The Opportunity in the Vacancy: The Effects of Automobile Dependence on U.S. Cities

The Opportunity in the Vacancy

Louisville: 1952

Louisville: 2018

Louisville: Vacancy analysis

The Effects of Automobile Dependence on u.s. cities The case study of Louisville KY in its effects, influence, and possibilities of revival.

Amanda Bryant [4612809] Mentors: Rients Dijkstra and Vincent Nadin

Colophon Master Thesis P5 Report July 2018

Amanda Bryant

MSc Urbanism TU Delft Faculty of Architecture

Design of the Urban Fabric

First Mentor: Rients Dijkstra Second Mentor: Vincent Nadin

Contents 01_Introduction Motivation Problem Field Problem Statement

02_Structure Project Structure Design Goal and Intended Products

03_Origin, and Context The History of Cars and the Street Current Context

04_How to Break the Cycle Why do we live in dependence?

Spatial Framework Theory Paper Strategy and Phasing

05_Louisville 06_Central Business District 07_9th St. Proposal 08_Conclusion Conclusion Reflection on Urbanism

09_Appendix Advanced Planning Department Interview Mary-Ellen, Chief of Louisville Forward, Interview APA International division Travel Grant Paper

Introduction

Introduction

A change in perception

In the U.S. The built environment is almost entirely determined by dependence on the individual use of the automobile. Designers are directly limited as cars and supporting infrastructure are given priority, creating a perpetual system of dependence that generates a wide range of effects. The system in place limits economic opportunity and investment in the quality of the built environment, caters to branding over innovation, and depletes the use of the street by limiting the interaction of people with their surroundings.

The influence of automobile dependence extends beyond the form of development, to the lives and culture of everyone. The perception of inhabitants is directly skewed. They do not know, or understand that in reality it is possible to have a life with out a dependence on 15

Motivation

The False Perception of Accessibility

Figure 1.1: Cover Image of Citizens of No Place

automobiles, and that there is a possibility to improve the quality of life of everyone by simply rethinking, addressing, and countering the staggering effects of automobile dependence.

The Reason for the research

As a designer you are taught to think critically and challenge the world around you. But so much of what we see and experience in every day life, in our homes and cities, does not even come close to the ideas proposed within the design world. There is a disconnection between urban designs and the reality of the built environment. The architectural graphic novel Citizens of No Place by: Jimenez Lai playfully demonstrates through a cartoon narrative, this disconnection.

16

Introduction

Figure 1.2: Scans of the book Citizens of No Place, By: Jimenez Lai, Image from The Future Archaeologist

The last chapter of the novel titled The Future Archaeologist features the scenario of an alien from a post apocalypse world interviewing a time-warped human. The alien, curious about human culture, asks him critical questions about the way we live. The alien asks him “Is architecture this or is it that?� Pointing out the difference between theory and the remains of the built environment of earth. Unable to answer the question, the time-warped human humorously replies with distress realizing that his entire culture and life is now reduced to nothing. While funny, this cartoon successfully poses critical questions about the kind of built environment we create. The point The Future Archaeologist makes is representative of the motivation of this master thesis.

17

Motivation

The False Perception of Accessibility

18

Figure 1.2: Scans of the book Citizens of No Place, By: Jimenez Lai, Image from The Future Archaeologist

Introduction

Figure 1.2: Scans of the book Citizens of No Place, By: Jimenez Lai, Image from The Future Archaeologist

19

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

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Introduction

The Cycle

Automobile dependence and suburban sprawl have a cyclical compounding relationship (Litman, 2002; Duany et al., 2000; Newman & Kenworthy, 1999).

Automobiles require a large amount of space and infrastructure in order to be an effective means of transit.

This prompts constructing the urban environment at a lower density, which generates suburban sprawl. The low-density development then requires an automobile for ease of access, which generates dependence. In this way automobile dependence and suburban sprawl build upon each other. This relationship has a series of primary spatial effects and secondary socioeconomic effects on the urban environment. The United States is currently stuck in a system of automobile dependence that perpetuates nearly all cities across the country (Duany et al., 2000). But, automobile dependence is more severe than the mere use of a car. It instead, refers to the necessity of an automobile for accessibility within nearly all aspects of daily life.

21

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Automobile Dependence

Suburban Sprawl Definition

Todd Litman defines automobile dependence in terms of three criteria: 1) reduced transport alternatives, 2) automobile oriented land use patterns, and 3) high levels per capita automobile travel (Litman, 2002). These criteria together emphasize a need of automobile usage as a result of lack of any viable alternative rather than an automobile functioning as one of a variety of mobility choices. Using the criteria annotated by Litman, each of the three criteria of automobile dependence has a resulting indirect influence on the driver, passenger or pedestrian. Reduced transport alternatives results in isolation or low accessibility. High levels per capita automobile travel results in an excessive amount of time spent in a vehicle. And automobile oriented land use patterns results in uncomfortable or useless public space.

22

Figure 1.3: Cycle Diagram: The diagram depicts the cyclical relationship between automobile dependence and suburban sprawl.

Red

of ls eve ta h L Capi ravel Hig Per ile T b omo

Aut

uce Alt d Tr ern ans ati por ves t

Introduction

Automobile Dependence

Automobile Oriented Land Use Patterns

23

uce Alt d Tr ern ans ati por ves t

Red

t of oun Am ehicle V

Automobile Dependence

sive

a ces of Ex ime in T ls eve ta h L Capi ravel Hig Per ile T b omo

Aut

Iso lati Acc on or L ess ibil ow ity

Introduction

Automobile Oriented Land Use Patterns Uncomfortable or Useless Public Space

Figure 1.4: Automobile Depdendence Diagram: The diagram depicts the criteria that define automobile dependence, and the resulting effects the criteria has on passengers and pedestrians

25

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

By focusing on providing a variety of transit options inhabitants are able to make a choice of transit based on their destination and task. This breaks the cycle of dependence and sprawl, alleviates the resulting effects on inhabitants, and the resulting spatial and socioeconomic effects.

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Introduction Scale - distance

possible to travel

develop - amount of infrastructure

Automobile Automobile Automobile Automobile Automobile Automobile Automobile Automobile

AUTOMOBILE DEPENDENCE

SUBURBAN SPRAWL

Limits accessibility

Economic / Racial / Functional

Segregation

Excessive time spent in vehicle

City

Health

SUBURB

Economics

Community Environment

Minimizes importance / use of public space

27

Introduction Scale - distance

possible to travel

develop - amount

Pedestrian cycling

of infrastructure

bus

Plane

tram / streetcar

Metro Regional Train Automobile

Transit Multiplicity

Smart Growth / Balanced development

Maximizes accessibility

Economic / Racial / Functional Integration

Less time spent in vehicle

City

Health

Figure 1.5: Problem Field Diagram: The diagram depicts the effects of the reduction of transportation options vs a variety of transportation options.

SUBURB

Economics

Community Environment

Maximizes importance / use of public space

29

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Confirmation

Additional research confirms that the majority of the U.S. Does live in a state of automobile dependence.

Regarding criteria 1: Planning and development guidelines are heavily defined by the use and function of a car. Some examples of the cars influence on development are: implementing a low density, strict zoning of functions, allocations for parking, and emphasizing the importance of signage (Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E. & Speck, J. 2000). This urban topology, known as suburban sprawl, is a direct indicator of the dependence The United States has on automobiles. The evidence of the effect on use and development of the urban form is further supported by the consistency to which sprawl has happened across the country, as well as national policies and subsidies that support the development (Squires, G. D. 2002).

Zoning development, and the current urban forms all cater toNo theVehicle use of the car, meaning that The United States meets the first criteria of automobile dependence: One Vehicle ‘automobile oriented land use patterns’.

Two Vehicles

Regarding criteria 2: Per day Americans spend Three or More 55 minutes in their car, make an average of four trips, and drive an average of 40 miles (Santos, A., McGuckin, No Vehicle N., Nakamoto, H. Y., Gray, D. & Liss, S. 2011). Of these One Vehicle trips, 99.3% of car trips are for work or daily activities, (29.4%Two for Vehicles work, and 69.9% for daily activities) Three or More (Chakrabarti 2013).

The evidence of the frequency of the use of the car is further allocated in the production and consumption of automobiles. Today, there are more cars than people in the U.S. (Montgomery, 2013), and the rate of increase of the number of cars is greater than the rate of increase in drivers, population or households (Santos, A., et. al, 2011). It is no surprise then that the percent of households with three or more vehicles has increased almost tenfold since the 1960’s, with the average U.S. Household averaging 1.8 vehicles (Santos, A., et. al, 2011). Additionally 87% of trips take place in personal vehicles, and 91% of Americans use a personal vehicle to get to work (Santos, A., et. al, 2011).

Americans use their car for any and all daily activities of life, meaning The United States meets the second criteria of automobile dependence: ‘high levels of per capita automotive travel’.

Lastly, the low-density suburban development creates an urban form that makes it inefficient to 30

96% percent of americans living in low density

96%

percent of americans living in low density

61% percent of americans living in single detached home

61%

Figure 1.6: The graph annotates how the majority of Americans live in Sprawl.

percent of americans living in single detached home

american average: Drive 55 minutes per day Make 4 trips per day Drive 40 miles per day

american average: Drive 55 minutes per day Make 4 trips per day Drive 40 miles per day

Figure 1.7: The statistics indicate the amount of time devoted to daily car use

Introduction Trend in Household Distribution by Number of Household Vehicles 1969, 1977, 1983, 1990, and 1995 NPTS, and 2001 and 2009 NHTS

4.6%

15.7%

22.7%

23.2%

19.1%

19.6%

80,000

19.2%

100,000

36.3%

37.2%

40.4%

38.4%

1983

1990

8.1% 1995

8.1% 2001

No Vehicle One Vehicle Two Vehicles Three or More

32.3%

1977

9.2%

31.4%

32.8%

1969

32.4%

13.5% 33.7%

0

Legend 15.3% 34.6%

20,000

33.5%

40,000

34.4%

26.4%

60,000

20.6% 48.4%

Number of Households (thousands)

120,000

8.7% 2009

Figure 1.8: The graph annotates the number of cars per household in the U.S is increasing over time

Changes in Summary Statistics on Demographics and Total Travel 1969, 1977, 1983, 1990, and 1995 NPTS, and 2001 and 2009 NHTS

3.5

Indexed (1969=1.0)

3.0

2.5

2.0 Legend Vehicles Drivers Workers Households Persons

1.5

1.0 1969

1977

1983

1990

Figure 1.9: The graph annotates the number of cars in the U.S. greatly exceeds drivers, persons or households

1995

2001

2009 31

1.5

Drivers Workers Households Persons

Introduction

1.0 1969

1977

1983

1990

1995

2001

2009

Percent of Person Trips by Mode of Transportation and Trip Purpose 1990, and 1995 NPTS, and 2001 and 2009 NHTS Total

83.4% Family/Personal Errands

to/from Work

Work related business

91.4%

88%

School or Church

Social and Recreational

Legend

87.8%

70.7%

76.9%

Vehicles Transit Walk Other

Figure 1.10: The graph annotates that regardless of destination, Americans use the car as the main mode of transportation.

implement and provide other options for transportation (Chakrabarti 2013). Without a certain amount of land use density present, a public transit will not have enough usage to make it frequent, reliable and cost efficient (Owen, 2009). Today, 96% of Americans live at a density too low to support public transit, with 61% living in a single detached house (Chakrabarti 2013).

The evidence of restricting other opportunities for transit is further demonstrated by the disproportionate amount of public funds supporting automobile based infrastructure (Squires, G. D. 2002), and zoning restrictions that prohibit high urban densities (Chakrabarti 2013). The majority of development since 1940 is suburban, and the rate at which we are consuming land for development largely surpasses the increase in population (Montgomery, 2013). The inability to both develop higher density, and allocate public funds means that The United States meets the third criteria of automobile dependence ‘reduced transport alternatives’.

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Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Figure 1.11: View of the Central Business District of Louisville

Location: Louisville KY

To study the effects and opportunities of automobile dependence on U.S. cities, the city of Louisville, Kentucky will act as the leading case study.

Founded in 1778, Louisville is the largest metropolitan area in the state of Kentucky. It is located on the Ohio River, which is a tributary to the Mississippi River.

The Ohio River required a dam and canal for ships to navigate a steep geographical change, and is a significant part of the origin of the city (Space Group, 2012). The city foundation was based on a strong urban grid, and at one time utilized the public transit of a streetcar (Elson, 2016). This supported strong industrial roots of the city, including the shipping at the Ohio Lock & Dam, and several factory locations of Ford Motor Co. (Space Group, 2012).

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Introduction

Figure 1.12: Location Map: Map of Louisville KY and the surrounding Metropolitan Area

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Introduction Washington Maine

North Dakota

Montana

Vermont Minnesota New York

Oregon

Wisconsin

South Dakota

Idaho

Michigan

Wyoming Pennsylvania

Iowa Nebraska

West

Colorado

LouisvilleVirginia Kansas

Missouri

New Jersey

MarylandDelaware

Illinois Utah

Boston Rhode Island Connecticut

Ohio

Indiana

Nevada

New Hampshire

Virginia

Kentucky North Carolina

California Tennessee

South Carolina

Oklahoma Arkansas

Arizona New Mexico

Mississippi

Texas

Alabama

Georgia

Louisiana

Florida

Figure 1.13: National Map: Map locating the city if Louisville KY in the national context.

Figure 1.14: Louisville Map, 1873: Map of Louisville KY showing the strong urban grid within the city center

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Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Main St.

Dixie Highway

Interstate 65

Interstate 64 and 71

Waterson Expressway 264

Gene Snyder Freeway 265

Background

Starting in the 1930s Louisville experienced a large shift towards suburban development and car usage. As a result, the inner city experienced a large population density decline that, even today, has not fully recovered (Rusk, 1995). In tandem, there was a large shift in infrastructure towards automobiles during the 1960’s as Interstates (I-65) divided the city into east and west and (I-64 and I-71) separated the city from its waterfront (Space Group, 2012). In addition, streetcars were slowly removed, and replaced with a bus system (Elson, 2016). The infrastructure was expanded again with the construction of the inner city beltway named, Watterson Expressway (I-264), in 1974 (AA Roads, 2016).

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Figure 1.15: Diagram depicting the infrastructure changes of the city over time and corresponding pictures of existing context

Over time, the continued expansion of the city called for another outer beltway highway, Gene Snyder Freeway (I-265), completed in the late 1980s (AA Roads, 2016). More recently, Louisville experienced a city-county merger in 2003, which combined the entire metropolitan and suburban area into one municipal jurisdiction (Space Group, 2012). In addition, there was another infrastructure expansion known as the Ohio Bridges Project, which renovated the existing downtown highway infrastructure provided two new bridges across The Ohio River and was completed in 2016 (AA Roads, 2016).

Introduction

N

Arterial Radiating Highways

Urban Grid Center

N

Bisecting Interstate I-65

N

Waterfront Interstate I-71 and I-64

N

Interior Beltway I-264

N

N

Exterior Beltway and Arterial Highways I-265

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Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Vacant building in the west end

Beacher Terrace Social Housing Housing Complex Downtown

In addition, there are significant statistics that indicate the need for addressing automobile dependence. Observing the current demographics it is easy to see along with low density there are large racial and wealth disparities across the entire metropolitan area (Social Explorer, 2018).Louisville exceeds the national average in pedestrian fatality rate, vehicular traffic contributes to poor ground level air quality, slow public transit contributes to difficulty reaching jobs, and large parts of the public space (sidewalks etc.) are in need of significant maintenance (MOVE Louisville, 2016). In addition Louisville has double the parking capacity to population; this means the city has roughly twice as much parking as people (Advanced Planning Department, 2017 – See Appendix). In 2016 there was 33,914 traffic collisions in Jefferson County, 834 traffic collision fatalities and 36,460 traffic collision injuries in the state of Kentucky, and the total economic cost estimate of traffic collisions in the state of Kentucky was 2.7 Billion (Kentucky Transportation Center, 2016).

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4th St. live Downtown Figure 1.16: The images of Louisville demonstrate the high differences in property value

Introduction Race

Race

Percent of Black alone

Percent of White alone

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

Legend

2 MI

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 30%

Legend 30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% 90% to 95% > 95%

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 30%

2 MI

Property Value

Population Density

Percent of Owner Occupied Housing worth more than $150,000

Number of people per square mile

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

Legend

2 MI

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 20%

Figure 1.17: Current Demographics: The maps annotate key demographics that relate to automobile dependence

30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% 90% to 95% > 95%

Legend 20% to 30% 30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% > 90%

2 MI

<5 50 to 200 200 to 500 500 to 1K 1K to 3K 3K to 5K

5K to 7K 7K to 9K 9K to 15K

41

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Vision Louisville

2035 Transportation Plan Louisville Metro Government Mayor Greg Fischer, 2016

Vision Public Report Phase 1 November 2012

DRAFT APRIL 2016

1 Vision Louisville

Vision Report

1 / 301

Figure 1.18: Cover images of key municipality documents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Like most American cities, Louisville must reduce vehicle miles traveled. Cars will remain the dominate mode of transport, but there is opportunity to shift short trips away from cars.

Shifting these trips can have broad impacts on our health, air quality, built environment and connectivity. Move Louisville represents a vision Figure 1.19: Exerpt from executive summary of the Move Louisville and action plan for transportation policy and Document

First, maintaining carsprovides as the dominant mode of investment The Plan Existing Proposalsfor Louisville Metro. transit implies that the municipality does not consider

At present Louisville is challenged: developers or acknowledge the excessive use of automobiles as a a path toparking a healthy, and sustainable continue to install garages as connected customer problem. It also contradicts the goal of replacing short assurance, it is difficult to generate an interest in transportation network that tripsencourages with other modes of transit. Second, there is a investment, many areas have abandoned or boarded lack of connection between the scale of the city and the up buildings, and there is little growth street activity. However, investment, and prosperity. scale of the street. Proposals focus on the metropolitan the city is attempting to make strides towards urban revitalization downtown. The Vision Louisville and Move6 Louisville Documents outline many of these proposals. This includes no longer mandating parking, introducing rapid bus transit, and has proposals of pedestrian focused projects. But, the city accepts the notion that cars will remain the dominant mode of transport, does not advocate for public space, and does not work to re-attract the suburban population to the city.

42

scale and do not thoroughly explore the execution of these projects at street level; there needs to be more consideration for context. Third, getting inhabitants to leave their car means designing and advocating for public space at the pedestrian level. Lastly, there is no focus on attracting inhabitants that currently reside outside of the city in the suburbs. These criteria are critical for combating the effects of automobile dependence.

two-way movement of Mellwood Avenue/Story Avenue and of 15th Street/16th Street - each made one way decades ago during construction of I-64 - will further support revitalization in the edge neighborhoods of Butchertown, Smoketown, Portland and Russell.

Introduction

Prelim Estima $6.5 Mill

Potent Source

PROPOSAL: PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION

This proj funded th local sou

Louisville will need to implement a mass transportation network as its population swells.

Figure 1.20: Diagram annotating the lack of context in street revision proposals

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Infill Development Nodes Infill Development Areas

Figure 1.21: Map from Move Louisville demonstrating the focus at the metropolitan level

A north south axis of public transport has already been proposed by the The South Central Corridor Light Rail Project (2004).

04 Focus Areas

Connectivity

Figure 1.23: Image from unrealized project 8664 proposing the removal of the existing interstate that obstructs the waterfront

A C 7@CE <?@I

95

A C . ARc\ R_U CZUV DeReZ`_d

Figure 1.22: Map from Vision Louisville building upon the existing lightrail proposal to explore a complete metro system

The lightrail network could be expanded covering major nodes in town.

Even though there is evidence of a desire to shift away from automobile dependence in some projects and zoning guidelines within the city automobile dependence Vision Louisville Vision Report 116 / 301 cannot truly be reduced without implementing these ideas. For example, a light rail proposal was designed as early as 2004 and there was a recent proposal to remove the interstate that obstructs the waterfront, but the city does not maintain a population density that could support mass transit, public space within the city is not inviting to pedestrians and there is not a variety of living opportunities within the city. This means that there is not a population strong enough within the city to advocate for these projects or use them if they were implemented.

43

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Approximate size (12mi²) to accommodate the Metropolitan population at a density high enough to support mass transit (50 dwellings per acre).

Approximate size (2mi²) to accommodate the projected population growth by 2037 at a density high enough to support mass transit (50 dwellings per acre).

Metr opo lit an

Are a

of

39 7

sq

Approximate size (14mi²) to accommodate future Metropolitan population at a density high enough to support mass transit (50 dwellings per acre).

MI

d an ty of 4 dwellings per a densi cre tion ula pop

Population = 767,355 (approx 383,678 dwellings)

Figure 1.24: Density anaylsis comparison: This map demonstrates the low density of the existing population and the approximate area needed to acheive a density that would support mass transit.

44

Introduction 1. Must consider not only transportation but also destination. Where are people going and why?

2. As the use of cars goes down the use of public space goes up.

te Spac iva

B

A

City Center

B

A

A

A

e

Pr

A

3. As long as the origin of trips is located outside of the city car use cannot truly be reduced.

B

A

B

B

B

Public Space

B

A

B

A B

A

B

B

City Center B

A B A

B

Replacing cars with small trips means relocating destinations in relation to the type of transit use.

In order to get people out of their cars Considering public space and accommodating the pedestrian scale is critical.

Attracting inhabitants from the suburb into the city is critical to support public space and reduce car use.

Figure 1.25: The diagrams annotate the key ideas Louisville must incorporate into existing proposals in order to impact the effects of automobile dependence

45

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Direct and indirect

The system of suburban sprawl and automobile dependence generates both direct spatial effects and indirect socioeconomic effects. The spatial impacts of automobile dependence transcend across different scales at the city or suburb, district, and neighborhood level. The indirect influences result in a total social, economic, and cultural impact. Together, they influence everything from the personal usage of time to the economic models of cities (Montgomery, 2013; Owen, 2009). The spatial impacts are organized into a series of categories of separation of functions, infrastructure and traffic, property value and vacancy, parking, public space and architecture, low density and sprawl, and the natural environment. The indirect socioeconomic effects are divided into the categories of health, community, and economics. These effects have compounding cumulative influence on each other.

The spatial Influence

As functions are separated as a result of zoning and developments, activity depends on cars instead of pedestrians or supporting functions. Within the city this is means a loss of walkability and street activity as it no longer convenient to get somewhere by walking or bike, and there are minimal destinations to get to. Within the suburb this means that a vehicle is required to get to any function or activity (Chakrabrti, 2013; Owen, 2009; Duany, et. al, 2000; Newman, Kenworthy, 1999).

As Infrastructure and traffic uses up a lot of space, it generates noise pollution and the high speed of cars becomes unsafe for pedestrians. Within the city this means an unattractive street environment that is loud, dirty and at times dangerous. Within the suburb this means areas where pedestrian infrastructure is almost non-existent and there are high amounts of traffic as cars are funneled onto one main road (Montgomery, 2013; Gehl, 2011; Duany, et. al, 2000).

As Property value and vacancy vary widely automobile use allows for economic isolation in certain areas leaving others void of activity, run down and uninviting. Within the city this means that some areas that are highly abandoned and not worth investment, while other areas are overpriced and highly active.

Within the suburb this means entire areas that maintain no property value diversity at all and create economic isolation (Rusk, 1995; Rusk, 1999; Squires 2002;).

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As Parking lots and parking structures take up expansive amounts of space they create areas void of activity, and unsafe after hours. Within the city this means city blocks are either completely or partially demoed to provide parking and the street site line disappears. Within the suburb this means that street frontages are almost completely reduced as providing parking is more appealing and convenient for passers by (Newman, Kenworthy, 1999; Duany, et. al, 2000; Owen, 2009).

As public space and architecture shift their focus to generating commercial activity and events and branding to catch the attention of the driver, everyday activity and design opportunities are lost. Within the city this means that there is a lack of consistent activity and architecture and urban character are given less importance. Within the suburb this means that local shops struggle to generate attention as there is even less consistent activity and they are competing with the large-scale retail chain stores (Chakrabrti, 2013; Duany, et. al, 2000; Gehl, 2011; Jacobs, 1961).

As Low density and sprawl is reinforced development neglects or cannot support other types of transportation. Within the city this means the area is capable of retaining the density, but does not have enough activity. Within the suburb this means the area is too far spread out for public transit to be economically feasible (Chakrabrti, 2013; Duany, et. al, 2000; Montgomery, 2013; Owen, 2009).

As the natural environment is continually developed it is affected by the immediate pollution of exhaust, tamed or reduced to a minimum, and urban shadows disrupt natural cycles. Within the city this means that there is a lack of natural environment that creates an urban heat island effect, enhances the risks of natural events (such as flooding), and does not look appealing to inhabitants. Within the suburb this means a significant amount of natural environment that is highly tamed, is not highly used, and heavily influenced by the inhabitants living in the area (Newman, Kenworthy, 1999; Owen, 2009).

Introduction

Figure 1.26: U.S. Cities Axon: Diagram depicting the spatial effects of automobile dependence on U.S. cities

47

Introduction

Figure 1.27: U.S. Suburbs Axon: Diagram depicting the spatial effects of automobile dependence on U.S. suburbs

49

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

The socioeconomic Influence

Health is affected as automobile dependence increases the risk of accident as a driver passenger or pedestrian. Within the city this means an increased risk of being hit as a pedestrian, poor air quality, urban noise, and an unsafe feeling along empty streets. Within the suburb high levels of car use increase the risk of accident, reinforce a sedentary lifestyle, and increase mental stress (Chakrabrti, 2013; Duany, et. al, 2000; Montgomery, 2013).

Community is affected by automobile dependence by minimizing informal social interaction, creating biased public space and events, and generating a mental disassociation between neighborhoods. Within the city this means that street activity either is minimal or non-existent, certain areas are avoided, and active areas are only highly active at certain times and events.

Within the suburbs that means that minimal interaction prevents community growth as people live far apart and spent large amounts of time on the go (Duany, et. al, 2000; Montgomery, 2013; Rusk, 1999; Squires, 2002).

The economic model is affected by automobile dependence by isolating economic classes from each other, generating a new consumer economic model, and minimizing the opportunities of the block. Within the city this means that low-income inhabitants job opportunities are limited to the access of public transit, there is a lack of diverse job opportunities, and tax revenue per block is minimized. Within the suburb this means that there is added expenses and financial burdens to living in a large home with multiple cars and tax revenue is reduced to large retail developments over local shops (Montgomery 2013; Rusk, 1995; Rusk, 1999; Squires 2002; Duany et al., 2000; Litman, 2017a; Jacobs, 1961).

50

Introduction

Figure 1.28: U.S. Cities Axon: Diagram depicting the socioeconomic effects of automobile dependence on U.S. cities

51

Introduction

Figure 1.29: U.S. Suburbs Axon: Diagram depicting the socioeconomic effects of automobile dependence on U.S. suburbs

53

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

The wicked system

When understanding why the system of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl continues, it is important to recognize first the level of implementation the system has reached. The overwhelming majority, regardless of economic status, has a car (Santos et a., 2011). This complicates viable options because simply removing car usage can leave many stranded, does not demonstrate other transportation usages, and can even cause a push back for the protection of car usage. In addition simply building public transit will not work because at present, there is not enough density to make it feasible (Litman, 2017b). In addition the support of the system is implemented at a much higher level. For example, regional infrastructure development and the price of gasoline are not mandated from the city, but directly influence the city (Owen, 2009; Newman & Kenworthy, 1999).

Second, it is important to recognize that market driven development and private interest have significant control over what is and is not developed. More often than not the focus is on the potential to make money, even at the expense of urban areas that are suffering Advanced Planning Department, 2017 – See Appendix).

In addition, the location of a development in respect to automobile infrastructure, or the amount of parking provided acts as a profit insurance, and can directly determine if a developer will invest or not in a property (Rusk, 1999; Advanced Planning Department, 2017 – See Appendix). In addition, the emphasis on ownership (Archer, 2005) caters to single homeowners over renters and rental properties (Squires, 2002; Litman, 2017b).

In the same way that excessive car usage minimizes opportunities for other modes of transit, the cultural ideology and policies for detached single family homes minimizes the opportunities for other types of housing (Duany, et. al, 2000).

Lastly, it is important to recognize that in the current situation, there is a false understanding of accessibility. What is associated as ‘close’ or ‘easy to get to’ is determined car access. As a result, it is often difficult for inhabitants to comprehend how life without automobile dependence can function easily (Montgomery, 2013). In addition, the amount of time and the way people interact with public space is drastically reduced. As a result, inhabitants’ perception of the environment also changes. In addition, the perception 54

Figure 1.30: Arial image of the major interstate interchange located on Louisvilles waterfront depicting the level of implementation

Figure 1.31: Street view of hotel on Main St. that is attached to a parking garage, next to a parking lot, and provides paralell parking outfront depicting the market control

Figure 1.32: View of a failed project within the West End of Louisville as a result of a parking dispute even though the area is considered a food desert and in need of a grocery. This depicts the lack of empathy

Introduction

Iso lati A on o

of unt mo le e A ehic ssiv a V

ce e in f Ex o Tim ls eve ta l e h L api Hig er C eTrav P bil omo Aut

The overwhelming majority

cce ssib r Low Red ility uce Alt d Tr ern ans ati por ves t

The Level of Implementation

The false understanding of accessibility

The support of the system

Automobile Dependence

The Lack of empathy The mental disassociation with the city

Automobile Oriented Land Use Patterns Uncomfortable or Useless Public Space

Market driven development and private interest

The emphasis on ownership

The market control Figure 1.33: Diagram depicting the wicked system effects of automobile dependence

of the environment creates a mental disassociation with the city. By minimizing the interaction with the environment, and even avoiding entire areas of the city altogether, inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; identity of and to the city changes. Inhabitants go only where they want or need to go, and undesirable places can be avoided. This creates a lack of empathy for others within the city. This biased perception comes from a lack of pedestrian interaction in the environment, and creates tension in development proposals, and even avocations for equity (Rusk, 1999).

55

Problem Field The Vicious Cycle

Why the city

Even after establishing the effects of automobile dependence, why is the city the place to start? Planners today advocate that suburbs are an integral part of a city, and functioning as separate entities only generates a system where the city is crippled by suburban sprawl (Rusk, 1999). Because of the interdependent relationship between the urban form and automobile dependence, breaking the cycle of automobile dependence will help all urban form to prosper. Moving away from automobile dependence does not mean removing the suburbs, or eliminating cars, but providing multiple means of accessibility at all scales in a way that provides inhabitants with a fair choice. Starting with the city is both critical and logical, due to its depletion as a result of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl, as well as the opportunities of the urban form. The urban grid, the high-density structures, and its central economic location generate many opportunities. In The U.S. Today, 90% of the GDP and 86.2% of the jobs in The U.S. Happen on less than 3% of US property and living in a city appeals to young professionals (2012 Adecco Graduation Survey, Chakrabarti, 2013). And the current trend shows for the first time in almost a century that, Americans are moving to the cities, not the suburbs (Montgomery, 2013). In addition, there is a new challenge to redefine a ‘suburb’ for inhabitants today. This topic I explored through a case study analysis and supplemental research paper ‘The Redefinition of a successful suburb’ located in the Appendix of this thesis.

56

Introduction

Figure 1.34: Diagram depicting the benefits and reasons for chosing to focus on the city typology when combating the effects of automobile dependence.

57

58

Introduction

Problem Statement and Research Question U.S. Cities have a rich urban history and offer many economic opportunities for development.

However, the effects of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl have left many U.S. Cities depleted of property value, street vitality and activity, and disconnected from the surrounding suburbs (Rusk, 1995; Chakrabrti, 2013). Over time the effects of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl have manifested into an interdependent system that influences the suburbs as well (Duany et al., 2000). Automobile dependence and suburban sprawl have a reciprocal relationship. This interdependent system directly or indirectly influences urban form and socioeconomic and cultural conditions of U.S. Cities. This relationship is characterized by a conflicting competition between the city and the suburb (Litman, 2002; Rusk, 1995). As a result, combating the effects of automobile dependence will help to rewire city-suburb relationship, and improve economic opportunity, street vitality, and social equity. But, how can U.S. Cities transform to counter the effects of automobile dependence on urban form?

59

60

Structure

Structure

The approach

The project structure of this thesis consists of a clear connection between sub-research questions, theory, methods, and time line. The theory framework supports all research questions, while generating a critical reflection on the ideas of New Urbanism; as well as a theory paper aimed at understanding the counter arguments of this thesis. The methodology focuses on using definition criteria to generate the layers of analysis, and evaluation criteria for the design. This maintains the spatial focus of the project. Lastly the time line of is guided by three principles also based on the original definition criteria. This allows for further consideration into indirect effects. Together the project is structured to guide with a clear focus, while still working through scales and considering both spatial and socioeconomic effects.

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Project Structure The Process and the Narrative

Automobile Dependence

SRQ 1

POLICY

THEORY

HISTORY

PLANNING

SRQ 2

SRQ 3

+

SRQ 4

SRQ 5 Figure 2.1: Diagrams illustrate the goals of each sub-research question

Sub-Research Questions

The main research question is broken down into a series of five sub-research questions in terms of analysis, research, and design. Together the subresearch questions guide the narrative of the project, as well as work together concurrently to develop formative solutions. The narrative is visible as the sub-research questions build upon each other. Sub-research question one focuses on creating a definition, or framework within the project, question two focuses on the historic context, questions three and four focus on the current situation and question five focuses on what can be done next. Within the methodology section of the report it is annotated how the narrative of the research questions concurrently relates to reach the process of execution.

64

RQ: How can U.S. Cities transform to counter the effects of automobile dependence on the urban form?

Sub-Research Questions: 1. How do you define automobile dependence?

2. How did the U.S. Reach the current situation of automobile dependence?

3. What is the spatial relationship between automobile dependence and the urban form? How do the spatial effects influence the social, economic and environmental climate?

4. What attracts people to continue to live in automobile dependence? Why does the system continue?

5. How can spatial interventions and policies in the city break the cycle of automobile dependence?

Structure RQ: How can U.S. cities transform to counter the effects of automobile dependence on the urban form?

1. How do you define automobile dependence?

2. How did the U.S. reach the current situation of automobile dependence?

3. What is the spatial relationship between automobile dependence and the urban form?

How do the spatial effects influence the social, economic and environmental climate?

Figure 2.2: The Project Structure Diagram, Sub-Research Question: Diagram annotates the division of the main research question into sub-research questions

4. What attracts people to continue to live in automobile dependence? Why does the system continue?

5. How can spatial interventions and policies in the city break the cycle of automobile dependence?

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Project Structure The Process and the Narrative

City Distric t Neigh b

nis m

tra

nsi

t

Ur ba

Useage

er

Use

new

oth

hood or

Car

time

New Urbanism in theory

City Distric t Neigh b

ism nsi

t

ban

tra

Ur

Useage

er

Use

new

oth

hood or

Car

time

New Urbanism in Practice Figure 2.3: New Urbanism Reflection: This diagram annotates the main conclusions of New Urbanism regarding its differences between throry and practice

Theoretical Framework

In order to gain a constructive approach to the research of the project, a theoretical framework was designed to follow the sub-research questions and generate interactive connections that support the methods and design solutions. First, defining the criteria of automobile dependence becomes the main guide for the theory framework and the connection to the methods. Second historical context explains the theories behind the development of automobile dependence and bridges the connection between context and theory. Next current theories are analyzed to make the transition from research to design and support the final argument and design proposal. In conjunction with the theory framework, the theory paper focuses specifically on understanding the reasoning of the supporters of 66

automobile dependence and suburban sprawl; in other words, the arguments that counter the goals of my thesis. This works to establish a more comprehensive thesis discussion.

What resulted from the theory framework was a critical reflection on the work of New Urbanism.

An architectural movement that began in the 1990â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s recognized the influence of automobile dependence and worked to counter its affects with the regeneration of a new ideal of an urban neighborhood. While this theory is referenced throughout the project, the New Urbanism movement, at present, lacks the capacity to work through scales, and address the socioeconomic effects of automobile dependence. As a result many of its projects focus within suburban areas, and/or cater to the higher socioeconomic class.

Structure RQ: How can U.S. cities transform to counter the effects of automobile dependence on the urban form?

1. How do you define automobile dependence?

2. How did the U.S. reach the current situation of automobile dependence?

3. What is the spatial relationship between automobile dependence and the urban form?

How do the spatial effects influence the social, economic and environmental climate?

4. What attracts people to continue to live in automobile dependence? Why does the system continue?

5. How can spatial interventions and policies in the city break the cycle of automobile dependence?

Tod Litman David Rusk Peter Newman and Jeffrey Kenworthy Vishaan Chakrabrti Andreas Duany Richard Rogers George B. Dantzig Jan Gehl Jane Jacobs Charles Montgomery David Owen

Figure 2.4: The Project Structure Diagram, Theory Framework: Diagram annotates the main reviewed theory and where it is most influential in terms of sub -reseearch questions.

67

Project Structure The Process and the Narrative

Automobile Dependence Reduced Transport Alternatives

Automobile Oriented Land Use Patterns

High Levels of Per Capita Automobile Travel

Isolation or Low Accessibility

Uncomfortable or Useless Public Space

Excessive Amount of Time in a Vehicle

LAYERS OF ANALYSIS CRITERIA #1

- Transportation options -Street type - Infrastructure Space - Connectivity

CRITERIA #2

CRITERIA#3

- Functions of the area - Districts and zoning - Use and time of activity

- Where people travel to - Major public spaces - Parks and event spaces - Facade analysis

Evaluation OF Criteria EVALUATION #1

Generate a heirarchy of street types and transportation options that provides a variety of viable options for acessiblity.

EVALUATION #2 Generate areas that maintain supportive interactive functions that advocate for street vitality and livability within the city.

EVALUATION #3 Generate areas that challenge the perception of car use and public space by creating spaces that are void of cars and do not need cars to be active.

Figure 2.5: Diagram annotates how the definition criteria follows through the research , analysis and design of the project

Methods

In order to generate a connection between research and design a series of methods were used to annotate the understanding of theories used and structured under the organization of the sub-research questions. There are multiple tasks organized under each sub-research question, and they work both with general context and site specificity. The method of a time line and historical mapping is used to generate an understanding of historical context. The method of interviews with government officials generates a better understanding of the current situation and systematic impact. The method of spatial framework is used to organize possible means of answering the effects of automobile dependence.

68

What is central to the methods of the project is that the theory supporting the definition of automobile dependence becomes the guiding framework for analysis and design. When conducting the analysis, the three principles are used as a lens to define spatial layers that complete the analysis of effects. This content of the layers changes based on the scale at which the analysis is being conducted, but the general criteria does not.

When design and policy interventions are proposed, the principles are used to create evaluation criteria that determine the success of the proposal. In addition the continuation of this method throughout the project maintains the focus of the thesis, and ensures that proposals will address the effects.

Structure RQ: How can U.S. cities transform to counter the effects of automobile dependence on the urban form?

1. How do you define automobile dependence?

2. How did the U.S. reach the current situation of automobile dependence?

3. What is the spatial relationship between automobile dependence and the urban form?

How do the spatial effects influence the social, economic and environmental climate?

4. What attracts people to continue to live in automobile dependence? Why does the system continue?

5. How can spatial interventions and policies in the city break the cycle of automobile dependence?

Tod Litman David Rusk Peter Newman and Jeffrey Kenworthy Vishaan Chakrabrti Andreas Duany Richard Rogers George B. Dantzig Jan Gehl Jane Jacobs Charles Montgomery David Owen

-three criteria analysis

-Timeline -Historical Mapping

-Spatial Diagrams -Spatial Analysis -Data Analysis -Spatial Framework

Figure 2.6: The Project Structure Diagram, Methodology: Diagram annotates the type of analysis and research used to answer each subresearch question

-Municipal Interview -Theory Paper

-Spatial Interventions -Policy Proposals -Evaluation Criteria

69

Project Structure The Process and the Narrative

Time Line

Throughout the process of this thesis there are three general themes that build upon the definition criteria of automobile dependence. The themes focus on accessibility, function, and perception. Throughout the work, whether its research or design, the project and thought process is guided by these themes. Accessibility focuses on both the variety of transportation, but also the ease of use and access to and from an area. Function focuses on both the activity of a place and supportive functions that generate community. Perception focuses on the understanding and use of public space and transportation options.

When executing the research, analysis and design of this project, it is important to prepare and understand the difference between a design narrative 70

and a design process. The final diagram of the project structure annotates the difference between the two and orients the work with a calendar of the year. The sub research questions are structured in a way that tells the story of automobile dependence in the US in a narrative format, but when completing research the questions will be addressed in a more cohesive approach. It is important to structure sub research questions that support other sub research questions and contribute to the larger goal of the project. In this way the questions are addressed together.

Figure 2.7: The Project Structure Diagram, Time Line: Diagram annotates the ineractive process of answering the research questions

Structure RQ: How can U.S. cities transform to counter the effects of automobile dependence on the urban form?

1. How do you define automobile dependence?

2. How did the U.S. reach the current situation of automobile dependence?

3. What is the spatial relationship between automobile dependence and the urban form?

How do the spatial effects influence the social, economic and environmental climate?

4. What attracts people to continue to live in automobile dependence? Why does the system continue?

5. How can spatial interventions and policies in the city break the cycle of automobile dependence?

Tod Litman David Rusk Peter Newman and Jeffrey Kenworthy Vishaan Chakrabrti Andreas Duany Richard Rogers George B. Dantzig Jan Gehl Jane Jacobs Charles Montgomery David Owen

-three criteria analysis

-Timeline -Historical Mapping

-Spatial Diagrams -Spatial Analysis -Data Analysis -Spatial Framework

P1

S

O

N

P2

D

J

-Municipal Interview -Theory Paper

P3

F

M

A

-Spatial Interventions -Policy Proposals -Evaluation Criteria

P4

M

P5

J

J

71

Design Goals and Intended products The Relationship Between Planning and Proposal

72

Structure

Introduction The design goal is to create cumulative design interventions and policies that reduce automobile dependency across multiple scales. The intended product is a spatial framework that organizes these urban design interventions, spatial strategies, and planning proposals.

The spatial framework maintains a series of aims based on the theoretical research and context of the current situation. This motivation prioritizes the importance of certain aspects of the project. Lastly, the thesis works under guiding themes based key theory. These guiding themes are evident throughout the entire thesis and correspond to both the analysis and design.

73

Design Goals and Intended products The Relationship Between Planning and Proposal

Aim of Project

The aims of this project are first, to investigate the relationship of automobile dependence with policies that created and perpetuate dependence. The motivation behind this goal is to break down the established car culture and that there are options and benefits to providing other means of transportation. The second aim is to be able to generalize the recommendations created in this project to the rest of the country. The motivations behind this goal is to provide insights to cities outside of the one chosen, and establish a discussion for other cities to start from. The third aim is to demonstrate formally what a transition away from automobile dependence would look like in an urban design plan and strategy. The motivation behind this goal is to visualize the potential, and to challenge the standard form for urban design and planning in the U.S.

Spatial Framework

The spatial framework organizes the policies and design interventions in terms of scale and acts as a principle guide from which other cities can reference.

For the context of this thesis this spatial framework is then applied in the context of Louisville, KY. The focus of the spatial framework is on the effects of the current situation and the project will focus on the possibilities of immediate action. The spatial framework is completed at the scales of the city, district, and the neighborhood, and organized into categories based on theory and existing case studies.

Guiding Themes

As explained in the project structure, the thesis uses the defining criteria of automobile dependence as a guide to the analysis and design of the project. These three criteria also determine three themes that guide the proposed polices and interventions. Criteria 1: reduced transport alternatives, guides the theme of transit.

Criteria 2: automobile oriented land use patterns, guides the theme of development. Lastly, criteria 3: high levels per capita automobile travel, guides the theme of culture. It is crucial that these three themes work together cohesively in order to alleviate the effects of automobile dependence. The three themes support and build upon each other and to only focus on one would reduce long term opportunities of success.

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Structure

City District Neighborhood

Spatial Framework

Figure 2.8: Spatial Framework Diagram: An annotation of the relationship between the design principles and context of the city.

CULTURE

DEVELOPMENT

Figure 2.9: Themes Diagram: An annotation of the three themes of the thesis

TRANSiT

75

76

Origin and Context

78

Origin and Context

Introduction

Because the U.S. has lived with automobile driven development and dependence for the large majority of the twentieth century, people are accustomed to using automobiles and accept it as a natural part of every day life (Montgomery, 2013). There is a skewed perception of accessibility and freedom of movement.

In reality, this system is not natural, but the result of policy, politics, planning, and urban development over time (Chakrabrti, 2013; Squires, 2002; Rusk, 1999).

It is important to reflect and understand the critical points in U.S. history that created the transition towards the current state of automobile dependence. This history advocates for the move away from automobile dependence by identifying that U.S. cities at one time had a very different urban typology. In addition identifying historic policies and cultural shifts allows for better possibilities within the proposals for the current context. This section annotates the transition from industrial cities to suburban cites beginning in the 1930s, the influence of Motordom and Modernism, the ideals of the suburban dream and its racial undertones, and the continuation into present day. Lastly, the case study of Louisville KY is used to investigate the history of automobile dependence.

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1910

Legend

Automobile and oil Housing and social Infrastructure Historic events

80 1920

How it Began

1930 1940

Garden Suburb

Howard, Uwin

Wright, Ford, Corbusier

Modernism

1956 - The Federal Highway Act

1945 - WWII ends 1946 - Beginning of baby boom 1949 - Housing Act

1941 - U.S. enters WWII

1937 - Social Housing Act

1934 - Federal Housing Act- Federal Home Loans - M.I.D.

1933 - FDR's new deal

1929 - Beginning of great depression

1926 - Oil company depitition allowance

1922 - National City Lines

1908 - Mass production of model t

The History of Cars in the Street

1950

Industrial Cities Typology

1920â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s - Motordom Movement The Practice of Redlining

1960

1970

1980

2008 - Stock market crash and housing crisis

1994 - nafta 1996 - PRWORA

1986 - Oil collapse

1974 - OPEC oil embargo

1971 - Desegregation busing

1968 - The fair housing act

1964 - The Civil Rights Act 1964 - The Economic Opportunity Act 1965 - Housing urban development department

Origin and Context

1990

2000

2010

Suburban Sprawl Typology 1960â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s - Urban Riots

War On Poverty

Urban Regeneration Jane Jacobs VS. Robert Moses

Post-Modernism Gehl, Rowe

New Urbanism Duany, Plater-Zyberk, Speck Figure 3.1: History of Automobile Dependence Timeline: The time line shows the key historical events, policies and theories that shaped the current context of automobile dependence.

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The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Figure 3.2: Downtown Louisville 4th St. in the 1940s during Christmas.

Industrial Cities of the 20th century

In the 1920’s before the push of automobile usage, streetcars, pedestrians and cyclists often shared the road, and the high density of the city meant the streets were full of activity. There was a heavy focus on industry within the urban areas of U.S. cities. Factories were located along the water and downtown; employees lived close to the factories and often used the streetcar to get to work. Before the push of automobile usage, streetcars, pedestrians and cyclists often shared the road and the streets were full of activity. The population density of the city at this time was often above 15,000 people per square mile, and supported this lively activity and street usage. It is important to note however that the heavy industry located downtown made the city a somewhat dirty polluted place to live (Montgomery, 2013; Owen, 2009; Rusk 1995).

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Motordom and Modernism

As cars entered the street many pedestrians were injured, and there was a backlash against the car.

Citizens wanted their street back, and often protested the use of cars. The ‘Motordom Movement’ was a strategic campaign that shifted the blame from the driver to the pedestrian, and introduced terms such as ‘jaywalking’ and the addition of crosswalks to the street. In combination with this, modernist ideals, like Frank Lloyd Wright’s Broadacre City, shifted the focus away from the city and to the suburb. Exhibitions such as Futurama at the 1939 World Fair in New York City was funded by GM Motor Co. And finalized the idea of including the automobile in the Modernist ideal of the city. This move was solidified as a shell company, formed by automobile incentive companies, known as National City Lines, slowly bought and removed Streetcars from cities and replaced them with buses (Chakrabrti, 2013; Montgomery, 2013; Owen, 2009).

Origin and Context

Figure 3.3: Political cartoons and advertisements protesting the use of cars and their apparent dangers.

Figure 3.4: Frank Lloyd Wrightâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Broadacre City was one of many modernist theories that invisioned an escape from the city.

Figure 3.5: Futurama Exhibition at the 1939 Worlds Fair was sponsored

by General Motors and invisioned a city centered on the use of the car.

Figure 3.6: Poltical cartoons and advertisements redirecting the blame 83 of pedestrian fatalities from the driver to the pedestrian.

The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Suburban Dream

Policies like The National Housing Act of 1934, as part of The New Deal, adjusted the market for single-family homes. And The Federal Highway Act of 1956, which provided the national infrastructure still used today, allowed for easy automobile access to these new suburban neighborhoods. The goal at the time was to generate activity and economic prosperity.

New planning policies were introduced that removed buildings to make way for parking and parking structures. In addition, this created the cultural ideal of the suburb as the American dream and a symbol of both democracy and success. (Chakrabrti, 2013; Owen, 2009).

The Racial Context

Within U.S. cities it is important to note that many of these policies and movements occurred prior to the civil rights movement when cities, and their public space, was highly segregated. Because discrimination was still legal, the suburban and infrastructure development directly targeted, or ignored the African-American community. Take for example that highways were often built through or as a divide between white and black neighborhoods, and the very nature of the suburb was considered successful only if it was composed of the same race and economic means (Squires, 2002). In addition, the practice of Redlining involved the designation of certain neighborhoods high or low risk for investment. Banks used this to determine the approval of loans for renovation and purchase.

There is a strong correlation between the racial majority and the redlining ranking and the resulting effects on property value are still visible today. In addition there was discrimination through the demolition of African American neighborhoods for ‘urban renewal’ and the location of industry and infrastructure, such as interstates. Lastly, Civil Rights Protests within the city created an unsafe feeling and only further prompted inhabitants to move to the suburbs (Chakrabrti, 2013; Rusk, 1999; Rusk, 1995; Squires, 2002). Today, many of these practices are illegal, but the effects are still visible in cities across the country (Rusk, 1995), and because of the systematic nature of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl, the reversing these effects is an overwhelming challenge.

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“If a neighborhood is to retain stability, it is necessary that properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and racial classes. A change in social or racial occupancy generally contributes to instability and a decline in values” - U.S. Federal Housing Administration 1938, par. 937 (Squires, 2002)

Figure 3.7: Quote from Federal Housing Administration demonstrating racist attitudes and policies.

Figure 3.8: Poster from the Federal Housing Administration ecouraging suburban development.

Origin and Context

Figure 3.9: President Dwight D. Eisenhower signs the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956.

Figure 3.10: The historic map above depicts the routes of the major interstates funded by the Federal Highway Act of 1956.

85

The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Figure 3.11: Arial view of Louisville during the flood of 1937

Figure 3.14: Map depicting the street car routes of downtown Louisville.

Figure 3.12: Street view of Louisville during the flood of 1937.

Figure 3.15: Louisvilles Residential Security Map, known as Redlining in 1937.

Figure 3.13: Street view of Louisville Street Car at Churchill Downs.

86

Origin and Context

Figure 3.16: The Industrial City: Map demonstrating the key policies, events, and infrastructure at the time just before the shift towards autmoble dependence.

87

The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Figure 3.17: Demolition of downtown Louisville to make way for Interstate 65 in 1959.

Figure 3.20: The Wayde Family outside of their home that was vandalized and bombed after they attempted to move into a white suburb in 1954.

Figure 3.18: Opening Day of Interstate 65 in 1960.

Figure 3.21: Image of picket line protest in 1961 downtown Louisville as part of the civil rights movement.

г~ > —Im °\ AREA

EXISTING

DEVELOPMENT

PLAN

AUDITORIUM

FOR

LOUISVILLE PLANNING

6

MEMORIAL

6

STAGE

POSSIBLE THE

I

STAGE

JEFFERSON

ZONING

COUNTY

COMMISSION

AREA HAH NO -lAHHOlOMtW - AND ASSOCIATÍ5 CIT*riANNElS CIVH1N«IHEEIS LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTS SAINTIOUIS HISSOUll A

Figure 3.19: Phasing Scheme from 1957 Plan removing buildings for parking lots.

LOUISVILLE

88

KENTUCKY

Figure 3.22: Image of new bus introduced into Louisville in the 1950s.

Origin and Context

Figure 3.23: Suburban Flight: Map demonstrating the key policies, events, and infrastructure at the time during the major shift towards autmoble dependence and suburbanization.

89

The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Figure 3.24: Image of newly opened Waterston Expressway.

Figure 3.27: Image of River City Mall development Downtown.

Figure 3.25: Image of newly opened Waterston Expressway.

Figure 3.26: Image of newly opened Waterston Expressway.

90

Origin and Context

Figure 3.28: Suburban Development: Map demonstrating the key policies, events, and infrastructure at the time that continued autmoble dependence and suburbanization.

91

The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Figure 3.29: Image of newly expanded spagetti Junction.

Figure 3.32: Image of Waterfront Park Downtown.

Figure 3.30: Image of downtown city street.

Figure 3.31: Image of newly developed East End Bridge.

92

Origin and Context

Figure 3.33: The Continuation: Map demonstrating the key policies, events, and infrastructure that has continued autmoble dependence and suburbanization to the present.

93

The History of Cars in the Street How it Began

Figure 3.34: Street view of Market and 6th st. 1933

94

Figure 3.35: Street view of Market and 6th st. present day.

Origin and Context

Figure 3.36: Image of Old Walnut St. in 1942, considered the ‘Haarlem of the South’ this African American public space was demolished as a means of ‘urban renewal’.

Figure 3.37: Street view of Old Walnut st., now called Muhammed Ali Boulevard, present day.

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Current Situation The Defining Factors of the City

96

Origin and Context

Introduction

After understanding the basic development of the city, its history, and its cultural heritage, it is important to observe the current context of the city. Demographics are used to annotate the changes in the city over time, as well as the current situation of population density, racial segregation, property value, and owner and renter occupancy. In addition maps of the metropolitan area work to generate a understanding of the larger context in terms of the natural environment, urban character, and function and infrastructure.

97

Current Situation The Defining Factors of the City

Facts and Figures

Demographic changes over time annotate the significant decrease in population density in combination with the significant increase in expansion. In 1940, downtown Louisville was concentrated to above 15,000 people per square mile. By 1970 this population density had almost completely disappeared and today there is nowhere in the city that is at this high density. In addition there is a high level of racial segregation within the city of Louisville (Rusk, 1995). The West End of Louisville (divided by I-65 and split in half again by I-264) is the location of the predominantly African American neighborhoods. In contrast, on the east side of Louisville is the location of the predominately White neighborhoods.

What is interesting to observe about the racial segregation of the city is that over time you can see this shift becoming more severe. For example in the West End a neighborhood, known as Portland, was a predominantly white neighborhood prior to suburban sprawl, is now a predominantly African American neighborhood. In combination with this, there is a severe disparity in the property value of the city. This has a strong correlation with the racial disparity: the areas with a higher property value are predominately White, and the areas with lower property value are predominately African American. Lastly the demographics regarding vacancy and owner occupancy indicate minimal home ownership downtown, and higher amounts of vacancy within the city and West End (Social Explorer, 2018). A 98

Figure 3.38: Diagram annotating the changes in key demographics as a result of automobile dependence.

Origin and Context Race 1940

Race 1940

Percent of Black alone

Percent of White alone

(Social Explorer, 1940 Census)

(Social Explorer, 1940 Census)

Legend

2 MI

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 30%

Legend 30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% 90% to 95% > 95%

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 30%

2 MI

Property Value 1960

Population Density 1940

Percent of Owner Occupied Housing worth more than $15,000

Number of people per square mile

(Social Explorer, 1960 Census)

(Social Explorer, 1940 Census)

Legend

2 MI

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 20%

30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% 90% to 95% > 95%

Legend 20% to 30% 30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% > 90%

2 MI

<5 50 to 200 200 to 500 500 to 1K 1K to 3K 3K to 5K

5K to 7K 7K to 9K 9K to 15K >15K

99

Origin and Context Race 2010

Race 2010

Percent of Black alone

Percent of White alone

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

Legend

2 MI

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 30%

Legend 30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% 90% to 95% > 95%

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 30%

2 MI

Property Value 2010

Population Density 2010

Percent of Owner Occupied Housing worth more than $150,000

Number of people per square mile

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

(Social Explorer, 2010 Census)

Legend

2 MI

Insuf. Data < 1% 1% to 5% 5% to 10% 10% to 15% 15% to 20%

30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% 90% to 95% > 95%

Legend 20% to 30% 30% to 40% 40% to 60% 60% to 75% 75% to 90% > 90%

2 MI

<5 50 to 200 200 to 500 500 to 1K 1K to 3K 3K to 5K

5K to 7K 7K to 9K 9K to 15K

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Current Situation The Defining Factors of the City

Metropolitan Understanding The spatial analysis at the metropolitan level works to understand a greater general context of the city in terms of the natural environment, urban character, and, functions and infrastructure. The map focusing on the urban character annotates the large amounts of suburban typologies that exist outside of the city center, and the urban neighborhoods within. In addition, the map locates areas with urban character, and areas that are vacant and owned by the city. Areas with urban character are almost entirely located downtown and the vacant properties are almost exclusively in the West End of the city. Lastly the map highlights the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Form Districtsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of the city. These policies have formal guides for appearance of the area, but are much too large to work at the pedestrian scale.

The map of the natural environment works to create a basic understanding of the geography of the area.

The map combines watersheds, soil capabilities, tree canopies and, parks and protected areas. By observing this map it then becomes clear that there are more geographical challenges the further you move away from the city center, and the city center, as well as the West End, severely lacks a natural environment. Lastly, the map annotating the functions and infrastructure attempts to compare the community functions within a city, such as schools or fire stations, and the existing infrastructure. What we can observe with this map is the even distribution of functions over the entire metropolitan area. This explains further the effects of sprawl, as functions are not clustered together in urban areas, but distributed widely and accessible by car.

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Origin and Context

Figure 3.39: Urban Character: Map annotating policies and locations of areas with certain types of urban character and conditions.

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Current Situation The Defining Factors of the City

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Figure 3.40: Natural Environment: Map annotating the current natural conditions and limitations.

Origin and Context

Figure 3.41: Function and Infrastructure: Map annotating locations of functions in relation to existing infrastructure.

105

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How to Break the Cycle

How to Break the cycle

Introduction

After reviewing the history and current context of the city, this section provides an overview of the existing city suburb relationship created by automobile dependence. Although the negative effects of automobile dependence are clear, the majority of Americans still choose to live in a way caters to an automobile dependent lifestyle: in sprawl. This section investigates what desires drive people to choose to live in the suburbs over other locations, what the negative impacts of this lifestyle choice are, and what alternative designs could be provided that alleviate dependence on cars while still accommodating the desires of the suburbs.

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Why do we live in dependence?

The Cycle at Present

The Cycle and the Alternative

As the automobile dependence and suburban sprawl build upon each other, over time they have created the current city-suburb dynamic. The suburbs maintain a large majority of the population, job opportunities, and amenities for daily life. But the suburbs are void of culture, authenticity and interaction, and use up large amounts of time commuting. The city center in contrast maintains mostly office buildings, has high amounts of vacancy and few amenities. Other than for work, inhabitants in the suburbs rarely enter the city center, only going to highly active places for special events.

This leaves large parts of the city vacant and void of activity for large amounts of time. The city and the suburb at present have a conflicting relationship where the suburbs maintain the people, and the city maintain 110

Figure 4.1: Cycle Digram: This diagram annotates the current situation of the city suburb relationship.

How to Break the cycle

Brooklyn nyc Ballard Seattle

Figure 4.2: Typology Diagram: This diagram annotates the variety of typologies that are a density high enough to support mass transit.

the culture and both the people and the culture suffer at the effects of automobile dependence.

But, what is the alternative? Designing at a typology that moves away from automobile dependence first means focusing on designing at a density high enough to support mass transit (Owen, 2009;Chakrabrti, 2013). Many suburban inhabitants fear what this looks like and confuse density with crowdedness (Owen, 2009). In reality, designing at a population density to support mass transit does not have to be sacrificial and does not mean cramming in next to your neighbors.

Using the figure above from the theory A Country of Cities, A Manifesto for an Urban America, it is visualized what different densities that support mass transit would look like. To enhance the visualization, existing neighborhoods in U.S. cities are provided for reference.

Dupont circle D.C.

Linclon Park Chicago 111

Why do we live in dependence?

The Cycle at Present

The desires of suburbs

The suburban ideal originally focused on the idea of leaving the city to pursue a life within nature (Stern, et al., 2013). Today this idea still resonates among inhabitants along with new features that enhance the suburban ideal. In addition to the decorative greenery, inhabitants can enjoy a large detached home, and a significant amount of personal space. This often includes a private yard and place to park (Owen, 2009; Duany et al., 2000). Another desire often associated with the suburban ideal is the security and reliability of an exclusive environment. This desire goes hand in hand with the desire of a wholesome community as well as a family friendly environment that provides quality schools (Duany et al., 2000; Rusk, 1999; Squires 2002).

Lastly, there is a strong correlation between the idea of property ownership and demonstrating freedom and success (Archer, 2005). Today, there is also a desire to live in the suburb as a result of previous generations growing up this way.

The drawback of suburbs

Although many people live in suburbs, there are several drawbacks in addition to the negative effects of living in automobile dependence. First it is important to point out the negative effects suburban sprawl has on the environment. This has to do with the larger homes, stores, and extended infrastructure into green fields. Suburban sprawl uses more resources and energy per person and the nature once valued slowly becomes tamed as more and more inhabitants accompany the area (Owen, 2009; Squires, 2002). Another drawback is the high amount of investment and maintenance involved in the upkeep of a large suburban home and yard. This constant task is compounded by the poor development and construction of suburban homes favoring quantity over quality. This leads to more easy breaks and costly repairs (Duany et al., 2000). The often far away location of the suburbs results in more time commuting and less time spent in the house inhabitants paid so much for (Montgomery, 2013; Duany et al., 2000). The security and community desired in suburbs can actually be very weak as most inhabitants are gone most of the time, do not interact, and leave their home vacant and at risk of theft (Chakrabrti, 2013). Lastly, while family oriented, teenagers are at a high risk for vehicular accidents (Kentucky Transportation Center, 2016), and suburbs require excessive amounts of driving.

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How to Break the cycle

Desires Space

Nature

Community

Ideology

Figure 4.3: The diagram explains the desires of the suburbs, and classifies them into different groupings.

113

How to Break the cycle

Drawbacks Space

Nature

Community

Ideology

Figure 4.4: The diagram explains the drawbacks of the suburbs, and classifies them into different groupings.

115

Why do we live in dependence?

The Cycle at Present

Conclusions

By understanding how the cycle has manifested into the current city-suburb dynamic, what desires drive suburban development, and what an alternative typology would look like, we can begin to derive an alternative design that alleviates the effects of automobile dependence, attracts suburban inhabitants and functions at a density high enough to support mass transit. Lets work towards a design that provides a variety of viable transit options and spend less time commuting and more time on daily activities that matter. Lets reduce the use of cars from a requirement to a choice, and protect children by creating public places void of cars and minimize the risk of teenagers driving. Lets create smaller blocks that are easily accessible by walking, and provide a variety of functions and amenities within a short distance. Lets minimize the home ownership burden by reducing the size of personal green space, reducing the size of the house and increasing the quality of housing. Lets provide green space and public spaces nearby. Lastly, lets create a community through activity and interaction of residents in public spaces, supportive functions and a variety of transit options.

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How to Break the cycle

Figure 4.5: The Alternative: This axon annotates the possible typology alternative of development within the city and benefits of these design ideas.

117

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

118

How to Break the cycle

Introduction

Using the spatial effects analysis of the problem field, the definition criteria of automobile dependence, and suburban desires, the principles of how to break the cycle are organized into a spatial framework. The policy proposals and design interventions are organized into general categories, based on theory, and in terms of scale at the city, district and neighborhood. The general categories are green space, transportation, high density mixed use, urban renewal, and public space. The categories of the spatial framework work collaboratively. Each category is supported by theory and example case studies that serve as inspiration.

The spatial framework emphasizes the importance of interaction between scales.

119

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

Spatial Framework The spatial framework is summarized into a single chart to annotate how the policies and interventions work together across categories and scales. The policies and interventions are explained in greater detail following this chart with major theory diagrams and references to existing case studies. Each policy or intervention is annotated with a small icon to explain the icon in spatial terms. But it is important to note that there is not one way to execute these policy proposals and design interventions, especially when addressing the city scale.

The context of the city to which these principles could be applied dictates the opportunities in which a policy proposal or design intervention can be introduced. The benefit and goal of the spatial framework is to organize principles that have the possibility of adapting to a variety of locations.

120

Figure 4.6: The spatial framework: This chart organizes the key strategies and design interventions in terms of general categories and the scales of the city, district, and neighborhood

How to Break the cycle High Density Mixed Use

City

District

Zoning redevelopment

Neighborhood zoning

Zoning changes that allow for variety of program and increased density.

Subdividing districts to a smaller scale neighborhoods to create guides for form and function at the street level.

Zoning Redevelopment

Live

Outer limit to expansive growth to protect the natural environment and reinforce infill development. This is typically a state legislation.

Smart growth policies and incentives

Work Play

Incentives promoting renovation, economic breaks for companies, and living close to where you work.

Home

Apartment

Own

rent

%

%

%

%

s

Metro

bu bike lk

wa

Urban Renewal

Multiple transit options. distance guides

Vulnerable area identification

Green Space

Development Policies and incentives

locations to pause

Isolation from Major Streets

variety of activity

Locating public space in terms of user location and groups.

A long term scheme for public transit allows for functional success and future development.

Car Lane

Bike path

sidewalk

Pedestrian and cycling safety

Continuous Frontages

Provision of dividers between cars and pedestrians and cyclists ensures protection on streets and allows for better function of all transit types.

Continuous frontages maintains interest and promotes walkability.

Pedestrian and cycling Safety

continuous Frontages

Cycling and Pedestrian Network

Clear Signage

Standard guides for streets that create a connective functional network of sidewalks and bike lanes.

Signage assists with safety and understanding of street usage.

cycling and pedestrian network

Clear signage

Parking Policy Transition

Walkability

Parking policy transition plans allows for a gradual shift away from car use in conjunction with development.

Subdivision of blocks and hierarchy of streets creates ease of walking within the district.

Policies requiring multiple transit options be available at a certain distance from any location.

slow

2

Coverage at public transit stops

Principles include reducing speed, smaller lanes, 2-way streets, and adding visibility barriers to control the effect of cars on street safety.

Requirements of weather protection at all public transit stops to improve usage. coverage at public transit stops

Traffic Calming principles

Rent Control and Social Housing

Prioritization of areas of high risk in need of assistance, for example, low property value, high crime, or low job opportunities.

Policies that protect the rental market to keep areas affordable, and integrate social housing within urban neighborhoods.

Rent Control and social housing

developer

community

Providing collaborative investment opportunities allows for developers to fund projects within areas of high property value.

Collaborative investment

Neighborhood

Structure

Fire Code

Occupancy

Minimal Construction Development policies that bring abandoned buildings up to code in order to be reused and re-purposed.

Minimal Construction

Collaborative investment

municipality

Policies and classes that change the rules of right-or-way from cars to pedestrians and cyclists at certain types of intersections.

Traffic Calming Principles

Vulnerable area identification

Policies that provide economic incentive for the use and development of property in vulnerable areas.

3 1

Multiple Transit Options, distance guides

Development Policies and Incentives

Pedestrian and Cycling Right of Way pedestrian and cycling right of way

walkability

Cafe

office Event Space

workshops

Studios

Temporary infill and collaborative uses

Temporary infill and collaborative uses Collaborative functional spaces provided to startups for minimal cost to generate activity.

Functional Redevelopment

Density Infill

Phasing plan that removes functions that do not fit within the context of the existing urban character.

Zoning and policy changes that allow for additional units to be added to properties to increase property value, activity and density.

functional Redevelopment

Density infill

Park scheme and protected areas

Green streets

Permeable surfaces

Policies that generate green infrastructures within the urban context, and protect natural areas.

Policies and guides that require the addition of greenery along streets to enhance street quality.

The use of permeable surfaces assists with water runoff and eases walkability.

Park Scheme and protected areas

Permeable surfaces

Green Streets

Air quality and heat island policies Policies to assist air quality, flow and heat.

Air Quality and Heat Island policies

Flood Zone

secondary Flood Zone

body of water

Natural Disaster prevention initiatives

Providing public seating for rest and observation increases street activity and promotes walkability.

Orienting public spaces away from cars creates more pleasurable public spaces and opportunities.

developer

historic preservation

Locations to Pause

Generating a connection between different smaller public spaces.

Isolation from Major Streets

Public transit Connection Plan

deduction opportunities

Public space network

Activity during various hours ensures community stability and assists safety.

Policies that coordinate public transit proposals directly with the connection of vulnerable areas.

community interaction

A new focus on walkability means locating functions within a reasonable distance.

Marketing scheme to generate interest and activity, and change the perception of inhabitants.

Public Transit Connection Plan

infill requirements

Accessibility And Walkability

Requiring housing variety through policy and percentage. This assists community stability and choice.

Variety of Activity

Industry

Public space Transportation Plan

car

Housing Variety

Public space network

Parking policy Transition

et

Complete Blocks

Event planning and marketing

Public Transit Phasing and Scheme

stre

Policies that require new developments to have complete activation of the street, and omit large expanses of space in front of buildings.

accessibility and walkability

Large scale plan of generating spaces void of car activity.

Consideration of User and Accessibility

Public Transit Phasing Scheme

Complete Blocks

Policies that guide the provision of necessities and amenities within a area.

housing Variety

event planning and marketing

consideration of user and accessibility

Guides that direct historic preservation, facade protection and require pedestrian interaction and frontage.

Functional Requirement Policies

Necessities

Automobile Free Public space scheme

event

facade and urban character guides

functional Requirement Policies

Urban Growth boundary

Automobile free public space scheme

Facade and Urban Character Guides

neighborhood Zoning

Urban growth boundary

Smart Growth Policies and Incentives

Neighborhood

Connection to parks

Green Interventions

Policies and guides that promote easy access to smaller green spaces and parks.

Interventions such as green roofs, walls and balconies provides green interaction often sought out in the suburban typology.

Connection to parks

Natural disaster prevention initiatives Policies and developments that account for natural events such as flooding.

Recreation opportunities

Green interventions

Recreation opportunities

Gardening and Biodiversity

Providing a variety within green spaces by adding recreational functions, such as sports activities.

Developments of community gardens provides interaction and biodiversity adds to the natural appeal of an area.

Gardening and biodiversity

121

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

Green Space

intervention categories

Density

Green Space

physical nature

intelligent systems

scale of implementation

Density

building

city

variety of benefits

Green Space

inhabitants

city

Figure 4.7:Green Space Theory: The diagram explains benefits of Green Space within the city, and the collaboration of Green Space and density.

Figure 4.8: The inspiration images and case studies demonstrate some examples of the theories of Green Space.

122

How to Break the cycle

Park Scheme and protected areas

Green Streets

Permeable surfaces

Air Quality and Heat Island policies

Connection to parks

Green interventions

Recreation opportunities

Gardening and biodiversity

secondary Flood Zone

neighborhood

Flood Zone

district

body of water

city

Natural Disaster prevention initiatives

Figure 4.9: Policies and Interventions: The inspiration and theory generate the key policies and interventions for Green Space.

123

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

Transportation Plan short waiting time

Commute Length

Time Mobility

Accessibility

Transit Variety

Destination Function

user benefits

clear ticket system

money

reasonable cost

effort

Reliable schedule

Figure 4.10: TransportationTheory: The diagram explains the relationship between transit type and destination as well as the means to which transit is consicered a viable alternative.

124

Figure 4.11: The inspiration images and case studies demonstrate some examples of the theories of Transportation.

How to Break the cycle city

district

neighborhood

Public Transit Phasing Scheme

cycling and pedestrian network

Clear signage

3

2

1

pedestrian and cycling right of way

s

walkability

bu

Metro

Parking policy Transition

eet

str

car slow

bike wa lk

Multiple transit options. distance guides

Traffic Calming principles

coverage at public transit stops

Figure 4.12: Policies and Interventions: The inspiration and theory generate the key policies and interventions for Transportation.

125

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

High Density Mixed Use Density limitations ity

al

sic Phy

Physical Density

V.S.

s Den

Perceived Density Per

cei

ved

Den

sit

y

Figure 4.13: High Density Mixed Use Theory: The diagram explains the difference between physical and percieved density, and the use of synergetic programs and initiatives to generate activity.

Reasonable Distance Continuity

Anchor program

Anchor program strategic Relationships

Lease and retail mix

Combined Marketing Strategy Anchor program

126

Figure 4.14: The inspiration images and case studies demonstrate some examples of the theories of High Density Mixed Use.

How to Break the cycle city

district

neighborhood

Zoning Redevelopment

neighborhood Zoning

facade and urban character guides

Live Work Play Necessities

Urban Growth boundary

functional Requirement Policies

Home

Apartment

Own

rent

%

Smart Growth Policies and Incentives

%

%

Complete Blocks

%

housing Variety

accessibility and walkability

Figure 4.15: Policies and Interventions: The inspiration and theory generate the key policies and interventions for High Density Mixed Use.

127

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

Public Space

Activity

Safety

Community

Enclosure

Visibility

Observation

Figure 4.16: Public Space Theory: The diagram explains the basic relationships and benefits of passive interaction within public space.

128

How to Break the cycle city

district

neighborhood

Automobile free public space scheme

Public space network

locations to pause

variety of activity

Isolation from Major Streets

event

event planning and marketing

Car Lane

consideration of user and accessibility

Bike path

sidewalk

Pedestrian and cycling Safety

continuous Frontages

Figure 4.18: Policies and Interventions: The inspiration and theory generate the key policies and interventions of Public Space.

Figure 4.17: The inspiration images and case studies demonstrate some examples of the theories of Public space

129

Spatial Framework Guiding principles and Interventions

Urban renewal

High property value

V.S.

Low property value

Active Good Location / potential Good appearance

Non-active Appears to not have potential Negative appearance

How to generate investment?

- Block Subdivision - collaborative investment between developers - municipal assistance with price and incentives - community inclusion

-minimum construction to bring areas to code - cheap or free ways to generate activity - collaborative/shared spaces - connection to public transit - Community inclusion Figure 4.19: Urban Renewal Theory: The diagram explains the difference between renewal in high and low property value areas.

Figure 4.20: The inspiration images and case studies demonstrate some examples of the theories of Urban Renewal.

130

How to Break the cycle city

district

neighborhood Structure

Vulnerable area identification

Rent Control and social housing

municipality

Cafe

community developer

Collaborative investment

Occupancy

Minimal Construction

developer

Public transit Connection Plan

Fire Code

office Event Space

workshops

Studios

Temporary infill and collaborative uses

infill requirements

deduction opportunities

Industry

community interaction Neighborhood

historic preservation

Development Policies and incentives

functional Redevelopment

Density infill

Figure 4.21: Policies and Interventions: The inspiration and theory generate the key policies and interventions for Urban Renewal.

131

The Supporters of Dependence and Sprawl

A Critical Review of Common Criticisms that Advocate for Automobile Dependence and Suburban Sprawl

132

How to Break the cycle Theory Paper

Abstract

Introduction

The majority of U.S. cities continue to live in automobile dependence and suburban sprawl (Litman, 2002; Santos et al., 2011). This paper aims to understand the reasoning and arguments that advocate for automobile dependence and suburban sprawl, and provide sufficient counterarguments and conclusions. Using theory from Todd Litman, of The Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI), the current arguments that support automobile dependence and suburban sprawl are synthesized into five categories. Using a specific definition of public transit, and smart growth, the criticisms of public transit and smart growth are organized into the categories of demand, exclusion, connection, congestion and investment. The demand criticism focuses on the argument that there is not a demand, and the current market reflects natural forces of development. The exclusion criticism focuses on the argument that public transit and smart growth negatively impact disadvantaged groups and create more exclusion.

The connection criticism focuses on the argument that there is not sufficient correlation, and smart growth and public transit attempt to take away freedom and property rights. The congestion criticism focuses on the argument that public transit does not alleviate congestion and living in higher densities only increases this congestion. Lastly, the investment criticism focuses on the argument that public transit is not cost effective and there is more economic development possibility in sprawl. The counter arguments of the criticism discover a general theme of simplified statistics that attempt to imply causation, and a limited understanding of the smart growth and public transit, including the accumulative context specific nature of development.

The conclusions made from this synthesis of arguments and counter arguments are that arguments made provide valid points including concerns of equity and desires of inhabitants, and these concerns should be taken seriously. Countering these arguments requires a complete explanation of smart growth and public transit as well as challenging the false perceptions of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl in order to annotate that living in sprawl affects everyone.

Automobile dependence and suburban sprawl have a cyclical, reciprocal, relationship (Duany, et al., 2000). Since the invention of the automobile, there have been advocates of its extended use, and in particular, its use to escape the city (Owen, 2009; Montgomery, 2013). And since the inception of the car, there has been a fierce debate over the use and efficiency of an automobile, and the resulting suburban sprawl. Today in the field, there are many urbanists who push for a leave of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl (Chakrabarti, 2013). However, within The United States the development of automobile dependence and sprawl relentlessly continues, and the justification for this lifestyle continues to exist. This paper aims to answer the question: What then are the arguments that support and advocate for automobile dependence and suburban sprawl?

The Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI) is an independent research organization that actively focuses on the development and innovation of transportation issues (VTPI, 2017). The publications of VTPI, titled Evaluating Public Transit Criticism, and Evaluating Criticism of Smart Growth, both written

by Todd Litman, actively synthesize the common arguments of critics of public transit and smart growth.

This literature is the basis of this theory paper. Because of the interdependent relationship between automobile dependence and suburban sprawl, the criticisms are compared and combined to understand the complete argument. Within the literature “smart growth refers to development principles and planning practices that create more efficient land use and transportation patterns (Litman, 2017b).” Additionally within the literature, ‘high quality public transit’ is a part of ‘an efficient and fair transportation system’ and refers to urban rail, bus rapid transit, and supports transit oriented development.

The definition and understanding of these terms is key for discussing criticisms as incomplete examples are often used to support arguments against public transit and smart growth. In essence this means annotating and understanding the difference between accessibility and mobility (Litman, 2017a). Mobility assumes physical movement creates connection, focusing more on the speed of movement to the destination. The automobile is central to the ideas of mobility, the automobile requires more space, and therefore generates sprawl as 133

Key words – Criticism, Smart Growth, Public Transit, Suburban Sprawl, Automobile Dependence

The Supporters of Dependence and Sprawl

A Critical Review of Common Criticisms that Advocate for Automobile Dependence and Suburban Sprawl

a result. Accessibility disconnects with the necessity of speed and movement, and focuses on the ease or ability of connection and the provision of a multiplicity of transportation choices. To efficiently provide diversity of transportation, it is essential to provide increased density, active street life, mixed uses, and safe public space, generating smart growth as a result.

Criticism#1: The Demand The current market reflects the desires

Critics argue that there is little demand for public transit and consumers prefer to live in automobile dependence and suburban sprawl. This argument is supported by the notion that the market accurately reflects the desires of consumers, and that apart from a few big cities, few people want to live in smart growth communities or use public transit. Support from statistics is used to demonstrate the low number of current riders implying the low demand for transit, and statistics that show the high number of people living in suburbs implies the preference to live in sprawl. Lastly this argument is supported by the idea that public transit is inconvenient and restrictive for consumers, and that suburban relocation is a result of increased income, and therefore inevitable. This argument concludes by saying there is no demand and therefore no need to invest in public transit or smart growth (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b). One example of a critic is Alan Berger, who regularly annotates the desires of suburban life of millennial’s, using current statistics of The U.S. Census.

In the article, The Suburbs of the Future, Almost Here, he claims suburbs are what planners should focus on and advocates for developing a sustainable suburb that caters to the appeal of the next generation (Berger, 2017).

This argument ignores the market manipulations currently in place that make suburban sprawl and automobile dependence the easiest and most available choice for the majority of consumers.

Because of this manipulation statistics do not represent true market forces, but a cyclical relationship of development and transportation usage. One of the most obvious examples, zoning codes, heavily favors the car by limiting densities, requiring parking and isolating different functions. This not only encourages automobile use and suburban sprawl, but also makes it 134

the easiest, cheapest, and quickest form of development (Litman, 2017b). These policies create a “self-fulfilling prophecy” where automobiles are favored because of the policies and infrastructure that make it most convenient. Furthermore, there are statistically 20-40% of travellers in any community who “cannot, should not, or prefer not to drive” (Litman, 2017a). This argument of demand completely ignores the people who are not capable of driving. But because the United States has lived in automobile dependence for many decades, and there are many who have lived in the suburbs and never experienced any other type of urban environment, the suburbs and the car is viewed as normal, and critics legitimately believe that automobile dependence and suburban sprawl is what everyone wants (Duany, et al., 2000).

Housing surveys indicate that while there is a preference for a single-family home, families are willing to make sacrifices of the way they live for financial and travel benefits; therefore, there is in fact a demand for public transit and smart growth, given that the public transit and smart growth are successful. The preferences of consumers are more diverse than critics claim and customer preferences, in fact, do not prefer one over the other, but attributes of both smart growth and suburban sprawl. Suburban sprawl offers significant benefits that are desirable to consumers, such as safety and escape from social problems, private gardens, the size of the properties and public services. But if these attributes are incorporated into a suburban neighborhood, consumer demand increases, take for example the success of new urbanism developments. Additionally it is important to note that the overall larger trend is that the demand is shifting to urban living preferences, and has been since the 1990s (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b; Chakrabarti, 2013).

Criticism 2: The Exclusion The increase of private costs influences disadvantaged groups

Critics argue that public transit and smart growth harms disadvantaged people by reducing affordability. This argument is supported by the notion that low-income inhabitants prefer to use basic transit services and to live in cheap housing; and that public transit and smart growth impede this by increasing the property value around public transit, reducing

How to Break the cycle Theory Paper

the urban land availability, and increasing living and housing costs. Support from density studies, are used to imply that increased development regulations of urban land increase housing costs, and housing expenditure increase with density; demonstrating that the transit savings of smart growth are negligible to the increased cost of housing and food. Additionally this argument is supported by the example of increased bus fare or reduced bus routes during public transit development.

This argument concludes by saying public transit and smart growth is not inclusive, and therefore should not be developed (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b).

One example of a critic is Margaret Crawford, who in her discussions on Everyday Urbanism annotates a disconnect between the common people and designers.

She designates the everyday space produced by sprawl as positive, and adapted by inhabitants for use. Investing heavily in design reduces this space, takes away from inhabitants, and increases the cost of the environment (Crawford, & Speaks, 2004.).

This argument simplifies and misinterprets the ideas of density, makes an incorrect connection between density and housing cost, and ignores policies that alleviate the problems of housing affordability. In general it is inaccurate to suggest that smart growth is the main cause of housing affordability, and although it does happen, it is avoidable with policies and regulations to avoid these equity concerns. Policies that allow more compact development will increase the price of urban land and therefore can increase the cost of single-family homes, but can reduce the cost of other housing typologies such as townhouses, and apartments (Litman, 2017b). Additionally the “prescriptive landuse regulations” that are claimed to increase housing costs also exist in suburban, low density development, which has just as much, if not more, exclusive housing affordability problems. There are many specific strategies that can incorporate housing affordability into smart growth developments, such as allowing higher density, housing diversity, smaller lots, reducing parking requirements, and incentives for urban landfill.

Additionally studies indicate that if there is an increased housing cost, it is a result of “increase consumer demand and inadequate supply” and that smart growth locations are more affordable overall when considering housing and transport costs combined (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b).

Furthermore, once the argument of

affordability for disadvantaged people is disputed, it is important to acknowledge the advantages public transit and smart growth can offer disadvantaged and low-income inhabitants. Usually, a subsidized vehicle, even if financially possible, is still a strain on lowincome families, and smart growth and public transit provides more substantial savings overall. Studies such as Access Across America: Transit 2014, compared cities based on transit job accessibility and found that the highest-ranking cities have urban rail systems. This demonstrates that when available public transit can also provide economic opportunities (Litman, 2017a).

Additionally, the suburbs, where so many jobs tend to be, have a history of both explicitly and implicitly excluding disadvantaged people by prohibiting multifamily housing, branding developments with the idea of exclusivity, and direct or indirect discrimination of low-income families and minorities (Squires, 2002). In short, smart growth works to be inclusive for everyone, and to argue that it is more exclusive of disadvantaged inhabitants than suburbs is highly hypocritical considering the history of suburban development in the U.S.

Lastly, many suburban dwellers fail to contemplate the idea that they themselves are also excluded from living in automobile dependence and suburban sprawl. The purchase of an expensive home, combined with the financial burden of, often multiple, cars takes a financial toll even on families with sufficient salaries (Santos et al., 2011, Duany et al., 2000). But many of these families feel the pressure to live in suburban sprawl and automobile dependence in order to provide the perceived social or economic benefits, such as a good school for a family (Litman, 2017b). McCann (2000) found that households in sprawl regions spend 54% more on transportation that households located in smart growth communities (Litman, 2017b). In addition to spending more overall, even if the house is larger, it is often a sub par or inadequate construction, built as cheaply as possible by developers in order to generate the most profit and produce the largest house possible (Duany, et al., 2000).

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A Critical Review of Common Criticisms that Advocate for Automobile Dependence and Suburban Sprawl

Criticism 3: The Connection The lack of connection between the way people live and travel and socioeconomic issues

Critics argue that there is insufficient evidence or no connection between the benefits of health, sustainability, and social improvement, and the way people live and travel. This argument is supported by the argument of personal responsibility, meaning that citizens are responsible for their own life and problems, and therefore there is never sufficient correlation. This argument is compounded by the notion that smart growth and public transit are attempting to remove personal freedoms, basic rights, and go against the desires of citizens. Additionally the sustainability arguments are denied with simple statistics that The U.S. is simply too big to have an affect on the preservation of green space and natural resources. This argument concludes by saying that there is not sufficient evidence of any correlation, and just a bureaucratic invasion, therefore public transit and smart growth should not be considered for use (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b).

Some example critics are, Peter Gordon and Harry W. Richardson in the paper: Are Compact Cities a Desirable Planning Goal? Along with touching other criticisms listed in this paper, Gordon and Richardson discuss the size impact of suburban sprawl on open land. Using the example of food production, they use statistics to support the argument that there are sufficient natural resources and open land for food production well into the future regardless of the way we currently live (Gordon & Richardson, 1997).

This argument is built around the stigma of urban fear that has been socially reinforced for decades.

Among other desires, the suburban movement had a racial, prejudicial component, as well as the appeal of claiming a higher social status (Duany et al., 2000).

Overtime the self-fulfilling prophecy, discussed in criticism #1, also maintains a heavy social component.

The inhabitants, who live in the suburb, rarely observe the city in person (Litman, 2017b); and as a result many develop biased experiences as well as a mental disassociation with the city and a lack of empathy for any social problems within the city (Owen, 2009; Montgomery, 2013). This social disconnection only escalates the lack of understanding of the economic traps that can exist within inner cities. As a result it is very easy for critics to view inner city problems as 136

not their problem, or simply deny any possibility of improvement and advocate for developing the suburbs further. This argument is compounded by the idea that inner city development is a violation of the personal freedoms and property rights of suburban owners.

But as discussed earlier, there are many restrictions on suburban inhabitants, demands are diverse, and smart growth development and public transit can have a positive influence on both suburban and inner city dwellers (Litman, 2017b).

Along with this denial of connection, there is the argument that there is not sufficient evidence to connect the negative impacts of automobile dependence and suburban sprawl to health and the environment, or to connect the positive impacts of smart growth and public transit to health and the environment.

Misunderstanding density and congestion (see Criticism #4 The Congestion), some critics go so far as to say that smart growth increases pollution. This argument states that the increased number of people, increases the number of cars, and therefore increases the amount of pollution. This argument is made again because the car is treated as a necessity, not a commodity, and it is very difficult for critics to understand what life without a car feels like. In reality, sprawl tends to increase traffic deaths and health problems associated with sedentary lifestyles (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b, Squires, 2002).

As people use their car more, they are active less, and increase their rate of chance of getting into an accident.

Critics counter this argument with the notion that health has a positive correlation with income, many people with a high income live in the suburbs and therefore they are healthy (Litman, 2017b). And while this correlation is true, it merely means that they are healthier than inhabitants in the inner city, not that they live a healthy lifestyle, additionally their health could be supported by the ability to afford proper healthcare.

When discussing environmental pollution, it is important to observe the overall rate of emissions and not just per-acre, per-mile, or per-trip (Litman, 2017a; Owen, 2009). As stated previously, Smart growth concentrates traffic pollution, but also provides an overall reduction of car use, therefore even if emissions increase in one area, there is still less car use. Additionally this argument is used to support the proposal to increase highway width in order to reduce pollution, this is a short-term solution that will attempt to assist a certain area, but in the long run will only

How to Break the cycle Theory Paper

increase the use of cars by catering to the system (Litman, 2017b). In conjunction with this argument, critics claim that efforts to preserve green space are unjustified, since they claim that only a tiny portion (35%) of America’s total land area is currently developed (Gordon & Richardson, 1997). But a much larger portion is actually affected by the development; this is often referred to as “urban shadow” (Litman, 2017b).

Therefore it is important to remember there are direct and indirect affects on the environment that results from the way we live and travel. Additionally “urban development tends to occur in particularly vulnerable agricultural and environmental areas because many growing cities are located in fertile valleys or along coastlines.” So even if there is still a substantial amount of land undeveloped, not all land should be considered equal (Litman, 2017b).

Criticism 4: The Congestion The lack of improvement of congestion

Critics argue that public transit does little to reduce automobile travel or reduce traffic congestion, and smart growth increases density, which increases the congestion. This argument is supported by statistics that show, on a regional level, that there is a small decrease in automobile travel from public transit; implying, the increased density of smart growth only increases the level of traffic congestion and even the air-pollution.

Additionally this argument is supported by analysis on the limited amount of trips public transit provides, implying access to only a small few, and no overall impact on congestion. This argument is exemplified by comparing the time it takes to travel a route via automobile compared to public transit demonstrating a faster route and therefore less congestion. This argument concludes by saying public transit has little influence on traffic and smart growth only makes that traffic worse (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b). One example of such critic is Wendell Cox, who regularly criticizes smart growth and advocates that the increased density will only increase congestion. He goes so far to say it is obvious that a higher number of people will make an area more crowded and that this crowd will increase traffic congestion. In his article Debunking Friday the 13th: 13 Myths of Urban Sprawl he compares the concern of sprawl to a hyped superstition and uses

harsh obvious statements to make his point (Cox, 2003).

This argument misunderstands or ignores the idea of the modal split, confuses the scale of impact, and assumes that smart growth is only about increasing density. As people live in successful smart growth, they are given a variety of transportation options to choose from, this means that of all the inhabitants who used to drive their car, some will walk, some will cycle, some will use public transit and some will continue to use their car. As a result, the rate of return is not one-to-one car to public transit; meaning automobile dependence will decrease at a greater rate than public transit will increase. Critics use these numbers to argue there is not an influence on congestion, when in fact the “leverage affects” do make it so that smart growth can improve overall accessibility and reduce total congestion (Litman, 2017a). The car takes up more space per person than any other mode of transit, when removing the car from the street it becomes clear that a smaller space will not feel crowded if you are not in your car. Additionally it is important to note that in smart growth, small changes can make a big difference. “For example, a 50% increase in development density and mix, walking and cycling improvements, might individually reduce per capita vehicle travel only 5-10%, but together provide 20-30% reductions (Litman, 2017a).”

Additionally critics argue public transit has limited influence on regional congestion, but this confuses the intended level of congestion addressed.

Public transit is most successful when utilized on a major urban corridor, or a route that large numbers of people use every day. Therefore its influence at a regional level is small “but as transit systems expand and stimulate Transit Oriented Development, travel impacts can be large (Litman, 2017b).” While the density of an area does increase in areas of smart growth it is important to observe and understand the difference between congestion intensity and congestion costs per capita. More compact cities have higher congestion, but lower congestion costs as a result of reduced trips and trip lengths (Litman, 2017a). Lastly, critics use the amount of time it takes to travel to signal the inability to improve congestion. But merely measuring time is not sufficient in understanding the feeling of congestion and the toll of an automobile commute. When driving and stuck in a traffic jam, it can feel just as congested to the driver. Moreover, the driver has the responsibility of 137

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A Critical Review of Common Criticisms that Advocate for Automobile Dependence and Suburban Sprawl

operating the vehicle for the entire commute; this can take a physiological toll on the driver. When compared to public transit, if the commute takes longer overall, but the commuter is not responsible for driving and can use the extra time for work or leisure, such as reading or relaxation (Montgomery, 2013).

Criticism 5: The Investment The public costs and the effects of the economy

Critics argue that public transit is not cost effective, requires significant subsidies, and sprawl is cheaper overall for economic development. This argument is supported by the idea that it is expensive to implement public transit, public transit subsides fail to represent consumer demand and is unfair to automobile drivers, and the correlation between income and automobile use indicates economic development and improvement. This argument is supported by the fact that most public transit does depend on direct subsidies, the fact that it is usually cheaper to invest in automobile improvement up front, and studies that indicate public service costs increases with the higher density that accompanies smart growth. Additionally this argument is supported by the attempted compromise that bus transit is more cost effective. Lastly this argument is supported by the idea that a connection via a paved road can significantly increase economic activity. This argument concludes that economic activity benefits from the use of automobiles, and therefore investment in public transit and smart growth is a waste of money (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b). One example of a critic is Randy O’Toole, who is one of the leading advocates against public transit. In his article, Great Rail Disasters, O’Toole discusses, among other criticisms mentioned in this paper, the issue of investment in public transit.

He argues that urban rail is more expensive than bus, or automobile transportation, but only considers a small portion of the costs of providing transportation for automobiles (O’Toole, 2004).

First it is important to note that federal government provides massive subsidies that support the use of automobiles (Chakrabarti, 2013). The argument that investing in public transit systems is more expensive than roadway construction, ignores the long term maintenance required to maintain highway systems, ignores the higher cost of developing roadway 138

infrastructure in urban areas, and ignores the secondary costs of supporting a car infrastructure. When observing the entire performance and maintenance, public transit is more economic than automobile dependence and bus transit. It is correct to note that public transit is subsidized, but automobile dependence also requires subsidies, such as the local taxes that pay for roads. In conjunction with this, government provided parking and parking structures “is also subsidized directly by government, or indirectly through government mandates, averaging at 500-2,000$ each (Litman, 2017a).” Additionally, smart growth can alleviate the costs of other public expenditures by reducing the travel costs of public services, the provision of public utilities, and the parking demand. When observing the investment and return in total “Smart growth (and public transit) can provide cost savings and efficiency gains that support economic development including transportation and infrastructure cost savings, agglomeration efficiencies fuel savings and support for other industries (Litman, 2017b).” Some suggest that the funds for public transit can be justified through the ‘taxation’ of automobile drivers as a way to compensate the cost driving imposes, but this discussion is critical to Criticism #3: The Connection, where a social change needs to occur that creates a mutual understanding that cars are a commodity not a necessity, and should be treated as such.

Lastly, how you interpret economic success directly effects the perception on the influence of smart growth and public transit. At the time of the first suburban development, economic prosperity was rooted in the idea of expansion and growth, and making everything, bigger and faster and newer (Litman, 2017b). And to a certain degree, this model of economic prosperity has worked. But over time studies have revealed that while a first highway can directly increase the economic prosperity of an area, over time each additional highway provides less and less benefits (SACTRA, 1999). Today, many countries experience their greatest economic growth when per capita when automobile use is low, and economic growth decreases as automobile dependence increases. And so there is a shift in the way we view economic success. The challenge with viewing the success with smart growth is that it is context specific, consists of cumulative benefits, and takes more time to develop (Litman, 2017a; Litman, 2017b).

How to Break the cycle Theory Paper

Conclusion

References

When reviewing the arguments in conjunction there are patterns that emerge. First, there is a continued manipulation or misunderstanding of the statistical information, mainly the comparison of percapita vs. overall or per a unit of distance. Arguments are usually justified only through select measurement units, and although there are a variety of ways to measure something, the one supporting mobility (instead of accessibility) is chosen. Second, there is a misunderstanding about what it means to develop smart growth and public transit. Often critics have a misconception about the perception of living in a high density, and are overly protective of keeping and using their automobiles. This misconception is compounded by the fact that many Americans have lived in automobile dependence and suburban sprawl their entire lives, and having minimal experience in these environments makes many doubt supporting them. Third, smart growth and public transit influences are context specific, cumulative, interrelated, and often take time to develop significant changes. This means that when observing a simple analysis, or looking at singular policies, does not create a clear or complete picture.

The arguments create a clear understanding that when attempting to develop smart growth and public transit in the U.S. there is a misunderstanding about what that means and how it influences daily lives.

But, these arguments should be taken seriously as many do express valid concerns that need to be implemented into smart growth. One critical example is housing affordability, the market-driven, private-interest, way of development in the U.S. can have critical influence on displacement and gentrification. Additionally, it is important to understand the desires of inhabitants and implement that into design and development, for example, the demand for a single-family home, and some sort of personal green space. Adapting to these demands with smaller lots and efficient design can improve the opportunity for attracting people to smart growth. Lastly, what is most critical is explaining clearly that automobile dependence and suburban sprawl affects everyone, even sufficient families with means.

Making this connection establishes a wider base from which to explain the smart growth and public transit platform.

BERGER, A. M. 2017. The Suburbs of the Future, Almost Here. The New York Times.

CHAKRABRTI, V. 2013. A Country of Cities, A Manifesto for an Urban America, New York, NY, Metropolis Books.

COX, W. 2003. Debunking Friday the 13th: 13 Myths of Urban Sprawl [Online]. www.heartland.org: Heartland Institute.

[Accessed 01-12 2017].

CRAWFORD, M. & SPEAKS, M. 2004. Everyday Urbanism Michigan Debates on Urbanism: Volume 1. New York City, New York, The United States: Distributed Arts Press.

DUANY, A., PLATER-ZYBERK, E. & SPECK, J. 2000.

Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream, New York, the United States of America, North Point Press.

GORDON, P. & RICHARDSON, H. W. 1997. Are Compact Cities a Desirable Planning Goal? Journal of the American Planning Association, 63, 95-106.

INSTITUTE, V. T. P. 2017. Who We Are [Online]. http://www. vtpi.org/: Quietwoods Web Solutions. [Accessed 01-12 2017].

LITMAN, T. 2002. The Costs of Automobile Dependency and the Benefits of Balanced Transportation [Online]. www.vtpi.org: Victoria Transport Policy Institute. [Accessed 21-10 2017].

LITMAN, T. 2017a. Evaluating Public Transit Criticism [Online]. www.vtpi.org: Victoria Transport Policy Institute.

[Accessed 01-11 2017].

LITMAN, T. 2017b. Evaluating Criticism of Smart Growth [Online]. www.vtpi.org: Victoria Transport Policy Institute.

[Accessed 01-11 2017].

MCCANN, B. 2000. Driven to Spend; The Impacts of Sprawl on Household Transportation Expenses [Online]. www.transact. org. [Accessed 01-12 2017].

MONTGOMERY, C. 2013. Happy City, Transforming Our Lives Through Urban Design, New York, NY, Farrar, Stratus and Giroux.

Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;TOOLE, R. 2004. Great Rail Disasters; The Impact of Rail Transit on Urban Livability [Online]. www.rppi.org: Reason Public Policy Institute. [Accessed 01-12 2017].

OWEN, D. 2009. Green Metropolis, Why Living Smaller, Living Closer, and Driving Less Are the Keys to Sustainability, New York, NY, Riverhead books, Penguin Group.

SACTRA. 1999. Transport Investment, Transport Intensity and Economic Growth [Online]. www.roads.detr.gov.uk/ roadnetwork: Standing Advisory Committee on Trunk Road Assessment, Dept. of Environment, Transport and Regions. [Accessed 01-12 2017].

SANTOS, A., MCGUCKIN, N., NAKAMOTO, H. Y., GRAY, D. & LISS, S. 2011. Summary of Travel Trends: 2009 National Household Travel Survey. In: TRANSPORTATION, U. S. D. O. (ed.). Washington D.C., United States: Federal Highway Administration.

SQUIRES, G. D. 2002. Urban Sprawl and the Uneven Development of Metropolitan America. In: SQUIRES, G. D. (ed.) Urban Sprawl. Washington D.C., The United States: Urban Institute Press.

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Strategy and Phasing How is this Going to Happen?

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How to Break the cycle

Introduction

The current context of U.S. cities indicates that there is a significant amount of transition time that must be considered when moving away from automobile dependence. As discussed in the problem field, the effects of automobile dependence generate a wicked system in which it is difficult to pinpoint exact cause and effect. In order to explore the ideas of this type of transition, a strategy and phasing scheme was implemented that consists of a strategy diagram and timeline. The strategy diagram organizes key policies in terms of general themes, places an emphasis on collaboration, and introduces policies that do not have a spatial impact, such as cultural initiatives. The phasing timeline reorganizes the elements from the strategy diagram into a linear order for a clearer understanding.

The strategy and phasing emphasizes the importance of interaction between different fields.

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Strategy and Phasing How is this Going to Happen?

Three Themes

When making the transition away from automobile dependence, it is important to discuss the interaction between different professional fields in a joint effort to move away from automobile dependence. These fields can be grouped under three themes of development, transportation and culture.

Throughout the transition away from automobile dependence it is important that these three themes work collaboratively in order to maximize success. As transportation options shift, public spaces need to be developed and implemented in order to ensure success and usage of transit. In addition to this, if initiatives are not taken to change the perceptions of inhabitants, both the development and transit could end up not being successful. In combination with reprioritizing city streets, it is important to provide viable transit alternatives. For example, as car lanes are reduced, adequate bike lanes and sidewalks should be provided.

Next, the functional use and building appearance of the street context needs to adapt to the different scale and transportation types. This means placing a higher importance on the appearance of the faรงade, infilling parking lots, and activating frontages with mixed uses.

With all of this in mind you can then begin to design at a density for public transit.

Must create a change in perception Cannot force the transition or immediately impede traffic Alternative must provide viable choice Figure 4.22: Key goals within each theme to maximize integration of policies and designs.

Timeline Phasing

With this collaborative effort in mind, it is important to also generate a linear transition. The critical challenge is to make changes without immediately interrupting traffic flow and ensuring inhabitants do not feel forced into giving up their cars. The goal instead is to demonstrate the benefits of a variety of transit choices and allow inhabitants to make the choice for themselves. In general, this begins with first creating an equal transportation environment where cars are not given preferential treatment over other modes of transit.

Once the automobile is inconvenienced, it is then critical to provide viable alternatives, and destinations around the alternative means of transit. Once the use of the car begins to decrease and a cultural shift is visible, the demand of inhabitants and developers will change and larger moves in terms of policy and infrastructure development can begin.

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Figure 4.23: Strategy Diagram: The diagram annotates the interaction of the three themes, major corresponding policies and phasing.

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Louisville

Louisville

Introduction

The three layers of analysis are used to determine a conclusion of downtown Louisville KY. The conclusion determines the most effective areas to focus in order to move away from automobile dependence. For further explanation, the conclusions and proposals are explained through a series of diagrams and drawings to annotate the visualization of these changes. The proposals are then crosschecked with the evaluation criteria to determine the success of the proposal. Along with the evaluation, the benefits of making the proposed changes are annotated in terms of the targeted stakeholders of inhabitants, developers and the municipality. Lastly, an optimistic visualization of future steps to come after the development of this proposal is demonstrated in order to enhance the ideas of opportunity.

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Figure 5.1: Three criteria analysis Expolded Axon: Downtown analysis annotating the layer methodology.

Figure 5.2: Three criteria analysis of Downtown displayed on translucent paper to annotate layering.

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Figure 5.3: Base map of Downtown Louisville: This map highlights the existing context of the city.

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Three Criteria Analysis Using the three criteria analysis at the scale of the city level, it was determined within the city of Louisville KY to focus on the central east to west axis from Shawnee Park to the NuLu urban neighborhood, and on the north south axis from the Central Business District to the University of Louisville. The urban corridors of Market St and 3rd St become the central focus as they connect the major public spaces of downtown and intersect within the central business district. This is the crucial starting point for the city to break away from automobile dependence. In addition these corridors pass through a variety of urban environments: from residential to commercial, low to high property value, and high amounts of vacancy to low amounts of vacancy. The variety of urban environments provides an opportunity to address the range of effects of automobile dependence.

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Figure 5.4: Conclusion Map of Criteria analysis: The three layers help to determine the opportunities for intervention.

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Market St

Clay St

3rd St

6th St

9th St

15th St

26th St

22nd St

34th St

Shawnee Park

Muhammed ali Blvd Floyd St

Central Business District 41st St

There are a combination of design intervention and policies integrated into the downtown proposal that work together to support city development that moves away from automobile dependence. Reorganizing the existing zoning proposals allows for a density increase within the downtown area as well as creating supporting functions at the district level. Integrating an urban growth boundary to prevent any further greenfield development supports the density increase and redirects the focus of the city from the outer edges to areas that are already developed. Lastly introducing smart growth incentives, such as living close to where you work, or rewarding cycling or taking public transit will help to incentivize change and support designs made at the smaller scales. In combination with this, the large-scale transportation plan includes a variety of transit options, including metro, streetcar and bus, as well as identifies the critical starting point. This is cross-referenced with the property value redevelopment locations to ensure that the vulnerable areas are included and well connected to the new transportation routes. The property value redevelopment focuses on generating interest, activity, and development in the areas that need it most. This includes incentives for developers to invest and create 166

Development Policies and incentives

Multiple transit options. distance guides

consideration of user and accessibility

Boradway

Kentucky St

Oak St Hill St

University of Louisville Eastern Pkwy

Central Ave

Churchill Downs

FairGrounds

Figure 5.6: Concept Diagram: This diagram annotates the general concept for Downtown. The goal is to connect the major functions along a north-south east-west axis, and focus on development along this corridor.

Louisville

13

8

7

11

3

14 10

9 1 6

12

15

5

4

Figure 5.7: Downtown Strategy Map: This drawing annotates the implementation of the policies and design interventions at the level of the city to create a general strategy for the area.

2

167

Downtown

The Analysis and Interventions in the City

Downtown

Phase 1

Phase 2

-Large Scale transportation plan.

-altering street function.

-marketing and phasing among citizens.

-Parking reduction and integrated transit.

-Smart Growth Policies and frontage development

active program. In parking policies will change to restrict parking lots and structures to move underground, and reduce the amount of spaces to provide for the current demand only. The new approach to parking reinforces investment into providing multiple options of transportation without taking parking away as an option. Lastly a green space development proposal will designate incentives and opportunities to create green spaces within the city.

Phase 3

-active functional urban area.

-removal of infrastructure barriers and unfit program.

Figure 5.8: Strategy diagram: This diagram annotates the focus of development at the Downtown level and phasing in terms of the three themes.

Key Components of Strategy

At the city level, the key tasks to alleviate the effects of automobile dependence is generating a largescale public transportation plan, and identifying key connections to start and build off of. This task begins with focusing on the cultural component of introducing new means of transit, and the implementation of new transit hierarchy along designated corridors. As the transportation is in place the focus shifts from the function of the transit to the development of the areas along the corridor. This general phasing scheme does not have a set of decisive steps, but a gradient transition from a car dominant street to a street with a balanced transportation system, complete frontages and activities. What is also critical for this corridor is that the development introduces a population density along and around the corridor to support the newly introduced public transit.

168

Figure 5.9: Phasing Diagram: This drawing annotates the phasing of one major street to acheive the goal of a connected, active urban corridor with a variety of transit options.

Louisville

Traffic calming Facade Renovation

Parking guidelines Transit scheme update

Phase 1

Infill Development

Smart Growth Policies Parking Reduced

collaborative uses

Phase 2

complete active Frontages Infrastructure Removal/renovation Parking minimized Transit scheme update

Phase 3

169

Downtown

The Analysis and Interventions in the City

Figure 5.10: Market Street Diagram: This diagram annotates changes in function and development thoughout the entire length of the corridor.

Using Market St. as an example we can begin to understand the full context of changing a street and introducing a new type of transportation. Market St. runs nearly the entire east to west axis of the city of Louisville and maintains a wide variety of zoning and infrastructure barriers. The street shifts from two-way to one-way entering downtown and becomes more narrow and residential once leaving the city center.

Addressing these changes is key when attempting to introduce an urban corridor with public transit. Using the phasing scheme diagram along with the site-specific analysis you can begin to make the transition to an urban corridor.

170

Louisville

Figure 5.11: Market Street Analysis: This drawing analyzes the Market St in terms of existing zoning parking and infrastrcuture barriers.

171

172

ST and m useum BOURBON

DISTRICT

4th st. live-Nig ht

Life

Central business district

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

Introduction

The three layers of analysis are used to determine a conclusion of the Central Business District. The conclusion determines the most effective areas to focus in order to move away from automobile dependence. For further explanation, the conclusions and proposals are explained through a series of diagrams and drawings to annotate the visualization of these changes. The proposals are then crosschecked with the evaluation criteria to determine the success of the proposal. Along with the evaluation, the benefits of making the proposed changes are annotated in terms of the targeted stakeholders of inhabitants, developers and the municipality. Lastly, an optimistic visualization of future steps to come after the development of this proposal is demonstrated in order to enhance the ideas of opportunity.

175

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

176

Figure 6.1: Three criteria analysis Expolded Axon: Central Business District analysis annotating the layer methodology.

Figure 6.2: Three criteria analysis of the Central Business District displayed on translucent paper to annotate layering.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

TOURIST

and mus eum BOURBON

DISTRICT

Urban R enewal

4th st. live-Nig

ht Life

-NULU

Criteria 3 Legend Major Event Spaces High Rise Buildings Tree Line Parks Active Districts

N

0 KM

100 M

200 M

500 M

1 KM

0 mi

328 ft

656 ft

1640 ft

3281 ft

177

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

Criteria 1 Legend Major Parking Areas Interstate Major Streets Secondary Streets Tertiary Streets Alley Ways and Small Streets Bus Route Bus Stop with Shelter Bus Stop without Shelter

N

0 KM

100 M

200 M

500 M

1 KM

0 mi

328 ft

656 ft

1640 ft

3281 ft

179

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

Criteria 2 Legend Commercial

N

0 KM

100 M

200 M

500 M

1 KM

0 mi

328 ft

656 ft

1640 ft

3281 ft

Tourist Civic Residential Office Health Recreational Park

181

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

Figure 6.3: Base map of Central Business District: This map highlights the existing context of the city.

183

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

Three Criteria Analysis

Using the three criteria analysis at the scale of the District, it was determined within the Central Business District to focus on the high amounts of parking, parking structures, and small streets and alleyways. These spaces are often vacant and offer opportunities to introduce infill development and proposals that do not interfere with the present traffic flow. This is the crucial starting point for the city to break away from automobile dependence. The parking lots, parking structures, and alleyways can be reconfigured to generate a secondary network dedicated to pedestrians and cyclists over automobiles.

184

Figure 6.4: Conclusion Map of Criteria analysis: The three layers help to determine the opportunities for intervention.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

TOURIST

and mus eum BOURBON

DISTRICT

Urban R enewal

4th st. live-Nig

ht Life

-NULU

Conclusion Legend New Focal Points for Development

N

0 KM

100 M

200 M

500 M

1 KM

0 mi

328 ft

656 ft

1640 ft

3281 ft

185

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

1

neighborhood Zoning

4

Public space network

Green Streets

2

Live

7

5

10

cycling and pedestrian network

8

13

Rent Control and social housing

11

14 municipality

Work

developer

Play community

Necessities

developer

functional Requirement Policies

Connection to parks

3

6

9

rent %

%

Car Lane

Bike path

sidewalk

%

housing Variety

15 Neighborhood

slow

Recreation opportunities

Pedestrian and cycling Safety

Proposals

There are a combination of design intervention and policies integrated into the Central Business District proposal that work together to support district development that moves away from automobile dependence. From the analysis you can determine that there is a wide variety in the use and functions of the buildings even though the district is almost entirely zoned as commercial. Additional subdivision within this zoning in terms of urban character and existing function allows for more direct influence at the neighborhood scale. In addition, guidelines and policies will cater to infill and adaptive reuse development over new builds. A variety of investment and construction options will be available to cater to the existing context.

In combination with this, the functional use of the area should be considered at the level of the district. The use of alleyways and back streets generates a new secondary street grid for pedestrians and cyclists creating a more complete hierarchy of street typologies and provide the missing pedestrian space. In addition principles, such as traffic calming, reduce speed, turn one-way streets into two, and focus on slower attentive driving. A new cycling network separates the cyclists from the road through dedicated bike lanes with medians and a dedicated 186

12

Apartment

Own %

Collaborative investment

walkability

Industry

Home

variety of activity

Traffic Calming principles

functional Redevelopment

Figure 6.5: Spatial Framework Policies and Interventions: This diagram collects the policies and interventions introduced in the Spatial Framework in terms of scale.

Figure 6.6: Program Diagram: This diagram annotates the general program scheme for the Central Business District.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

3

2 8

1

4

15

10

5

12

9

6

13 14 7 11

Figure 6.7: Central Business District Strategy Map: This drawing annotates the implementation of the policies and design interventions at the level of the district to create a general strategy for the area.

187

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

District

Phase 1

-Street hierarchy development -introduction of new street typologies

Phase 2

Phase 3

-Secondary street network of pedestrian and cycling areas -district subdivision in terms of function and the scale of walkability.

-completion and connection of the network through a series of developments.

-Public spaces, squares -building blocks redirected towards the secondary network.

Figure 6.8: Strategy diagram: This diagram annotates the focus of development at the district level and phasing in terms of the three themes.

hierarchy over cars. Within each neighborhood in the district there is a confirmation that inhabitants have access to a variety of transit choices. Lastly the design ensures the implementation of greenery into the downtown district through a network of public spaces and within street redesign.

Key Components of Strategy

At the district level the key tasks to alleviate the effects of automobile dependence is generating a street hierarchy, functional neighborhoods within the district, and a secondary network of pedestrian and cycling streets and public spaces. The street hierarchy builds upon the focus at the city level of the urban corridor and introduces a variety of street typologies that reduce the speed and dominance of cars within the street. The subdivision of the district into neighborhoods, and generating functional as well as formal requirements increases the possibilities of walkability, housing and interaction within an area. Lastly the introduction of the secondary street network creates a new level of perception, safety, and public spaces that are void of cars.

188

Figure 6.9: Phasing Diagram: This drawing annotates the phasing of the district to acheive the goal of a variety of street typologies, functions, network and development.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

Legend Street Hierarchy

Buildings Parking Lots

Phase 1

Legend Street Hierarchy

Secondary Network Buildings Parking Lots New Districts

Phase 2

Legend Street Hierarchy

Secondary Network Buildings Parking Lots New Districts New Buildings

Phase 3

189

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

8 ft

10 ft

10 ft

10 ft

10 ft

8 ft

Car Lane

Parallel Parking

60 ft or 18.2 m

Sidewalk

Parallel Parking

Car Lane

Car Lane

Car Lane

Sidewalk

Street Section Existing - Major Street

Using the existing street typology of the Central Business District, we can begin to see the how the street hierarchy can be introduced. At present the Central Business District consists of two main street typologies, a major boulevard, or an alleyway used for parking.

The proposed interventions reduce the boulevard to a variety of three options, including the urban corridor discussed at the city level. The alleyway proposed renovation is to be used as part of the pedestrian and cycling network.

190

Figure 6.10: Existing Street Section Major Boulevard: This drawing annotates the existing street typology within the Central business Dsitrict.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

5 ft

8 ft

10 ft

10 ft

15 ft

5 ft

Tram or street car

Bike Lane

60 ft or 18.2 m

Sidewalk

Bike Lane

Parallel Parking

Car Lane

Car Lane

Sidewalk

Street Section Proposed- Urban Corridor

Figure 6.11: Proposed Street Section 1.1: This section demonstrates one new typology of development to generate street safety, variety, and redirect the focus away from car usage.

191

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

5 ft

8 ft

10 ft

10 ft

5 ft

Car Lane

Bike Lane

40 ft or 12.2 m

Sidewalk

Bike Lane

Parallel Parking

Car Lane

Sidewalk

Street Section Proposed - Car Street 1

192

Figure 6.12: Proposed Street Section 1.2: This section demonstrates one new typology of development to generate street safety, variety, and redirect the focus away from car usage.

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

5 ft

10 ft

10 ft

5 ft

40 ft or 12.2 m

Sidewalk

Bike Lane

Car Lane

Car Lane

Bike Lane

Sidewalk

Street Section Proposed- Car Street 2

Figure 6.13: Proposed Street Section 1.3: This section demonstrates one new typology of development to generate street safety, variety, and redirect the focus away from car usage.

193

District

The Analysis and Interventions in the District

10 ft

10 ft

20 ft or 6 m

Parking structure

Car Lane

Car Lane

Parking lot

Street Section Existing - alleyway

Figure 6.14: Existing Street Section Alleyway: This drawing annotates the existing street typology within the Central business Dsitrict.

194

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

10 ft

10 ft

20 ft or 6 m

Renovated Frontage

Pedestrian and cycling path

Developed Lot

Street Section Proposed - pedestrian cycling Street

Figure 6.13: Proposed Street Section 2.1: This section demonstrates one new typology of development to generate pedestrian activity and public spaces isolated from car usage.

195

196

9th St. Proposal

9th St. Proposal

Introduction

The three layers of analysis are used to determine a conclusion of a neighborhood within the Central Business District. The conclusion determines the most effective areas to focus in order to move away from automobile dependence. For further explanation, the conclusions and proposals are explained through a series of diagrams and drawings to annotate the visualization of these changes. The proposals are then crosschecked with the evaluation criteria to determine the success of the proposal. Along with the evaluation, the benefits of making the proposed changes are annotated in terms of the targeted stakeholders of inhabitants, developers and the municipality. Lastly, an optimistic visualization of future steps to come after the development of this proposal is demonstrated in order to enhance the ideas of opportunity.

199

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

Figure 7.1: Three criteria analysis Expolded Axon: 9th st. area analysis annotating the layer methodology.

200

Figure 7.2: Three criteria analysis of the 9th st. area of the Central Business District displayed on translucent paper to annotate layering.

9th St. Proposal

Criteria 2 Legend Week Days Office Civic Bank Education

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

Vacant Mixed Use

Weekend and Evenings Tourist Residential Constant (Minimal) Fine Arts Venue Food Commercial Services

201

9th St. Proposal

Criteria 1 Legend Parking Lot Above Ground Parking Structure Below Ground Parking Structure Interstate Interstate Direction Street Direction Pedestrian Route Bike Share Station Bus Stop

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

203

9th St. Proposal

Criteria 3 Legend Sidewalks Parks Public Space Strong Facade Average Facade Poor Facade No Facade

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

205

9th St. Proposal

CBD Neighborhood Base Map Legend Ohio River Buildings Parking Sidewalk Tree Canopy Road Interstate Street Center Lines

Figure 7.3: Base map of 9th St. area: This map highlights the existing context of the city.

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

207

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

Three Criteria Analysis

Using the three criteria analysis at the scale of the neighborhood, it was determined within the 9th Street area to generate a new urban neighborhood that introduced a large variety of residential and commercial typologies to support the existing business and tourist locations in the area. This is the crucial starting point for the city to break away from automobile dependence.

The area lacks proper residential opportunity in the scheme of the neighborhood as well as evening activity.

In addition this area was identified for its high level of parking and parking structures, as well as potentials existing within the urban character of the existing buildings.

208

Figure 7.4: Conclusion Map of Criteria analysis: The three layers help to determine the opportunities for intervention.

9th St. Proposal

Conclusion CBD Neighborhood Base Map Legend New Ohio Connections River Focus Area Buildings

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

Parking Sidewalk Tree Canopy Road Interstate Street Center Lines

209

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

210

Figure 7.5: Demolition axon: This drawing annotates the parking structures, parking lots and buildings removed for this proposal as well as the new connections made possible by this dmolition.

9th St. Proposal

Figure 7.6: New Work axon: This drawing annotates the new buildings, pedestrian network, public spaces, and facade development within the proposal.

211

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

Demo Plan CBD Neighborhood Base Map Legend Parking Lots Ohio River Parking BuildingsStructures or Buildings Tree Canopy Parking Sidewalk Tree Canopy Road Interstate Street Center Lines

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

Figure 7.7: Demolition map: This drawing annotates the parking structures, parking lots and buildings removed for this proposal.

212

9th St. Proposal

New Work Plan Base Map CBD Neighborhood Legend Buildings Ohio River Green Space Buildings Public ParkingSquare or Frontage Facade SidewalkDevelopment Pedestrian and Cycling Route Tree Canopy Street Road Center Lines Paralell Parking Lanes Interstate Bike or Street StreetLane Center Lines Car Median

Figure 7.8: New Work Plan: This drawing annotates the new buildings, pedestrian network, public spaces, and facade development within the proposal.

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

213

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

Structure

facade and urban character guides

Permeable surfaces

locations to pause

Clear signage

Fire Code

Occupancy

Minimal Construction

Cafe

office Event Space

3

workshops

2

Studios

1

Complete Blocks

Green interventions

Isolation from Major Streets

pedestrian and cycling right of way

Temporary infill and collaborative uses

accessibility and walkability

Gardening and biodiversity

continuous Frontages

coverage at public transit stops

Density infill

Proposals

There are combination of design interventions and policies integrated within the 9th Street proposal that work together to support a neighborhood that is independent from the use of cars. The analysis identified buildings and lots that are not contributing to the urban character of the area. Using this analysis, a new pedestrian and cycling network is introduced.

The new construction will focus on the design of the urban character and pedestrian interaction. This means the buildings will â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;referenceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; the architectural style of the area in some format and the first three stories will cater to the view of pedestrians and cyclists passing by. In addition the new developments will maintain a completed block street frontage further contributing to the urban character. Half of parking that was removed is replaced in underground structures. The program of the structures is coordinated and compared in order to ensure that small trips and daily activities will always remain within walking and cycling distance. In addition, a range of housing typologies, from rental apartments to row homes, is introduced. Small public spaces, extended store frontages, and parks invite activity in the street for commercial and residential inhabitants. Great detail is paid to the pedestrian and cycling routes in terms of safety, use and experience. Paths are comfortable 214

Figure 7.9: Spatial Framework Policies and Interventions: This diagram collects the policies and interventions introduced in the Spatial Framework in terms of scale.

Tourist

Office

Commercial

Residential

Office

Civic

Figure 7.10: Program Diagram: This diagram annotates the general program scheme for the 9th st. proposal. The new office area acts as an additional anchor to the existing office area, and the commercial area supports the new residentrial, office, and existing context.

9th St. Proposal

coverage at public transit stops

Isolation from Major Streets

Complete Blocks

facade and urban character guides

Clear signage

Cafe

office Event Space

Gardening and biodiversity

workshops

Studios

Temporary infill and collaborative uses Density infill

Green interventions Structure

Fire Code

Occupancy

3

Minimal Construction

2

1

pedestrian and cycling right of way

Functions

accessibility and walkability

locations to pause

Commercial/retail Residential apt and condo Residential Home

Permeable surfaces

Office continuous Frontages

Figure 7.11: Function and policies Axon: This drawing annotates the main functions of the buildings as well as how the policies and interventions guide the project.

215

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

Neighborhood

Phase 1

-pedestrian cycling Street introduction -development as individual projects

Phase 2

Phase 3

-temporary events.

-pedestrian usage changes perception.

-developments connect new programs.

to walk on, bike lanes are adequately separated from cars, and metro and bus stops always provide shelter.

Urban furniture and greenery is integrated into the public space to further encourage walking and cycling.

The green spaces introduced integrate elements like green balconies, walls and roofs that make a regular appearance.

-pedestrian cycling network.

-everyday use and activity.

-functional variety fits inhabitant use.

Figure 7.12: Strategy diagram: This diagram annotates the focus of development at the neighborhood level and phasing in terms of the three themes.

Key Components of Strategy

At the neighborhood level the key tasks to alleviate the effects of automobile dependence are to introduce viable active streetscapes, housing variety, supportive functions and amenities, and public spaces void of cars. The viable active streetscapes build upon the ideas at the district level of implementing a variety of street typologies and hierarchy. This removes the dominance of the street away from the car and can allow for public life to develop. The housing variety allows for an inclusive community and for current inhabitants to remain in their neighborhood at different stages of life. The supportive functions, as also explained in the district, promote walkability and reduce overall travel time. Lastly the public spaces void of cars provide opportunities for interaction and changes in perception about public space and car usage.

216

Figure 7.13: Phasing Diagram: This drawing annotates the phasing of an existing alleyway street to the function as a pedestrian and cycling street with renovated functions and new developments.

9th St. Proposal

217

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

9th Street Proposal Housing Analysis Exist Population density of Central Business District: 3,000-5,000 per sq acre* *1 acre = approx. 7.5 City Blocks When density is determined within the entire district, data at a smaller scale can become skewed.

Proposal 100 New Homes (1200 - 2500 ft2 approx.)

500 New Apartments (500 - 1200 ft2 approx.)

Approx 1,400 New Inhabitants Population Density of 300 Dwellings Per Acre.

Market This proposal focuses on attracting established families and young professionals that would otherwise choose to live in the suburbs.

218

Figure 7.14: Housing Perspective: The perspective takes a closer look at the housing typologies and market focus proposed in 9th st.

9th St. Proposal

Figure 7.15: Proposed Square Plan: This plan detail annotates the possibilities and of public spaces along the new pedestrian and cycling network.

219

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

Transportation New Work Plan Options CBD Neighborhood Base Map Legend Buildings Ohio Riverand Cycling Exclusive Route Pedestrian Streetcar and Metro Route Green Space Buildings Bike Lanes Public Square or Frontage Parking Metro Stop Facade Development Sidewalk Bus Pedestrian and Cycling Route TreeStop Canopy Bike Street Center Lines RoadShare

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

Bike

2 Min

Walk

4 Min

Paralell Parking Lanes Interstate Bike or Street StreetLane Center Lines Car Median

Figure 7.16: Transportation Options: This diagram annotates the transportation options within the proposal.

220

Figure 7.18: Square Detail Section: This section annotates the new public spaces void of cars and the possbile facade developments to engage this public space

9th St. Proposal

10

12

1

13

5

6

2

16

15

14

4

5

9

3

11

4

7

8

Location Accessiblity New Workand Plan CBD Neighborhood Base Map Legend 1.Corner Store Buildings Ohio River Home 2.Coffee Shop 3.DayCare Weekday Route Green Space Buildings 4.Office Weekday Evening Route 5.PARK Public or Frontage ParkingSquare 6.Restaurant Weekend Route Facade SidewalkDevelopment 7.Shopping Special Occasions Pedestrian and Cycling Route8.Work out Tree Canopy Street Road Center Lines Paralell Parking Lanes Interstate Bike or Street StreetLane Center Lines Car Median

9.Drinks 10.Groceries 11.Movie 12.Louisville Slugger 13.21C hotel and Gallery 14.Evan Williams 15.Glassworks 16.Thunder over Louisville

N

0 KM

50 M

100 M

200 M

300 M

0 mi

164 ft

328 ft

656 ft

984 ft

Bike

2 Min

Walk

4 Min

Figure 7.17:Fucntional Variety Diagram: This diagram annotates the short distances to which different elements of everyday activity are available.

221

Neighborhood

The Analysis and Interventions in the Neighborhood

222

Figure 7.19: Pedestrian and Cycling Street Perspective: This perspective annotates the possible atmosphere of realizing the 9th st. proposal.

9th St. Proposal

223

224

Conclusion

Conclusion

Project Summary

Reviewing the policy proposals and design interventions, it is interesting to discuss in which way this thesis achieves the intended goal of combating the effects of automobile dependence. As demonstrated in the problem field, the question of how to break the cycle is expansive and difficult to answer. This project first annotates that there must be a connection between the city and neighborhood scale in terms of development and transportation. Second this project emphasizes the importance of street hierarchy and functional accessibility at the district level in order to make streets safe and accessible for multiple means of transit. Lastly, this project demonstrates a reuse of vacant space within the city to generate new use of the existing context, new perceptions of public space and 227

Conclusion

What Effect does this Design Have?

new means and ways of living within the city.

This is only the first step towards combating the effects of automobile dependence and because this project advocates for choice, there is no guarantee that inhabitants will choose to embrace this cultural shift.

The design of small developments at the neighborhood level, combined with the connection to the district and neighborhood level, aims to provide a viable choice and support for future development in the direction towards moving away from automobile dependence.

The achievements of 9th st

The proposal for 9th St. has many benefits that work to combat the effects of automobile dependence through reduced car usage, viable transit alternatives and engaging public space. Take for example to the air quality. Americans take an average of 4 car trips per day and the majority of those car trips are a distance of 3 miles and the average car produces 400g of CO² per mile. If you lived within the new development at 9th St, and replaced 3/4 car trips with walking or biking, you could reduce your CO² output by 3.6kg per day, or 1.3 tons per year. If all of the approximate 1,400 residents did the same, they could reduce CO² output by 1,820 tons per year. This not only improves air quality, but removes cars from everyday street activity, reduces car use and changing the perception of public space.

It is also interesting to observe time saved. As stated before, Americans take an average of 4 car trips per day and the majority of those car trips are a distance of 3 miles. The average commute time in Louisville is 22min each way, which equals 44min in total. If the three other trips you take are 3 miles, and you drive at 30 miles per hour, that’s 12 minutes both way, times the 3 trips makes an additional 36 minutes.* This totals to 80 minutes per day, almost 1.5 hours, which amounts to 547.5 hours per year. If you lived within the new development at 9th St, and you replaced your commute, and 2 trips with a 5 min walking or cycling route, you will cut your travel time in half, and spend only 73 hours per year in the car. That’s 474.5 hours to do something else.

This not only relieves the stress of vehicle operation, but allows inhabitants to devote time back to other activities and the daily walking and cycling will engage interaction with the surrounding community. *30mph=2min per mile This does not include traffic or time spent at destination

228

Lastly it is interesting to observe the financial opportunities. If you are a family of 4 that has 3 cars your total car payment annually is $8,811.55* per car. That is $26,434.65 for all 3 vehicles. If you lived within the new development at 9th St you could then reduce car use to 1 car and only use it for one trip per day, your total car payment annually is $6,805.35** per year. This financial savings benefits families and allows for the funding to be invested elsewhere within their own budget or the community. This also advocates for the reduction and the promotion of balanced transportation where a car can still at times be a choice for transportation. *Car payment avg. = $500 per month, or $6,000 per year Car insurance avg. = $815 per year Average miles travelled = 11,224 mi per year, or 30 per day Operation cost of Gas = 10.26 cents per mile, which is $1,131.5 per year Operation cost of Maintenance = 7.9 cents per mile, which is $865.05 per year **Car payment avg. = $500 per month, or $6,000 per year Car insurance avg. can be reduced to low mileage or pay as you go insurance saving you up to 50% = $407.5 per year Miles travelled will drop to 6 miles per day Operation cost of Gas = 10.26 cents per mile, which is $226.3 per year Operation cost of Maintenance = 7.9 cents per mile, which is $171.55 per year

Conclusion

A resident of the 9th st. proposal could reduce their car usage and: Prevent 1.3 tons of CO² from entering the atmosphere Gain 474.5 hours back per year in personal time Save $20,000 dollars in expenses

Figure 8.1: Proposal Statistics: Basic calculations that annotate the influence this proposal has on the effects of automobile dependence.

229

Conclusion

What Effect does this Design Have?

Future Possibilities of the city This proposal generates a change in the transportation typology and connection between the different districts within the city. This proposal is the only the first step in introducing new transportation options and therefore does not cover all areas or reach full capacity. But it is important to recognize that this type of development takes a large amount of time, and next steps can only be taken when this part of the proposal is completed, and there becomes a demand for more transit.

Therefore, the future possibilities lies in the extension of the public transit system to other parts of the city.

The Vision Louisville and other municipal documents provide different proposals of what a fully functioning metro system would look like within the city. Future possibilities would be to complete a secondary metro line based on these proposals and the future context of downtown.

230

Figure 8.2: City Metro System: Diagram annotating the possibilities of metro and city development over time after the completion of the intial proposal of the east-west, north-south axis.

Conclusion

Cbd Future Network map Legend Areas of opportunity determined by analysis Alleyways with opportunity determined by analysis Pedestrian and cycling network connections

Figure 8.3: Complete Pedestrian Cycling Network: Map annotating the possible complete network that connects the entire district after a series of neighborhood scale projects are completed.

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This proposal generates a change in the use and function of the street and integrates a relationship between the neighborhood and district scales. The future possibility lies in the flexibility of the secondary street grid allocated for pedestrians and the division of neighborhoods. Development and construction can begin at a much smaller level, and there are a variety of possible locations to choose from. This allows for market flexibility in the beginning, and over time the future possibility would be for this secondary street grid to be complete at the scale of the district.

231

Conclusion

What Effect does this Design Have?

Future Possibilities neighborhood

of

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This proposal generates a change in perception and living that exposes inhabitants to a life without automobile dependence. After the completion of such a project and successfully changing the perception, there is a possibility to go further in the redevelopment of downtown to cater to pedestrians and inhabitants over cars. One such example is city hall; located adjacent to the 9th Street proposal. This building maintains a strong

232

Conclusion historic architectural character and is symbolic of the city. At present the area is surrounded by nice greenery, and then a heavy flow of traffic. One such future proposal could designate a new main square in front of City Hall by blocking off and redirecting the major streets that flow in front of it. This design would allow for more public activities such as markets and festivals.

The new inhabitants of the 9th Street development will have another place within walking and cycling to visit and the activity would invite more people to visit and invest in staying.

Figure 8.4: City Hall Square: Perspective of the future possibility of larger public spaces within the city as pedestrianization increases and the perception of public space changes within the city.

233

Conclusion

What Effect does this Design Have?

Conclusion

The benefits of this proposal are cumulative just like the design interventions and policies. For the municipality and developers it is important to consider: that investing in multiple transit options and increasing density within transportation areas alleviates small scale traffic problems, removes air pollution, and reduces noise pollution. Fighting for adequate transportation options assists a variety of user groups and socioeconomic classes; this assists with job opportunities and safety.

Traffic calming, as well as dedicated bike lanes and pedestrian routes will allow inhabitants to feel safer on the streets, allow them more opportunity to stay, and potentially visit more shops and restaurants. In addition, the variety of transit choices means inhabitants will have easy access to more locations.

Increasing the density of downtown allows for maximum economic income, and the urban activity promotes economic interest from outside the city. The changes in zoning in terms of function offer a variety of opportunities as well as the ability to generate economic activity between different uses and user groups. The introduction of the variety of housing typologies generates stability in the area and further ensures a customer market. The secondary street grid allows for more opportunity per block as buildings can activate a new street frontage and generate more or different activity. In addition the new collection of parks and squares creates uniqueness to the location and allows for different amenities such as garden or outdoor seating.

Initiating an urban growth boundary protects the natural environment as well as supporting growth in the city. Investing in the most vulnerable areas of the city generates both new opportunities relocate into the city and counter negative inner city stereotypes. In addition the removal of parking lots and structures increases usage, faรงade activity, and safety in the area by removing large expanses of space that are often vacant. The introduction of a green network within the city will work to combat the heat island effect of downtown, assist with improving the air quality, and create preventative measures from natural disasters such as flooding. Lastly the integration of green spaces and features caters to the desires of current suburban dwellers that enjoy the feeling of being immersed in nature. As an inhabitant, it is important to consider: 234

these policies and interventions cater to making a safer more accessible, and more functional urban environment.

As an inhabitant, it is important to consider: The new freedom in the ability to walk or cycle to and from work, or run daily errands. The high maintenance yard is replaced with a small balcony, garden, or green roof, in addition to the variety of available parks and public spaces. There is a community in the interaction generated between the other inhabitants that live in the area. Homes are smaller, but are higher in quality, and you will save energy and money as well as contribute to protecting the environment. In addition the variety of housing types allows for an investment that caters to different housing needs and stages in life. There is stability in the organization of the commercial functions that surround the neighborhood, and you know that what you need will always be around the corner. The pedestrian and cycling street grid allows for a stable environment for kids who have safe places to play and are not required to drive everywhere. Lastly, the neighborhood builds off of the wide variety of amenities already available downtown that, at present, are not fully taken advantage of.

Conclusion

235

Reflection on Urbanism

The impact of Vacancy

236

Conclusion

Design of the Urban Fabric The research group Design of the Urban Fabric focused on the themes of health, technology and growth, with a direct consideration for the inhabitant experience at street level. The topic of automobile dependence directly relates to the themes of the research group because the there is a relationship between the extensive use of a car and the perception and construction of the built environment. Passengers perceive streets differently from within an automobile and pedestrians perceive streets differently when streets are designed to accommodate cars. In addition, the theme of health is addressed through the physical and socioeconomic effects of automobile dependence and the theme of growth is addressed through the discussion of the relationship between sprawl and 237

Reflection on Urbanism

The impact of Vacancy

automobile dependence. Lastly, while this thesis works to address the challenges of automobile dependence on multiple scales, the focus of the thesis comes to a point of an urban design intervention. This further supports the connection to the research group, and demonstrates how street scale interventions can alleviate the effects of automobile dependence.

The relationship between research and design

Figure 8.5: Harland Bartholomew Plan of 1957: Map of Louisville City plan designating African American neighborhoods in the West End as ‘Slum Renewal’.

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The relationship between research and design in this project begins with the systematic analysis of the effects of automobile dependence in both its direct and indirect influence. The direct influence refers to the spatial component of automobile dependence.

The indirect influence refers to the socioeconomic and cultural results of the formal characteristics automobile dependent space. This derives the majority of the research component of the project. This is where data, history, and an understanding of policy generate an understanding of the context. The analysis of the direct influence of automobile dependence generates the connection between research and design by designating the specific spatial elements to which design interventions and proposals can be made. Take for example how excessive car usage has generated lots of open space and vacancy; this is a design opportunity.

The secondary effect is the resulting low property value of many vacant lots due to the lack of activity. This influences the opportunities for design interventions as the priority focuses on generating activity and developing in an economically efficient way. More research is then completed to then conclude how to urbanists in other cities have navigated these complex challenges in the past. All applications are then compared and applied to the context to generate solutions.

grid, streetcar usage, population decline of inner cities, historic discriminatory development practices, suburban sprawl, racial and economic segregation, and today, the daily use of cars and its infrastructure are seen over and over again in U.S. cities (Rusk, 1999; Squires, 2002; Hampton, 2014). One specific planning example discovered in this project, was the influence of Harland Bartholomew Planning Company. This office generated plans for many cities across the U.S. and generated proposals that highly supported automobile dependence and were discriminatory in nature (Poe, 2017; Hathi Trust Digital Library, 2018). By creating proposals for a city influenced by Harland Bartholomew, the policies and designs can then be applied to U.S. cities that have the same planning history.

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STAGE

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The societal value of this project simply breaks down to the application of the research and design to the entire country of the U.S. Because of the influence of national policies, and historic events, there are urban forms and socioeconomic patterns that have replicated across the country. Automobile dependence has influenced The United States at a national level (Duany, et. al, 2000). For example, the inner city urban

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Figure 8.6: Harland Bartholomew Plan of 1957: Phasing scheme annotating the removal of buildings with the replacement of parking lots.

Conclusion

Kentucky

Figure 8.7: Diagram annotating the connection to the rest of the country.

However, there are U.S. Cities that are formal outliers, and those cities demonstrate unique situations when compared to the rest of the country.

For example, while New York and Los Angeles are interesting case studies, they exemplify formal extremes that demonstrate both extreme dependence and independence from automobiles in The United States (Owen, 2009). By focusing on a smaller mid level city in the United States, it has statistics and urban forms relatable to more cities within the rest of the country.

Therefore, the social relevance of this project is the connection of automobile dependence and its effects on the city of Louisville, KY to the rest of the country, and as a result more opportunities for comparison and application in the future.

(Louisville Population is 256,000)

Along with formal connections, it is important to note where Louisville is situated in the general statistics of U.S. Cities. According to the US Census, there are approximately 300 U.S. Cities of a total population higher than 100,000 people. Within these cities, there are only 10 that exceed a population of 1 million or more. Of the remaining cities, approximately 200 are between 100,000 and 200,000 people, and the remaining approximate 100 cities have a population between 200,000 and 900,000 people. Louisville Kentucky has a current population of approximately 600,000 people, but this is a result of a city-county merger that took place in 2003. Prior to this the city maintained a population of 250,000 people (Louisville Forward, 2012). Additionally, the city density (postmerger) sits just above the average density of U.S. Cities, but it is considered one of the largest cities in terms of area. It is also important to note the average commute time within the city of Louisville is 22 minutes by car, and the average of the country is 25.4 minutes (Advanced Planning Department, 2017). Lastly, when comparing the socioeconomic statistics of Louisville, it is important to annotate that Louisville has a higher rate of economic and racial segregation than average U.S. Cities (Rusk, 1995). These statistics further support the relevance of a city like Louisville Kentucky to the rest of the U.S.

(Louisville Density is 903/km2)

Average Commute in Louisville

22 Min

(Average Commute in the U.S. 25.4 min)

U.S. Cities By Population > 1,000,000 300,000 - 1,000,000 200,000 - 300,000 < 200,000

U.S. Cities By Density > 5000/km2 3000/km2 - 4000/km2 2000/km2 - 3000/km2 1000/km2 - 2000/km2 < 1000/km2

Figure 8.8: National Demographics of U.S. Cities: Charts annotating the relatve population size and density of U.S. cities compared to Louisville KY.

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Reflection on Urbanism

The impact of Vacancy

Scientific Relevance

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This thesis contributes to the current discussions of the field of Urbanism by building upon different theories to generate a system of analysis of the spatial effects of automobile dependence, integrating the pedestrian street life and network as a additional level of planning and design in U.S. Cities, and contributing another critical reflection on the works of New Urbanism. First, the theories used to support and define automobile dependence acknowledge spatial influences, but this thesis takes the additional step to use the definition criteria as a means of spatial analysis.

This criteria layer analysis could then be applied to other urban locations. Second, this thesis introduces and proposes the importance of pedestrian and public space at a network level. This discussion is still relevant within the U.S. And this thesis contributes to its defense.

Lastly, the work of New Urbanism is built upon with a new focus of moving away from automobile use and applying principles to site-specific context.

Automobile Oriented Land Use Patterns Uncomfortable or Useless Public Space

Figure 8.9: The connection between the definition criteria and the three criteria analysis demonstrates the scientific relevance of the project.

240

Personal Reflection / quality of work / further research

Looking back on the completed thesis, I am proud to have focused on a topic that I find so critical for U.S. cities. The challenge of working with a topic that is integrated with the urban development of the city is that there are still many urban areas to be discussed. The site of my thesis is located within the city, and has an existing gridded urban fabric.

This urban grid existed before the use of cars and therefore has some advantages to implementing goals of moving away from automobile dependence. What is needed to complete the project is a continuation of policy designs and proposals at the neighborhood level within the West End of the city. I discuss the challenges of socioeconomic and racial segregation fueled by automobile dependence throughout the thesis, but I do not take the chance to address this as a site. As an urbanist it is critical to address the areas most in need as well as the areas most affluent. In addition, it is important to recognize that policy proposals and design opportunities will differ greatly in the West End, as it is mostly residential, suffers from low property value, and high vacancy.

In addition, an area not explored in my thesis, is the suburban environment. The suburbs were built around and to support the use of cars. The spatial impact, existing context, and design proposals will vary completely from the proposals demonstrated in this thesis. Therefore further research would be to generate a design and strategy for the existing suburban context that would move away from automobile dependence.

Figure 8.10: Preliminary analysis of Russell nieghborhood to understand the criteria analyisis of automobile dependence

Conclusion

Government Property - For Sale Historic Property Government Owned Property

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Figure 8.11: Map of Russell nieghborhood indicating the location of current opportunities of development

Figure 8.12: Preliminary design proppsals of Russell nieghborhood based on case studies and framework

Figure 8.13: Image of an abandoned home with historic value in the West End 241

242

Appendix

Appendix

Interview with the Advanced Planning Department â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Gretchen Milliken and others Questions: 1. What role do cars play in planning and development of downtown Louisville?

2. What is the perception of car usage within the department?

3. What effect do you feel this has on the community, environment, economics and health of the city?

4. Do you want to initiate a shift away from Automobile dependence? If so, what is preventing this shift? What is the critical starting point?

5. What are the key prosperous projects within the city right now?

6. What are the key failures in the city right now?

7. What is being done to help the radical wealth disparity of the West End? 8. What is your perception of suburban development?

Does the planning department have any say in what is developed there?

9. How influential is the private development of the city?

10. What are the holes/flaws of the vision document?

Notes from conversation: - Along with the Vision Louisville document there is a supporting Move Louisville document you should review. Some projects within this document include: o The development of Third street o Development of Ninth street 245

Interview

A series of interviews to assist with the understanding of the current climate of Louisville Ky.

o Dixie Highway Rapid Bus Transit - The car is a very significant part of the development, as you must consider how people will get here.

- Often times the provision of cars is singular to projects, as it is critical for developers to provide parking; it is seen as an economic assurance that they will have customers.

- The city of Louisville no longer requires parking, but it is still put in any way because of the push and requirement of developers.

- There are trade offs that have to be made when dealing with challenge of parking and development, but the goal right now is to not make any more damage than what has already been done.

- There are not just personal vehicles using the transit, but there is also the question of freight and commercial shipping.

- Overall there is a lack in alternate modes of transit that makes moving away from car usage very difficult.

- In addition, there is a difficult challenge to deal with the perception; at present you are really inconveniencing yourself to choose to live without a car in Louisville.

- There is however a shift in the younger and older generations as elderly inhabitants are no longer able to drive, and younger inhabitants no longer see it as a necessity. The perception is changing but needs investment. It is important to note though, that the trend is still to want the traditional suburban living environment, but with new elements of walkability.

- There are examples of the new urbanism style developments found in some parts of the city. And, in addition there are many many neighborhoods and single-family homes located within the city and close to the city center that can be an asset.

- The city currently suffers from a large amount of vacant properties and wants to prioritize infill development.

- There is a challenge in allocating multifamily products, and addressing all income varieties in development.

- The city and the department rely a lot on the partners in the private sector. The planning department can only do so much without the help of the private funds and interest as the city often does not own the property. The rental value also becomes a question, as it is sometimes not profitable to invest. However, developers do follow trends, so there are new opportunities, and we are able to find developers we like to work with.

- As of now, almost the entire inner city is a food desert.

-246There needs to be an investment in transit that

prioritizes the inhabitants that do not have a car. Many of the bus lines are overcrowded (Lines 18, 4 and 23), and giving them accessibility is more important than providing high-end public transit. Right now it is also more time consuming. It takes 22 minutes to travel by car and 45 with the bus.

- In addition there needs to be changes in zoning policies that incentivize private development - These changes are on the forefront of generating behavioral changes.

- The development of bike lanes are a challenge, as there is a question of where to relocate road space, the separation of types of transit, and determining what is sufficient bike infrastructure.

- The big four pedestrian bridge, not only gets people out of their cars, but challenges the perception of usage of space and infrastructure.

- Parklands Project - Sobro Area â&#x20AC;&#x201C; ended up just buying projects - Barrett avenue to Paristown point â&#x20AC;&#x201C; negotiating with the development - The comprehensive plan, is the next phase of publication that will build upon the vision Louisville.

The comp plan will work on adding housing elements, generating more fair and affordable housing, working on this relationship between policy and zoning, creating opportunities for low interest loans for the county and additionally housing in a nonimpact areas.

- Beacher terrace and other social housing projects - There is a high concern for the gentrification of the area, but there is also such a high concentration of poverty that makes gentrification something that is almost needed.

- In the vision plan, there needs to be more of a call out for equity as a highly important factor. It needs more detail and identify transformative projects. The goal of the document was to advocate for funding, and now there is the inspiration and goals to take the next step.

- The development of the spaghetti junction and the new bridges was an inevitable development. It is easy to say that it is bad because it is a highway expansion, but it was what the inhabitants of the city wanted. In addition, there were safety concerns and there were some benefits to its execution, including pleasing the people of the city. Now, hopefully, there is little incentive for this type of infrastructure update for a long time.

- The city many times finds itself living with decisions delivered at the state and federal level, as well as trying to undo changes that happened 40 to 50 years ago.

Appendix - There are lots of job opportunities, and the challenge now is getting people who want to take the job, the opportunity to get there easily.

Interview with Mary Ellen Wiederwohl, Chief Louisville Forward Questions: 1. Can you explain first what your job is? How does development work within the city?

2. What role do cars play in development?

3. What is your perception of car usage? What are the direct/indirect influences you can annotate yourself ?

4. Do you want to shift away from automobile dependence? If so, what is preventing this shift? What is the critical starting point?

5. What are the key project successes and failures that stick out to you?

6. How/what is being developed to help the wealth and racial disparity in the city?

7. What is your perception of suburban development and its influence on the city?

8. How do you ensure equity and social justice in such a market driven environment? Are you concerned with gentrification and, how do you prevent it?

Notes from Conversation: o Rose Fellowship o Land use requirements o Exchange with other critics o Louisville is 70â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s centered auto dependent centric city - Political cartoon depicting the negative impact of car usage on the city, funding and resources.

- Louisville Forward focuses on, Economic development, development in Louisville, Housing and community, Sustainability, Codes and variances as well as permits and construction, includes the Parking authority, Air pollution control (strict local control), and Kentuckiana works.

- The kind of development depends on the type of the city.

- Within Louisville there is a little more of a strict guideline to development, when compared to other cities.

- There are three levels of development that include

regulations on both form and use. In addition there is the use of form districts, where the area is required to maintain a certain appearance.

- Zoning is also rather restrictive and it takes time to change the use of a building - Developers want to provide cars; they want discounts incentives for parking or guaranteed parking for an apartment for example.

- If someone comes in and wants to build on the outskirts of town we do the minimum to help them achieve what they want, if someone comes in and says we want to build in the inner city and redevelop an existing building, we will give them all of our attention and resources.

- â&#x20AC;&#x153;Development should pay for development.â&#x20AC;?

- There does not seem to be just one place to start. First what is key is admitting that there is a problem. Next, using TOD and infill development as well as promoting infill development instead of greenfield will help to start the transition.

- There needs to be a population transition back to the inner city.

- Right now there is a poor use of public transit, TARC has excellent coverage, but lacks in frequency.

- There is a wish that gentrification was a problem as apposed to large concentrations of poverty. Singlefamily home ownership and committee and community meetings can help prevent exclusive and removal types of gentrification.

Figure 9.1: Political Cartoon provided by MaryEllen. This hangs in her office as a reminder of the influence cars have on the city.

247

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Appendix Image References Cover Cover Page: Author

Interior Cover Pages:

1952: HAMPTON, S. 2014. 60 Years of Urban Change: Southeast. Institute for Quality Communities; The University of Oklahoma. Accessed 01 September 2017, < http://iqc. ou.edu/2014/12/18/60yrssoutheast/ > 2018: Author Vacancy Analysis: Author, inspired by: COLLABORATIVE, C. 2014. Resurfaced. Accessed 01 September 2017, < http://www. citycollaborative.org/#programs >

Ch1: Introduction Chapter Page:

highway-meeting/ https://www.aaroads.com/guides/i-265-east-ky/ https://www.aaroads.com/guides/i-264-east-ky/ https://www.aaroads.com/guides/i-065-north-louisville-ky/ https://www.aaroads.com/guides/i-064-east-louisville-ky/

Figure 1.16:

Author https://insiderlouisville.com/economy/downtown-louisvillecondo-inventory-low-people-seek-city-living/

Figure 1.17:

https://www.socialexpolrer.com

Figure 1.18:

GROUP, S. 2012. Vision Louisville. In: ADVANCED PLANNING DEPARTMENT, L. K. (ed.).

ADVANCED PLANNING DEPARTMENT, L. K. 2016.

MOVE Louisville. In: ADVANCED PLANNING

Figure 1.19:

Author

ADVANCED PLANNING DEPARTMENT, L. K. 2016.

MOVE Louisville. In: ADVANCED PLANNING

Figure 1.1 – 1.2:

Figure 1.20:

https://www.archdaily.com/253563/citizens-of-no-placejimenez-lai LAI, J. 2012. Citizens of No Place, An Architectural Graphic Novel, New York City, New York, The United States, Princeton Architectural Press.

Figure 1.3: Author

Figure 1.4:

Image inspired by: LITMAN, T. 2002. The Costs of Automobile Dependency and the Benefits of Balanced Transportation [Online]. www. vtpi.org: Victoria Transport Policy Institute. [Accessed 21-10 2017].

Figure 1.5: Author

Author ADVANCED PLANNING DEPARTMENT, L. K. 2016.

MOVE Louisville. In: ADVANCED PLANNING

Figure 1.21:

ADVANCED PLANNING DEPARTMENT, L. K. 2016.

MOVE Louisville. In: ADVANCED PLANNING

Figure 1.22:

GROUP, S. 2012. Vision Louisville. In: ADVANCED PLANNING DEPARTMENT, L. K. (ed.).

Figure 1.23:

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Author

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Author https://www.bizjournals.com/louisville/news/2016/10/28/walmart-calls-off-west-end-project.html

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U of L University Libraries, 2018, Digital Collections, Accessed 01 September, 2017 < https://digital.library.louisville.edu/cdm/ >

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Author – Various Sources from References https://historiclouisville.weebly.com/4th-street.html https://www.collectorsweekly.com/articles/murder-machines/ https://www.moma.org/explore/inside_out/2014/02/03/franklloyd-wrights-living-city-lives-on-conserving-the-broadacre-citymodel/

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U of L University Libraries, 2018, Digital Collections, Accessed 01 September, 2017 < https://digital.library.louisville.edu/cdm/ >

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CHAKRABRTI, V. 2013. A Country of Cities, A Manifesto for an Urban America, New York, NY, Metropolis Books. https://www.realtor.com/realestateandhomes-detail/417-55thSt_Brooklyn_NY_11220_M30013-80496 https://news.theregistryps.com/runberg-architecture-groupsodin-apartments-awarded-naiop-multi-family-development-year/ https://www.apartments.com/the-flats-at-dupont-circle-

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Image provided by Advanced Planning Department during interview

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Abstract

Introduction

The purpose of this paper was the investigation of the current criteria and ideas that support the redefinition and success of suburban development today. Through a series of case studies in the suburbs of the cities of Amsterdam, Paris, and Vienna, along with a series of interviews with academics and professionals criteria were concluded and organized into four topics of 1) The Use of Green Space, 2) Social Interaction and Personalization, 3) Accessibility and Orientation, and 4) Mixed Use and Mixed Housing.

The neighborhoods visited were chosen based on their variety of urban approach, in particular the Garden Suburb and Modernist theories. Each of the suburbs were then compared to support and conclude the benefits of each criterion. The Use of Green Space is successful when utilized for both a view and interaction of inhabitants, while having a larger consideration for environmental impact. Social Interaction and Personalization is successful when the faรงade of the development allows for multiple levels of public space in order to invite activity, interaction, and identity of an area. Accessibility and Orientation is successful when multiple transportation options are provided and orientation is considered at multiple scales; both ensure inhabitants can successfully navigate the area. Lastly, Mixed Use and Mixed housing is successful when both are incorporated throughout a suburban development as a way to ensure diversity, flexibility and resilience of a neighborhood. These criteria have cumulative effects that support and promote the each of the other criteria.

Together there is a new emphasis on the public space, accessibility, and identity in the redefinition of the success of suburban development today.

When thinking of a suburb it is easy to picture a stereotypical development of a repetitive series of detached homes surrounded by personal gardens. But throughout the history of suburban development, there were challenges to this stereotypical idea, and today the definition of the suburb is being redefined entirely. A neighborhood is no longer just a neighborhood, but maintains an important interdependent relationship with the city. Therefore it is critical for planners to understand and redefine suburban development in order to support this relationship. Planners today are embracing the suburban idea as an integral part of city development, and working with expectations as a guide to adapt and meet the current needs and opportunities of the city. As cities reflect on the debate of suburban development, the formal developments that resulted in the past and present offer an interesting opportunity to understand the successes and failures of suburban development and answer the question: What are the current criteria and ideas for the redefinition of the success of suburban development today?

In this case study, three suburban neighborhoods were chosen within each of the cities of Amsterdam, Paris and Vienna. The neighborhoods were chosen based on the time of construction and varieties in their urban approach, in particular the Garden Suburb and Modern Suburb theories. The Garden City Movement, initiated by Ebenezer Howard, generated a new ideal of city development and from there the idea of the Garden Suburb emerged. The Garden Suburb centered on the idea of moving inhabitants away from inner cities, idolizing an escape of the city, and a natural environment experience. Garden Suburbs are characterized by detached or semi-detached houses surrounded by personal gardens located on a winding isolated street away from the existing city center. This movement streamlined suburban spread and its initial ideas were quickly adapted to different architectural styles. As the ideas of Modernism emerged, Modern suburban development challenged the use and function of the street and neighborhood by consolidating residences into high-rise structures, generating almost utopian lifestyle ideals, and utilizing public space only for a view. As a result, the vernacular of what it means to provide sufficient means of residence to inhabitants was formally challenged (Stern, 2013; 253

Key Words: Green Space, Social Interaction, Personalization, Accessibility, Orientation, Mixed Use, Mixed Housing, Suburb, Neighborhood, Development, Public Space, Identity

The Redefinition of a Successful Suburb:

A Comparative Study of Suburban Development Through the Case Studies of Amsterdam, Paris, and Vienna

Kostof, 1991). Including these theories establishes a larger understanding of how the ideas of a successful residential development have changed over time as well as offer a wider view into the understanding of what criteria supports and defines current successful suburban development.

Along with visiting each suburb, interviews conducted with academics and professionals offered further insight into the criteria that redefines a successful suburb today. The elements learned from site visits, along with the elements discussed in interviews were organized into four topics about contemporary suburban development: The Use of Green Space,

Social Interaction and Personalization, Accessibility and Orientation, and Mixed Use and Mixed Housing.

The observations made from site visits are compared to draw conclusions within each topic. The topics chosen have interactive cumulative effects that interact and react with each other, meaning that the achievement of one criterion is often based on the achievement of the others. Lastly, there are a variety of ways in which a criteria can be achieved or avoided formally, meaning that there is not one correct way to successfully develop a topic, but goals and intent that need to be addressed and considered.

Figure 1 Suburbs Visited: The above figure shows an image from each suburb development visited in Amsterdam Paris and Vienna.

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Figure 2 Suburb Map Diagram: The above diagram shows the location of each suburb in comparison to the city center.

Amsterdam Geuzenveld-Slotermeer: The Dutch interpretation of the Garden City Suburb, the post war expansion neighborhood is characterized by row houses oriented around garden squares, and long apartment style building structures oriented parallel to each other (Verlag, 2014; Esteren, 1997; Dijkstra, 1999).

Betondorp: Meaning ‘concrete Village’, the Garden City inspired expansion incorporated the modern aesthetics of concrete into the traditional design of the neighborhood. Located in the eastern expansion of the city, the neighborhood is characterized by diagonal streets that lead to a central green space and other uses (Stern, 2013; Searing, 1987; Dijkstra, 1999).

IJburg: This development was built on a series of man-made islands in the IJsselmeer Lake of Amsterdam. The development is characterized by a central tramline, grid structure with a variety of interior blocks, smaller streets and public spaces, and consideration for the environment (Palmboom, 2015; Schot, 2001; Steenbergen, 2011).

Paris HBM Housing 13th arr.: These neighborhoods, at the time of construction were at the edge of Paris, located on the space that was a defensive wall, and are located all around the city. These apartment style residences are seven stories high, and at a high density due to the housing shortage at the time of development (Evenson, 1979; Paneral, 2004).

The Tours Aillaud: This modern high-rise suburban development located in the western expansion of Paris, is characterized by cloud shaped towers, and small rounded windows. Additionally the landscape below is characterized by a synthetic landscape of small rolling hills and a giant mosaic snake sculpture (Forde, 2017; World, 2017; Paneral, 2004; Zandbelt, 2003).

Créteil: This suburban development, located in the southeast of Paris developed slowly and followed the metro line as it was extended. The suburb is characterized by a lack of a large-scale plan, and a variety of developments and housing types that reflects the changes in suburban theory (Créteil, 2012; Paneral, 2004).

2011).

Vienna Flötzersteig: An English Garden inspired suburb developed for white-collar workers. This neighborhood is characterized by winding, sloping picturesque streets and traditional gardens and vernacular. Apartment style flats, typical of Vienna today, surround the neighborhood (Stern, 2013; Feuerstein, 1974; Hatz, 2008).

Werkbundsiedlung: Also English Garden suburb, this development maintains traditional elements with modern architectural elements. This suburb, like most other suburbs are located to the south of the city center (Stern, 2013; Feuerstein, 1974; Hatz, 2008).

Alt-Erlaa: A post-modern high-rise suburban development that combines residences into a series of concrete parabolic shaped towers. The development is characterized by the amenities provided within the buildings and first floor, the private green balconies provided on each floor, and the direct connection to the metro (Andel, 2016; Requat, 2017; Sarnitz, 2003).

Table 1 Suburbs Visited: The Table above offers a brief explanation into each of the suburbs visited in the cities of Amsterdam, Paris and Vienna.

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The Use of Green Space

The use and implementation of green space is key in suburban development. This influence goes back to the origin of the suburban idea in the Garden City movement where there was a desire to escape the city and become immersed in nature. Modernism countered these ideas utilizing green space as a view (Stern, 2013; Kostof, 1991). Today the implementation of green space is focused on the use at a pedestrian level, maintaining views and interaction at a higher density, and incorporating a larger consideration for the environment. Use at a pedestrian level requires maintaining green space on the street, in both functional and non-functional ways. Maintaining views and interaction at a higher density requires fulfilling the desire of a private garden within different housing typologies and densities. And maintaining a larger consideration for the environment requires implementing sustainable means of development in order to clean up or ensure protection of the natural area. Professionals and academics revealed how this is critical for development both for the people who will inhabit the area, and to reach the future environmental goals of the city.

Inhabitants want the green space of a suburb, and planners are challenged with accommodating higher densities of people within cities, while maintaining the natural environment.

Take for example the suburbs of Betondorp and Werkbundsiedlung, although having modern aesthetics when compared to the suburbs of GeuzenveldSlotermeer and Flötzersteig all of the suburbs maintained a traditional approach of implementing personal green space for each detached or semi-detached home through personal gardens. Geuzenveld-Slotermeer though, does attempt to provide shared green courtyards in between the orientation of row houses. For all of these suburban developments green space was implemented with both a personal view and interaction, but at a very low density. Additionally, because of the low density, the green space that accommodates the inhabitants also provides a view to pedestrians on the street, but does not have any additional function, and the environmental impact is not at all considered.

In contrast, The HBM housing of Paris reaches a higher density, as the apartment style buildings reach seven stories (Evenson, 1979), but does not implement green space or a view, apart from a few shrubs or trees.

The port district of Créteil implements the shore of the water, creating a small public boulevard along the shore but this water was a man made adaptation of an old rock quarry (Créteil, 2012). Many of the other developments within Créteil maintain views to green space, and have small public courtyards. The Tours Aillaud provides the largest contrast in terms of the use of green space. The design followed the Modern

Figure 3 Tours Ailluad Green Space: View from the outdoor space below into the winding cobblestone mounds and trees.

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Figure 4 Alt-Erlaa Green Space: View from the interior park for residents looking into the private balconies.

ideal and utilized green space as a view but went a step further by creating its own synthetic altered landscape of cobblestone mounds scattered with trees. By altering the landscape the environment does not have a natural atmosphere and the continuous cobblestones minimize the opportunity for greenery. Additionally, it should be noted that the mounding landscape makes it difficult to have a clear view at a pedestrian level.

Alt-Erlaa, also Modern in its design, takes a very different approach and provides personal green space to the different apartments with a personal balcony capable of maintaining vegetation, while also providing a view to the park below and functional green spaces within the park. This combination achieves a high level of interaction with green space at a high density (Andel, 2016). Lastly, IJburg used green space as a public space component providing parks throughout the site, maximizing the view and interaction of the water for residents, and focusing on the ecosystem of the environment in the design of the area. In the development of IJburg, there was concern for the local wildlife as this neighborhood required the construction

of a man made island within a lake. As a result, additional islands and wildlife reserves were added to the development to not only preserve the eco system, but also stimulate wildlife activity (Palmboom, 2015).

When comparing the different developments it becomes clear that there is a demand for maintaining a natural environment around a residence. Almost all developments attempt to directly incorporate green space as a view or through interaction. But what seems to be most successful is when the green space is both personal and shared, and natural and functional. The personal garden of a Garden Suburb single-family residence focused on the personal use of green space. This poses a challenge as it amounts to a very low density overall. The Modern high-rise suburbs in contrast, achieved high density, but only implemented a view of green space. The Tours Aillaud are an example of only using green space as a view, and this development in particular only minimizes the use of green space further by creating a rough synthetic landscape. Although Alt-Erlaa is Modern and high density it provides, in contrast, large amounts of green space with both a view and interaction. The personal balconies simulate the function that one would have of a private garden, while providing the view of a high-rise structure, and a functional shared green space below.

IJburg, also successfully provides green space through both view and interaction, but with a different formal approach that allows for a larger consideration for the ecological environment, and a variety of interactions throughout the urban grid.

Figure 5 IJburg Green Space: View into the private garden and canals of one of a variety of green spaces in IJburg.

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Social Interaction and Personalization

There is a new focus and responsibility to make a suburb function as a community and create opportunities for inhabitants to personalize and adapt to their surroundings. This critical component to suburban development was a hard lesson learned from the development and failure of Modernist style suburbs (Stern, 2013; Kostof, 1991). Social interaction and personalization are necessary for inhabitants to create an identity within their surroundings. This identity has the ability to generate and maintain the wellbeing of residents. Specifically there is an importance on the façade to provide opportunities of personalization, and generate different degrees of public and private space. These two elements build upon each other.

A permeable façade, with elements such as a large window or a porch, allows for a resident to personalize their home, and indicates to people in the public space that the neighborhood is active. In addition the façade can create semi-public spaces that encourage inhabitants to participate in public space and creates opportunities for social interaction. Today, planners take a social responsibility to create these opportunities through both the large-scale plans, and human scale development guidelines.

The suburbs of Werkbundsiedlung, Geuzenveld-Slotermeer, Flötzersteig, Betondorp, and

HBM Housing did not consider social interaction. The main goal was only to provide housing for residents.

These traditional Garden Suburbs with detached and semi-detached houses with personal gardens easily allowed for personalization, but there is a clear division of space, and so minimal social interaction. Fences were often used to claim space as their own and further enforce minimal social interaction. The HBM housing, an apartment style suburb maintained a façade that provided minimal opportunities for personalization, in addition to having a clear division of public and private space. The suburb of Geuzenveld-Slotermeer, did attempt to promote social interaction through a shared green square in between houses, but homes often also maintained their own fenced in garden.

In stark contrast, the Tours Ailluad provides unsafe social interaction and no opportunities for personalization on the façade. Interaction between inhabitants is minimized, and from the exterior it is difficult to tell whether or not someone is home, or even lives in the apartment. The windows of the façade are small and round, and from within the high rise structure the view is isolated to other building windows, not to the public space below. The Les Choux de Créteil, by Gerard Grandval (Créteil, 2012), provides a safer alternative with the façade design that includes windows that view the street and personal balconies, which creates opportunities for personalization.

In contrast to this, although similar in design, Alt-Erlaa provides space for personalization through its balconies and social interaction through its extensive

Figure 6 Tours Ailluad Social Interaction and Personalization: View into the public space of Tours Ailluad shows how the façade prevents personalization and view into the public space below. Additionally this figure also depicts the synthetic landscape discussed in the earlier section.

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which generates an identity and activity of the area.

The Tours Ailluad is a clear example of a suburban development with a façade that removes opportunities for personalization and multiple levels of public space. Similarly, Les Choux de Créteil provide a more permeable façade allowing for personalization but still a clear division of public space, and therefore minimal social interaction. Lastly, IJburg in contrast intentionally provides opportunities for personalization and social interaction through planning guidelines and block specific public spaces.

Figure 6 Les Choux Social Interaction and Personalization: View in the public space looking onto the façade and balconies above.

tenants network and associations. Tenants maintain a tenant association, have a personal newsletter, and even a connected landline phone that allows for phone calls between all residents (Andel, 2016). Lastly, IJburg provides social interaction and personalization through shared public spaces specific to each block. Upon development, architects and developers were asked to develop the interior of each block at a smaller scale with public and semi-public spaces. In order to provide and personalization to each home, IJburg maintained guidelines for implementing ‘margin strips’ at the ground floor of each entrance, for example plants, benches etc. This also created personalization and semipublic spaces (Palmboom, 2015).

When comparing the different suburban developments, it becomes clear that there is success in developments that provide means of social interaction and personalization, and the façade of a development plays a critical role in this success. Almost all developments attempt to directly incorporate either social interaction or personalization. But what seems to be most successful is when personalization and social interaction work together to create a gradient of pubic spaces that invite attention and use of public space as well as generate an identity of the area. The façade is key for this interaction because it is the physical barrier between public and private space. It has the opportunity to allow for a view into public space, as well as create opportunities to participate in public space. Inhabitants in the public space reciprocate this view; they are able to view the personalization of homes from the street,

Figure 7 IJburg Social Interaction and Personalization: View of a Margin Strip of a house, that provides activity as well as a place to sit and oberve the street.

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Accessibility and Orientation

Accommodating accessibility of residents in a suburban environment is not only a key part of the development, but its requirements are also changing. In the past, providing accessibility with a singular means was sufficient. Today, the inclusion of successful transportation means not only providing more than one modal option, but considering all scales and considering the development of transportation over time. This does not necessarily require that transportation be provided first, but emphasizes it is critical. Additionally, accessibility means the consideration of orientation.

With whatever type of transportation used it is essential for inhabitants to be able to navigate an area or maintain an orientation to the neighborhood; the urban plan of the neighborhood can provide this ease of navigation.

In the past, both Garden City and Modern suburbs have challenged this orientation, sometimes with negative results (Stern, 2013; Kostof, 1991). Accessibility is seen as a necessary entity to catalyze the use of suburban development, and has cumulative effects that allow for effects to occur.

The neighborhoods of Werkbundsiedlung, Geuzenveld-Slotermeer, Flötzersteig, Betondorp, and HBM Housing did not provide additional modes of transportation or make extensive attempts to attach to the transportation of the city. The neighborhoods themselves are at a small scale and do have a high level of walkability within them, but this accessibility does depreciate as an inhabitant leaves the neighborhood. It is important to note that Betondorp and GeuzenveldSlotermeer are located in a city that has an extensive cycling system, with a cycling culture already in place, making these areas already more accessible even though it was not a part of the suburban design. Additionally, the urban layout varies between these projects and it does influence the orientation aspect of accessibility.

The Viennese neighborhoods of Werkbundsiedlung, and Flötzersteig maintain a winding layout with streets merging and bisecting without any higher order, creating interesting, but confusing streetscapes (Stern, 2013). In contrast, the Dutch neighborhoods of GeuzenveldSlotermeer and Betondorp have a larger organization to the neighborhood, Geuzenveld-Slotermeer with central green spaces, and Betondorp with diagonal streets 260

Figure 8 Tours Ailluad Accessibility and Orientation: View of the public pdestrian path leading to the metro station.

leading to its central public space, directing some sort of orientation (Stern, 2013; Searing, 1987).

In contrast, the Tours Aillaud does not provide successful accessibility and the scale and orientation of the neighborhood make it a difficult area to navigate by foot. To start, the Tours Aillaud is poorly connected to one metro, and has minimal safe walking paths to get there. Additionally the space surrounding the tours lacks a hierarchy, and the similarity of the buildings prevents using the buildings for orientation. In contrast, the development of Créteil followed the development of the metro, and it was extended every time to meet the demand (Créteil, 2012). Additionally, as the development expanded, bus and walking are available, and integrated into the space. This means that even though the space was developed over time, and there is not a clear urban scale plan, it is still easy to navigate.

In comparison to a slower continuous development, Alt-Erlaa was built as a singular project without additional accessibility, but transportation was added later to support the development. What is now the main metro station, which is directly connected to

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Figure 9 Alt-Erlaa Accessibility and Orientation: View from the roof of the connecting metro line.

the neighborhood, used to be a tramline that was built years after Alt-Erlaa, and is a big part of its success as a development today (Andel, 2016). Additionally the orientation of Alt-Erlaa is easy to navigate, as the buildings are organized into blocks. In IJburg, in contrast, the tram was built first with the intention to one day become a metro-line (Palmboom, 2015). The tram is central to the main axis of the urban grid, and as a result it is not only easily accessible, but it acts as an indicator for orientation. Additionally, bicycle paths and sidewalks are provided on all main streets maintaining ease of transportation. Lastly, the urban grid development of IJburg had some additional guidelines that allowed for another level of orientation, and to break up the monotony of a grid structure. Developers and architects were allowed to design of the interior the urban blocks with more freedom (Palmboom, 2015). As a result, each block is unique from the rest even though there is a grid hierarchy and as a result the orientation of the suburb is maintained.

When comparing the different suburban developments it becomes clear that accessibility is

needed for successful suburban development, and that accessibility is most successful when it provides multiple options of transportation, and considers the orientation of the inhabitant in the urban layout. There are a wide variety of accessibility and orientation applications within these suburban layouts, but regardless of whether it was considered or not, the accessibility and orientation of the suburb directly influences the use of the area. If inhabitants are incapable of getting to or from a suburb, or cannot clearly navigate the space once there, it directly affects the usage of the area. The Tours Ailluad clearly demonstrates how critical that can be; the towers are organized in a random fashion that eliminates any street orientation. Additionally, the similarity in building size and appearance further prevents orientation, and as a result it is difficult to navigate. This is compounded by the fact that public transit access is difficult and the landscape makes other transportation options, such as a bike, more difficult.

Alt-Erlaa, although also a Modern high-rise suburb, has a navigable layout, and has a direct connection to transportation. Lastly IJburg uses its tramline and urban grid as both a navigable marker and means of accessibility.

Figure 10 IJburg Accessiblity and Orientation: View of the main street which provides access to the tram and visual orientation.

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Mixed Use and Mixed Housing

What is critical in the redefinition of the suburb is the association with its singular residential use. Many professionals I met with discussed how technically, the neighborhood I went to visit is not a suburb, because it is either no longer on the urban edge, or it contains more than residences, or that it has different types of residences. Including the idea of mixed use and mixed housing in suburban development is critical for cultivating a community environment and generating resilience and flexibility of the neighborhood. Providing other amenities such as local shops generates local business and activity, and inhabitants can stay in the area as they complete their daily tasks. Providing different housing typologies provides resilience and flexibility as it creates neighborhood diversity, and accommodates people at different stages of life. Past examples of suburbs with mixed use and housing, does not reach the same level of implementation as it is today. Planners today focus on providing uses for residents that extend beyond living, and are within reach, and consider the needs of a wide variety of inhabitants.

The suburbs of Werkbundsiedlung, Geuzenveld-Slotermeer, and FlĂśtzersteig, did not consider providing mixed housing as necessary. These neighborhoods are traditional in their function and serve only as a residential environment providing detached and semi-detached residences. Additionally, these neighborhoods did not provide mixed uses

Figure 11 Betondorp Mixed Use and Mixed Housing: View of a shop in the central square in the suburb.

within the neighborhood, but relied on the surrounding environment. Betondorp, in contrast, maintains some mixed housing and mixed use by providing different size houses and by organizing public functions at a central square in the center of the development (Stern, 2013; Searing, 1987). The HBM Housing did not utilize mixed use, and additionally provided apartment style housing offering some mixed housing, in contrast to the traditional suburbs. The neighborhood today relies on the surrounding urban environment, and first floor shops to support the mixed use, but upon the time of construction it was a city expansion, and mixed use was not directly considered.

Additionally, the town of CrĂŠteil developed mixed use and housing over time following the

Figure 13 IJburg Mixed Use and Mixed Housing: View into a smaller street intersection. It is visible the variety of housing available, and the height difference at the first floor allowing for mixed use to occur.

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Figure 12 Tours Ailluad: View of the first floor entrance to a residential tower that does not have any mixed use.

housing demand as the area expanded. There was not a formal structure, but the neighborhood adapted as the needs changed (CrĂŠteil, 2012). As a result, today the area provides multiple choices, but they usually very per block, and are not integrated further. There is however, first floor mixed use scattered throughout the neighborhood. The Tours Aillaud was a structured plan that, like the traditional suburban developments, also did not provide mixed use or housing, even though the high-rise urban form contrasts drastically. The apartments do not provide a wide variety of housing

typologies, and the first floor acts only as an entrance to the building, there are no other uses.

Lastly, IJburg and Alt-Erlaa provide mixed housing and mixed use in very different urban forms.

Alt-Erlaa, although organized housing into a high rise structure, made sure to include a wide variety of housing types, and incorporate public spaces both at the ground level and at various floors of the building blocks (Andel, 2016). Residents not only have access to amenities they need, such as a hospital, stores and a school, but also the option to downgrade or upgrade the size of their home without leaving the complex if desired. IJburg generated mixed use and mixed housing by allowing flexibility in the development and providing a series of guidelines to architects that created this diversity. First, there was a required diversity of housing types to be provided within the development. Second, all buildings, regardless of location, were required to have a higher ground floor ceiling height (Palmboom, 2015). This ensured flexibility of the function of the ground floor, and that what once started as a residence can become a store, or vice versa. Together, both of these requirements ensured the flexibility and resilience of mixed use and mixed housing in the suburban development.

When comparing the suburban developments it becomes clear that there is a wide variety of provision of mixed use and mixed housing within suburban developments. Some suburban developments made a clear effort to provide it, while others did not. And that regardless of whether mixed use and mixed housing

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is provided or not, it has a direct effect on the types and use of public spaces in the neighborhood, and the diversity of inhabitants. Additionally, these two elements work together, and providing both of them makes them more successful. The diversity of housing provides inhabitants at different stages of life to live within one community; this provides more business opportunities, as there is a diverse market for the mixed uses to build from. The neighborhood of Betondorp, for example, provides mixed use at the center of the suburban development, but is limited in its provision of mixed housing types. As a result, the provided mixed use is limited. In contrast, the Tours Aillaud did not provide any mixed use or mixed housing. This has a drastic effect as there is not only limited diversity, but the public space has no means of activation. Lastly, IJburg implemented both mixed use and mixed housing from the beginning of the development through guidelines and requirements for architects and developers. As a result the area, from the beginning is active and diverse, and is prepared to adapt and change in the future.

Conclusion

When comparing the Garden Suburb and Modern Suburb developments in the cities of Amsterdam, Paris, and Vienna it becomes clear that the suburban topics of The Use of Green Space, Social Interaction and Personalization, Accessibility and Orientation, and Mixed Use and Mixed Housing have cumulative effects upon each other and the suburban development. This means that the topics are more successful when they are combined since, achieving one topic within suburban development can create opportunities for another. Take for example how the topics combine to place a new emphasis on public space.

Providing mixed use and mixed housing provides easier opportunities for social interaction and personalization because the two topics together place a new emphasis on the use and function of the street. Inhabitants are on the street using the different amenities provided in the neighborhood, and the higher density and diversity of housing generates a larger market. This generates activity that allows for personalization and identity of a neighborhood to occur. Accessibility and orientation support this by not only providing ways of arriving to the neighborhood, but also assisting in navigation of 264

the neighborhood. Lastly the use of green space also supports the use of public space by providing green space that can function as public space, such as parks or public gardens. In the past, both Garden Suburb and Modern Suburb ideals did not focus on the importance of public space. Take for example the neighborhood of IJburg, the diversity of housing requirements and ceiling heights ensure the flexibility of mixed use, the tram provides easy access and orientation, and the variety of parks and views includes green space as part of the public space.

In addition, these topics also combine to demonstrate a critical need for access to and from a suburb. Mixed use and mixed housing provides a density that is capable of supporting multiple modes of transportation within an area. A certain number of people are required to make public transit cost efficient, and mixed housing creates opportunities for a higher density that can support public transit. Additionally, the mixed uses encourage other smaller modes of transportation such as walking and cycling when moving between the conveniently located public spaces and amenities. It is also important to note that the smaller modes of transportation minimize the feeling of crowdedness at a higher density. If inhabitants are walking or cycling then there is less noise and people occupy less space than other means of transportation, such as a car. The use of green space supports access by adding to the walkability of an environment, and by providing the desired natural environment to inhabitants at a higher density. Social interaction and personalization also assist with access by encouraging the use of multiple modes of transit, by creating both activity and identity. In the past, both Garden Suburb and Modern Suburb ideals did not focus on the importance of accessibility. Take for example the neighborhood of Alt-Erlaa, the high-rise parabolic towers generate a high-density neighborhood, and support the use of the public spaces below. At the same time inhabitants have multiple means of transportation, and the private balconies provide an interactive green environment, minimizing the feeling of living in high density.

Lastly, these topics combine to generate a sense of identity within the suburb to maintain its success.

Mixed use and mixed housing provides opportunities for inhabitants to move within the neighborhood without moving out during different stages of life.

Social interaction and personalization generate a

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community by inducing interaction and activity as well as the physical identity of the façades. Accessibility and orientation and the use of green space support the identity of the area by helping to generate the physical identity of the environment. When considering the redefinition and criteria of a successful suburb, it is important to understand that there is not one correct formal answer. Meaning that its urban plan and design is not limited in its ways to achieve providing the topics within a development. In the past, both Garden Suburb and Modern Suburb ideals placed too much focus on the formal identity, sometimes with negative results.

This is most obvious when comparing IJburg and AltErlaa, whom have drastically different formal plans, but both achieve the criteria discussed in this paper. What is most important is that the goal and intent of each topic is maintained and achieved, and because of the cumulative effects there are multiple ways of achieving the goals of a redefined successful suburb.

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Appendix List of Interviewees

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Frits Palmboom – Founder of Palmbout Urban Landscapes, Van Eesteren Chair at Delft University of Technology Elisabeth Gruber – Post-Doc Researcher, University of Vienna Volkmar Pamer – Target Area Coordinator Liesing Centre, Municipal Department 21 (City of Vienna), Urban District Planning and Land Use, European Urbact Program Sub>Urban Expert Paul Grohmann – Municipal Department 18-Urban Development and Planning Section (City of Vienna), Urban and Regional Development, European Urbact Program Sub>Urban Expert Ton Schaap – Department of Physical Planning and Sustainability, City of Amsterdam Claire Carriou – TBD Esther Reith – Department of Physical Planning and Sustainability, City of Amsterdam Maarten van Tuijl – Founder of Temp Architecture, Lead Expert of European Urbact Program Sub>Urban

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