entorn dels elements que perviuen de les portades perdudes de Perpinyà, Girona i Vic. També va tractar aquestes qüestions, a propòsit de la Seu d’Urgell, el doctor Gerardo Boto Varela (Universitat de Girona): «Agentividad e interacción del discurso en las portadas románicas. Las imágenes de los umbrales de Santa María de la Seu d’Urgell». El doctor Joaquín Yarza Luaces (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) va fer un recorregut sobre els ascendents tipològics de la porta de Covet, i va complementar-lo amb una revisió del seu programa iconogràfic: «La portada de Santa María de Covet: astrología, caída y redención». Les receptes privatives del denominat Mestre de Cabestany pel que fa a la porta monumental van centrar la ponència de la doctora Imma Lorés Otzet (Universitat de Lleida): «Membra disjecta. Les imatges a les portades del Mestre de Cabestany». Els temes pictòrics presents a les portalades exteriors i els que ornen els elements fronterers existents a l’interior del temple (l’arc triomfal com a fita termenal entre l’espai dels fidels i l’àmbit presbiteral, per exemple) es van tractar a la intervenció de la doctora Milagros Guardia i del doctor Carles Mancho (Universitat de Barcelona). Les funcions que es vinculen a l’espai presidit per la Ianua Coeli, a les catedrals o a l’església d’un monestir (la litúrgia penitencial, la funerària, etc.) es van exposar a la ponència de la doctora Francesca Español (Universitat de Barcelona): «La porta romànica i els seus usos litúrgics». L’extraordinari projecte ripollès fou abordat en dues

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Francesca Español i Bertran

ponències: la de Pere Rovira (Centre de Restauració de Béns Mobles de Catalunya) es va ocupar de les restaura cions successives que ha patit el monument: «De la degradació a la conservació de la pedra romànica. Actuacions preventives, anàlisi de materials i projectes per a la salvaguarda de la portada de Ripoll»; a la del doctor Xavier Barral Altet (Université de Rennes), que va clausurar el congrés, titulada «Reflexions sobre l’encàrrec de la portada romànica de Ripoll i les seves conseqüències artístiques», es va revisar la historiografia del monument i els aspectes que els estudis més recents han aportat al seu coneixement. Ultra les ponències esmentades, es van llegir diverses comunicacions referides a portades catalanes, aragoneses, del Bearn, etc., que passem a enumerar. Doctor José Alberto Morais (Universidad de Extremadura): «Puertas abiertas. Concretar problemas y aclarar conceptos en torno al legado antiquizante y su presencia en las portadas románicas hispanas»; doctora Ilaria Sgrigna (Universitat de Barcelona): «Anàlisi comparativa de la portada de Santa Maria de Covet: Observacions sobre la procedència i la difusió dels seus models»; Antoni Llagostera (Centre d’Estudis Comarcals del Ripollès): «Un dibuix del 1846 de Pau Milà i Fontanals en la col·lecció Carderera»; doctora Esther Lozano (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona): «Repertorios figurativos y conexiones estilísticas en portadas navarroaragonesas: el papel de los maestros de la cabecera de la Seo de Zaragoza»; Juan Antonio Olañeta (Universitat de Barcelona): «La portada de la iglesia pa rroquial de San Salvador de Agüero (Huesca) y su tímpano “prestado”», i Maritxu Echeverri (Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail): «¿Comidas terrestres espirituales? La búsqueda de la salvación sobre las portadas románicas entre Bearn y Aragón».

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 277-279 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.67 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Manuel Riu i Riu (1929‑2011). In memoriam *

El doctor Manuel Riu i Riu, catedràtic d’Història Medieval de la Universitat de Barcelona i membre de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, morí a Sant Llorenç de Morunys el dia 2 de gener de 2011 a l’edat de vuitanta-un anys. Havia nascut a Manresa l’any 1929, bé que per banda de mare descendia de Sant Llorenç de Morunys.* Estudià filosofia i lletres, especialitat d’història, a la Universitat de Barcelona i es llicencià el 1951. Qui marcà més la seva dedicació futura, més que Vicens Vives, de qui fou deixeble, fou Albert del Castillo, de qui fou ajudant, des de ben aviat, en la seva càtedra d’Història Medieval Universal. El doctor Castillo, que en la seva joventut havia estat arqueòleg, però amb dedicació a l’antiguitat, com era tradicional, havia començat a fer excavacions, el 1959, per estudiar restes de l’alta edat mitjana, en les quals col·laborà el doctor Riu: el taller i forns de ceràmica grisa de Casampons (Berga), el monestir de Sant Pere de Graudescales, del segle x, el castellot de Viver, la necròpolis de tombes de lloses de Vilafruns (Balsareny), un mas medieval de Vilosiu i el vilatge de la Jaça (Cercs), Sant Vicenç d’Obiols i l’església i necròpolis de Santa Creu de Jutglar (Osona). Aquesta col·laboració determinà en gran mesura la seva dedicació a una disciplina nova, l’arqueologia medieval, que llavors estava naixent. En la seva tesi doctoral, va estudiar les comunitats religioses de l’antic bisbat d’Urgell des del segle viii fins al segle xvi. Recordo haver assistit a la lectura de la seva tesi, que va ser tot un esdeveniment per a nosaltres, el 1961; llavors era alumna seva, en una assignatura que es titulava «Fonts i bibliografia medievals», a la qual estàvem apuntades les persones que volíem especialitzar-nos en història medieval. L’any 1966 guanyà la càtedra d’Història Medieval de la Universitat de Granada. La seva estada a Granada va ésser molt profitosa per a l’extensió de la nova especialitat d’arqueologia medieval a nivell peninsular. No hagué de quedar-s’hi gaire temps perquè la càtedra del doctor Castillo quedà lliure per la seva jubilació i el doctor Riu pogué tornar a la Universitat de Barcelona el 1969. Tota la resta de la seva vida acadèmica transcorregué des de llavors a la Universitat de Barcelona. Entre el 1970 i el 1990 dirigí la revista Índice Histórico Español, la revista de bibliografia fundada per Vicens Vives, que ha estat i és tan útil; abans, entre el 1960 i el 1966, n’havia estat secretari. Més tard, el 1980, fou cofundador i codirector de la revista de la Universitat, Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaeva

* Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol. Presidenta de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. E-mail: ferrerimallol@gmail.com

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lia, fins al 1993, i coordinà alguns dels annexos de la revista, un de dedicat a la ceràmica grisa i la terrissa popular de la Catalunya medieval, i un altre dedicat a les fortaleses, les torres, les guaites i els castells de la Catalunya medieval. Si parlem de les especialitats que va cultivar, dins de la història medieval, hem de començar per l’arqueologia medieval, una disciplina nova que ell impulsà no solament a Catalunya, sinó a tota la Península, i per a la qual fou un referent. És l’especialitat que introduí en l’ensenyament universitari i en la qual ha creat escola. A Catalunya, es va responsabilitzar de les excavacions de Caulers, un poble medieval abandonat al mig del bosc de les Gavarres; de les excavacions de Saldes, especialment del monestir de Sant Sebastià del Sull; de les de Sorba, on es va excavar i estudiar el Martyrium de Sant Eudald; també les de Sant Miquel de la Vall (Gavet de la Conca, Pallars Jussà), o les del castell de Mataplana (Gombrèn, Ripollès), les de Sant Llorenç de Morunys mateix i també les d’altres llocs, continuades pels seus deixebles. En relació amb l’arqueologia, va estudiar l’urbanisme de l’alta edat mitjana, els enterraments, els castells, les masies, fortificades o no. Els enterraments medievals més antics, sovint davant de la casa o fins i tot dins, especialment els infantils, han estat estudiats pel doctor Riu en diversos articles. Destaca el seu discurs d’ingrés a la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres, Alguns costums fune raris de l’edat mitjana a Catalunya. Va publicar també estudis sobre objectes concrets trobats en excavacions i memòries d’excavacions o visions de conjunt sobre els llocs excavats. És autor de diverses síntesis o balanços sobre l’arqueologia medieval: un del 1986, Estado actual de la arqueología medieval en los reinos cristianos penin sulares, i el llibre L’arqueologia medieval a Catalunya, del 1989. Com a persona més rellevant en la disciplina, s’encarregà de fer el balanç de les aportacions de l’arqueologia medieval a la història d’Espanya en un congrés destinat als balanços historiogràfics del segle xx, celebrat a Estella el 1998 (Aportación de la arqueología me dieval a la Historia de España), i més tard encara publicà Els inicis de l’arqueologia medieval a Catalunya (20042005). Mereix una menció a part la important tasca portada a terme pel doctor Riu a l’obra Catalunya romàni ca. Procurà, sempre que fou possible, donar suport documental a les recerques arqueològiques i també situar-les en el seu context històric, motiu pel qual dedicà diversos estudis al feudalisme i, en concret, a la feudalització del camp català. També cal parlar d’una activitat en la qual vaig col· laborar amb el doctor Riu: l’organització d’un curset anu-

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al d’arqueologia medieval, a la Institució Milà i Fontanals del CSIC, amb la col·laboració de la Universitat de Barcelona. En fèiem dos: un d’història medieval i el d’arqueologia. Duraven cadascun una setmana i anaven adreçats especialment als estudiants universitaris. El doctor Riu coordinava sempre el d’arqueologia. Els vàrem celebrar durant quinze anys, entre els anys 1983 i 1998, i van constituir un aparador molt complet dels temes i dels resultats que s’extreien de les excavacions. Hi van passar tots els deixebles del doctor Riu i també altres persones que tenien la responsabilitat d’excavacions diverses. Es van estudiar les aportacions dels materials arqueològics en general, i es va fer l’anàlisi des del punt de vista arqueològic de construccions diverses: torres, guaites i castells, l’habitatge medieval, els forns de vidre i de ceràmica, molins i fargues, les esglésies, els monestirs, les muralles... També programà un curset d’arqueologia submarina, que ja s’havia desenvolupat. Es van considerar diversos aspectes de l’arqueologia rural i de l’arqueologia urbana, mètodes d’anàlisi i de restauració, la mort o els treballs i els jocs a través de l’arqueologia, etcètera, i es va acabar amb un balanç de l’arqueologia medieval durant els quinze anys de celebració de cursets. Un cop acabada aquesta etapa dels cursets, vam organitzar conjuntament un col·loqui sobre «El mas català durant l’edat mitjana i la moderna (segles ix-xviii)» el 1999. El doctor Riu, que n’era el coordinador científic, va voler que fos un congrés molt interdisciplinari i que fossin estudiats aspectes arqueològics, històrics, geogràfics, arquitectònics i antropològics del mas i va aconseguir que realment hi intervingués gent molt diversa, alguns arquitectes, antropòlegs i geògrafs, però sobretot arqueòlegs i historiadors especialitzats en història rural i altres que no ho érem, com jo mateixa, que vaig fer un estudi sobre masos per col· laborar en el projecte que entusiasmava tant el doctor Riu. El col·loqui va tenir molt d’èxit i després el vàrem publicar el 2001. Va resultar una aportació ben interessant. Com es pot veure, l’arqueologia medieval estigué al centre de l’activitat del doctor Riu, però també hi hagué molts altres aspectes que va estudiar sobre la base de les fonts escrites: els estudis sobre monestirs, iniciats en la seva tesi, es van traduir en diverses publicacions i en la col·laboració als congressos sobre el monacat. També cal destacar l’estudi sobre l’adopcionisme, una heretgia medieval que va arrelar a Catalunya a l’alta edat mitjana; igualment s’interessà per les confraries religioses, un interès desvetllat per l’arxiu d’una confraria laïcal, la de la Mare de Déu dels Colls, de Sant Llorenç de Morunys, documentada des del segle xiii fins al xx. Curiosament, un dels seus primers treballs i el darrer versen sobre aquesta confraria. Durant uns anys, va dirigir un projecte de recerca sobre la pobresa i la marginació a l’edat mitjana, un tema que va ser objecte d’atenció a diversos països europeus. El seu projecte desembocà en la publicació de dos volums que coordinà, La pobreza y la asistencia a los pobres en la Edad Media (1980 i 1982), que són encara una referència per a aquesta mena d’estudis.

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Manuel Riu i Riu (1929‑2011). In memoriam

S’interessà per aspectes relacionats amb la vida rural, com la transhumància i les pastures, i per una primera revolta de segadors del segle xiv; per la vida local, especialment de Sant Llorenç de Morunys, però també de Berga i de Manresa; va dedicar alguns estudis, també algun en anglès, a la indústria de la llana, que a Catalunya estava molt escampada per tot el territori, també a Sant Llorenç de Morunys, i a la regulació gremial d’aquesta activitat. Va dedicar igualment alguns estudis als camins, al comerç, tant a l’alta edat mitjana com a la baixa edat mitjana, en aquest cas al comerç prohibit amb l’Orient mediterrani a través de les llicències que va trobar a l’arxiu diocesà, estudi que fou continuat després per una deixebla. També es va interessar per la història de la banca a la fi de l’edat mitjana en un article publicat en anglès i en català. Es va interessar força per la metrologia i dedicà diversos estudis a aquest tema. Cal destacar encara la catalogació dels pergamins de l’Arxiu de Santa Maria del Mar i la contribució a la restauració dels que s’havien cremat durant la guerra; també reuní un diplomatari del monestir de Sant Llorenç de Morunys (1981) i un altre sobre la vall de Lord (1988). En els darrers anys, teníem un projecte conjunt a l’IEC per tal de publicar la documentació sobre tractats internacionals i negociacions diplomàtiques, del qual s’ha editat ja el primer volum. La seva producció bibliogràfica és molt extensa, supera les set-centes publicacions. A banda del que ja he esmentat, cal mencionar els manuals d’història medieval universal i d’història medieval d’Espanya i l’antologia de textos per a l’estudi de l’edat mitjana, realitzada juntament amb altres autors. A més d’alguns llibres dedicats a l’alta divulgació, com Vida y costumbres en la Edad Media (1959) o Historia del cristianismo (1967), publicà un gran nombre d’articles de divulgació al Diario de Barcelona, a la revista Destino i a revistes diverses. Sorprenentment, publicà alguns llibres sobre la industrialització i el transport en època contemporània, alguns en col·laboració amb el doctor Albert del Castillo. Tampoc no hem d’oblidar els seus treballs sobre historiadors diversos, en articles necrològics o en semblances commemoratives, com la de Ferran Soldevila (1994). Els seus mèrits foren reconeguts tant en el seu nomenament com a membre de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans el 1990, com en el de membre de l’Acadèmia de Bones Lletres el 1983 o membre corresponent de la Real Academia de la Historia el 1978. També era membre de la Society for Medieval Archeology de Londres, de la Societat Catalana d’Arqueologia i de diverses societats filials de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Així mateix ho era de la Comissió Assessora del Servei d’Arqueologia de la Generalitat de Catalunya. L’any 1998 fou organitzat en honor seu el I Simposi d’Arqueologia Medieval. Homenatge al Prof. Manuel Riu, que encara no s’ha publicat. Els anys 1999-2000, companys, amics i deixebles li dedicaren un homenatge, que fou publicat dins la revista Acta Historica et Archaeo logica Mediaevalia. L’any 2003 va rebre la creu de Sant

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Manuel Riu i Riu (1929‑2011). In memoriam

Jordi de la Generalitat de Catalunya. Rebé encara altres premis: el 2004 el premi Signum, del Solsonès, i el 2007 el premi Ciutat de Berga a la Cultura. El 2007 fou nomenat fill adoptiu de Sant Llorenç de Morunys i li fou dedicat un carrer en aquesta vila.

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Més enllà del seu treball de recerca i de docència i de tots els honors que rebé, el doctor Riu era una persona bondadosa i afable, que sempre mirava d’ajudar. Els qui el vàrem conèixer el recordarem sempre amb afecte. Que descansi en pau.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 4: 281-282 (2011) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.68 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam *

Robert Brian Tate, hispanista i filòleg, membre corresponent de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, va morir a Nottingham el dia 21 de febrer de 2011. Robert Brian Tate va néixer a Belfast (Irlanda del Nord) el 27 de desembre de 1921. Allà transcorregué la seva infantesa i la seva adolescència. Durant el batxillerat va estudiar francès, alemany i castellà. Per això, l’any 1939, quan va entrar a la Queen’s University de la seva ciutat, va decidir estudiar filologia romànica. Feia poc que havia estat nomenat professor de llengua i literatura espanyoles d’aquella universitat el doctor Ignasi González Llubera, membre corresponent de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans des de 1951. A Tate li agradava de recordar el mestratge i la influència que havia exercit sobre la seva dedicació a la recerca aquest primer català de la seva vida. Li va ensenyar, deia, l’amor pels clàssics, sobretot Virgili, el valor dels llibres, i que la península Ibèrica estava formada per moltes cultures i llengües. Tots tres elements van ser decisius i fonamentals en la carrera acadèmica del professor Tate. Després de dos anys de classes, Tate va entrar com a cadet universitari a l’exèrcit britànic a l’Índia. Amb un grup de soldats i cadets, va viatjar en comboi fins a Àfrica del Sud. A Durban els van dir que el Japó havia entrat en guerra. El comboi es va dividir en dos. Una part va anar fins a Singapur, i ell amb el seu grup a Bombai. Els primers van ser fets presoners de guerra. Tate va poder entrar com a tinent en un regiment de gurkhas del Nepal. Més tard, ja capità, va ser testimoni de la rendició de les forces japoneses a Rangoon. Quatre anys després, ple d’aventures a través de l’Índia i de Birmània, es va retirar de l’exèrcit i, des de Rangoon, va tornar a Belfast. Aleshores va reprendre la carrera interrompuda i, al cap de dos anys, va obtenir la llicenciatura. Va ser en els exàmens finals quan va conèixer el segon català de la seva vida, el professor Josep Maria Batista i Roca, de la Universitat de Cambridge. Llubera i Batista el van persuadir que centrés la seva recerca en l’època del Renaixement i que estudiés la figura quatrecentista del cardenal i bisbe de Girona, Joan Margarit i Pau. Amb el títol de llicenciat a la mà, Tate va viatjar a Barcelona per dur a terme aquestes recerques, sota el guiatge de Jordi Rubió i Balaguer, el qual va encarregar al seu becari Josep Vallverdú, membre de la Secció Filològica, que l’acompanyés els primers dies de la seva estada. Vallverdú

* Mariàngela Vilallonga i Vives. Vicepresidenta de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i catedràtica de Filologia Llatina de la Universitat de Girona. E-mail: mvilallonga@iec.cat

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m’ha demanat que esmentés el seu record a l’amic en aquesta meva intervenció. Al mateix temps, Tate aprenia català a l’Ateneu Barcelonès amb Ramon Aramon i mantenia també amistat amb Martí de Riquer, Pere Bohigas, Anscari Mundó, Miquel Batllori i Jaume Vicens Vives. Tate va passar sis mesos als arxius de Girona, a la cerca de documentació de primera mà sobre la figura de Margarit. I, en aquesta ciutat, va fer amistat amb els historiadors gironins Lluís Batlle i Prats, Miquel Oliva i sobretot Santiago Sobrequés, de qui enguany es commemora el centenari del naixement —l’atzar ha volgut que ara mateix es faci l’acte institucional a l’Ajuntament de Girona—. L’estudi The life, works and ideas of Cardinal Margarit, la primera gran biografia del gironí, va valer a Tate el títol de màster a la Universitat de Belfast, l’octubre de 1949. Aquest treball, reelaborat als anys 1952 i 1953, fou publicat el 1955 a les premses de la Universitat de Manchester, primera universitat en la qual el professor Tate va exercir la docència. L’any 1954, va guanyar el Premi Francesc Cambó de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans pel treball sobre l’obra de Margarit, El manuscrit i les fonts del Paralipome non Hispaniae, que seria publicat a Estudis Romànics. L’any 1955, va obtenir el títol de doctor a la Universitat de Belfast amb un estudi sobre l’impacte de l’humanisme en la historiografia hispànica del segle xv. Després d’impartir docència a les universitats de Manchester i Belfast, l’any 1956 el professor Tate va començar a exercir com a professor a la Universitat de Nottingham i l’any 1958 va guanyar la primera Càtedra de Llengua i Literatura Hispàniques d’aquesta universitat, on va crear el Departament de Filologia Hispànica, que va dirigir fins a la seva jubilació, l’any 1983. Era considerat pels seus col·legues «una de les grans eminències de la Universitat». Durant aquests anys, va continuar les seves recerques sobre historiografia humanística, però també sobre la vinculació amb la Gran Bretanya de personalitats diverses de la història de la literatura catalana, com són ara Vicent Climent i Joanot Martorell, en sengles treballs publicats en revistes especialitzades. Els seus lligams amb Catalunya s’havien estret encara més quan l’any 1966 va ser elegit membre corresponent de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans i quan l’any següent va aparèixer a Oxford la seva traducció a l’anglès de la Spain: A Brief History de Pierre Vilar. La proposta per part de l’editorial Curial, rebuda l’any 1972, de traduir al català la biografia de Margarit va suposar al professor Tate «l’estímul necessari» per revisar el seu estudi, especialment a la llum de la nova historiografia sorgida durant els darrers vint anys, com la de Jaume Vicens Vives, que no havia pogut utilitzar per a la primera

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versió. La revisió i la posada al dia de l’obra no eren una tasca lleugera. Amb tot, s’hi va posar; i va valer molt la pena. La publicació en català de Joan Margarit i Pau, car denal i bisbe de Girona a Barcelona l’any 1976 va assenyalar una fita importantíssima en la represa dels estudis sobre historiografia humanística al nostre país. Tate va contribuir a enfortir la imatge de l’humanisme català a través d’un dels seus representants més insignes. I el seu llibre sobre Margarit esdevindria, ell mateix, insígnia i model a seguir en els estudis sobre humanisme i sobre historiografia. Ja només per haver escrit aquesta extensa, lúcida i primera biografia del cardenal i bisbe de Girona, Joan Margarit i Pau, el nom del professor Tate mereixeria ser escrit amb lletres d’or en la història de la cultura catalana. Però això no és tot. Tate va innovar el món de l’ensenyament de la cultura hispànica a la universitat, de l’hispanisme, en definitiva, en el sentit que va eixamplar-ne els horitzons perquè hi va incloure la cultura catalana, la gallega, la portuguesa, l’andalusa. Com assenyala el seu col·lega Richard A. Cardwell en la nota necrològica que ha escrit per al diari The Times, «les seves contribucions en llibres i articles han donat lloc a una nova valoració del món baixmedieval a Espanya, un treball marcat per la seva asseveració que la història medieval i del primer Renaixement d’Espanya comportà complexos processos de transició i una comprensió de les ideologies, la política i les estratègies narratives dels seus historiadors i historiògrafs. Aquestes percepcions formen el seu extraordinari estudi dels regnes medievals de la península Ibèrica a Spain. A Compa nion to Spanish Studies de 1973.» Va escriure treballs sobre Virgili i Camões, sobre pelegrinatges medievals, i el seu fervor pel Camí de Sant Jaume el va portar a publicar un volum sobre la seva peregrinació amb luxoses il·lustracions fotogràfiques del seu fill fotògraf, Marcus, l’any 1987. Al llarg de la seva carrera va dedicar molts estudis a l’historiador quatrecentista Alfonso de Palencia, de qui va editar, juntament amb Jeremy Lawrence, les monumentals Gesta Hispaniensia, el tercer volum de les quals és encara en premsa. Tate va ser professor visitant a les universitats de Harvard, de Cornell, de New York State a Buffalo, d’Austin i de Charlottesville, Virginia, als Estats Units. Va ser membre corresponent de la Real Academia de la Historia de Madrid des de 1974, i de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona des de 1980, el mateix any que esdevenia membre numerari de la British Academy. Va ser membre

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Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

fundador i president de l’Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland, de l’Anglo-Catalan Society, president honorari de l’Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese (East Midlands Branch) i membre de l’Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas. L’any 1984 va aparèixer el volum Essays in honour of Robert Brian Tate from his colleagues and pupils, editat per Richard A. Cardwell i publicat per la Universitat de Nottingham. Tate era professor emèrit de la Universitat de Nottingham, la qual celebra anualment, des de l’any 2004, «The Tate Lecture», en honor seu. L’any 1995 va rebre el Premi Internacional Catalònia de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans «per la seva aportació al coneixement de l’humanisme català i per haver promogut les relacions entre els estudiosos catalans i britànics en l’àmbit de la història de la cultura.» Davant de la consolidació de la línia de recerca Studia Humanitatis, sobre humanisme català, a la Universitat de Girona, l’any 1994 Robert Brian Tate va cedir a aquesta universitat tots els documents i els materials que havia utilitzat per a les seves investigacions sobre el cardenal gironí Joan Margarit i Pau. Robert Brian Tate va tornar a Girona en diverses ocasions per materialitzar una nova donació a la Universitat de Girona: més d’un miler de volums de la seva biblioteca juntament amb documentació personal com cartes, notes de lectura, apunts de classe, conferències, separates. A partir d’aquell moment, el Fons Tate va ser ordenat i catalogat i es troba a disposició dels investigadors i estudiosos a la secció de reserva de la Biblioteca de la Facultat de Lletres. El 21 d’octubre de l’any 2004, la Universitat de Girona el va investir doctor hono ris causa, un guardó que Tate considerava el més preuat dels seus honors. En la cerimònia d’investidura com a doctor honoris causa va dir: «Aquí, a Girona, vaig començar el meu treball, i aquí l’acabo.» Va fer el seu discurs en català, el seu primer amor, deia. Robert Brian Tate encara va tornar a Girona l’any 2006, per participar a la que vam anomenar «tardor margaritiana», amb una exposició i un congrés dedicats a la figura del cardenal Margarit. D’esperit obert, d’insaciable curiositat intel·lectual, gran lector de poesia, erudit precís i meticulós, Robert Brian Tate va tenir una vida llarga i rica d’esdeveniments i de coneixences, d’amistats duradores, de reconeixements. Tate feia servir uns versos de T. S. Eliot per afirmar que la història sempre és contemporània. I se servia d’aquests mots del cardenal Margarit per lloar la Catalunya que estimava i coneixia tan bé: «Gloriosa sunt de te Catalonia.» Descansi en pau als amables verds turons de Peak District.

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Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Contents

Number 4

2011

Foreword

Carmen Aranegui

The most important Roman cities in Valencian Land until the 3rd century

Xavier Barral i Altet

Religious architecture during the Romanesque period in Catalonia (11th-13th centuries): Assessment and critical notes

Josep M. Sans i Travé

The Military Orders in Catalonia

Ignasi Fernández Terricabras

The implementation of the Counter-Reformation in Catalan-speaking lands (1563-1700): A successful process?

Rosa Serra

101

Industrial colonies in Catalonia

Maria Campillo

121

The Spanish Civil War in Catalan narrative

Josep M. Palau i Baduell

137

Sixth centennial of the death of King Martin the Humane: The International Conference Martin the Humane, the Last King in the Barcelona Dynasty (13961410): The Interregnum and the Compromise of Caspe

Francesca Español

145

Ianua Coeli: Monumental Romanesque doorways on the Iberian Peninsula. International Congress. Barcelona-Ripoll 24-27 November 2010

Maria Teresa Ferrer

149

Manuel Riu i Riu (1929-2011). In memoriam

Mariàngela Vilallonga

153

Robert B. Tate (1921-2011). In memoriam

157

Historical publications of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans during 2010

163

Erratum

165

Catalan Version

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Barcelona • Catalonia

Cob Catalan Historical 4.indd 1

Catalan Historical Review Number 4 / 2011

2011

Albert Balcells

Catalan Historical Review

Institut

d’Estudis Catalans

Barcelona • Catalonia

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