The Marketplace: Bringing back the public space inside the market by Andreea Tron

Andreea Tron

THE MARKETPLACE Bringing back the public space inside the market

© July 2016, Andreea Tron Graduation studio Le Citta di Roma Graduation Committee: Prof. Dipl.-Ing. Christian Rapp Prof. Dr. Arch. Silvia Malcovati Dipl.-Ing. Haike Apelt Ir. Wouter Hilhorst Eindhoven University of Technology Department of the Built Environment De Groene Loper 6 5612 AZ Eindhoven Politecnico di Torino Dipartimento di Architettura e Design Viale Pier Andrea Mattioli 39 10125 Torino Universita degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza” Facolta di Architettura Piazzale Aldo Moro 5

I kindly thank the teachers of the studio ‘Le città di Roma’ for their advice and guidence during the process, the close friends and family that have been supportive to me during this year, the TU/E Library that has helped me with finding the necessary books for my research and the TU/E Workshop that has been pacient with me and found solutions for my practical work. I am honored to have been part in this studio and reasearch about the wonders of the roman markets.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION: MARKETS AS A FIELD OF STUDY

Chapter 1 Going to the market: The Italian way of life

Chapter 2 Framing the research

PART 1: FOOD AND THE CITY

Chapter 1 Food Industry

Chapter 2 Food and urbanism

PART 2: SPACE AND PLACE

Chapter 1 Social space

Chapter 2 Economic dimension: food and everyday consumption

Chapter 3 Physical space

Chapter 4 Italian markets

Chapter 5 The organisation of the marketplace

139

PART 3: DESIGN PROCESS: CREATING THE SPACE

165

Chapter 1 Learning from typologies

167

Chapter 2 Functions, activities and circulation inside the market

177

Chapter 3 Designing together with typologyes

183

Chapter 4 Location

199

Chapter 5 Developing the masterplan

217

Chapter 6 Structure and patterns

231

PART 3: DESIGN OUTCOME: CREATING THE PLACE

253

PART 5: CONCLUSIONS

313

CONCLUSIONS

311

BIBLIOGRAPHY

316

IMAGE INDEX

318

“Markets are remnants of the past lodged in the heart of modern cities.” (Black, Rachel 2012)

MARKETS AS A FIELD OF STUDY

Figure 1 Wrocław Market Hall - view from inside, designed by Richard Plüddemann and built between 1906-08

INTRODUCTION: MARKETS AS A FIELD OF STUDY

“Large scale retail logic have influenced the way in which even the most traditional markets work. The supply chain has been standardised and anonymous hypermarkets, non places par excellence, have entered into competition with the urban markets we all know and love. In some cases, the new has come out on top. In Paris, for example, Les Halles used to be the liveliest fruit and vegetable market in the city: now it has been replaced with a shopping mall. But open-air markets still haven’t beaten and, at least in Italy, are the places where people go to buy fresh produce.” (Carlo Petrini from the Forward of Porta Palazzo: The Anthropology of an Italian Market by Rachel Black) Why choose markets for the graduation research? “Markets are complex spaces of commerce and sociability that often contradict the modern use of public spaces; they are remnants of the past lodged in the heart of modern cities. At the same time, markets are living institutions rather than static heritage sites, and they exercise important social functions for the neighbourhoods in which they are located.” (Black, Rachel 2012) The most exciting activity for me, as I remember it from my early childhood, was the weekly market visit together with my parents. It amazed me each time, not only the fresh products and mountains of fruits and vegetables, or the food that would result after the visit that would turn into an amazing Sunday family lunch, but the entire spectacle that I, as a kid, would not only watch but be engaged in by the actors. People would know my parents, talk to them, ask questions and compliment me, offer fresh fruits or candy to taste, come and grab my mother’s arm to take her to their fresh products that they saved up earlier especially for her. Growing up and moving away from home, and especially having a busy lifestyle, have distanced me from the markets, from the noise, the fresh smell and the negotiation. For a few years I chose the safest and easier option of going to the supermarket and buying nicely packed vegetables, peeled potatoes or pre-made products. A couple of years back I started being interested in the food industry, in the “supermarket trap” and the entire decay of the marketplace. I saw it as a former regular customer that went back after some time. Going back to the market is not easy: it requires time, patience and commitment. When I started the graduation studio in Rome, I was looking at the streets of Rome for inspiration and it quickly dawned on me: the marketplace still exists and has the same vitality on the Italian streets and inside the urban tissue. So I started asking myself questions: how did it start? Why is such an informal and rather outdated activity still present today? And the most important question, how can I, as an architect, bring back the qualities that in most places has been lost back into the typology of the marketplace? The choice for the marketplace as my graduation research came natural, by trying to turn a lost passion into theoretical research.

Figure 2 L.S. Lowry (18871976), Market Scene, Northern Town, 1939

Chapter 1 Going to the market: The Italian way of life

“The piazza heaved and jostled in front of me. I did not know which way to turn. Warm bodies invaded my space , and elbows jammed into my ribs as I squeezed along the narrow corridor. My eyes searched for a focal point among all the moving shoppers and the stands, something to steady this uneasy shopper. Zucchini and tomatoes were piled in mountainous displays. The shrill voice of vendors burst out close to my ears. Their songs like nursery rhymes gone wrong. A pungent stench of rotting meat and pressed citrus attacked my nose. The world was spinning around me and I feared I would lose my way. I felt as if this huge market would swallow me whole” (Black, Rachel 2012) What is a market? “Markets are places in which people come in contact with each other, places that evoke the senses and often the memory. They encourage people to communicate.”(Black, Rachel 2012) For most Europeans, and especially for Italians, markets are “everyday events that are part of the cityscape” (Black, Rachel 2012) and a necessary part of the daily life. A market brings together all the elements necessary to excite one’s senses: an abundance of colours from the fresh products sold by the farmers, different types of smell, from the rotten fruits to fresh meat, an incredible noise like music from the entire “choreography of buying and selling” (Romano, Dennis 2015), the touch of the different fabrics and textures laid on the counters and the taste of the home made food prepared at every corner. According to the Oxford Dictionary, a market is a “gathering of people for the purchase and sale of provisions, livestock, etc.; space or building used for this; demand for commodity and service; place or group providing such demand conditions as regards, or opportunity for, buying or selling; rate of purchase and sale.” Therefore, the market is made of three different layers that put together create it as a unity: the physical dimension defined by the space in which the main activities are held, the social dimension created by the multitude of people participating in the activities, and the economic dimension, found in the entire idea of consumption inside the market. Markets tend to have the same social values as designed public spaces, such as piazzas, but on top of that they also offer responses to the food demand of the city and create a community of people formed by the buyers and sellers.

Why do markets continue to exist and develop in the modern cities? “The shopping centre which can do more than fulfil practical shopping needs, the one that will afford an opportunity for cultural, social, civic and recreational activities will reap the greatest benefits”. (Gruen, Victor; Smith, Larry 1960) Economically speaking, markets are one of the most inefficient methods of food distribution and retail (John A. List 2009). Every seller manages individually the retail process for products from his own farm or buys them from wholesale markets and brings them to the market with his own way of transport. In comparison to big retailers, such as food outlets or supermarkets, this option is completely inefficient because it is expensive and unorganised. Oddly enough, the markets still exist, and in some cultures they still have a huge impact on the daily life. As a result, it is clear that markets sill work in today’s society because of the coexistence of the three layers above mentioned, and definitely not just because of the basic economic function that they serve. After postwar period, supermarkets earned popularity on the European scene, and shortly after they gained power over the markets in Italy as well (Humphery, Kim 1998). The change in the mentality of modern people, after industrialisation, has influenced the way of thinking about food and grocery shopping. The “speed” of life changed after the Industrial Revolution and the appearance of the car. Supermarkets provide answers to the modern problems such as having a huge range of products to choose from, saving time with making only one transaction in the end and eliminating the social factors while making this exchange. Although supermarkets promote the consumption of different kinds of goods and a variety of prices, they also loose the values of the products over the price, very often putting the price over the quality. In addition to that, there are two other major disadvantages: firstly, the relationship between producer and consumer dissapeared, and secondly the individualism promoted by self service that removes any social interaction between people whatsoever. Rachel Black argues that the “social life of the market keeps these institutions running.”(Black, Rachel 2012) Cities have lost in time a big part of the public spaces destined for social interaction. The market is still, for a big part of the population, especially in Italy, an important meeting point for different social classes, such as residents, people from a specific neighbourhood, producers, resellers, farmers, tourists and a big percentage of immigrants. “The combination of social and economic transactions makes the experience of going to the market unique: economic exchange facilitates social interaction and creates a space for sociability.” (Black, Rachel 2012) “For all these reasons, markets, in their many forms, continue to be important social places that enrich urban life, give meaning to place, and create social cohesion, despite a trend that points to the diminishing importance of the public sphere as a physical and social space in everyday life.”(Black, Rachel 2012)

Figure 3 Fish-seller in a fish market in Catania; A salesperson peals shrimp and provides them to customers . The kindness and helpfulness is specific for Sicilians.

Where does the Italian passion for food markets come from and how is it still maintained in the modern cities? Commerce was a determining factor of urban development in the history of Italy. Philip Jones, in his book “The Italian City-State”, mentions that “the Italian city was an emanation of trade”. The central marketplace was often either inside or connected to the squares facing the cathedral and town hall. The civic palace, the cathedral and the marketplace represented symbols of the state, church and economy, that defined the essence of Italian urban life. (Romano, Dennis 2015) Dennis Romano analyses in his book “Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy” the history of the marketplace on the Italian territory. He affirms that the marketplace is a civic symbol of great importance in the history of Italians. Examining the evidence of literary works as well as art representations of markets, such as paintings and statues, or art works found inside the markets, he concludes that it is clear that “markets were highly charged civic centres fladen with meaning. Not simply places of supposedly neutral commercial exchange, they were moralised spaces that could, depending on circumstances, testify to the citizens’ rectitude of sinfulness and to God’s benignity (in times of abundance) or anger (in times of dearth); and embody aspirations either toward the bene commune or toward self-interest.”(Romano, Dennis 2015) Later on, despite the massive industrialisation of the world, the agri-food systems and the consequent detachment of food production from its consumption, several studies conducted in Italy have shown that consumers have a growing interest towards the local and regional food. Farmers’ markets are held responsible for this trend of less industrialised agriculture and the re-connection of the urban consumers to the rural producers. (Riccardo Vecchio 2010) But why are the farmers markets and regional products so appreciated in Italy? In countries like Italy there is no question weather the people like to cook or not. It is, for some, a matter of national importance and an important part of the engine that keeps the gastronomy, society and culture alive. Although Italy has been subject to foreign food influences along the time (like the import of the tomato), it didn’t undergo the mass urbanisation of cooking. The arrival of fast food cultures, like McDonalds trying to open a restaurant in Rome, caused a lot of outrage in the Italian gastronomic landscape, and led to the Slow Food Movement. For the majority of Italians, food is a way of life embedded in their culture. (Steel, Carolyn 2009)

Figure 4 Historical Neapolitan pizza makers

Figure 7 Dean Martin eating spaghetti

Figure 5 Italian pizza maker

Figure 8 Alfred Eisenstaedt, Boys working in pasta factory with rods of pasta inside drying rooms, Poggiomarino (Napoli), 1947

Figure 6 Alfred Eisenstaedt, Boys working in pasta factory with rods of pasta inside drying rooms, Poggiomarino (Napoli), 1947

Chapter 2 Framing the research

“Urban sprawl has made food distribution within cities as much of an issue as getting food to them once was. Back in the days when residential streets had corner shops and neighbourhoods local markets, food reached every part of the city through a fine-grained distribution network, supported by the wholesale trade. But those supply systems are long gone.” (Steel, Carolyn 2009)

Research question The food market is an essential urban element that has a very important role in the history of the cities. The development of cities throughout history as places of accommodation was possible only when there were enough resources to support them. Markets are central to the first urban settlements as their role as food selling institutions was vital for the formation of towns. The marketplace was usually located inside the main public areas of the urban fabric, surrounded by civic, religious and governmental institutions. Many of the marketplaces throughout history are traditionally shaped in urban design and morphological terms. This affirmation is based on the fact that spaces related to food consumption reflect location responsive spatial qualities developed and expressed during hundreds of years. (Parham, Susan 2015) In the 21st century there is a big discussion about the removing of the urban food markets, but in response to that there has been a movement of preserving and reviving of this public institution. The discussions that aroused around this subject were regarding the transformation of the traditional food market into “urban food quarters”, increasing conviviality, sustainability and gentrification of the areas. (Parham, Susan 2012) Social movements as Slow Food, Slow Cities, 100-mile diet, farmers markets, hybrid markets, urban gardens and so on, are designed to create new design perspectives and social attitudes towards the marketplace. Considering these aspects of the evolution of the market together with the urban development, the research question that aroused is: How can a typology such as the marketplace, that is part of the historic urban layers of the Italian cities, be redefined and designed in today’s Roman social context? How can public space be re-introduced inside the marketplace in the 21st century? To answer this question, I will follow some additional aspects that should be researched: 1. What is a market? 2. Why do markets continue to exist and develop in the modern cities? 3. How did the infrastructure of the market evolve throughout time? 4. How did the food industry evolution influence the qualities of the market and how can we introduce the notion of sustainability inside the market? 6. How can the three layers of the market (social, physical and economical) be combined together in one design? Is it possible to bring back the quality of the public space inside the marketplace?

Research methods To give answers to the questions above, I used different research methods. Firstly, I used literature review to get a perspective of the food-related situation, the history of the marketplace and the development of the cities together with the evolution of the food systems. After that, I analysed series of marketplaces to see the typological evolution. After researching about the history of the marketplace, I found various examples from which I chose the ones that were relevant for the typology. I used examples from Europe and the former Roman Empire to restrict my research to my area of interest. Knowing the general situation of the evolution of the marketplaces in Europe, I went to Rome to study some of the examples of the markets built there during time. The research method I used here was observation, photography, interviews with people that were selling or buying products.

Figure 9 Campo dei Fiori market during the open market, 1992

“Food shapes cities, and through them, it moulds us, along with the countryside that feeds us.” (Steel, Carolyn 2009)

PART 1: FOOD AND THE CITY

Figure 10 Grain plantation, Tacuina sanitatis (14th century)

PART 1: FOOD AND THE CITY

In 1856, George Dodd, a Victorian historian, wrote: “The supply of food to a great city is among the most remarkable of social phenomena, full of instruction on all sides.” This part of the research is about food in the city and all its manifestations from production, processing, marketing and consumption and the impact that the food retail has on the urbanisation and vice versa. It is not very easy to imagine that the cities we live in depend fully on the food systems behind them, and not only that, but also they are formed as a result of the supply of goods available in certain areas of development. This happens mostly because nowadays people are very separated from the entire process of food production and distribution and there is no transparency inside the system. I would like to accentuate the fact that the cities are not only composed of buildings, but they are firstly inhabited by humans, therefore they rely on the natural world to be provided with the necessary products to feed the population. “Cities, like people, are what they eat”.(Steel, Carolyn 2009)

Figure 11 Effects of Good Government on the City Life (detail)1338-40, Amborogio Lorenzetti, Fresco Palazzo Pubblico, Siena

Figure 12 Effects of Good Government on the City Life (detail)1338-40, Amborogio Lorenzetti, Fresco Palazzo Pubblico, Siena

Chapter 1 Food Industry

“The food industry is a complex, global collective of diverse businesses that supply much of the food and food energy consumed by the world population. Only subsistence farmers, those who survive on what they grow, can be considered outside of the scope of the modern food industry.”(Wikipedia) Food system A food system includes all processes and infrastructure involved in feeding a population: growing, harvesting, processing, packaging, transporting, marketing, consumption, and disposal of food and food-related items. It also includes the inputs needed and outputs generated at each of these steps. (Wikipedia) While talking about food systems, the question that arises is how did the relationship between the producer and the consumer evolve in time, considering the modern food industry? Food systems emerged when agriculture and the domestication of animals started to facilitate the formation of the first settlements. The inhabitants could produce more goods that are necessary for their own well being. Therefore, from the producer (the hunter) providing for himself (customer), the situation went to the producer becoming a provider for his communities (the consumer). This shift in the production process changed the human culture. From then on, the food systems are constantly evolving and changing. The first shift in the evolution of the food systems, after the development of agriculture, was the appearance of city-states. Large numbers of people grouped together within defined boundaries and the government had to supply them with large quantities of goods. In this moment, between the producer and consumer intervenes another element - the intermediary - which in this case was the state. Step by step, the production process advanced with increasing food storage, sealed containers, curing methods, animal transport, sailing ships and trains facilitated the transportation of larger quantities. With the beginning of the formation and expansion of the empires the food system went global. Food systems began to be organised on a large scale to feed bigger cities and economies started to develop. In this stage of the process, the transportation of the goods brought into the relationship of the producer and the customer many intermediaries, so that the contact between the two parts became more difficult. During the Middle Ages the merchant class developed. Selling of goods became more common, the first steps of capitalism were being made. In between 950-1350 The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages brought commerce inside the town and increased the number of demanding customers. In the same time the wealthy class emerged and the food preferences became more and more diverse. The industrial age brought a transition from manual labour and draft animal-based economies to machines. The Industrial Revolution and the evolution of science and technology changed the way food is grown, processed, maintained (the invention of canning and freezing) and transported. These events created the possibility of the food to be shipped in most of the parts of the world. By 1900, the urbanisation of Europe had reached a pick and there were several big scale urban agglomerations, such as London, Paris or Berlin. These meant that the distribution of food became more and more complicated, and also Figure 13 Anonymous, Grain market at Orsanmichele in A Time of Abundance, in Domenico Lenzi, Specchio umano, 1335 Figure 14 Anonymous, Grain market at Orsanmichele in A Time of Abundance, in Domenico Lenzi, Specchio umano, 1335 24

the necessities of the cities started to be harder to satisfy. Therefore, the state, the government and the municipalities started to make different types of programmes to adapt to the situation. As food is difficult to transport because it is perishable, one of the big problem when it came to long-distance transportation of the food is that the goods will be received already destroyed. As a result, wholesalers and vendors wanted to delay the deterioration of products, so a lot of innovations and changes have been created such as product innovations, retail systems and the introduction of the foreign foods in the metropolitan markets. (Atkins, P. J.; Lummel, Peter; Oddy, Derek J. 2007) In the 20th century the mechanisation of the agricultural production and the modifications made to breeds and plants increased the sales dramatically. Colonisation and war were major events that influenced the evolution of the food systems. Colonisation provided the exchange of work force and raw products in between the colonies. The world wars came with food shortages, economic crises and disease spread. (Will Hueston and Anni McLeod) Yet the disconnection between the producer and the consumer has never been as pronounced as today, both physically and ideologically. Urbanisation and the evolution of the transport system facilitated the distribution of industry around the world in search of the lowest production costs possible. Food processing and packaging introduced infinite new intermediaries between the producer and the consumer. The global food market is subjected to an out-of-date food supply model. (Lim, C. J. 2014)

Food sustainability “It would be wrong to take the effects of globalisation for granted. It may reduce diversity among cultures, but it also promotes diversity inside them. On the minus side, we are witnessing increasing homologation; on the plus side, we are seeking to create new diversities.” (Carlo Petrini, founder of the International Slow Food Movement) “If food was no longer obliged to make intercontinental journeys, but stayed part of a system in which it can be consumed over short distances, we would save a lot of energy and carbon dioxide emissions. And just think of what we would save in ecological terms without long-distance transportation, refrigeration, and packaging--which ends up on the garbage dump anyway--and storage, which steals time, space, and vast portions of nature and beauty.” (Petrini, Carlo 2009) In the modern city, agriculture has completely disappeared both physically and in the mentality of people. The presence of traditional farming and the farmers has grown very far from reality and became an urban myth. This comes with the consequence of completely neglecting the importance of manual labour and regional agriculture. As a result, modern food production is becoming more and more mechanised and local traditional farming becomes redundant. The entire food supply chain is based on modern infrastructure and artificial additives. The modern food system is satisfying demands for wealthy consumer societies but it is unprepared to cope with climate change, respond to hunger crises or react to unemployment issues. (Lim, C. J. 2014) “One of the great ironies of modern food systems is that they’ve made the very thing they promised to make easier much harder. By making it possible to build cities anywhere and any place, they’ve actually distanced us from our most important relationship, which is that of us and nature. And also they’ve made us dependent on systems that only they can deliver, that, as we’ve seen, are unsustainable.”(Carolyn Steel) In the end of the 20th century food consciousness started to appear among local communities and governance. The beginning of the emphasis on a new food system that focuses more on sustainability through a new geography of food promotes sustainable agriculture, food resilience, local farming, food health and equal distribution of food around the world. The alternative food networks are part of the social activism that comes in many shapes, from local farmers’ markets to fair trade producer cooperatives. Manifests of this movement try to convince people that by eating differently and conscious, the food world can become more sustainable. Also by exploring another way of thinking about food an alternative, more resilient food system can be created. This comes together with contesting the quality of food products, “reconfiguring the values, time-space relations and structures of governance of everyday food provisioning and the global trading system”. (Goodman, David; DuPuis, E. Melanie; Goodman, Michael K. 2012)

Figure 15 Anonymous, The Market at Porta Ravegnana, Matriculation Book of the Bolognese drapers, 1411

Slow Food Slow Food is an organisation started by Carlo Petrini in Italy in 1986. It is promoted as an alternative to fast food and it strives to preserve traditional and regional cuisine and it encourages farming. The slow food movement is both a political and a gastronomic attempt to solve the food system’s problems. Carlo Petrini, who wrote restaurant reviews in the 1970s, protested to the opening of the first McDonalds in Italy, in Piazza di Spagna. Although his attempt was unsuccessful, he started a revolution. In theory, the movement, together with Slow Cities (the movement that followed shortly after), has started to symbolise and represent the approaches to regional food, and it integrates notions of sustainability and conviviality for food systems. (Lim, C. J. 2014) Slow food combines the need and pleasure for food consumption with the environmental conscious state of the act itself. Both Slow Food and Slow Cities (the movement that followed shortly after) offer ideas for urban planners to combine the food centred spaces with the regional aspect of the situation. “Slow Food’s emphasis on the way food is produced and consumed and its normative goal of promoting organic, seasonal, traditional and distinctive food highlights characteristics such as high quality, asset specificity, sensitivity to local history and culture, as well as crafts orientation and sustainability. Local sensitivity and authenticity seem to be an important component of the alternative agenda.” (Knox, Paul L.; Mayer, Heike 2006) Slow Food offers opportunities to build alternative economic spaces that focus more on regional and traditional food practices. The events it organises promotes regional food and products and increase the customers’ awareness. It also supports the aspects of every day life that are threatened in Italy at the moment, such as osetrias, gelaterias, bakeries, delicatessen, cafes and trattorias that have close connections with the regional foods. (Parham, Susan 2015) The critical discussions around this movement revolve around the fact that Slow Food acts as an intermediary field between production and consumption in its attempts to reduce the food chain inside the food system. They are also accused of gentrification through gastronomic tourism. Nonetheless, Slow Food argues for a kind of globalisation that does not reject the food trends, but it tries to involve more small producers and poorer countries in this process. In a Slow Food food system, networks of local economies support small producers and the revival of artisan food skills. (Parham, Susan 2015) In Italy, Slow Food runs campaigns to improve the image of farmers and tries to make people acknowledge the importance of agricultural labour and its social contribution. It communicates to Italians that farming is a very respectful activity, and “eating is an agricultural act”. It also encourages people to go to local markets and tries to preserve the sense of place in Italian food culture. Food sold at the farmers’ market comes with social interactions that makes people connect with the place in the city or the surrounding regions from where the food comes from. (Black, Rachel 2012) Slow Food is the first part of the broader Slow Movement, that promotes local small businesses and are related to to

a political agenda against globalisation of the agricultural products. Slow City is an organisation founded as well in Italy and inspired by the slow food movement. Cittaslow’s goals include improving the quality of life in towns by slowing down its overall pace, especially the use of spaces and traffic. ‘Living Slow’ involves hastening slowly – ‘festina lente’ as the Romans used to say. The Slow lifestyle respects tradition and quality, and seeks to use the best aspects of the modern world to enhance, preserve and enjoy the old ways of doing things, but not to the exclusion of progress and not for the sake of avoiding change.” (Carlo Petrini)

Figure 16 Carlo Petrini, the founder of Slow Food

Figure 17 Stalls with fruits and vegetables from farmers, Basilicata Figure 18 John Dyess, Guanajuato,Mexico market oil painting

Regional food and “terroir” Terroir is defined as “the complete natural environment in which a particular wine is produced, including factors such as the soil, topography and climate.” (English Dictionary) Terroir, originally definining a land or an expanse of land, had begun by the end of the the thirteen century to be associated with agricultural land, specifically in the terms of soil qualities that affected the flavour of wine. Nowadays it is referred to as “ an area or terrain, usually small, whose soil and micro-climate impart distinctive qualities to food products”.(Elizabeth Barham 2001). Unesco also gives a definition of this concept: “Terroirs constitute a responsible alliance of man and his territory encompassed by know-how: production, culture, landscape and heritage. By this token, they are the foundation of great human biological and cultural diversity. Terroirs are expressed by products, typicality, originality and the recognition associated with them. They create value and richness. A terroir is a living and innovative space, where groups of people draw on their heritage to construct viable and sustainable development. Terroirs contribute to the response to consumer expectations in terms of diversity, authenticity, nutritional culture and balance and health.” Although in Italy the term terroir is hardly known by shoppers or producers, the term “nostrano” that literally means “ours” is often used in Italian markets and shops to define the products that come from Italy, or, depending on the region, that come from the vendor’s own farm. Nostrano defines both the national production pride that italians have for the local products, but also the very strong culinary culture that they preserved.(Black, Rachel 2012)

Farmers market Farmers markets are an integral part of the urban connection to farming which have continued to rise in popularity, mostly due to the growing consumer interest in obtaining fresh products directly from the farm. Consumers have access to the locally grown, farm fresh produce, enables farmers the opportunity to develop a personal relationship with their consumers, and cultivate consumer loyalty with the farmers who grows the produce. Direct marketing of farm products through farmers markets continues to be an important sales outlet for agricultural producers nationwide.(Parham, Susan 2015) Fresh food, contact with farmers and a sociable atmosphere that is not only about value exchange, all play a part, demonstrating the importance of such markets as sites of expressing conviviality. In some urban cultures traditional farmers markets are able to provide to poorer inhabitants of the cities fresh meat, fish and vegetables, and to offer jobs to the people that can’t find one inside their field. In addition to this, these apparently ordinary markets offer every day urban values that include community, interconnection and support to other people. In some Western cities, farmers markets have been maintained during the evolution of the modern food system. Although economically speaking, customers are driven towards the big commercial complexes, in some gastronomically informed cultures they are maintained by the quality, freshness and daily shopping practices. (Parham, Susan 2012) The Italian interpretation of the term “terroir” can be found in the farmer’s market, as the products are found in the mercati dei cotidieni around Italy come strictly from the nearby farms. Terroir and local food is a given in the mentality of most of Italians, especially the ones that shop at the markets - until recently, there was no other option than to eat locally and seasonally since those were the only products offered at the market. The shift started when the refrigerator trucks were invented, but even afterwards, although the global food reached the Italian markets, the consumers did not know exactly where the food was coming from and assumed it was coming from Italy. Italians also have a pride of the food being produced in Italy. (Black, Rachel 2012) Rachel Black researched the farmers market in Torino, and she she asked some customers at a local stand why do they prefer going to the farmers’ market: “One client responded, “The vegetables just taste better if they are local”. Another told me, “I feel better knowing where my food comes from.” Most shoppers made comments about quality, mainly referring to taste, and food safety, but ultimately quality seemed to mean produced in Italy.” (Black, Rachel 2012)

Figure 20 San Giovanni di Dio market, Rome, 1992 Figure 19 Selling point for vegetables in Pian due Torri market, Rome, 1992

Markets and supermarkets “Look at the plan of any city built before the railways, and there you will be able to trace the influence of food. It is etched into the anatomy of every preindustrial urban plan: all have markets at their heart, with roads leading to them like so many arteries carrying in the city’s lifeblood.”(Carolyn Steel) Food markets brings qualities to urban life that are missing in Western cultures, such as participation, engagement and belonging. These are characteristics that bring people inside a public social life that is missing in the majority of public spaces. People go to the market not only to buy food, but to socialise, and connect to “an ancient sort of public life”(Steel, Carolyn 2009). The need for such spaces, argues Carolyn Steel in her book Hungry City, is even greater now that it has ever been before, since very few opportunities like this still exist in modern life. The success of some markets in Europe (like Borough market in Britain, Torvehallerne in Copenhagen, Mercado Central San Augustin in Granada, Ostermalm food market in Stockholm, Hakaniemi Market Hall in Helsinki, and others (Parham, Susan 2015) ) suggest that there is still a demand for these kind of public spaces, but regular markets are slowly dying across countries that do not have food embedded in their culture. (Carolyn Steel) A few decades ago the basic food shopping would have occurred at local shops or markets. Today, the chances are that the first option for everyday shopping would be the supermarket. Recent studies predict that by 2050 the independent food shops would not exist any more, and in the past decade they are half the number they used to be. (Blythman, Joanna 2004) From the middle of the 19th century onwards, the planning of the new urban areas has separated the food wholesaling and retailing. During the 19th and 20th centuries, a lot of food trends have slowly disappeared from the centre of the cities, such as wholesaling markets that moved to the suburbs, traditional cover markets loosing customers, demolition of retail markets and in the end the appearance of the supermarket that has covered the food commercialisation. (Parham, Susan 2015) In the postwar periods, the markets went through a defining period and they were demolished or abandoned. The modernist principles thought that markets were outdated, so the supermarket gained power over the markets around Europe. Political and economical concepts transformed food retailing into distribution centres, shopping malls or supermarkets in the periphery, visited by car on a weekly basis, and took the food shopping away from the city centre streets and traditional markets. (Parham, Susan 2015) The problem is that supermarkets are not compatible with cities, especially with the old traditional urban tissue, the centre of which was mainly designed for buying and selling food. Although in the beginning the supermarkets would be located in the suburbs and customers would just come to them, the void produced by the lack of food selling in the centres of the city gave the big food industries a new business idea of introducing food shops owned by supermarket chains in the heart of cities. (Steel, Carolyn 2009)

“Thus, supermarkets are now so much part of our everyday lives that it can be hard to remember what cities were like before they came along. To anyone born after 1980, butchers, bakers and candlestick makers must seem about as remote as the days before mobile phones and computers. Yet just a generation ago, high streets were the social hubs of urban neighbourhoods, and shopping for food was a time to swap news and gossip. Supermarkets today are impersonal filling stations: pit stops designed to service the flow of life. They support individual lifestyles not sociability.”(Carolyn Steel)

Figure 21 Packaged food aisles in a hypermarket

Figure 22 Rome map, ancient food miles, from Hungry City, Carolyn Steal

Chapter 2 Food and urbanism

As discussed earlier, food and cities are two entities that are fundamental to each other. Food is important to urbanism because it creates vitality, complexity and intimacy, and it contributes to creating human scale public places. (Parham, Susan 2015) From the dinner table to the urban scale, food shapes the design of the spaces, both private and public. Food affects the design of furniture, kitchens, dining rooms, gardens, streets, neighbourhoods, town centres. Together with the social and economical aspect of the food related spaces, a series of different other issues have been associated with their design, such as sustainability. The evolution of the food system, including food production and distribution, affects the urban realm. New landscapes are created to sustain the agriculture needs of the growing cities.

Figure 23 Expansion of the Roman Empire

Food and the development of the city(Carolyn Steel) It is estimated that by 2050 twice the number of people are going to live in cities. That means that the food systems will have to provide for double the people it is providing right now. From the beginning of urbanisation, there has been an entire process of feeding the people with the necessary food. Carolyn Steel in her book Hungry City, as well as in other articles and conferences, explains the interconnection between the development of the cities and food, and explores the idea in which food was centre to the expansion of the big empires, therefore to the creation of the cities as they are today. About 10000 years ago, agriculture and urbanism were invented in more or less the same time and place. By discovering grain and therefore a stable source of food, the possibilities of sustaining bigger communities and permanent settlements appeared. The first settlements were compact and surrounded by fertile land that was used for growing the necessary food supplies. The production was handled by large temples that would collect and distribute the food. The process was spiritualised, as temples would collect the food to offer it to the gods, and what would be left would be given to the people. Therefore grain was both the centre of the spiritual and physical life of the first urban settlements. Some of the ancient cities were very large, such as Rome, that had around one million inhabitants by the first century A.D, and of course the food provisioning was very difficult. (Steel, Carolyn 2009) Rome was a port so it had access to water transportation and therefore to the possibility of bringing food from far away, as compared to the inland cities in which it was almost impossible to transport products on the rough roads. This possibility of water travel gave Rome the chance to expand its territory and conquer lands that were rich in grains and had fertile soils so that they could sustain the growing population of the city and the Empire. Food shaped cities all throughout history. Cities built in the pre-industrial age still have signs of the presence of food inside the urban tissue. For example, in London, the meat was coming from the Northwest, therefore the meat market was located in the northwest of the city. The name of the street were the fish market was held on Fridays is still called Friday Street. This also happened because the streets and the markets were the only sources of buying food inside cities. The evolution of the transportation system and the industrialisation changed the perspective on food. The goods were thenw brought inside the cities by trains, animals were slaughtered outside the cities, not on the streets like in the early days, and the cities could be placed independent from the food sources because they would not be constrained geographically anymore. The invention of cars was the moment when the relationship between food and urbanism changed, and the cities were disconnected from the nature. Cars and the sprawl of cities towards suburban areas moved the production and commercialisation of food towards the periphery. That also brought the food outside the public space of the city centre and shopping for food stopped to be a social event. Processed products and supermarkets devalued the food and pushed the consumer away from the producer. The problem with this modern food system is that by creating cities independent from the food supply problem, we create a gap between humans and the natural world and we are creating unsustainable environments.

There have been some solutions given by urbanism to the question of sustainability inside the cities and regarding the food system. Thomas Moore proposed in the book “Utopia” to build a series of independent cities that would grow their own food inside the inhabitants’ gardens and create a community of people that would share meals and farm together. Ebenezer Howard created the concept of “Garden Cities” had more or less the same principle as Moore, by creating suburban satellite cities that would be sustainable and resilient.

Figure 24 An example of a meal in Roman times from a painting by Roberto Bompiani , kept at the Getty Museum

Gastronomy and the urbanism of public space There are a lot of elements that combine gastronomy with public space and contribute to creating a food landscape or a “foodscape”. The notion of “foodscape” was introduced by Gisele Yasmeen in the book Bangkok’s foodscape : public eating, gender relations and urban change. “Like the concept of landscape, which is a view of space from a certain perspective, a foodscape can be thought as a point-of-view on a given place. It is therefore a type of representation which pays particular attention to the spatial relations in the “food-system”.” (Yasmeen, Gisèle 2006) Therefore this chapter analyses how food, places and people are interconnected and how they interact. The gastronomic townscape is formed by touristic food places, food streets, hospitable places, entertainment places, food markets and so on. (Parham, Susan 2015) “Central to good urban design is the capacity of the built environment to foster a positive sense of place in the ordinary places that provide settings for people’s daily lives. Sense of place os always socially constructed, but in ordinary places - physical settings that do not have important landmarks or major symbolic structures, the social construction of place is especially important”.(Knox, Paul L.; Mayer, Heike 2006) Susan Parnham argues in the chapter “Gastronomic Townscape” from the book “Food and Urbanism” that “the townscape which is based on the limitations and traditions imposed by agricultural and building technology, materials, climate and soils allows for more appropriate and convivial design responses than do places that have abandoned or ignored these connections.” (Parham, Susan 2015) By connecting social and economical practices with design tools a sense of sustainability occurs. The gastronomic townscape is composed by food shops, food streets, street food, cafes, restaurants, street eating, food festivals,markets, and so on. Food markets have a history in being the central space in the urban realm, enhancing the economical and spiritual life of the cities, until this relationship lost its importance and markets were thrown outside the centres into remote locations. Food and urban sustainability Urban sustainability is a critical factor in looking at spatial design for food because of the way in which food is grown, transported, produced, packaged, sold, processed and consumed has effects on the design of the urban context. As discussed previously in this chapter, the development of the cities becomes more and more unsustainable as it is led by an unsuitable food system. It is argued that the overconsumption of food in the western post-industrial cities is associated with overproduction of waste, which is a problem for global sustainability in the context of massive urbanisation.(Parham, Susan 2013) The urban sprawl of the cities creates big demands on the areas that serve them when it comes to resources. There are many elements that impact the food related concerns in today’s society. Climate change is affected more by the modern food system that is based on industrialised agriculture and globalisation. According to the Sustainable Development Commission, almost a fifth of the pollution is due to the food systems (meat and dairy products, glasshouse vegetables, processed foods and refrigeration). (Parham, Susan 2013)

Figure 25 Scene from the terrace of the restaurant La Canonica, Roma

“Without a market, you cannot speak of a city. It is not in the cities of second rank that we must seek the origin of urban life.” (Henri Prienne)

PART 2: SPACE AND PLACE

The development of the market mentality was connected to the spaces and places in which the exchanges took place — the marketplaces. In comparison to the market today that is considered an abstract concept, Odd Langholm tells in his book “The Merchant in the Confessional” that in the Middle Ages “the market was always a place, the marketplace, where trade in certain commodities was regularly conducted.” (Langholm, Odd 2003) The market was “the mirror of the city” that reflected for each individual particular political and social values. (Romano, Dennis 2015) Space and place are key elements in the analysis of Italian markets and market practices. The marketplace gave birth to the market society. Henry Lefebvre acknowledges the role of consumption and a sense of the spatial to the everyday life and argues for places where human interaction is not dependent just on money based exchange. In his book, “The Production of Space”, Henry Lefebvre wrote that “space is a product”. As the influential theorist made clear, every society produces its own distinctive space. Lefebvre defined three dimensions of space: conceived space, lived space and perceived space. Conceived space is referred to be the spatial representations of the space, connected to graphical representation — such as the space an architect designs or maps and plans. Lived space is not represented nor conceived, it is a space of the everyday activities of the users. A representational space defines how a space is fully experienced and, in many respects, offered to those encountering a sense of their place in the world. Perceived space is no longer scenic nor public, but it is compared with “classical theatrical space” — represented by spatial practice, which is made up of the routine and daily activities that occur in a given physical location as conceived by bodily senses. In conclusion there are three types of spaced defined: physical space, mental space and social space. (Lefebvre, Henri; Nicholson-Smith, Donald 1991) As discussed in earlier chapters and related to Lefebvre’s theory, the market is also composed of three layers, the physical dimension defined by the designed space, the social dimension created by the activities in which people participate daily, and the economic dimension, found in the entire idea of consumption inside the market, and defined by the main good sold: the food. The marketplace can be seen as a whole, both place and space, as a key component of civic identity, that is identified through the role of the marketplace in the civic imagination, the evolution and development of marketplaces over time, the buildings and structures, the topographical distribution of market activities, as the infrastructure — shops and stalls, architecture and arrangements of the streets and shops, the economic activities of buying and selling, and as ethics and values through the evaluation of the physical layout, architecture and decorations and how they helped it maintain the ideals. (Romano, Dennis 2015) The question that relates to the idea of a marketplace in this context is: How can the design of physical form may shape the social construction of space in relation to food?

Chapter 1 Social space

“While I was waiting in front of Antonio’s fruit stand, I looked over to see what the woman next to me was buying. She caught me glancing and shot me back a glare: “Che cost stay guardando?” (What are you looking at?). Trying to defuse the tension of the situation, I smiled and replied, “I was only looking for inspiration for tonight’s supper.” I imagined this woman thought I was going to criticise her choices. We began to talk about the drudgery of cooking two meals a day, our husbands’ expectations and how eating at home was different in Canada compared to Italy. After just a few minutes of casual conversation, we had told each other something about our domestic experiences and what we felt was expected of us as women in the societies in which we lived. I walked away from Antonio’s shaking my head amazed at how much can be shared between strangers and learned through mundane, everyday act of grocery shopping.” (Fieldnotes, March 23, 2003, from Rachel Black) The cities used to have widely dispersed commercial landscapes. Marketplaces are not the only places in which retail was encountered. Commercial activities could take place almost everywhere, and it was not associated with the place where goods were produced. In Medieval Italy, in every city, streets that connected gates to urban squares were full with shops from which goods can be bought. Also itinerant vendors would walk on the streets selling food. Every city would also have a specific place for commerce, such as marketplaces, cattle or horse markets (that had to be outside the centre), hay, wood and other large products (that required more space and different conditions). (Romano, Dennis 2015)

Figure 26 Anonymous, Fishmonger, 15th century, Salone, Palazzo della Ragione, Padua

Figure 27 Detail from ‘Specchio Umano’ (Human Mirror) by Domenico Lenzi, called Biadaiolo (Corn Dealer): the grocer, 14th century

Figure 28 Detail from ‘Specchio Umano’ (Human Mirror) by Domenico Lenzi, called Biadaiolo (Corn Dealer): the grocer, 14th century

Social dimension: public space and social life inside the market One of the most important and least discussed aspects of the desire to reconnect with the food, to know where it comes from and how it grows and to discuss the gastronomic culture, is the social aspect of grocery shopping, cooking and eating that is essential to markets. The market can be considered the place where the connection with the food, community and gastronomic diversity is reestablished. People can reconnect with food and with each other. Anthropologists, sociologists and journalists often avoid studying markets or if they do study them, they talk about them as touristic attractions or picturesque elements, not at main public spaces that can tell how people coexist in the society. There are not many sociological studies around food, and most of them have been made recently. Sociology has studied two main directions concerning food: production and consumption to see how gender, culture, age, and so on, modify the food environment throughout the daily life; and the questions regarding the journey of the food from production, distribution to consumption. From these, studies go to areas such as shaping food spaces, social differentiation on food practices and the psychological, economical, political and cultural intersection between buying, selling and eating food. (Parham, Susan 2012) One of the most common sociological discussions around food, and especially around food spaces such as restaurants, cafes or food markets, is the question of public eating. Food is a fundamental part of the urban culture. Research regarding food spaces has identified a series of social practices in which food distribution and consumption played an important role, such as walking, browsing, shopping, eating, talking, tourist visiting, doing community activities. (Parham, Susan 2012) As for the food market, the social dimension of it is defined by the activities that take place daily inside its space. The people involved in activities inside the marketplace are the vendors and the customers, and the main action performed is trade. Therefore, if this is what defines this everyday activity, how can we consider shopping a social practice? There are different kinds of interactions at the market: between customers, between vendors and the act of shopping itself. Rachel Black studied for 8 years the social and anthropological aspect of Porta Palazzo market in Torino. “ It is easy to concede that the exchange between shoppers falls into the category of sociability.”, she says, “Shoppers are often motivated to socialise by sheer proximity and by the shared experience of being in the market. They socialise for the pleasure of being social and they can choose not to engage other shoppers in conversation if they desire. Also, relationships between vendors seem to be motivated largely by a desire for sociability. Vendors often have long term relationships with one another and sometimes develop into friendships outside the market.”(Black, Rachel 2012) For foreigners, the market is the most familiar place they can find in a different country, as it is a public institution that is found everywhere. It is also a place where people from different cultural and social backgrounds come together. Markets offer the possibility to witness diversity and interaction, as well as different views on food and the use of public space.

Figure 29 Anonymous, La Beffa del Gulfardo, from Boccacio, Decameron

Food markets as centres for the urban space and public life “Markets are complex spaces of commerce and sociability that often contradict the modern use of public spaces; they are remnants of the past lodged in the hearts of modern cities. At the same time, they are living institutions rather than static heritage sites, and they exercise important social functions for the neighbourhood in which they are located. Markets are places where people come in contact with each other, places that evoke the senses and often the memory. They encourage people to communicate.”(Black, Rachel 2012) The marketplace as an institution itself has also different social public functions, such as food retail, information exchange, meeting point for locals and foreigners, socialising, and so on. Originally, markets were the main places for goods exchange, and also the connections between farmers and people living inside the cities. Also it was a physical space that stood in the centre of the cities together with the church and the civic institutions. (Black, Rachel 2012) The ritual of shopping as it would be described later on, emphasises the centrality of the market as an urban space. Because the marketplace served different scopes, in the medieval period, merchants and craftsmen gathered in the marketplace to collect information regarding droughts, famine, shipwrecks, rebellions and wars, thing that could affect their business. Civic institutions considered that marketplaces were ideal places in which to make public announcements because of people gathered in them. Also it was the main location to punish criminals.(Romano, Dennis 2015) The 20th century came with the rise of the supermarkets and marketplaces ceased to be the centres of the urban space. But the economical and social layers of the markets came out on top so the marketplace still remains the centre of the public life. (Black, Rachel 2012) Although the function of the markets varies throughout time, the social aspect remained the same: creating a place for a community inside the cities or neighbourhood. As discussed earlier, the economic life doesn’t dismiss the social life, but it actually facilitates sociability. For every good bought a transaction is being made, and that includes a discussion about the product — how it should be stored, cooked, ate — an exchange of money, sometimes negotiating, small talk, culinary exchange. Waiting in line to buy something comes with discussion about the products, everyday life and questions about one-another. Most of the conversations initiated at the market start with conversations about food. For the reasons stated above, the market continues to be the centre of the public space and to have an important role in the social life of the inhabitants of cities. It still gives meaning to places, creates social cohesion and it is a place of daily interaction.

Food markets and migration “Walking around the market I usually forget I am in Turin. There are people speaking in Arabic, English with African accents, Mandarin and Romanian. There are numerous halal butchers whose signage is mainly in Arabic, where Moroccan men stand out front talking. I am intrigued by the way they cut the meat and how it is displayed (…) The smell of fish and rice wafts down via delle Orfsane and draws me to the door of an African Restaurant the menu is written in French. (…) It’s like all the kitchens of the world are here at Porta Palazzo.” Most of the markets around the world, but especially in Italy, have a multiethnic environment. There are many connections between migration and food. Together they defined cultural identity, history, nutrition, economy of trade and so on. Food has travelled from place to place to be able to feed different populations and it went global when the empires started to conquer the world. Looked at it from a different perspective, immigrants have a special relationship with the food, as it is one of the elements that makes them identify with their culture and come together and eat. Food and how we eat it, cook it and where we buy it from represents an important aspect of our culture, as it defies where we are from, what social class we belong to, what religion we have and our own personal taste. As it is one of the most defining elements of a culture, it is clear that when people migrate from one place to another they bring together with them the food related traditions. This is one of the reasons why the first businesses opened after a big wave of migration is related to food — grocery stores, butchers, restaurants, market stalls. It is a place of meeting for people that come from the same culture and as well they offer traditional food products to locals that are passionate about international cuisine. A lot of market stalls have immigrant vendors. For example in Porta Palazzo, Rachel Black explains the divisions inside the market based by social networks, supply chains and cultural values: “Moroccans and Tunisians tend to sell fruit and vegetables; Chinese sell imported electronics and trinkets as well as work in the fish market; Africans sell clothing; Romanians have taken over most meat stands.” (Black, Rachel 2012) A market can offer to the vast communities of immigrants that are fighting with social cohesion a “taste of home, a place to gather and spend time with compatriots” (Black, Rachel 2012) Also the market is a very good contact between the immigrants and the locals as the “choreography” of the trade facilitates the communication between the two groups that can sometimes be difficult. Inside the market people can express their identities through food choices, food talk and social interaction. Buying and selling food can be used as a modality of creating harmony.

Figure 30 Food Map of Italy

Ethnogastronomic tourism Food is a very important factor in the migration process, as discussed earlier. Markets, especially in Italy, are important tourist attractions because they define part of the local culture, but also a place where you can find a big variety of products from allover the world. As mentioned in previous chapters, the market is a place where people can express themselves without social status, and where foreigners, immigrants and locals can come together. Jennie Molz Germann states that “culinary tourism is not necessarily about knowing or experiencing another culture but about performing a sense of adventure, adaptability, and openness to another culture. Food and eating are mobilised as material symbols of the global traveler’s performances of cosmopolitanism through which travellers simultaneously transgress and reinforce their own culture’s norms.” (Black, Rachel 2012) Some markets have been gentrified and serve exclusively for tourism or local elite, such as Boqueria market in Barcelona or Borough in London. Some markets still serve for the locals and the products did not serve to suite a more pretentious style of life. Porto Palazzo is an example, together with many other Italian markets. Rome is a very touristic city therefore the markets are also engaged in touristic circuits and have a lot of types of attractions inside the markets for all types of people interested: regular local food shopping, exotic merchandise, international food, local traditional roman food and so on. The temporal dimension of the market Markets also have together with the spacial, social and economical dimension a third one: the temporal dimension. In most cities there is a specialised market in selling food products that happens daily, weekly or on an irregular basis. In Italy, in every city there are everyday markets that sell perishable products that need to be distributed fast. In Medieval Italy there was also a more important market that would happen during the weekend with products that were brought from surrounding regions inside the town. Saturdays is a common market day in Italy. When the big markets coordinate the small ones, the small ones are spread throughout the week. Some markets are held on a monthly basis. In the medieval times there were fairs that would be held annually with bigger sales and products brought from a wider geographical sphere. (Romano, Dennis 2015)

Figure 31 Via Pescherie Vecchie, Bologna, street market detail

Chapter 2 Economic dimension: food and everyday consumption

A part of the everyday life of food spaces is consumption. Lefebvre calls them “places of simultaneity and encounters, places where exchange would not go through exchange value.” (Lefebvre, Henri; Nicholson-Smith, Donald 1991) As previously mentioned, consumption, defined by shopping inside a market for example, can be defined as a social action rather than an economical one. The history of consumption is strongly connected with the history of the marketplace. The open-air marketplace is the first example of commercial architecture that was replaced in time and in relation with the demand of the mass production system by arcades, department stores, supermarkets and now the internet. (Parham, Susan 2012) In medieval Italy and probably everywhere, buying and selling were actions that would be part of an entire choreography. The shopper and the vendor had unspoken rules that shaped the behaviour of the parties involved. As the market was a spiritualised space, buying and selling was also a ritual, and it included approach, inspection, negotiation, agreement, measurement and exchange. This type of action would facilitate trade, as the consumer and producer would engage in a social exchange that would be the same no matter the language or social position. (Romano, Dennis 2015) Food centred spaces are closely related to consumption, firstly because of the fact that food markets are spaces focused on consumption, and therefore represent the end of the food system chain (buying). Secondly, consumption is also understood in sociological terms. The consumption of food is related now, since the increasing distance between the consumer and the food production, more to the consumer’s identity and not his needs and it represents aspects of his individuality. Therefore there is less necessity of buying what we need to eat because the consumer assumes that everything is available. This aspect makes shopping for food a main factor in establishing the nature of the urban life. (Parham, Susan 2012) Spatial food relationships work together with political structures and economic forces related to the food systems. These relationships modify the food policies and the experience of the spaces, but also it reshapes the physical space in relation to food. The global aspects of the food systems are composed by numerous relationships between politics and economy. The effects of the food production and consumption inside the modern food systems are not completely equal and of course not understood by the society. For example, the summer products produced in the south to supply the north in winter produce both economical imbalance and negatively affects the indigenous needs in poorer countries, together with their resilience, health and sustainability. Unfortunately, the most affected countries in these unsustainable situations of inequality are of course the poorest ones. These massive inequalities of the modern food system are a result of global food production that has drawn changes in the urban and rural spaces. (Parham, Susan 2015) Although the relationship between physical form, social space and economy is not very easily conceived at a higher scale because of the complex political and economical implication, the economic dimension of food spaces plays a major role in the design of space perse. (Parham, Susan 2015)

Fare la spesa: morality and anxiety at the market The market, although public, offers an image of a more intimate private life of the citizens. As a more social aspect of the shopping, anthropologists look at the intersection between public life, social life and consumption. Shopping becomes a form of moral evaluation at the market. The customers, but also the vendors, have to face gender stereotypes, body image issues, class identity and financial insecurities. (Black, Rachel 2012) In Medieval Italy, the rules and regulations were made to ensure that the supplies were available for the population of the city and that the buyers would receive products in accordance to what they payed. Also there were rules that would ensure craftsmen that the products made by fellow workers would be honestly produced. Customers were protected by ways in which the measuring of good sold would not be interfered with, fraud known as “short measure”. Hygiene, safety and the beauty of the marketplaces were also promoted. These rules were created to systematise, organise and standardise and to protect the city’s reputation of fair-trade. (Romano, Dennis 2015) The market was both a concept and a space and the idea was to organise the market so the people would not have the opportunity to do fraud. “The layout of the market streets, shops and stalls, and the inscriptions, sculptures and paintings that adorned market squares, merchant courts and guildhalls were intended to influence behaviour and to create the ideal marketplace.” (Romano, Dennis 2015) Gender stereotypes Rachel Black studied the gender stereotypes inside Porta Palazzo, an Italian market. She faced different opinions as regarding her gender, especially because people were trying to place her into their culturally constructed categorises when it comes to gender and social status. People were asking her if she was married, what does her husband think about her staying at the market, if he knows about her daily life, if she shops and cooks for him and other questions that were clearly judgemental towards her life as a married woman. Also people express their gender identities and social anxieties through buying, eating and talking about food: “This is my lunch break. (…) I still come here [Porta Palazzo] because the produce is so much better and the prices are good. When am I supposed to have time to shop, cook, clean and see my family? I go to work at 7am and return home at 7pm. I am exhausted, but I don’t have much choice, do I?” (woman expressing her frustrations to a market vendor in Porta Palazzo) (Black, Rachel 2012) Competition Markets, as places for commercialising goods, contain also the idea of competition. Competition takes different forms inside the marketplace. In the reseller market, where products are often packaged and re-distributed, and in which the quality is not decided by the seller, the only thing he can adjust is the price or the arrangement of the goods on the counter. In these types of markets, sellers compete with other sellers. In a farmers’ market, where producers come with their own products and sell them, the seller has to have big sales, keep the frequent customers and adjust the quality of the merchandise in order to make a profit. In this case often sellers compete with the clients, and of course with other producers so they have to keep the quality and value of the products high. (Romano, Dennis 2015)

There is also a sense of sociability inside the competitive area: the sellers have to be nice, amusing, communicative and to have a sense of the buyers’ social and physical needs. Often at the market a community is formed and there are customers that come every day to the same vendor to buy the products that they trust. Vendors often make offers and discounts in order to maintain good relationships with the clients. The market could sometimes be compared to a village, with intimate and familiar relationships between the people participating in the daily activities, with stories, friendships, hatred, gossip and other social connections. (Parham, Susan 2012) Food waste The attitude towards waste changed during time. Most waste is organic (from direct or indirect processing of food) and its reuse is taken for granted. In the pre-industrial world, the food supply was fuelled by the waste it generated. Today, in the West, most of the waste produced is very diverse and mostly non-organic therefore the waste becomes an entire industry. The city’s inputs and outputs are connected and they represent the cycle of life in today’s terminology.(Steel, Carolyn 2009) It is true that we live in a consumerist society in which we think that everything is dispensable. Food is something that today is consumed wastefully. From every person’s own consumption to the food industry, food is wasted in a large amount. A big amount of food is wasted inside the households because the big distance it is now between consumer and food production, and the value of food products is taken for granted when people see the large quantities of products inside the supermarkets. The society today is disconnected from the food culture. Most people throw away products that can be still used because they are ugly, the don’t look as the standards say or they are uncertain of the validity of the product. (Steel, Carolyn 2009) The modern food industry and the Western world led a demand into “visually perfect food”, although the products tend to become inorganic and tasteless. Food waste is closely related to food insecurity, especially when referring to the marketplaces. There are a lot of people, especially elders, that are doing the gleaning at the marketplaces (gather leftovers after a harvest, usually referred also to the gathering of the food waste left at the end of the day at the market). In Italy, usually the people that are doing the gleaning at the markets are people that face food insecurities and hunger. (Black, Rachel 2012) “Not everything discarded at the market is inedible, and much of it, particularly produce, is perfectly fit for human consumption after it has been washed and cooked. In some ways, this gleaning can be seen as redistribution, but still begs the social issue of food insecurity amid abundance and the lack of a stronger sense of moral economy in a society with such abundance, waste and disparity.” (Black, Rachel 2012)

Figure 32 Marvellous food market. Coimbra, Portugal, photography by David Prior

Chapter 3 Physical space

The concept of the market is defined as physical (the architectural place where all the activities are held), social (the interactions between the participants of the activities) and economical (the transactions made inside the market). The definition of the spatiality of the market is often confusing to formulate. Where does the market begin and end? The physical dimension of the marketplace is the structure under which the commercial activities are held, together with the infrastructure necessary for the market to function properly (selling points, stalls, counters, shops and other facilities). The design, appearance, structure, materials and decorations all constitute the market’s spatiality. But the connections inside the market are spatially uniting a series of different parts of the world. The act of trade comes with different spatial relationships (cultural, commercial, social). The products that are sold inside the market come from all over the world. The vendors inside the market, especially in Italy, but allover the world, are mostly immigrants. The people that come to the market are locals, inhabitants of the neighbourhood or city, and tourists that come from all over the world. Therefore, even the physical space of the market can be considered not to have clear boundaries. (Black, Rachel 2012) Architecturally speaking, the market is defined by the space in which the vendors have their selling points. The selling point is defined by the physical space that the seller occupies to store, sell and expose his merchandise and contains storing facilities, a counter and a space for the vendor (for example a market stall). The physical market area is formed by the spaces of all the vendors inside and the circulations in between the stalls and additional spaces designated for different facilities (toilets, deposits, technical spaces). These spaces have been modified during time according to the evolution of the society, but as a concept itself, the market still has the same elements embedded inside the typology. (Sergio Di Macco 1993)

The evolution of the marketplace Referring to the medieval period, Henri Prienne says that “without a market, you cannot speak of a city. It is not in the cities of second rank that we must seek the origin of urban life. On the contrary, what matters is studying it at all its very sources, that is, in the largest commercial cities.” (Romano, Dennis 2015) Every social reality can be assigned to the space it occupies and vice-versa. In this part I will consider space as one of the main protagonists in the evolution of the marketplace. Historical studies state that the quality of a city was decided by the size and appearance of its market, which was one of the main elements that contributed to its formation and rise. The cities evolved from different origins and they developed differently but all of them had a central and unique marketplace. The market could have been organised on one parcel, one square, on a network of streets or open spaces or it had different uses. I cannot complete my design of a marketplace without researching about the markets that existed, still exist or are no longer available according to modern ideals. The history of markets and its buildings can be very wide, as well as culturally interesting. The marketplace buildings and typologies have a number of important examples, but compared to other more spread typologies they are not that many, even if they are to be found in architecturally important buildings or more temporary structures. In this research I am not looking for a continuity of the typology, but rather for a re-use of the elements that are to be found throughout the history of the markets. Many markets have developed in large cities, each one of them being different from the other and the form was based on the urban surroundings and it was very complex and stratified. Compared to a big square where all the commercial activities were held, this situation brought a lot of types of marketplaces that were located in different kind of places: the centre with the main shops (butcher, fish market, stands), itinerant vendors on the streets, big markets located in the periphery that would sell merchandise from the countryside or warehouses. (Calabi, Donatella 2004) The shape of the space is influenced by various factors. Firstly the geographical location and the morphology of the urban tissue, if it was located close to the sea, riverbanks, canals, inside a square, on a street, and so on. Secondly the type of goods sold inside the market. The markets intended to sell fish, vegetables, flowers or livestock - merchandise that would have a specific odour - should be aired and partly or totally uncovered. For example vegetables and fruit markets need a wide open space, outdoor, in order to control and have enough space to promote the goods. The outcome was a space filled with stalls, stands and temporary structures. Markets that would sell grain, wine or fabrics, goods that could be damaged by air, sun or rain, should be covered or enclosed.(Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976) The typology varies between the variations of the events that took place in their locations, especially climate and access. The commercial real-estate infrastructure (markets, stalls, shops) was distributed differently according to the economical power of the vendors and their capabilities of renting or owning the spaces, and this influenced the

renewal process. Fernando Braudel states that by the time of modernisation, the commerce already had an industrial layer and had a big influence in the process of renewal. The increasing number of vendors in large cities has forced the organisation of the urban space so they can sell permanently and receive merchandise on site. In this period the idea of hygiene was introduced for the public spaces destined for merchandise.(Calabi, Donatella 2004) The location and configuration of the market inside the city has also been discussed by historians along the time. Most examples can be traced back to elementary typologies connected to the settlements but there have been found two main directions (Calabi, Donatella 2004) that were followed during the middle ages: the insula (a place that is separated by the city) and the commercial bridge with shops (a mixed use structure). The market was always a connection between two worlds and it can be compared to a port in a larger context. It has been observed that the portico was not very frequent in Italian medieval piazzas and that it was the open loggia on the ground floor of a municipal building that housed traders, vendors, money changers and even the administration of justice. The antiquity model The market has always been a building or space that hosts a series of individual shops. In the antiquity the marketplace was placed inside the public square. Although sometimes it would be identical with the piazza and sometimes would occupy only a part of it, the market would always have wide spaces, well ventilated, planted with trees and filled with fountains and surrounded by porticos. (Parham, Susan 2012) The markets of ancient Rome, a homogeneous group among the typology, have characteristics of high actuality. Their area is intended exclusively for a market, it is fenced and has some accesses, the sales take place under the roof, there are areas reserved for the perishable products that require special needs, and the concept of assigning to retailers an individual space is already stated. All of them are characteristics which are recurring in the evolution of markets. ( Sergio Di Macco 1993) The Serzio market, in the current Timgad of Algeria (p. 96-97), was a typical model among the antique markets. Designed with the maximum rigour, it was entirely closed on the outside, apart from the two entrances, and had a continuous portico inside. At the two shorter opposing sides of rectangular shape, the individual spaces of sale were facing each other. In one of the two sides, it is arranged with apses to form a separate sector, maybe with products of greater value. In addition to these spaces there could be removable benches, indoor, on the porch, as well as in the central space. The construction was completed by a porch outside leaning against the short side which was not enriched by the apse. (Sergio Di Macco 1993) Even the old market of Leptis Magna, Libya (p. 94-95) also a classic but more vast and complex, had a plan which is also rectangular, and had a porch, very deep, in all four sides. On this porch also there were large rooms, presumably warehouses. Also in the central open air space, there were some shops in two octagonal buildings. (Sergio Di Macco 1993)

Even more compositional is the Pompei market (p.92-93), with the spaces for the individual retailers also towards one of the sides of the portico and, from what one can understand, the more isolated specialised sectors. On the other hand, seeing how numerous are the shops immediately outside, the commercial attraction of this market is expected to have been remarkable. (Sergio Di Macco 1993) The Macellum was part of the Roman forum and it represented the marketplace. Because the Macellum lies at an angle to the axis of the Forum the shops lining decrease in depth from north to south so that the depth of the portico remains constant. The room at the extreme south, being so shallow that it could not be used as a shop, was made into a shrine. The internal court was surrounded by a deep colonnade. In its centre 12 columns supported a roof shading a rectangular basin from which a covered drain led to the Southeast corner of the complex. Under this roof fish that had been sold were scaled, the scales being thrown into the basin where they were found in large numbers. (Wikipedia) The complex of edifices known as Trajan markets, also in Rome (p. 88-89), is a commercial centre with shops selling different types of products. The Forum of Trajan was a space that hosted more that one hundred fifty shops that would be disposed on different levels and would sell wine, grain and oil. Adjacent to the Forum of Trajan is a separate architectural complex attributed to Trajan that is commonly referred to as the Markets of Trajan. This multilevel commercial complex was built against the flank of the Quirinal Hill which had to be excavated for the purpose. The complex of the markets takes its planning from the eastern hemicycle of the Forum of Trajan. The original extension is hard to ascertain, based in part upon subsequent re-use and construction in the Medieval period (and later). The function of the markets was mercantile—indeed the markets may have been designed to relocate shops (tabernae) and offices that were displaced by the Trajanic building project. The ground floor offices (at the forum level) were likely occupied by cashiers of the imperial treasury (arcarii caesariani), while upper level rooms may been leased out or used by imperial officials associated with the grain dole (annona). (Wikipedia) The oriental bazaar is also formed by a series of shops covered by a vault with closely set pointed transverse arches. The bazaar is quite different typologically from the marketplace but it is still a branch of the same typology, developed in a different kind of urban tissue. The Islamic cities don’t have a public square since they were not built for a democratic society, therefore the market formed naturally and organically by covering the streets in which the commerce was held. The so called Cotton market of Jerusalem, dating from 1329, is covered by a vault with closely set pointed transverse arches. Middle Age and mixed use structures During the Middle Ages the market was often overlapping the religious and civic centres. In the Western part, the town hall and market hall were often one, the first one on the upper floors and the second one on the ground floor and on the sides. (Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976) The evolution and organisation of the markets also depended on the economic status of the cities and the geographical position of them. If the cities were connected to water transportation, the only transport available for big amounts of merchandise, or roads and canals, they would have a big focus towards trade therefore the market would be the result of the wellbeing of the city. The other important

aspect of the market arrangement would be the main area of commerce that the city in which the market was placed would handle. In the South and North, the town hall would be used as a market hall at the ground floor. The building would have a portico, which would often occupy part or the whole facade. Sometimes it would have a kitchen for important banquettes or a small exterior tribune or balcony on the main square used for official notices or speeches. After 1300 in the Italian cities, new and completely renovated town halls did not have the ground floor as a market. (Calabi, Donatella 2004) During the early modern times the three functions (market, religious centre and public square) segregated and became independent form one another, therefore there was a reform and the buildings and open spaces were redesigned. This process was long and different for every context. There were cities in which the commercial area was reconstructed (such as Venice) or where complete areas were reconstructed (such as Paris). The relationship between the fill the void and the circulations was modified. Markets were modified and other buildings or decorations were added, such as fountains, capitals, arches, passageways, steps, new pavements. This was a confirmation of the importance of the market and the decorative elements became part of the typology. (Calabi, Donatella 2004) Early modern age Starting with the 15th century, Italy’s largest commercial cities (Venice, Florence, Verona, Bologna) had differentiated the roles of the squares therefore civic centres have separated from market places. The cities held large squares in the centres that were designed to hold goods, markets and fairs, and they have slowly lost their meaning and other activities took over. Permanent specialised shops made of stone replaced temporary wooden stands, tents and stalls. The squares were all the commerce was taking place was now replaced by large warehouses and covered markets that were specialised in different types of goods (textiles, furs, grain and so on). The market was the centre of the cities’ working life and was housing also political and administrative functions. The modernisation brought new buildings and created new articulations to the public spaces. The spaces in Middle Age were irregular and the streets were also organic. During the early modern ages, a demand for new commercial spaces (closed markets for fish or meat, granaries, stone bridges, shops) redesigned the urban spaces of the city. The results of the design was a cumulative work of generations of designers accompanied by political and economical decisions. When considering the direct qualities of the architecture of the building type rather than the relationship with the city, some of the sixteenth century reconstructions of the market square or the reorganisation of the central urban areas through the insertion of new buildings have in common an idea of regularity of the built volumes, the repetition of certain rhythms and geometry and the circumscribed form of the open spaces. Aware of operating within historical layers and stratification, the architects did not dismiss the past, but accepted it as a variable design. They reinterpreted “real” needs, mixed uses and the profitability of commercial and bureaucratic space. They did not ignore the architectural tools or the intention of renewal, but allowed their artistic production to be guided by common sense, which also justified the choice of formal compromise.

“Nothing could be less like those ancient markets than those of modern times. Most are held in the streets with are obstruct and foul. The vendors and their wares are exposed to the weather and mingled with carriages. Even those markets that are expressly built for the purpose are so mean, so ill situated, so difficult to access, in a word, so neglected that in any city they are as much a blemish as the ancient markets were an ornament.”(Durand, JeanNicolas-Louis; Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis 2000) Typological development The specific typologies emerged now and lasted throughout time: the cities were filled with loggias, long covered passageways, galleries, halls, exchanges and fondaci. These building typologies work and they were adopted throughout Europe. There was a general perception that it was not necessary to invest money, design and skills to come up with an architectural innovation, although the market was considered an important space, central inside the city. It was decided that the building should be solid and filled with decoration so that it represents the city in which was built. Within the reforms and transformations (some buildings were complete destroyed and needed complete reconstruction) the design choices were repetitive despite the urban layout of the city and repetitive around Europe: the marketplace should be unique and should be predominant inside the city, it should be central in respect to the main circulations and it should maintain the balance between different parts that were participating in the activities inside the market. The loggia Another typological group for the market is that of the arcades built since the 13th century (with loggias or isolated, built for the purpose of the marketplace or at the ground floor of public buildings, in particular the government, or adjacent to them). The market connected to a palace in the Middle Ages was called “broletto” in northern Italy and Tuscany. Actually, that term originally meant field surrounded by a wall. It is possible that, for reasons of safety and control, markets were held in this way. There are several loggias left, especially in Italy, although most of them are not being used as markets any more or have been demolished. It is likely that their use was not exclusive, maybe because the offer of products was poor or the number of clients was small and had a low purchasing power. The market sometimes disappeared from the open loggia and it was replaced by other functions, more economically viable. Finally it became just a passage, given that in the current culture, loggias cannot be demolished anymore, although they have no economic utility. (for example in Florence when the “old market”, built by Vasari in 1600, has been sacrificed for the enlargement of the city center). (Sergio Di Macco 1993) On the other hand there are markets that still are held in an open gallery since their construction. As in Padua, on the ground floor loggia of the Palazzo della Ragione, from the thirteenth century, where meat is still being sold indoor, with fruit, vegetables and flowers in the front squares. In Florence the rather isolated loggia, the ‘new market’ or the “Porcellino”, from the seventeenth century, still houses sellers of straw hats and objects. In Venice the two isolated loggias built for the fish market at the late nineteenth century in the district of Rialto still function as fish markets.

These loggias that hosted marketplaces have been able to preserve the initial use and therefore have survived as such. Otherwise,another effective economical reuse would have prevented their demolition, before the cultural reasons have recently intervened to save them. Most of these markets are daily markets. But the markets are most of the times held only once a week. Therefore it is not always justified to engage an urban area exclusively for a market that is not used daily. In this regard, in Strasbourg, the market roof is assembled only once per week. Very beautiful and made of wood, it is located in the area of separation between the old town and the modern city. (Sergio Di Macco 1993)

Figure 33 San Giovanni Valdarno, central piazza with Palazzo Pretoria loggia

Market halls The covered market is a building that can contain a large number of separate shops, run by various people selling the same product or different goods. The french word “halle” is synonymous with hall, a large space for collective purposes. Sometimes it refers to the places where town councils or guild meetings were held, but it more often signifies a covered commercial structure. In the past it was also used to describe an open and circumscribed space were goods were stored, deals made, and merchandise displayed and sold. Covered markets were quite common between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in France, England and the low countries. The most common medieval types were of roman derivation and can be traced back to either a gallery that formed a square or rectangular enclosure around an open space, or more often, to an elongated building laid out on a basilica plan, generally divided into two or three aisles and often covered with a vault or a secondary storey. (Romano, Dennis 2015) The first type was reproduced by Filarete as a gallery around a square with “rooms and partitions for all the guilds enlarged accordingly to which guild is bigger”. Filarete’s ideal market (p. 104-105) belongs as well to the religious type. The centre is a rectangular area for the stands and booths surrounded by arcades and columns. Behind the arcades of the westside are the meat and poultry halls, with the slaughter house behind them, and on the South side is the fish market. A canal runs round the entire market to carry away the waste. On the north there are the corn market, the Palazzo del Capitano and the exchange (‘casa usuaria’), on the East side inns, a bath house and a brothel (‘casa di venere’), on the south side the wine market and the tavern (‘casa di bacco’). - an open space for the markets surrounded by porticos, case dei mercatani with spacious rooms for goods and a “fondaco”. (Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976) The second type was often bounded by arcades or walls with large openings or covered by large roofs supported by rows of pillars or columns, spaced to allow air and the crowd to circulate in between the goods on display. Some of the oldest examples were build primarily in wood stone columns. In others the space was completely enclosed by a brick or stone wall. They were generally very simple structures that often served multiple purposes and because of their size, were used for meetings, performances and festivities. (Romano, Dennis 2015) In different parts of Europe, these spaces were not necessarily defined by a specific structure. In some cases, they

Figure 34 View of the Halle au Ble and its cupola, Paris, by Guiguet after Courvoisier (now the Bourse du Commerce). The original structure was built by the architect Nicolas Le Camus Figure 35 ‘La Marche de St. Germain’, Engraved by Winkles Sculpt; Drawn by J. Nash Delt 66

were found on the ground floor of a building allocated to another use. In others, the space assigned to them was a church portico. For merchants, it was both a meeting point and a sales point. Sometimes, they closed it off and decorated it and rent it for a higher price. The spaces could be opened to many types of sales, reserved for just one type of merchandise (often expensive consumer goods such as gold, silver, silk, wool) or intended for food (grain, meat, fish). Durand’s design for a market is a square with a central courtyard. It has three stories and is all arcaded. The market takes place below and the grain storing above. (p. 113) The most celebrated covered market is the Halle au Ble (grain market) (fig. 34) of Paris. This design shows a stairway leading from the lower part, intended for everyday sales, to the upper floors, where grain and flour is to be stored. This stairway is designed so that four persons at a time can ascend or descend without obstructing each other, thus avoiding all confusion and congestion. (Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976) The Napoleonic campaign for better markets started and the initiative went on after his fall. The new markets were built between 1800 and 1850. La Clothe - design for a market, 1784 (p. 112) , was not constructed but won a prize. The design was totally symmetrical with five square buildings with cloisters and exedras. The napoleonic and post napoleonic markets are as a rule built on an open courtyard type and with arcading. Some buildings used outer arcading as well. The largest markets were Saint Martin and Saint Germain (fig. 35). Iron came in slowly. (Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976)

Commercial buildings were important amongst the vast collection of public ones of the time (workshops, libraries, greenhouses, bridges) characterised by the new way of building: complex structures, made for Universal Exhibitions, from that of 1851 in London to that of 1889 in Paris, or simple buildings, destined for markets, as the Parisian ones (les Halles Centrales). (Sergio Di Macco 1993) From the first type great examples are the Convent Garden Market built in 1830 (p. 116-117). It is formed by long ranges on a E plan whose rib strokes are longer than the spine strokes and its consistent arcades is influenced by the parisian markets, and Hungerford Market built in 1833 (p. 114-115) . The latter one is designed by using the proximity of the river and the rise of the bank up to the strand. It was formed by a great hall on the strand level with an open courtyard on the North side of it and the street connecting the courtyard with the strand. A lower courtyard south of the strand was at the river level. The hall was the basilica type and had galleries on arches over the aisles. Galleries and aisles were for the shops. Bellow the hall were vaults. The upper courtyard had columns round all four sides and larger shops on the West and East sides. The lower courtyard was designed as a fish market and had columns as well. A monumental staircase led up to the hall. Pubs were at strategic points in the South ends of the West and East porticoes of the lower courtyard. In 1835 Fowler was asked to design a roof for the lower courtyard. He designed an ingenious cast-iron double butterfly structure to stand detached from the walls to incorporate a clerestory. The Hungerford market turned out a failure, economically speaking. The hall became a lecture hall in 1851 and was burnt in 1854, and in 1862 there was built a railway station on top. (Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976) Les halles Paris (p. 122-123) designed by Batard between 1853-1858 is formed by fourteen pavilions connected by tunnel vaulted avenues. The parts were all made of glass and each pavilion served one or more types of produce. The design was made by iron and glass structure. It was demolished in 1971. (Pevsner, Nikolaus 1976) In Italy, two of the nineteenth-century edifices for retail markets still in operation, are particularly significant: the central market of Florence and one that is part of the Porta Palazzo complex market in Turin. The central market of Florence (fig. 37), opened in 1873, has the roof in glass and steel and has three levels. Its enclosing walls are made of brick, although they have large windows in iron. Relatively recently, its interior has been changed to accommodate a vast space for retailers of fruit and vegetables, which were previously in the square outside. But also the individual spaces for the sale were often refurbished, sometimes completely, though the charm of the originals is beyond doubt. Almost completely made of iron and glass is the Porta Palazzo market in Turin (p. 118-119), was inaugurated around 1885: the only one that can be placed in the category of the market buildings made entirely with the new construction opportunities of the industrial revolution. Inside the building, the individual spaces for sale (high quality of the infrastructure and furnishing) offer in some cases a recent and original solution with double floor. (Sergio Di Macco 1993) The recurring element in the nineteenth-century market is therefore, the hall, and also the degree of adaptability of the spaces of individual retailers. Adaptability which, chances are, was not desired by their original designers, but certainly useful when new business requirements have imposed the transformation of these markets. The characteristic height of these building types was conveniently used and the spaces of individual retailers could be

easily renewed. The markets have the appearance of a vast hall in which the spaces are furnished almost independent from it. These markets have appeared too important when they were built. A market for an entire city, although with far fewer inhabitants than now, does not attract those further away to this type of commerce. Therefore the solution was to create a bigger number of markets, each with less retailers, but uniformly distributed on the territory (as, in fact, was then made in the same Turin and Florence). (Sergio Di Macco 1993) In the 20th century, in market halls the steel was replaced by reinforced concrete: Breslau, Wroclaw with concrete parabolic arches, Leipzig market hall, with two low ribbed domes, Reimes market hall with a tunnel vault and Algeciras with a shallow dome and a pantheon oculus.

Figure 36 Interior view from Convent Garden market building Figure 37 Central Market of Florence

Other variations A variation if the covered market is alcaiceria, which differed more in its typological characteristics rather than its use. The Spanish version of the Arab word, used both in the East and the West, designates a state owned commercial institution and the building or group of buildings in which it is operated. Scholars tend to find the derivation of the term in a Greek adjective, which was to have given the origin to the latin caesarea, an abrevation for the imperial market. The prototype was to have been the quaysarya, founded by the roman emperor in Antioch: a large, covered and enclosed basilica whose tents and storage spaces allowed expensive merchandise to be safely preserved. A similar structure was found in Alexandria, where raw silk or silk thread was sold and canvas produced. In the Islamic world, the commercial establishment was commonly a very large public space, the allocation and layout of which varied over time from city to city. At times, it was a large patio with porticoes or covered galleries surrounding tents and stands, and included storage pace and lodging as in a kind of fondaco. At other times, it was an open or covered street, in which porticoes and shops opened. Sometimes the name alcaiceria was also given to a small commercial neighbourhood made up of narrows alleys or a small square surrounded by buildings designed to trade. Shopkeepers could sit in their stores without getting up to show buyers their goods. In Northern European cities, as well as Mediterranean, a lot of projects were rehabilitated or reconstructed due to decay, abandonment, fire, increased traffic, both in the large and small commercial centres. The building type persisted in time. (Calabi, Donatella 2004)

Figure 38 Entrance in Alcaicería of Granada, (Muslim market of narrow streets)

Fondaci: public warehouses The term fondaco comes from the Arab word funduq, which means warehouse and the word fhondac which means pub. It was often a two-three storey structure, with large premises on the ground floor to accommodate the people and the goods passing through, facing on to a busy central space used for many different purposes. In general a fondaco was both a building or a group of buildings, where one could live and store products destined for trade and consumption. The basic layout allowed it to be classified in typological terms. It was characterised by the separation between the private spaces of the owners and the transitory spaces to whom the merchants had access. It was also characterised by the combined presence of services, residences and premises where animals could be kept and imports conserved. The term fondaco, Fondaco dei Turchi and Fodaco dei Tedeschi, Venice, defines a warehouse, a wholesale market and a living accommodation. The combination was the same for the building Hansa in Antwerpen. It generally took on the characteristics of an island within a city - a specific market within a commercial centre. It was a form of public interference in trade. (Calabi, Donatella 2004)

Figure 39 Restauration of Fondaco dei Tedeschi, curtosey of OMA - view of interior courtyard and ceiling Figure 40 Restauration of Fondaco dei Tedeschi, curtosey of OMA - view of interior courtyard

Norms and regulations “Although the word market is used indiscriminately to denote those places where goods, and principally victuals, are sold, a distinction must be made here between two kinds of structure. Those markets intended for the sale of fish, vegetables, flowers and all livestock — merchandise attended by some degree of odour — must be very well aired and therefore uncovered, at least in part. In all such cases, the markets should be open. Markets intended for the sale of grain, wine, cloth and so on — articles liable to be damaged by air, sun or rain — must be covered and enclosed.” (Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis; Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis 2000) The design of the typology was influenced along the time also in regard to the norms and regulations that the market had. In the early modern times, drapers, mercers, goldsmith and money changers were at the cornerstones of the market space. Food sellers and artisans came later, taking advantage of the circulation of people and money, and benefiting from the proximity to the goods. There were places were the market was initially established in response to daily needs. The early banks and suppliers of gold, silver, textiles, woollen goods, silk, which set up a shops and were a sign of the market’s power. A series of shops and empty spaces in front of them created relationships and reciprocal advantages and an initial structure that permitted the proximity between merchants appeared. These sales points resisted throughout time and they started uniting and they formed rows and integrated, homogeneously or not, into the facades or squares. An example of many individual shops is in Thorn and Bruges. From the mod fifteenth century onwards, the aims of further separation of clear partitioning of the spaces along the rive, of clear delimitation of the particular markets were conceived with greater clarity. (Romano, Dennis 2015)

Figure 41 Central Market Hall (1927-30) in Leipzig, Germany, by Hubert Ritter & Franz Dischinger

Chapter 4 Italian markets

The evolution of the marketplace in Italy (Romano, Dennis 2015) Markets, especially in Italy, were places full of meaning, and they stood along with churches and public buildings as one part of a trinity of spaces central to urban life. Markets were also deeply contested spaces. Control of the market was essential, and the ability to maintain that control became an incontrovertible sign of authority and prestige. Every city of Italy was unique with a different commercial configuration. The jurisdiction over markets mirrored the political evolution of the communes. Marketplaces often reflected the conflicts of power spatially and architecturally. Sometimes the rise of a group would include the creation of a new marketplaces, other times it involved efforts to systematise and reorder existing market space or to assert some authority over the market architecturally, through the building and strategic placement of merchants courtesan guild headquarters. During the Middle Ages, in most cities, the political, commercial and ecclesiastical spaces overlapped, and during the early modern times they became segregated from one another. The evolution and arrangement of markets and fairs also depended on the economic base and commercial focus of individual towns and cities, factors that were in term determined to a large degree by natural or geographical factors, including access to the sea or rivers, or roads and canals. Market space itself it was different regarding the towns in which it existed, and the commerce the specific town was handling more. Small towns would have just one entered marketplace, whereas big cities as Venice or Florence would have multiple market squares. It is clear that every town had a space that the inhabitants would consider “the marketplace”. Jurisdiction over markets was a legal privilege since it entailed the right to levy duties and other imposts, to determine who could engage in buying and selling and when, to supervise the activities conducted therein, and to establish standards for weights and measures. After the Carolingian Empire, control of the markets in various Italian towns often was granted to local lay or ecclesiastic lords. In Milano, the bishop donated to the monks land were to have their market and also a hall with stalls inside the market. Also in Pistoia the same thing occurred. The urban development of Bologna and Pistoia over the Middle Ages is particularly well documented and studied, and the cities may serve as examples of 2 different models of market evolution. In Pisoia, despite shifting configurations of power, the primary ecclesiastical, governmental, and market spaces remained conjoined around the Piazza Maggiore, also known as the Piazza del Duomo. In contrast, in Bologna, three distinct spaces developed: the episcopal centre at the cathedral of San Pietro, the governmental centre at Piazza Maggiore and the mercantile centre at the Porta Ravegnana and the Carrobbio, although the Piazza Maggiore also served as market space. Most Italian cities followed one mode or another, so it is useful to examine pistoia and Bologna more closely.

Figure 42 Market in the main cloister San Francesco in Ascoli Piceno, 1982

CASE STUDIES: ITALIAN MARKETS

Pistoia (Romano, Dennis 2015) The market space was bordered on the South and west by a public street, on the East by a cathedral, and on the North by a tower. It was intersected by the ancient Roman cardo. The bishop soon erected his palace in the southern part of the market, and therefore the space was reduced and the fruit and vegetable areas had to move to an adjacent square. The commune, controlled by local aristrocats, started to take over the bishop’s power, especially reduced his control over the marketplace. Therefore, by the middle of the twelfth century, the marketplace was under the communal jurisdiction. In time, Florence took over Pistoia, and the civic centre was gradually reconstructed. The market continued to operate in the same location, controlled by the commune, The piazza was the site of the weekly market that was held on Saturdays. It included two sessions: the morning session that was dedicated to the sale of small barnyard animals, eggs and cheese, and the afternoon market for the grain.. The fruit and vegetable market was still running daily in the adjacent piazza, and for sanitary reasons, the pig and cattle markets took place elsewhere, in a large piazza.

Figure 43 Plan of the Cathedral and Market Square in Pistoia and its location within the city walls, late 10th century Figure 44 Pistoia, Palazzo degli Anziani

Figure 45 Map of Pistoia in the mid-14th century Figure 46

Bologna (Romano, Dennis 2015) Bologna, unlike Pistoia, developed 3 different urban spaces: the marginal episcopal centre at San Pietro, the commercial centre at Piazza Ravegnana and the governmental centre at Piazza Maggiore. It is unclear where the market was held in Bologna during the early Middle Ages. The ancient Roman market was held in the vicinity of the cathedral of San Pietro, and this is also the probable location of the middle aged market. The market reappeared in the sources later on and it had migrated to two sites: near the monastery of San Stefano and near the eastern gate of the Selenite walls (Porta Ravegnana), through the ancient decumanus. the markets were controlled by the bishop (the one close the monastery) and by the commune (the one close to the gate). In time, the market next to Porta Ravegnana started to be crowed and extended through the decumanus, and therefore named Mercato del Mezzo. In the same time, the bishop was building a civic centre, Piazza Maggiore, that was more and more enlarged. The construction of the communal palace in Piazza Maggiore, that included spaces for shops that sold foodstuff, started the migration of the mercatto del Mezzo to the main civic center. Later on, Bologna created a space for weekly cattle market, known as Campo del Mercato (Piazzaolo) and for annual fairs. Clearly, the communal government was supporting even more the commercial interests of the merchant classes. With specific regards to the markets, the later decades of the thirteenth century in particular saw efforts to systematise even further the market spaces. Between 1244 and 1251 the government constructed the Beccaria Magna, or Great Meat Market, just west of the Porta Ravegnana, along the mercado del Mezzo. It was located near to the Aposa stream, allowing the easy removal of waste products. Later on it was moved, and also the Fish market was torn down. In the 1280s, efforts were made to systematise the Mercato del Mezzo, and actions were taken especially because the government wished to facilitate the flow of traffic and to create clearer separations between the food markets (that were moved to Porta Maggiore) and the high end trades (clothing, second hand, artisan) that stayed in Porta Ravegnana. Afterwards, bologna was ruled by papal vicars that fortified the city, and afterwards by the guilds. The guildsmen were also the first people pushing for improvements to increase trade and commerce and to facilitate the communication within the city. Same urban strategies as bologna, to create civic piazzas and marketplaces that were distinct from the older episcopal centers, were adopted in manny other cities across Italy: Siena, Florence, Milan, Padua, Pavia, Verona, Parma, Treviso. Others Followed the example of Pistoia, and did not create new and distinct urban spaces, instead developed civic piazzas that housed the cathedral, communal offices and the market. the situation regarding the development of the markets is even more complicated, considering the various factors that influence the location of marketplaces, such as tradition, property rights, geography, political issues and social aspects.

Figure 47 Map of Bologna in the late 14th century Figure 48 Bologna, loggia della Mercanzia Figure 49 Bologna, Palazzo d’Accursio, begun 1287

Broletto Nuovo, 1228, Milan (p. 100-101) Galvano de la Fiamma describes the Brolleto Nuovo in Milan in one of his books. The Broletto Nuovo was the name of the town hall and stands in the centre of the square, but the name was given to the entire outdoor room created by the palace and the adjacent buildings. It was surrounded by a wall that had six gates around which different merchants would gather. It served for several functions, but it was also Milan’s main marketplace, and it was hosting various shops: the iron makers, the fish market, the marble loggia for the money changers, a meat market and under the vaults of the palazzo the grain was sold. The Broletto was the economic heart of the city. Flaminia describes it as a “quadrangular building surrounded by a high wall, located in the centre of the city.”(Fiamma, Galvano; Cengarle Parisi, Sante Ambrogio; David, Massimiliano; Chiesa, Paolo 2013) Mercato Vecchio, 12th century, Florence (p. 98-99) Mercato Vecchio was known to be “the most provisioned market in the world.” Florentine Antonio Pucci has written a poem, “Proprieta di Mercato Vecchio” to describe and praise the market. Around the market there were artisans and merchants, and inside the “most beautiful meat market with good meat” was placed. Pucci was impressed by the variety of poultry, fruits and flowers and he states that the market is the representation if the wellness of the city. The market was especially dedicated to the lower class and countrymen who would sell their goods. (Romano, Dennis 2015) Between the tenth and the eleventh century, in concomitance with the economic and political rebirth of Florence, the city market was set up in the area of the ancient Roman forum, now occupied by Piazza della Repubblica. The Forum vetus was in the ‘miluogo’, that is in the centre of early mediaeval Florence, the outstanding landmarks of which were the churches of Sant’Andrea and Santa Maria in Campidoglio and an ancient Roman column. This became the most important market in the city, which was soon joined by the mercatum de porta S. Mariae, in the area in which the Mercato Nuovo was set up in the sixteenth century. (Romano, Dennis 2015) Around these two centres, destined to the weekly market, there developed an urban area with increasingly marked commercial connotations. Along with the two markets there was also the loggia for the sale of grain constructed by Arnolfo di Cambio at the end of the thirteenth century. After a disastrous fire that took place in 1304, it was reconstructed by Francesco Talenti, Neri di Fioravante and Benci di Cione. After the middle of the century it was closed to construct the church of Orsanmichele, entrusted to the patronage of the Guilds and Corporations. In the meantime the area began to be populated by the headquarters of many of the Guilds and Corporations. The bell of the little church of Santa Maria degli Ughi also known as Santa Maria Primerana (once in what is now Piazza Strozzi) was rung at three in the morning to mark the end of the working day. (Palazzo Medici) Mercato Nuovo, 1547-48, Florence (p. 108-109) After the Mercato Vecchio was destroyed, Mercato Nuovo was built by Giovanni Battista del Tasso, as a one storyed loggia. The loggia was built around the middle of the 16th century in the heart of the city, just a few steps from the Ponte Vecchio. Initially, it was intended for the sale of silk and luxury goods and then for the famous straw hats, but today mainly leather goods and souvenirs are sold.

Figure 50 Map of civi center of Florence in the 14th century

Padua The complex of governmental buildings, “Palazzos” would host under their loggias various commercial spaces that would sell almost everything. The most important one that would host the main market is Palazzo della Ragione. In a lot of Italian towns, especially on the Po Valley, the communal palaces the ground floor was opened and included a gallery that almost in very case would sell goods. Unlike Bologna, that had porticos for the commercial activities, the centre of Padua could have been considered a Roman forum by excellence. The ground floor of the Palazzo della Ragione was the location of shops for different merchandise such as cloth, gold, combs. (Romano, Dennis 2015)

Figure 51 Padua, Palazzo de la Ragione Figure 52 Padua, Palazzo de la Ragione - Moschetti Figure 53 Padua, Palazzo de la Ragione - Moschetti

Figure 54 Plan of the Salone in the early 15th century, Palazzo della Ragione, Padua Figure 55 Distribution of market activities around Padua’s Palazzo della Ragione and surrounding buildings

Venice Venice was a very important commercial knot mostly because of it’s location and shape. Piazza San Marco was the place were the markets and fairs were held. On the days the market was there, temporary stalls and structures were installed in the square. Around the square there were permanent shops such as butchers, fish markets and bakers. After the church took over the market, it was moved to other places in the city.(Romano, Dennis 2015) Rialto, a commerce center, developed organically into a market in the beginning of the city’s history. The location was chosen because of the possibility of navigation in that part of the Grand Canal and the connection to the mainland. The market grew, both as a retail and as a wholesale market. Warehouses were built, including the famous Fondaco dei Tedeschi on the other side of the bridge. Meanwhile, shops selling luxury goods, banks and insurance agencies appeared and the city’s tax offices were located in the area. The city’s abattoir was also in the Rialto. It started as a place for butchers, and it was also the new location of the meat market in San Marco. Most of the buildings in the Rialto were destroyed in a fire in 1514, the sole survivor being the church San Giacomo di Rialto, while the rest of the area was gradually rebuilt. The Fabriche Vechie dates from this period, while the Fabbriche Nuove is only slightly more recent, dating from 1553. The area is still a busy retail quarter, with the daily Erberia greengrocer market, and the fish market on the Campo della Pescheria. (Wikipedia)

Figure 56 Venice, Rialto market, 19th century Figure 57 Floor plan of the 15th cenutry Beccaria (meat market) of San Marco, Venice Figure 58 Giovanni Battista Brustoloni, Campo San Giacomo di Rialto, 18th cenutry, Venice Figure 59 Gabriele Bella, The sensa fair in Piazza San Marco, 18th century, Venice 85

CASE STUDIES: TYPOLOGICAL EVOLUTION

4TH CENTURY AD MERCATI TRAJANEI FORUM TRAJANI

Figure 60 Apollodorus of Damascus, The Markets of Trajan, 112 C.E. - Overview; the Militia Tower is visible in the center, rising above the markets

Figure 61 Internal view of the Great Hall of the Markets of Trajan Figure 62 View of the Trajan’s Market from Via Biberatica

Figure 63 Plan of the Trajan Forum, with the Trajan market hightlighted Figure 64 Detail from the plan of the Trajan Forum showing the Trajan market

4TH CENTURY AD AGORA PRIENE

Figure 65 Interior view of the stoa in Agora Priene; The two-aisled stoa located north of the agora had an exterior Doric colonnade and Ionic columns in the interior. Behind was a row of 15 rooms (shops) with closed side walls and 6 steps leading to the agora below.

Figure 66 Priene City model; Priene was located on a steep hillside site so that many of the narrow north-south streets are little more than long stairways. Uniformly sized regular city blocks surround the central agora in the largest level area in the center.

Figure 68 Priene City Plan; Priene provides an ideal example of Hippodamian urban planning -where a strict grid plan is imposed on an irregular site, dictating an orderly strictly NS and EW orthogonal layout of street blocks and public spaces

Figure 67 Priene Agora; The agora was the commercial and business center of the city with administrative (bouleuterion) commercial (stoas) and religious buildings (temples) and theater all laid out according to the rational grid.

3TH CENTURY AD MACELLUM POMPEI

Figure 69 View from the Macellum - present state Figure 70 View from the interior courtyard of the macellum http://www.romeinspompeii.net/

Figure 71 The forum of Pompei, with the macellum highlighted; Figure 72 Macellum of Pompei plan

4TH CENTURY AD LEPTIS MAGNA ANTIQUE ROME / LIBYA

Figure 73 Reconstruction drawing of the forum of Leptis Magna, 8 BC

Figure 74 Map of Leptis Magna with the market highlighted Figure 75 Plan of the Leptis Magna market in Libya

4TH CENTURY AD MERCATO DI SERZIO ANTIQUE ROME / TIMGAD

Figure 76 Model of Market of Timgad - Museum of Roman Civilization, Rome

Figure 77 Plan of Timgad, Algeria from http://www.wallpapercoc. Figure 78 Plan of the Serzio market in Timgad

11TH CENTURY MERCATO VECCHIO FLORENCE

Figure 79 Piazza del Mercato Vecchio, by Giovanni Stradano (Palazzo Vecchio, Sala di Gualdrada) Figure 80 Painting by Telemaco Signorini, Mercato Vecchio a Firenze

Figure 82 Map of central Florence (Mercato Vecchio) in 1427 from http://www.palazzo-medici. Figure 81 Section and plan of Mercato Vecchio

13TH CENTURY BROLETTO MILANO MILANO

Figure 83 Milano - Piazza Mercanti - view of the portico Figure 84 Model of Brolleto Milano

100

Figure 87 Plan and section of the Broletto Figure 85 Plan of Broletto 1567 Figure 86 Lateral facade of the portico of Piazza de Mercanti

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15TH CENTURY THE GRAND BAZAAR ISTANBUL

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Figure 88 Overview of the bazaar from http://www. Figure 89 The interior of the Grand Bazaar in the 1890s, by Ottoman photographer Jean Pascal Sébah

Figure 90 Plan of the bazaar Figure 91 Map of the city with the bazaar highlighted Figure 92 Map of the bazaar with the functions

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1464 DESIGN FOR A MARKET IDEAL CITY, FILARETE

Figure 93 Filarete’s ground plan for the city of Sforzinda Figure 94 Drawing from the market in Filarete’s ideal city

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Figure 95 Filarete, design for a market, from his Treatisea, 1460, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale

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16TH CENTURY LOGGIA DELLA PESCARIA VENICE

Figure 96 Overview of the Venice Rialto market

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Figure 97 Loggia Della Pescaria, view from the Grand Canal Figure 98 Campo della Pescaria, view towards the covered open market

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1547-48 MERCATO NUOVO GIOVANNI BATTISTA DEL TASSO FLORENCE

Figure 99 Interior image of the loggia Figure 100 Plan and facade drawn by Durant in Precis

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Figure 101 View over the loggia of Mercato Nuovo Figure 102 Image from Google Earth with the market highlighted

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1666 MARCHE AUX POISSONS PIERRE PUGET MARSEILLE

Figure 103 Halle Puget à Marseille, exterior view Figure 104 Halle Puget à Marseille, front view

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Figure 105 Plan and section of the market drawn by Durand in Precis Figure 106 Google Earth image with the market highlighted

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1784 DESIGN FOR A MARKET LA CLOTHE

Figure 107 La Clothe, design for a market, 1784, plan

112

1802-1895 HALLE AU BLE DURAND - PRECIS

Figure 108 Section - J.N.L Durand, design for a market, Precis II, 1809 Figure 109 Facade - J.N.L Durand, design for a market, Precis II, 1809 Figure 110 Plan - J.N.L Durand, design for a market, Precis II, 1809 113

1830-33 HUNGERFOLD MARKET LONDON

Figure 111 London, Hungerfold market, Butterfly roofof the fish market, 1835, by Charles Fowler, London, RIBA drawing collection Figure 112 Painting of the New Hungerford Market in 1834

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Figure 113 Area around Charing Cross c.1833 Figure 114 London, Hungerfold market, 1830-1833, by Charles Fowler (the Strand on the left, the river on the right)

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1830 CONVENT GARDEN LONDON

Figure 115 Interior view of the Covent Garden market. Figure 116 General view of Covent Garden Market area Figure 117 Convent Graden market, view form above

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Figure 118 Covent Garden Market Act, 1961, areas. Redrawn by permission from a plan in Covent Garden Market Authority First Report 1961–1962. Stippled area denotes land vested in Covent Garden Market Authority. Broken line denotes the boundary of the Covent Garden area

Figure 119 Covent Garden Market in 1831, plan. Redrawn from a plan in The Gardener’s Magazine, vol. vii, 1831

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1837 PORTA PALAZZO TORINO

Figure 120 Site plan of Porta Palazzo market with the markets highlighted Figure 121 Overview of the markets

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Figure 122 Site plan of the markets from Mercati 1869, publiction of Figure 123 Plan of the Edibles Market Figure 124 Plan of the Edibles Market

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1839 MERCADO DO BOLHAO PORTO

Figure 125 View of the selling points from the interior courtyards (barracks) Figure 126 Plans, sections and elevations of the barracks

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Figure 127 Overview of Bolhao market with the market highlighted Figure 128 Plan of the market

121

1853-58 LES HALLES, BATARD PARIS

Figure 130 Paris, Halles Centrales, begun 1853 by Victor Baltard interior drawing

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Figure 129 The central Halles (1854-1870) built by the French architect Victor Baltard (1805-1874). Engraving by E. Bourdelin.

Figure 131 Paris, Halles Centrales, begun 1853 by Victor Baltard from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A Figure 132 plan and functional arrangement of the pavilions

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1869 CAMPO DEI FIORI ROME

Figure 133 Drawing of Campo dei Fiori market during middle ages, when it used to be a cattle market Figure 134 View of the Campo dei Fiori market during the daily market - with stalls and shops

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Figure 135 Site plan of Campo dei Fiori market Figure 136 Google image with the market highlighted

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1882 HALLES AUX POISSONS BRUXELLES

Figure 137 Fish market on the merchant pool - view from the church tower west Figure 138 Interior of Fish market from http://bruxellesanecdotique.

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Figure 139 Plan of the fish market drawn by Durand in Precis from Durand, Jean-NicolasFigure 140 The old fish market and the merchants pool (Brussels geometric plan - JB Craan 1835 - excerpt)

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1935 MERCATO ITTICO NAPOLI

Figure 141 Axonometric view of the market Figure 142 Exterior view

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Figure 143 Google images view with the market highlighted Figure 144 Plan

129

2012 TESTACIO MARKET ROME

Figure 145 Sections and facades of the market Figure 146 Exterior perspective

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Figure 147 Google earth image with the Testaccio market highlighted Figure 148 Plan of the market with selling points

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J.N.L. DURAND - DESIGN FOR HALLS

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Figure 149 J.N.L. Durand design for market Halls

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J.N.L. DURAND - DESIGN FOR HALLS

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Figure 150 J.N.L. Durand design for market Halls

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MARKET TYPES

BY POSITION

BROLETTO

LOGGIA

AREALE

ENCLOSED

HALL

BASILICA

GALLERY

EXCHANGE

BY STRUCTURE

OPEN

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COVERED

CLOSED

BY LOCATION

OWN LOCATION

STREET MARKET

BY TEMPORALITY

PERMANENT

TEMPORARY

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Chapter 5 The organisation of the marketplace

The organisation of the marketplace: infrastructure, street, shops and stalls (Romano, Dennis 2015) The success of the vendors depended not only on their ability as salesman but also on their space in the marketplace. Generally speaking but with a lot of variations and many exceptions, producers and sellers of the same kind of goods gathered in particular areas, such as streets or sections of the market. Although this started as a spontaneous action of the vendors, in time it became a requirement because it facilitated regulation and supervision. It also helped the sales grow, since buyers knew exactly where to go to find particular kinds of goods. In medieval times, the shops were concentrated along a street, facing each other. The grouping of shops by guild usually facilitate trade since buyers could easily survey the various shops, comparing quality and prices. Also such arrangements of shops also served to eliminate competition and discourage fraud. As well, the tensions between guilds that were selling similar products was lowered. Given the importance of the location, the stalls were assigned by the government or guild officials, and many of them relied on lotteries in order to minimise the conflict. Stalls and shops proved to be an endless source of controversy and therefore a lot of regulations were set. Vendors were fighting also about the boundaries between stalls. To solve this conflict, rules to establish the same dimensions for shops and counters were created. But these led to sellers expanding their stalls in the streets to attract more customers. These raised two concerns: first, the guilds considered that it was unfair for the other members that could not extend their spaces; second, the civic authorities sustained that such extensions are not allowed on public land. Other problems occurred in different markets: shopkeepers wanted to take over other stalls and shops, vendors would sublet their shops to others. Therefore, the distribution of shops and stalls created endless problems. The actual construction of the the market infrastructure varies: permanent stone or brick shops built into the fabric of other buildings, temporary wooden stalls set up for the duration of the fairs or assembled and disassembled during the market days, and simple crates and baskets from which sellers would sell their goods. Usually, the ground floor loggia would serve as a covered market hall. These shops consisted of a square or rectangular space with an entryway at the front, vaulted or not. The space inside was extremely crowded. The counter was considered the most important element of any retail space, because it was the place where buyer and seller literally came face to face with the goods strategically placed between them. Giving this importance, it is clear why the vendors wanted to extend them more and more into the streets. Stone counters suited different types of products, such as fish, since they were cold, non porous surfaces that were easy to clean. While the most substantial shops were the ones permanently built into the fabric of other buildings, many vendors operated out of temporary and movable structures that were assembled and disassembled on a regular basis. Unlike the fixed shops in buildings made of brick or stone, the structures assembled for daily or weekly markets were made from wood, and some had canvas awnings secured by ropes, which protected the vendors and the goods from outdoor factors.

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Also, to sell sometimes it only required a basket or a wooden crate on which the products, especially food, were displayed, and the vendor would stand behind it. Most shops were furnished only with the most basic implements need. Of course, the vendors would arrange the goods on display to attract more customers, as well as hang it from rafters or place them in crates in front of the shop. The evidence for the construction, layout and infrastructure of the commercial establishments in the middle ages indicates that most shops were extremely modest affairs. Location counted for much more than either size or the refinement of furnishing, since it was the frontage of shops on public streets and piazzas that attracted customers. Successfully completing sales often involved elaborate negotiations that resembled a “dance” between partners.

Figure 151 Padua, shops on the ground floor of the Palazzo della Ragione, 20th century

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MERCATO VITTORIA ROME STALL ORGANISATION

Figure 152 Infrastructure of selling points in Vittoria market, Rome from Macco, Sergio Di. Figure 153 Selling points in Vittoria market, Rome Figure 154 Plan of nfrastructure of selling points in Vittoria market, Rome 140

MERCATO CASAL PALOCCO ROME STALL ORGANISATION

Figure 155 Tall selling points in covered market Casal Palocco, 1979, Rome Figure 156 Plan of infrastructure inside market Casal Palocco, Rome, 1979 141

MERCATO VIGNA MURATA ROME STALL ORGANIZATION

Figure 157 Interior of Vigna Murata market, Rome, 1986 Figure 158 Interior of Vigna Murata market, Rome, 1986 Figure 159 Plan of Vigna Murata market, Rome, 1986 142

MERCATO DI TORRESPACCATA ROME STALL ORGANIZATION

Figure 160 Detail of infrastructure of Torrespaccata market, Rome, 1992 Figure 161 Plan of Torrespaccata market, Rome, 1992 143

The importance of marketplaces in the evolution of Rome Classical Rome provides a fascinating example of complex food system in which the centrality of the food markets was supported by food distribution and retailing forms recognisable in urban conurbations today. As a city of apartment dwellers, where only the very rich could afford a house on their own, Rome was sustained by vast imports for a population in which a quarter was receiving food from the state. Rome’s food markets were supplemented by public warehouses that stocked important commodities and acted as a form of classical hypermarkets. Small food shops traded from the ground floor premises of ubiquitous flat buildings, and the major concentration of shops was found around the Roman fora, especially the Forum of Trajan. Specialist wholesale markets existed for vegetables, beef, pork, sheep, fish (holitorium, boarium, suarium). In the Roman city, housing and trade remained closely connected, in a form of vertical mixed use, with shops below and dwellings and storage space above. Over time, fairs moved from open-air market places accommodating commerce of all kinds to permanent covered structures constructed over the existing market square, some of which eventually became houses with shops on their ground floors. The circulation pattern relating to the central market was rationalised to suit new urban conditions. Roman grids became modified, new streets pushed through at the weakest points, clearly, the connectivity of the market to its surrounding areas was vital, and improvements were made to increase permeability and legibility. (Romano, Dennis 2015) In Rome a lot of institutions had control over the commercial activities. Anna Modigliani in her book Mercati, botteghe e spazi di commercio a Roma tra Medioevo ed età moderna, offers a study on roman markets throughout history. Campigdolio was the location of a major market in the Middle Ages and the centre of the government and justice of the commune of Rome. Food markets were placed throughout the city with the most important ones being Campo dei Fiori, Piazza Santa Maria Rotonda, Piazza Giudea and San Celso.

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Visiting marketplaces in Rome After analysing the historical and typological evolution of the markets, at a more theoretical level, the research shifted to a practical aspect: visiting a series of marketplaces in Rome to observe the atmosphere, people, merchandise and use of public space. The markets were chosen after discussing with different locals that suggested the best markets from a customer’s opinion, and afterwards making a selection by architectural importance and history of the market inside the city. The observation started with two markets around the site location, in order to form an idea about the atmosphere of the neighbourhood’s markets and see what customers are more attracted to go in this area. One of the markets is a daily covered and opened market in which farmers come and sell their products in the morning. Surrounding the market stalls there are a few shops and eating places that serve traditional Italian food and usually sell it to the market’s customers or students from the University. Flaminio II is situated close to MAXXI museum in a quiet and residential neighbourhood. The market serves the people that live in the neighbourhood. Afterwards the attention was shifted towards a few “famous” regional markets: Mercato Rionale Insieme, Mercato Esquilino, Mercato Alessandria, Mercato Testaccio and Mercato Prati. The answer I received after visiting them has clarified the question I asked myself in the beginning of the research: Why do markets continue to exist in today’s Italian society? Seeing the multitude of vendors, the social differences that do not matter, the fresh products, the noise and the social interaction in between all the participants in the activities has proved that the sociological research I studied applies also for the markets in Rome. Most of the markets have been renewed but the materials and details are not of architectural quality. The activities inside on the other hand appeared to be of utmost importance in the everyday lifestyle of the people that were engaged. I studied the relationship of the markets with the urban tissue. Mercado Alessandria is placed in the point of intersection of five streets that create an island in which the market is strategically located. There is an entrance on each side that leads to a street. The quality of the building together with the marble finishings inside have pointed out the importance of the market in the neighbourhood and also in Rome. Walking from one market to another I came upon a lot of street markets, some of them informal and temporary and other with a more permanent appearance. The market on Via Orvieto is a long row of facing boxes that host an impressive number of vendors. Other important aspects I have followed in my observation were how the merchandise is placed on the counter, what types of stalls each market has, how do the vendors get the merchandise in and out, where do they store it and what kind of materials are used for the interior finishing. Further on I will present a collage of photos from some of the markets analysed. The observation helped me in the search for the character of a roman market in the contemporary society.

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CASE STUDIES: MARKETS IN ROME

Mercato Flaminio II Mercato Alessandria

Mercato Flaminio

Mercato Prati

Nuovo Mercato Esqui

Mercato Testaccio

Eataly

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ilino Mercati Via Oriveto Mercato Insieme di piazzale della Primavera

Mercato Rionale di Torrespaccata

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MERCATO DI TORRESPACCATA

Figure 162 View of interiour courtyard and distribution space; Figure 163 View from service area; Figure 164 View from entrance; Figure 165 Stalls; Figure 166View towards the outside; Figure 167 Selling point; Figures from 157-162 are own 148

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MERCATO RIONALE INSIEME

Figure 168 Fruit stall; Figure 169 View from the inside with selling points; Figure 170 Vegetables stall and customers; Figure 171 Selling point; Figure 172 Outside informal market stalls; Figure 173 View from an isle; 150

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MERCATO VIA ORIVETO

Figure 174 View from the street; Figure 175 View from the row selling points; Figure 176 Selling point; Figure 177 Customers and selling point; 152

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MERCATO ESQUILINO

Figure 178 View of the interior arrangement - stalls and selling points; Figure 179 Fish counter; Figure 180 Vegetables selling points; Figure 181 View from the interior; Figure 182 Clothes selling point; Figure 183 View from an isle; Figures 173-178 are own 154

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MERCATO ALESSANDRIA

Figure 184 Fruits selling points; Figure 185 Counter- material details; Figure 186 View towards one entrance; Figure 187 View of the entrance; Figure 188 Exterior perspective; Figure 189 Eating spaces; 156

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MERCATO TESTACCIO

Figure 190 Exterior perspective; Figure 191 View from an isle; Figure 192 Selling points; Figure 193 Eating spaces - public space; Figure 194 Eating point; Figure 195 Viewfromtheentrance; Figures 185-190 are own 158

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EATALY

Figure 196 Facade; Figure 197 Brewerie view; Figure 198 Cheese selling point; Figure 199 Resselers’ market; Figure 200 Resellers’ market; Figure 201 Meat selling point; 160

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“What came first? the city or the market? It is not always clear but historically the development of towns and markets is often linked.” (Black, Rachel 2012)

PART 3: DESIGN PROCESS: CREATING THE SPACE

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PART 3: DESIGN PROCESS: CREATING THE SPACE

The process of creating space and place

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Chapter 1 Learning from typologies

The marketplace is a typology that has been present since the Antiquity and it is still evolving nowadays inside modern cities’ urban tissues. As I was studying and analysing morphologically different markets from Italy but also remarkable examples of markets around Europe and from the surrounding regions that have been part of the Roman Empire at a certain point, I concluded that it is not the case of a clear continuity of the typology seen as a process of evolution. The marketplaces differ from one location to another, shifted materials and proportions in time, but they kept several recurrent elements that still exist now in the typology. As discussed earlier, the market has been for a long time the centre of the urban space, restructured and reconstructed by following the functional needs of the building combined with the desire of decoration. In time the typology evolved technically together with the evolution of the industry but it maintained more or less the same distribution of spaces. What changed drastically at a certain point in time was the importance the market was given inside the city, and it was moved from the city centres towards the periphery, multiplied and disregarded as an architectural object inside the city. The exterior aspect of the buildings that hosts markets are completely different as looking at them throughout the time. But at a close analysis of the plans, I discovered the similarities: the portico, the loggia and the market hall are recurrent elements that function in the same way but have changed in materiality, size and structural possibilities. These informations have helped me while deciding the physical dimension of my project. I continue by analysing the circulations, functions and elements from the marketplaces I studied and applied them onto my buildings in the same way: keeping the functional aspect and working with the structure, materials and dimensions as they would have to suit the requirements of the location and the social needs. The display of the different types of selling points has been always separated by the type of goods sold. I looked at two markets that had a clear separation ( the ideal market of Filarete and Les Halles in Paris) to be able to analyse the relationship created in between the different spaces and how the separation was made. I followed also the spaces distributed to different goods and their characteristics so that I can be able to use the knowledge and create my own spaces suited for the merchandise intended to be sold inside. I also analysed the interior organisation of the marketplace and how the stalls and infrastructure is placed inside the buildings. Another aspect I followed in the analysis was the relationship with the city. In most of the examples the market was an object that differentiated itself from the rest of the city. In my case, I followed surroundings and the urban pattern of the area in which I located the market and combined the desire to blend into the fabric and connect with the city, with an elegant structure that stands out through its presence. I detached myself from the typology when I started thinking about details, materiality and structure. The choice for concrete, arches and pavement came from references that in most cases are not related to the typology I studied. In this way I added new elements to the reinterpretation of the marketplace.

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EVOLUTION OF PHYSICAL ORGANISATION OF THE MARKETS

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Schematical reinterpretation of the plans discussed earlier in the book in chronological order. 169

RECURRING ELEMENTS THROUGHOUT THE EVOLUTION OF THE MARKETS: THE PORTICO

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RECURRING ELEMENTS THROUGHOUT THE EVOLUTION OF THE MARKETS: THE LOGGIA

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RECURRING ELEMENTS THROUGHOUT THE EVOLUTION OF THE MARKETS: THE HALL

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Les Halles - functional scheme

Fillarete - design for an ideal market, functional scheme

DELICATESN

BREAD BARS RESTAURANTS

MEAT 176

FARMERS

FISH

CAFES

Chapter 2 Functions, activities and circulation inside the market

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FARMERS RESELLER MARKET SHOPS FLOWERS

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CIRCULATION ROUTES

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MOVEMENT INSIDE THE MARKETS

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SHOPS

MARKET HALL 182

Chapter 3 Designing together with typologyes

RESTAURANTS

COVERED MARKET 183

INITIAL TYPOLOGIES

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ELEMENTS SELECTED: STOA/PORTICO

REINTERPRETATION OF THE TYPOLOGY: SHOP AREA

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SHOPS

MARKET HALL 186

RESTAURANTS

COVERED MARKET 187

INITIAL TYPOLOGIES: MARKET HALL

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ELEMENTS SELECTED PORTICOS AND LOGGIAS

REINTERPRETATION OF THE TYPOLOGY:MARKET HALL

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SHOPS

MARKET HALL 190

RESTAURANTS

COVERED MARKET 191

INITIAL TYPOLOGIES

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ELEMENTS SELECTED: LOGGIA

REINTERPRETATION OF THE TYPOLOGY: COVERED MARKET

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SHOPS

MARKET HALL 194

RESTAURANTS

COVERED MARKET 195

INITIAL TYPOLOGIES

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ELEMENTS SELECTED: LOGGIA AND PORTICO

REINTERPRETATION OF THE TYPOLOGY: THE INDOOR RESTAURANTS

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Figure 202 Images from Google Earth highlighting the location and the current facade 198

Chapter 3 Location

I chose the location on Via Flaminia for several reasons. Firstly, it is a plot that contains a group of temporary structures that have no architectural importance and are completely out of context in the centre of the city. By demolishing them and keeping the vegetation, a space for a new construction could be made without interfering with the character of the surroundings. Secondly, the central location inside the city, on a historical street that has a residential, educational and commercial character, close to some of the most important tourist attractions was the best choice for the chosen programme and the typology I designed. The market would therefore serve for different types of customers: the locals, that will be the permanent buyers, the tourists that are engaged in the ethogastronomic tourism and also the students that can use the eating places created. I considered the possibility of creating a contemporary gathering place in the heart of the historic city and in the same time design a modern civic and entertainment centre. The market would be served by an existing parking lot situated on the South-East side. The idea behind the market place is to create a sustainable environment that does not encourage the car use, so I did not create a second parking space. On the East side of the plot the hight suddenly changes and a park starts ascending towards Villa Borghese. The farmers market and urban farming area have been placed on the East side so that they connect with the nature. In the South, The Museum of Children has an open playground that can also serve for the visitors of the market. In the North, the park of the Music School creates a vegetation passage towards the back of the market location. The building across the street from the market, the Palazzo Marina, an eight floors building, stands by itself on an island and it has a park in front. The street facade is divided in six parts by circulations and has a homogenous aspect and the biggest hight in order to create a communication with the Palazzo. They also align in hight with the adjacent buildings. On the site there is a vintage fair that happens every week. The style of the fair si informal and the stalls and tents are in bad condition. The project will incorporate a central area that would also allow the fair to continue happening, together with other seasonal markets.

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SITE-PLAN HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

Map showing the situation of the plot between 700 and 1800

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Map showing the situation of the plot at 1870

Map showing the plot at 19

g the situation of 900

Map showing the situation of the plot at 1950

Map showing the situation of the plot today

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SITE-PLAN ANALYSIS

Map highlighting the street of the plot, Via Flaminia

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Map highlighting the function diversity around the plot

Map highlighting the public spaces around the plot

Map highlighting the rezidential buildings around the plot

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SITE-PLAN PRESENT SITUATION

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TOPOGRAPHY

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SITE PHOTOS

Figure 203 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 204 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 205 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 206 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 207 Side entrance towards the back of the site; Figure 208Side entrance towards the back of the site; Figure 209 Broletto Flaminio vintage fair location; Figure 210 Broletto Flaminio vintage fair location; Figure 211 Broletto Flaminio vintage fair location;` 210

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AMENTIES PHOTOS

Figure 212 Playground from Children Museum; Figure 213 Parking lot; Figure 214 Tram station; Figure 215 Adjacent building; Panorama of the street in front of the site; 214

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Chapter 4 Developing the masterplan

After distributing the functions inside the buildings and establishing the typological relationship between the old markets and the newly created designs, I started creating relationships between the buildings and also studying circulations, paths and spaces in-between so that I could create a logical arrangement of the buildings on the site. I looked back on the typologies and studied the site plans of each location. I examined the bazaar plan, with narrow covered streets and shops that are created separated for its needs and subordinate to the whole. As architectural references that lead me to find answers for the planimetry, I looked at Aldo Van Eyck and his Orphanage in Amsterdam, Candilis Josic and Woods with Free Berlin University and Jørn Utzon’s additive plan. Aldo Van Eyck uses the path design distribution (which is the art of arranging the parts of buildings according to the situation) and also uses a hierarchy based on the roman principals of Cardo and Decumanus. In Berlin Candilis uses flexibility (the paths depend of the people that use it) and does not define the line between specificity and generality. The interior spaces of the University are organised around the gardens. In Export Collage Utzon inspires his design from Arabian Bazaars. Each school is created with its own organisation, the rooms have different sizes and roofs have different forms. Having in mind these principles, I designed a network of streets and circulations that create both spaces for buildings and courtyards. I orientated the restaurants and bars towards the street and the shops perpendicular to them. On the east side, towards the park that goes up the hill I placed the open markets that blend into the park.

Figure 216 View from above from the model of the Freie Universität Berlin Figure 217 Plan of the Freie Universität Berlin Figure 218AmsterdamOrphanage, built by Dutch Architect Aldo van Eyck in 1960 Figure 219 The Kingo Houses, Jorn Utzon 217

EXPERIMENTING WITH THE TYPOLOGIES THE EVOLUTION OF THE MASTERPLAN - FORMAL ATTEMPTS

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FINAL ARRANGEMENT

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CIRCULATIONS

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FUNCTIONAL DISTRIBUTION

BREAD AND DELICATESSEN AREA

RESTAURANT/ CAFES/ BARS AREA

STREET ORIENTATION

STREET AND COURTYARD ORIENTATION

PORTICO WITH SITTING POSIBILITIES

LOGGIA FOR OUTDOOR TERRACE

ENCLOSED SPACE

SMALLER VOIDS

HEAVY STRUCTURE - SMALLER VOIDS

TWO FLOORS

MEAT/ FISH/ POULTRY/ CHEESE AREAS

INTERIOR COURTYARD

ENCLOSED MARKET

PUBLIC SPACE WITH DIFFERENT FUNCTIONS

COLD MATERIALS

TEMPORARY FAIRS AND MARKETS

COVERED OUTDOOR PART - PORTICO FOR SELLING

LEISURE AND EATING AREAS

ORIENTED TOWARDS THE INSIDE TO PREVENT THE OUDORS TO GO OUT SUN PROTECTED AIR CIRCULATION GOOD NATURAL VENTILATION LOW CEILING SMALLER VOIDS URBAN FARMING GLASS HOUSES OR OPEN FIELDS GREEN AREA COMMUNITY SPACE 224

CONSUMING RESELLERS’MARKET COVERED MARKET, ENCLOSED WITH GLASS PERMANENT STALLS

LEISURE

HIGHER CEILING FOR MORE LIGHT AND VISIBILITY LIGHT STRUCTURE FARMERS’ MARKET COVERED OPEN SPACE - NO ENCLOSINGS

BUYING AND SELLING

PERMANENT AND TEMPORARY STALLS HIGHEST CEILING FOR MORE LIGHT AND VISIBILITY

PROCESSING

LIGHT STRUCTURE

PRODUCING

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DELICATESN

FUNCTIONAL ARRANGEMENT

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POULTRY

TEMPORARY MARKETS

RESELLER MARKET

FAIRS

LEISURE

MEAT

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FARMERS FARMERS FARMERS FARMERS MARKET MARKET MARKET MARKET FISH FISH

CHEESE

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CHEESE

LEISURE

FLOWERS

URBAN KITCHEN

URBAN FARMING

SPICES

FOOD TRUCKS

COMMUNITY SPACES

SHOPS

URBAN FARMING

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Public space and in-between spaces The project aims to connect the social, economical and physical aspect into a complex of buildings that come together through an interior courtyard that serves them. The market should be an economic and social centre of the city and, on a smaller scale, of the neighbourhood. The market is a city within a city, an entire diversity of people, goods and buildings that come together and create a unique space. The market is a place of meeting, trade, exchange and sociability, a public space created from the activities that take place inside of it, but also from the quality of the designed physical space. I emphasised in the project the qualities of the public spaces. As parts of the market function normally during the mornings (the farmers market), the covered spaces transform themselves into a forrest of almost transparent pillars that merge with the trees and create a continuous space that can be reused throughout the day. The vitality of the building complex is maintained by the permanent functions that face the street (bars, cafes, restaurants and shops) and also by the possibility of creating a park inside. The spaces in-between the buildings serve as circulations but also as places of meeting and leisure. The large sidewalks offer the opportunity for interaction, but in the same time the user is guided through the pavement. The courtyards are filled with vegetation that continue the parks that surround the site and create a connection with them. The green layer together with the passageways and courtyards, differentiated by various types of pavement, transforms the market into a vivid place of interaction even when the market is closed. The visualisations of the outside spaces placed later on in the book explain the atmosphere created and also the possibilities of how the space can be used. As the goal of the project was to bring back the public space inside the market, the solution I propose involves grouping the market buildings around qualitative public spaces that can facilitate the occurrence of outdoor activities and also function as adjacent spaces for the buildings.

Collage representing a detail of a possible arrangement of the public activities in the courtyard 229

Figure 220 Structural and facade reference - Palazzo della Cancelleria Rome - courtyard

Figure 221 Structural and facade inspiration - Museu Marítim: Drassanes (Shipyards) de Barcelona

Figure 222 Structural and facade inspiration - Cloister San Francesco, Ascoli Piceno 230

Chapter 5 Structure and patterns

Structural decisions I designed the structure of the building taking into account the very vivid and colourful atmosphere that would take place underneath it. In this project I considered the structure as more than its pragmatic and primary engineering functions such as stability and connections between beams, pillars, joints and more as a design that would express a certain space and beauty. The relationship between appearance and performance is ambiguous when looking at the very thin pillars and the surface patterns and overall spatial atmosphere merge into one. The length of the pillars, the with of the arches and the chosen pavement create an almost transparent structure that adapts its measurements according to the space underneath it. Therefore the ventilation and natural light is adapted for the needs inside. The upper part, white and fragmented, mirrors the pavement fragmentation in a very abstract why. The strict edges of the ceiling and the absence of the vaults enhance the almost two dimensional impression of the building, leaving the the third dimension for the crowd of people and goods that would stand under it. The structure appears almost flat so that the spatiality would be given by the place created. I chose the arches because they soften the very strict grid and accentuate the transparence of the facades. The proportions are taken from Brunelleschi’s arches at Ospedale deli Innocenti and are multiplied and scaled in relationship with the building’s dimensions.

Figure 223 Structural and facade reference - Giorgio Calanca, Luciano Pozzo, Giorgio Mondadori e Oscar Niemeyer with the first version of Palazzo Mondadori project, 1969 231

Figure 224 Facade and structure reference - Palácio do Itamaraty, Brasília, Oscar Niemeyer

Figure 225 Facade and structure reference - Palácio do Itamaraty, Brasília, Oscar Niemeyer

Figure 226 Facade and structure reference - Palácio do Itamaraty, Brasília, Oscar Niemeyer - view from the interior 232

Figure 227 Portico reference Denise, 81, photographed in 2015 at Renée Gallhoustet’s Cité Spinoza, Ivry-sur-Seine, 1973

Figure 228 Athmospherereference - Bahrain Pavillion from the XIII Biennale di Architettura, Venezia 2012 233

Figure 229 Reference for structure and porticos - Moneo Museum of Roman Antiquities, Merida from https://ro.pinterest.com/

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Figure 230 Reference for arches and structure - Goldenberg House by Louis Kahn (1959)

Figure 231 Reference for structure and arches - Toyo Ito, Tama Art University Library

Figure 233 Reference for structure and arches - Toyo Ito, Tama Art University Library

Figure 232 Reference for structure and arches - Arsenale, Venice Biennale pavilion, interior view 235

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FACADE EXPERIMENTS

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Figure 234 Facade and proportion reference - Brunelleschi’s Ospedale degli Innocenti, Florence Figure 235 Facade and proportion reference - Brunelleschi’s Ospedale degli Innocenti, courtyard view, Florence from https://en.wikipedia.org/ 238

Figure 236 Facade and proportion reference - The Greater Cloister of St. Francis of Ascoli Piceno , popularly also known as Piazza delle Erbe, interior courtyard view

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Cosmatesque pavement Cosmatesque’s foors tradition emerges in Rome at the beginning of the XII Century, under Pasquale II ’s papacy, as an expression of the religious and political transformation from Imperial to Christian Rome. Retroactively coined in the XIX Century, the term Cosmati collectively indicates the active roman families who worked with marble between the end of XI Century and XIV Century, but its etymology nds place in the name of Cosma, who belonged to the third generation of Lorenzo Cosmati’s family, whose marble workshop was the one that contributed the most to the development and success of this mosaic style. The art of Roman Magistri was bequeathed in di erent workshops from generation to generation. For the families of marble workers that was a sort of inheritance and legacy that implicitly comprehended a continuity of prestigious papal commissions. As a reminiscence of the past splendor of the Roman Empire, those pavements are entirely constituted by salvaged materials from the Roman ruins and are declined into a new language adapted to the new religious values. Directly commissioned by the Pope, the ruins’ spolia aren’t considered as a plunder but as a prosecution and evolution of the classical tradition of pavimental mosaic, in which the symbolic, spiritual and iconographic heritage are preserved in recycled imperial stones, colors and forms. (Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma 2002) The constraint of imperial materials` availability, together with the fact that those abilities where a familiar and local tradition instead of being taught, are the reasons why this particular oor can be found in its original forms only in roman territory, although its shapes will be reinterpreted all over Europe. The composition technique in use is opus sectile, which literally means “cut works”, a typology of pavimental art that di ers from the most common tassellated mosaic because of the heterogeneity of the elements’ size, of which the oor is composed. There are two levels of geometrical composition that characterize an original Cosmatesque floor. The framework, which emphasizes the liturgical functions of the space lead the visitors along the central nave to the altar with a composition of Quincunx geometry, coming from Christian symbology, and Guilloche geometry, typical of Byzantine art. (Glass, Dorothy F. 1980) The interstitial fabric is by contrast the lling pattern that is set into the framework, or encrusted upon a stone surface. The compositive units are precisely cut in order to minimize visible joints, in fact no mortar was used on the surface level, which was then hammered to level the floor. In those geometrical compositions we can detect a sort of cultural conciliation; the Christian message is carried on in the perfection of the Arab’s mathematical rules.

Figure 237 Framework Quincux, Christian Symbolism Figure 238 Framework Quincux, Guilloche Symbolism

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Figure 239CosmatesqueOrnament - variation Figure 240CosmatesqueOrnament - variation

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Figure 241 Cosmatesque Floor: 12th Century, plan of St. Clemente, Rome

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COSMATESQUE PAVEMENTS

Figure 242 Cosmatesque Floor, Plan of 12th Century Figure 243 Cosmatesque Floor, Plan of San Marco, Venice, 12th Century

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COLLAGE OF PAVEMENT DISTRIBUTION

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Reinterpretation of the cosmatesque pavement in the project After analysing the cosmatesque pavement I have selected a few representative symbols and I have simplified them and created eight types of pavement that would be assigned to each market location. The colours are chosen from the palette of the cosmatesque mosaics and are just set as an example from various possibilities. I chose the frame work model for the circulation, as it represents the liturgical procession and it leads the way, and the interstitial fabric type for the interior of the buildings, which represents the pattern that would be set into the framework. The pavement also enhances the roman feeling of the market and creates unique spaces that are represented by individual pavement models.

Samples of each pavement designed with a proposed colour

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INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT MARKET HALL AND FARMERS’ MARKET’S STALL ARANGEMENT

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“Food shapes cities, and through them, it moulds us, along with the countryside that feeds us.” (Steel, Carolyn 2009)

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PART 3: DESIGN OUTCOME: CREATING THE PLACE

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PRELIMINARY DESIGN EXERCISES COLLAGES OF THE FIRS IDEAS

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PART 3: DESIGN OUTCOME: CREATING THE PLACE

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SITE PLAN

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SITE PLAN

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SITE SECTION

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PLAN

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PLAN

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STREET FACADE

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COURTYARD FACADES

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COURTYARD FACADES

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AXONOMETRIC VIEW

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INTERIOR COURTYARD COLLAGE

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INTERIOR COURTYARD COLLAGE

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RESTAURANT AREA PLAN

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RESTAURANT AREA STREET FACADE

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RESTAURANT AREA PLAN

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RESTAURANT SECTION

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MARKET HALL PLAN

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MARKET HALL FACADE

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MARKET HALL FACADE

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MARKET HALL COLLAGE

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FARMERS MARKET PLAN

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FARMERS MARKET FACADE

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FARMERS MARKET INTERIOR COLLAGE

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FARMERS MARKET COLLAGE

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SHOPS AREA PLAN

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SHOPS AREA PORTICO COLLAGE

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SHOPS AREA PLAN

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ENTRANCE IN THE SHOP AREA COLLAGE

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ATMOSPHERE COLLAGE

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MODEL PHOTOGRAPHY

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MODEL PHOTOGRAPHY

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MODEL PHOTOGRAPHY

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“Markets are remnants of the past lodged in the heart of modern cities.” (Black, Rachel 2012)

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CONCLUSIONS

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PART 5: CONCLUSIONS

The aim of the project was to combine both sociological, historical and architectural research into creating a complex space which was defined as a marketplace. Each aspect studied had an important impact on the design. The political aspects such as food industry and sustainability created an open area of covered markets and other facilities that include an urban kitchen that re-uses the food waste from the market, urban farming plots and farmers’ markets. The social aspects created numerous types of public spaces and in-between spaces that offer the users the possibility of interaction. The typological and historical study have shaped the design of the buildings and gave spaces to functions. By studying a big number of markets in Europe and Rome, I reach a certain knowledge regarding this subject and it gave me the skills to take decisions in designing such a space. After studying these theoretical aspects, the structure and materiality of the project came as a decoration to the programme itself. The thin pillars creates a transparent space under which the activities can be held without any interruptions. The roman pavements brings nostalgia inside the markets and create a space of unicity and great importance. The project was also seen as a typological experiment. The marketplace is a typology that I consider unique because it stood still inside the urban fabric in spite of many attempts of eradication. What I created was a continuity of the recurring elements I found in the markets I have studied and placed them in a contemporary context. I aimed at working with as many elements and possible and designing a complex of many types of markets I have studyed. I consider the project a method of learning through creating. My project answers the research question from the beginning: How can a typology such as the marketplace, that is part of the historic urban layers of the Italian cities, be redefined and designed in today’s Roman social context? How can public space be re-introduced inside the marketplace in the 21st century? The marketplace was designed by looking back to the historical evolution and adding the social values and technical possibilities of the present times, and the public space was brought inside the market by creating valuable relationships between the buildings and giving importance to the spaces in-between them.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Atkins, P. J., Peter Lummel, and Derek J. Oddy. Food and the City in Europe since 1800. Aldershot, England ; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007. Barham, Elizabeth. “Translatin “Terroir”:Social Movement Appropriation of a French Concept.” Elsevier Science, Elsevier ScienceDirect Serials UIUC - Full text http://sfx.carli.illinois.edu/sfxuiu?sfx.ignore_date_threshold=1&rft. issn=1873-1392. Black, Rachel. Porta Palazzo : The Anthropology of an Italian Market. Contemporary Ethnography. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012. Blythman, Joanna. Shopped : The Shocking Power of British Supermarkets. London: Fourth Estate, 2004. Calabi, Donatella. The Market and the City : Square, Street and Architecture in Early Modern Europe. Historical Urban Studies Series. Aldershot, UK ; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004. Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis, and Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand. Précis of the Lectures on Architecture ; with, Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture. Texts & Documents. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Research Institute, 2000. Fiamma, Galvano, Sante Ambrogio Cengarle Parisi, Massimiliano David, and Paolo Chiesa. La Cronaca Estravagante Di Galvano Fiamma. Mediolanensia. Milano: Casa del Manzoni, 2013. Glass, Dorothy F. Studies on Cosmatesque Pavements. 1980. Goodman, David, E. Melanie DuPuis, and Michael K. Goodman. Alternative Food Networks : Knowledge, Practice, and Politics. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York: Routledge, 2012. Gruen, Victor, and Larry Smith. Shopping Towns USA; the Planning of Shopping Centers. Progressive Architecture Library. New York,: Reinhold Pub. Corp., 1960. Guardian, The. “’Healthy Towns’ to Fight Obesity.” The Guardian, 2008. “’Healthy Towns’ to Fight Obesity.” The Guardian, 2008. Humphery, Kim. Shelf Life : Supermarkets and the Changing Cultures of Consumption. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Knox, Paul L., and Heike Mayer. “Slow Cities: Sustainable Places in a Fast World; Journal of Urban Affairs.” v.321–34. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006. Langholm, Odd. The Merchant in the Confessional : Trade and Price in the Pre-Reformation Penitential Handbooks. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Lefebvre, Henri, and Donald Nicholson-Smith. The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991. Lim, C. J. Food City. New York: Routledge, 2014. List, John A. “The Economics of Open Air Markets.” NBER working paper series (2009). 316

Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. McLeod, Will Hueston and Anni. Improving Food Safety through a One Health Approach: Workshop Summary. Medici, Palazzo. http://www.palazzo-medici.it/mediateca/en/schede.php?id_scheda=84. Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Parham, Susan. Food and Urbanism : The Convivial City and a Sustainable Future. 2015. ———. Food and Urbanism : The Convivial City and a Sustainable Future. London ; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. ———. Market Place : Food Quarters, Design and Urban Renewal in London. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing,, 2013. ———. Market Place Food Quarters, Design and Urban Renewal in London. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Pub.,, 2012. http://site.ebrary.com/lib/yale/Doc?id=10677007. Petrini, Carlo. “Cittaslow Manifesto.” news release, http://www.cittaslow.org/. ———. Terra Madre : Forging a New Global Network of Sustainable Food Communities. North American ed. White River Junction, Vt.: Chelsea Green Pub., 2009. Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Steel, Carolyn. How Food Shapes Our Cities. Podcast audio. TedTalks. ———. Hungry City : How Food Shapes Our Lives. London: Vintage Books, 2009. Vecchio, Riccardo. “Local Food at Italian Farmers’ Markets: Three Case Studies.” International Journal of Society of Agriculture and Food 17, no. 2 (2010): 122-39. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/. Yasmeen, Gisèle. Bangkok’s Foodscape : Public Eating, Gender Relations, and Urban Change. Studies in Contemporary Thailand. Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus Press, 2006.

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IMAGE INDEX

Figure 244Figure 1 Wrocław Market Hall - view from inside, designed by Richard Plüddemann and built between 1906-08 from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wroc%C5%82aw_Market_Hall Figure 245Figure 2 L.S. Lowry (1887-1976), Market Scene, Northern Town, 1939 from http://www.thelowry.com/ls-lowry/microsite/art/people/market-scene-northern-town/#0SVdXbqBOIYVJtZQ.99 Figure 246Figure 3 Fish-seller in a fish market in Catania; A salesperson peals shrimp and provides them to customers . The kindness and helpfulness is specific for Sicilians. from http://www.nationalgeographic.it/italia/2010/06/21/foto/catania-46927/15/ Figure 247Figure 4 Historical Neapolitan pizza makers from https://ro.pinterest.com/pin/318489004872553444/ Figure 248Figure 5 Italian pizza maker from http://www.pmq.com/September-2013/DeLucias-Brick-Oven-Pizza/ Figure 249Figure 6 Alfred Eisenstaedt, Boys working in pasta factory with rods of pasta inside drying rooms, Poggiomarino (Napoli), 1947 from http://www.gourmet.com/images/gmtlive/2011/110911/608-history-corb-HU038165.jpg Figure 250Figure 7 Dean Martin eating spaghetti from http://lifeshouldbemorelikethemovies.blogspot.nl/2015/11/classic-stars-dealing-with-spaghetti.html Figure 251Figure 8 Alfred Eisenstaedt, Boys working in pasta factory with rods of pasta inside drying rooms, Poggiomarino (Napoli), 1947 from https://ro.pinterest.com/LondonItalian/italy-vintage-photos-pre-1900/ Figure 252Figure 9 Campo dei Fiori market during the open market, 1992 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 253Figure 10 Grain plantation, Tacuina sanitatis (14th century) from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Tacuinum_sanitatis_-_Casanatense_4182 Figure 254Figure 11 Effects of Good Government on the City Life (detail)1338-40, Amborogio Lorenzetti, Fresco Palazzo Pubblico, Siena from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 255Figure 12 Effects of Good Government on the City Life (detail)1338-40, Amborogio Lorenzetti, Fresco Palazzo Pubblico, Siena from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 256Figure 13 Anonymous, Grain market at Orsanmichele in A Time of Abundance, in Domenico Lenzi, Specchio umano, 1335 from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 257Figure 14 Anonymous, Grain market at Orsanmichele in A Time of Abundance, in Domenico Lenzi, Specchio umano, 1335 from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 258Figure 15 Anonymous, The Market at Porta Ravegnana, Matriculation Book of the Bolognese drapers, 1411 from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 259Figure 16 Carlo Petrini, the founder of Slow Food from http://thedailyeater.com/?p=2117 Figure 260Figure 17 Stalls with fruits and vegetables from farmers, Basilicata from http://grandvoyageitaly.weebly.com/the-piazza/archives/06-2015 Figure 261Figure 18 John Dyess, Guanajuato,Mexico market oil painting from http://studiodyess.com/604093/portrait-and-still-life/ Figure 262Figure 20 San Giovanni di Dio market, Rome, 1992 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 263Figure 19 Selling point for vegetables in Pian due Torri market, Rome, 1992 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 264Figure 21 Packaged food aisles in a hypermarket from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supermarket Figure 265Figure 22 Rome map, ancient food miles, from Hungry City, Carolyn Steal from http://www.cristina-ampatzidou.com/how-food-shapes-our-cities-interview-with-carolyn-steel-bettery/ Figure 266Figure 23 Expansion of the Roman Empire from http://www.english-online.at/history/roman-empire/roman-empire-introduction.htm Figure 267Figure 24 An example of a meal in Roman times from a painting by Roberto Bompiani , kept at the Getty Museum from http://www.wikiwand.com/it/Alimentazione_nell’antica_Roma Figure 268Figure 25 Scene from the terrace of the restaurant La Canonica, Roma from https://www.flickr.com/photos/caribb/5897016281 Figure 269Figure 26 Anonymous, Fishmonger, 15th century, Salone, Palazzo della Ragione, Padua from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 270Figure 27 Detail from ‘Specchio Umano’ (Human Mirror) by Domenico Lenzi, called Biadaiolo (Corn Dealer): the grocer, 14th century from http://www.scalarchives.com/web/ricerca_risultati.asp?nRisPag=24&prmset=on&ANDOR=and&xesearch=monnaie&xesearch_eng=money&xesearch_ ita=soldi&xesearch_ger=geld&ricerca_s=monnaie&SC_PROV=RR&SC_Lang=fra&Sort=9&luce= Figure 271Figure 28 Detail from ‘Specchio Umano’ (Human Mirror) by Domenico Lenzi, called Biadaiolo (Corn Dealer): the grocer, 14th century from http://www.scalarchives.com/web/ricerca_risultati.asp?nRisPag=24&prmset=on&ANDOR=and&xesearch=monnaie&xesearch_eng=money&xesearch_ ita=soldi&xesearch_ger=geld&ricerca_s=monnaie&SC_PROV=RR&SC_Lang=fra&Sort=9&luce= Figure 272Figure 29 Anonymous, La Beffa del Gulfardo, from Boccacio, Decameron from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 273Figure 30 Food Map of Italy from https://ro.pinterest.com/estarloop/ Figure 274Figure 31 Via Pescherie Vecchie, Bologna, street market detail from https://www.flickr.com/photos/42807077@N07/5036561337 Figure 275Figure 32 Marvellous food market. Coimbra, Portugal, photography by David Prior from http://davidpriorphotography.tumblr.com/post/133150793070/marvellous-food-market-coimbra-portugal

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Figure 276Figure 33 San Giovanni Valdarno, central piazza with Palazzo Pretoria loggia from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 277Figure 34 View of the Halle au Ble and its cupola, Paris, by Guiguet after Courvoisier (now the Bourse du Commerce). The original structure was built by the architect Nicolas Le Camus from http://prints.rmg.co.uk/art/502743/vue-de-la-halle-au-ble-et-de-sa-belle-coupole Figure 278Figure 35 ‘La Marche de St. Germain’, Engraved by Winkles Sculpt; Drawn by J. Nash Delt from http://www.antiquemapsandprints.com/france-marche-de-st-germain-pugin-paris-le-print-1834-36955-p.asp Figure 279Figure 36 Interior view from Convent Garden market building from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:COVENT_GARDEN_MARKET_BUILDING_7482_pano_12.jpg Figure 280Figure 37 Central Market of Florence from http://www.hotelsienaborgogrondaie.com/sienahotelstuscany/it/tag/mercato-centrale/ Figure 281Figure 38 Entrance in Alcaicería of Granada, (Muslim market of narrow streets) from http://www.ecomindtravel.com/granada-encounter-two-cultures/ Figure 282Figure 39 Restauration of Fondaco dei Tedeschi, curtosey of OMA - view of interior courtyard and ceiling from http://oma.eu/projects/il-fondaco-dei-tedeschi Figure 283Figure 40 Restauration of Fondaco dei Tedeschi, curtosey of OMA - view of interior courtyard from http://oma.eu/projects/il-fondaco-dei-tedeschi Figure 284Figure 41 Central Market Hall (1927-30) in Leipzig, Germany, by Hubert Ritter & Franz Dischinger from http://germanpostwarmodern.tumblr.com/post/137270820529/central-market-hall-1927-30-in-leipzig-germany Figure 285Figure 42 Market in the main cloister San Francesco in Ascoli Piceno, 1982 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 286Figure 43 Plan of the Cathedral and Market Square in Pistoia and its location within the city walls, late 10th century from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 287Figure 44 Pistoia, Palazzo degli Anziani from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 288Figure 45 Map of Pistoia in the mid-14th century from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 289Figure 46 Figure 290Figure 47 Map of Bologna in the late 14th century from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 291Figure 48 Bologna, loggia della Mercanzia from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 292Figure 49 Bologna, Palazzo d’Accursio, begun 1287 from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 293Figure 50 Map of civi center of Florence in the 14th century from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 294Figure 51 Padua, Palazzo de la Ragione from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 295Figure 52 Padua, Palazzo de la Ragione - Moschetti from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 296Figure 53 Padua, Palazzo de la Ragione - Moschetti from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 297Figure 54 Plan of the Salone in the early 15th century, Palazzo della Ragione, Padua from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 298Figure 55 Distribution of market activities around Padua’s Palazzo della Ragione and surrounding buildings from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 299Figure 56 Venice, Rialto market, 19th century from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 300Figure 57 Floor plan of the 15th cenutry Beccaria (meat market) of San Marco, Venice from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 301Figure 58 Giovanni Battista Brustoloni, Campo San Giacomo di Rialto, 18th cenutry, Venice from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 302Figure 59 Gabriele Bella, The sensa fair in Piazza San Marco, 18th century, Venice from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 303Figure 60 Apollodorus of Damascus, The Markets of Trajan, 112 C.E. - Overview; the Militia Tower is visible in the center, rising above the markets from https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ancient-art-civilizations/roman/early-empire/a/forum-and-market-of-trajan Figure 304Figure 61 Internal view of the Great Hall of the Markets of Trajan from http://en.mercatiditraiano.it/il_museo/storia Figure 305Figure 62 View of the Trajan’s Market from Via Biberatica from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trajan%27s_Market Figure 306Figure 63 Plan of the Trajan Forum, with the Trajan market hightlighted from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Trajan_forum.jpg Figure 307Figure 64 Detail from the plan of the Trajan Forum showing the Trajan market from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Trajan_forum.jpg Figure 308Figure 65 Interior view of the stoa in Agora Priene; The two-aisled stoa located north of the agora had an exterior Doric colonnade and Ionic columns in the interior. Behind was a row of 15 rooms (shops) with closed side walls and 6 steps leading to the agora below. from http://depts.washington.edu/arch350/Assets/Slides/Lecture17.gallery/source/priene_agora_stoa.htm Figure 309Figure 66 Priene City model; Priene was located on a steep hillside site so that many of the narrow north-south streets are little more than long stairways. Uniformly sized regular city blocks surround the central agora in the largest level area in the center. from http://depts.washington.edu/arch350/Assets/Slides/Lecture17.gallery/source/priene_agora_stoa.htm Figure 310Figure 68 Priene City Plan; Priene provides an ideal example of Hippodamian urban planning -where a strict grid plan is imposed on an irregular site, dictating an orderly strictly NS and EW orthogonal layout of street blocks and public spaces from http://depts.washington.edu/arch350/Assets/Slides/Lecture17.gallery/source/priene_agora_stoa.htm Figure 311Figure 67 Priene Agora; The agora was the commercial and business center of the city with administrative (bouleuterion) commercial (stoas) and religious buildings (temples) and theater all laid out according to the rational grid. from http://depts.washington.edu/arch350/Assets/Slides/Lecture17.gallery/source/priene_agora_stoa.htm Figure 312Figure 69 View from the Macellum - present state from http://www.archaeologicaltourguide.com/?project=macellum Figure 313Figure 70 View from the interior courtyard of the macellum http://www.romeinspompeii.net/macellum.html

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Figure 314Figure 71 The forum of Pompei, with the macellum highlighted; from http://www.romeinspompeii.net/macellum.html Figure 315Figure 72 Macellum of Pompei plan http://www.romeinspompeii.net/macellum.html Figure 316Figure 73 Reconstruction drawing of the forum of Leptis Magna, 8 BC from https://ro.pinterest.com/pin/507499451733763267/ Figure 317Figure 74 Map of Leptis Magna with the market highlighted from http://www.roger-pearse.com/weblog/2011/04/ Figure 318Figure 75 Plan of the Leptis Magna market in Libya from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 319Figure 76 Model of Market of Timgad - Museum of Roman Civilization, Rome from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 320Figure 77 Plan of Timgad, Algeria from http://www.wallpapercoc.com/timgad-city-plan Figure 321Figure 78 Plan of the Serzio market in Timgad from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 322Figure 79 Piazza del Mercato Vecchio, by Giovanni Stradano (Palazzo Vecchio, Sala di Gualdrada) from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Piazza_della_Repubblica,_Florence Figure 323Figure 80 Painting by Telemaco Signorini, Mercato Vecchio a Firenze from https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mercato_Vecchio Figure 324Figure 82 Map of central Florence (Mercato Vecchio) in 1427 from http://www.palazzo-medici.it/mediateca/it/ricerca_fototeca.php?&ascendant=&start=548 Figure 325Figure 81 Section and plan of Mercato Vecchio from Ricordi di architettura (1878-1900) Figure 326Figure 83 Milano - Piazza Mercanti - view of the portico from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2143_-_Milano_-_Piazza_Mercanti_-_20_May_2007_-_Foto_Giovanni_Dall%27Orto.jpg Figure 327Figure 84 Model of Brolleto Milano from http://blog.urbanfile.org/2015/12/09/zona-cordusio-approvato-il-restauro-per-il-palazzo-della-ragione/ Figure 328Figure 87 Plan and section of the Broletto from http://lapiazzachenonsai.altervista.org/il-palazzo-della-ragione/ Figure 329Figure 85 Plan of Broletto 1567 from https://giureconsulti.wikispaces.com/04.FNT.1565.SEREGNI Figure 330Figure 86 Lateral facade of the portico of Piazza de Mercanti from http://lapiazzachenonsai.altervista.org/il-palazzo-della-ragione/ Figure 331Figure 88 Overview of the bazaar from http://www.wherecoolthingshappen.com/shopping-like-exploring-labyrinth-grand-bazaar-istanbul/ Figure 332Figure 89 The interior of the Grand Bazaar in the 1890s, by Ottoman photographer Jean Pascal Sébah from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Bazaar,_Istanbul Figure 333Figure 90 Plan of the bazaar from http://myweb.wit.edu/priesw/Istanbul_2012/index.html Figure 334Figure 91 Map of the city with the bazaar highlighted from from http://myweb.wit.edu/priesw/Istanbul_2012/index.html Figure 335Figure 92 Map of the bazaar with the functions from from http://myweb.wit.edu/priesw/Istanbul_2012/index.html Figure 336Figure 93 Filarete’s ground plan for the city of Sforzinda from https://www.flickr.com/photos/quadralectics/4367613196 Figure 337Figure 94 Drawing from the market in Filarete’s ideal city from http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-architecture-designs-ideal-city-sforzinda-market-copper-engraving-19815729.html Figure 338Figure 95 Filarete, design for a market, from his Treatisea, 1460, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 339Figure 96 Overview of the Venice Rialto market from http://www.panoramio.com/photo/9782171 Figure 340Figure 97 Loggia Della Pescaria, view from the Grand Canal from https://www.flickr.com/photos/25040945@N08/2404445096 Figure 341Figure 98 Campo della Pescaria, view towards the covered open market from http://www.canalgrandevenezia.it/index.php/palazzi-canal-grande/lato-sinistro Figure 342Figure 99 Interior image of the loggia from http://firenzeneidettagli.blogspot.nl/2011/02/sulla-pietra-dello-scandalo.html Figure 343Figure 100 Plan and facade drawn by Durant in Precis from Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis, and Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand. Précis of the Lectures on Architecture ; with, Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture. Texts & Documents. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Research Institute, 2000. Figure 344Figure 101 View over the loggia of Mercato Nuovo from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Loggia_del_Mercato_Nuovo Figure 345Figure 102 Image from Google Earth with the market highlighted from Google Earth Figure 346Figure 103 Halle Puget à Marseille, exterior view from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Halle_Puget_%C3%A0_Marseille.JPG Figure 347Figure 104 Halle Puget à Marseille, front view from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Halle_Puget_%C3%A0_Marseille.JPG Figure 348Figure 105 Plan and section of the market drawn by Durand in Precis from Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis, and Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand. Précis of the Lectures on Architecture ; with, Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture. Texts & Documents. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Research Institute, 2000. Figure 349Figure 106 Google Earth image with the market highlighted from Google Earth Figure 350Figure 107 La Clothe, design for a market, 1784, plan from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 351Figure 108 Section - J.N.L Durand, design for a market, Precis II, 1809 from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 352Figure 109 Facade - J.N.L Durand, design for a market, Precis II, 1809 from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 353Figure 110 Plan - J.N.L Durand, design for a market, Precis II, 1809

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from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 354Figure 111 London, Hungerfold market, Butterfly roofof the fish market, 1835, by Charles Fowler, London, RIBA drawing collection from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 355Figure 112 Painting of the New Hungerford Market in 1834 from http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol18/pt2/plate-25 Figure 356Figure 113 Area around Charing Cross c.1833 from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charing_Cross Figure 357Figure 114 London, Hungerfold market, 1830-1833, by Charles Fowler (the Strand on the left, the river on the right) from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 358Figure 115 Interior view of the Covent Garden market. from http://www.freshford.com/fowler2.htm Figure 359Figure 116 General view of Covent Garden Market area from http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/pp129-150 Figure 360Figure 117 Convent Graden market, view form above from http://stock.jasonhawkes.com/media/7c47a2ee-3330-11e1-be9c-93963dcbed4e-aerial-view-of-people-in-covent-garden Figure 361Figure 118 Covent Garden Market Act, 1961, areas. Redrawn by permission from a plan in Covent Garden Market Authority First Report 1961–1962. Stippled area denotes land vested in Covent Garden Market Authority. Broken line denotes the boundary of the Covent Garden area from http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/pp129-150 Figure 362Figure 119 Covent Garden Market in 1831, plan. Redrawn from a plan in The Gardener’s Magazine, vol. vii, 1831 from http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/pp129-150 Figure 363Figure 120 Site plan of Porta Palazzo market with the markets highlighted from Torino Atlas Figure 364Figure 121 Overview of the markets from http://www.gioventurapiemonteisa.net/il-cosiddetto-palafuksas-di-porta-palazzo-a-torino/ Figure 365Figure 122 Site plan of the markets from Mercati 1869, publiction of the Torino municipality Figure 366Figure 123 Plan of the Edibles Market from Mercati 1869, publiction of the Torino municipality Figure 367Figure 124 Plan of the Edibles Market from Mercati 1869, publiction of the Torino municipality Figure 368Figure 125 View of the selling points from the interior courtyards (barracks) from http://www.joaquimmassena.com/projeto.php?id=21 Figure 369Figure 126 Plans, sections and elevations of the barracks from https://urbancidades.wordpress.com/2015/08/07/mercado-de-bolhao-oporto-portugal/ Figure 370Figure 127 Overview of Bolhao market with the market highlighted from http://www.porto.pt/noticias/20-milhoes-de-euros-para-reabilitar-o-bolhao.-o-projeto-mantem-a-traca-original-e-mercado-de-fresco Figure 371Figure 128 Plan of the market from http://portoarc.blogspot.nl/2014_03_01_archive.html Figure 372Figure 130 Paris, Halles Centrales, begun 1853 by Victor Baltard - interior drawing from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 373Figure 129 The central Halles (1854-1870) built by the French architect Victor Baltard (1805-1874). Engraving by E. Bourdelin. from http://www.parisenimages.fr/en/collections-gallery/638-9-paris-1-st-arrondissement-central-halles-1854-1870-built-french-architect-victor-baltard-1805-1874engraving-e-bourdelin Figure 374Figure 131 Paris, Halles Centrales, begun 1853 by Victor Baltard from Pevsner, Nikolaus. A History of Building Types. A W Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. Figure 375Figure 132 plan and functional arrangement of the pavilions from http://vergue.com/post/211/Les-halles-centrales Figure 376Figure 133 Drawing of Campo dei Fiori market during middle ages, when it used to be a cattle market from http://www.romeartlover.it/Vasi28.html Figure 377Figure 134 View of the Campo dei Fiori market during the daily market - with stalls and shops from http://www.buongiornosicilia.it/rubriche/voci_dalla_capitale/alcool_e_movida_la_miscela_micidiale_che_soffoca_campo_de__fiori_-378 Figure 378Figure 135 Site plan of Campo dei Fiori market Figure 379Figure 136 Google image with the market highlighted from Google Earth Figure 380Figure 137 Fish market on the merchant pool - view from the church tower west from https://ouezab.wordpress.com/2010/09/15/places-de-marche-a-bruxelles/ Figure 381Figure 138 Interior of Fish market from http://bruxellesanecdotique.skynetblogs.be/archives/category/vismet/index-1.html Figure 382Figure 139 Plan of the fish market drawn by Durand in Precis from Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis, and Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand. Précis of the Lectures on Architecture ; with, Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture. Texts & Documents. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Research Institute, 2000. Figure 383Figure 140 The old fish market and the merchants pool (Brussels geometric plan - JB Craan 1835 - excerpt) from https://ouezab.wordpress.com/2010/09/15/places-de-marche-a-bruxelles/ Figure 384Figure 141 Axonometric view of the market from http://www.luigicosenza.it/doc/opere/01_mercato_ittico.htm Figure 385Figure 142 Exterior view from http://www.luigicosenza.it/doc/opere/01_mercato_ittico.htm Figure 386Figure 143 Google images view with the market highlighted from Google Earth Figure 387Figure 144 Plan from http://www.luigicosenza.it/doc/opere/01_mercato_ittico.htm Figure 388Figure 145 Sections and facades of the market from http://www.archidiap.com/opera/nuovo-mercato-testaccio/ Figure 389Figure 146 Exterior perspective from http://www.archidiap.com/opera/nuovo-mercato-testaccio/ Figure 390Figure 147 Google earth image with the Testaccio market highlighted from Google earth Figure 391Figure 148 Plan of the market with selling points from http://www.archidiap.com/opera/nuovo-mercato-testaccio/ Figure 392Figure 149 J.N.L. Durand design for market Halls from Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis, and Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand. Précis of the Lectures on Architecture ; with, Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture.

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Texts & Documents. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Research Institute, 2000. Figure 393Figure 150 J.N.L. Durand design for market Halls from Durand, Jean-Nicolas-Louis, and Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand. Précis of the Lectures on Architecture ; with, Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture. Texts & Documents. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Research Institute, 2000. Figure 394Figure 151 Padua, shops on the ground floor of the Palazzo della Ragione, 20th century from Romano, Dennis. Markets and Marketplaces in Medieval Italy, C.1100 to C.1440. 2015. Figure 395Figure 152 Infrastructure of selling points in Vittoria market, Rome from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 396Figure 153 Selling points in Vittoria market, Rome from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 397Figure 154 Plan of nfrastructure of selling points in Vittoria market, Rome from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 398Figure 155 Tall selling points in covered market Casal Palocco, 1979, Rome from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 399Figure 156 Plan of infrastructure inside market Casal Palocco, Rome, 1979 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 400Figure 157 Interior of Vigna Murata market, Rome, 1986 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 401Figure 158 Interior of Vigna Murata market, Rome, 1986 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 402Figure 159 Plan of Vigna Murata market, Rome, 1986 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 403Figure 160 Detail of infrastructure of Torrespaccata market, Rome, 1992 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 404Figure 161 Plan of Torrespaccata market, Rome, 1992 from Macco, Sergio Di. L’architettura Dei Mercati: Tecniche Dell’edilizia Annonaria. Roma: Edizioni Kappa, 1993. Figure 405Figure 162 View of interiour courtyard and distribution space; Figure 406Figure 163 View from service area; Figure 407Figure 164 View from entrance; Figure 408Figure 165 Stalls; Figure 409Figure 166View towards the outside; Figure 410Figure 167 Selling point; Figures from 157-162 are own photographs of the market Figure 411Figure 168 Fruit stall; Figure 412Figure 169 View from the inside with selling points; Figure 413Figure 170 Vegetables stall and customers; Figure 414Figure 171 Selling point; Figure 415Figure 172 Outside informal market stalls; Figure 416Figure 173 View from an isle; Figures 163-168 are own photographs of the market Figure 417Figure 174 View from the street; Figure 418Figure 175 View from the row - selling points; Figure 419Figure 176 Selling point; Figure 420Figure 177 Customers and selling point; Figures 169-172 are own photographs of the market Figure 421Figure 178 View of the interior arrangement - stalls and selling points; Figure 422Figure 179 Fish counter; Figure 423Figure 180 Vegetables selling points; Figure 424Figure 181 View from the interior; Figure 425Figure 182 Clothes selling point; Figure 426Figure 183 View from an isle; Figures 173-178 are own photographs of the market Figure 427Figure 184 Fruits selling points; Figure 428Figure 185 Counter- material details; Figure 429Figure 186 View towards one entrance; Figure 430Figure 187 View of the entrance; Figure 431Figure 188 Exterior perspective; Figure 432Figure 189 Eating spaces; Figures 179-184 are own photographs of the market Figure 433Figure 190 Exterior perspective; Figure 434Figure 191 View from an isle; Figure 435Figure 192 Selling points; Figure 436Figure 193 Eating spaces - public space; Figure 437Figure 194 Eating point; Figure 438Figure 195 View from the entrance; Figures 185-190 are own photographs of the market Figure 439Figure 196 Facade; Figure 440Figure 197 Brewerie view; Figure 441Figure 198 Cheese selling point; Figure 442Figure 199 Resselers’ market; Figure 443Figure 200 Resellers’ market; Figure 444Figure 201 Meat selling point; Figures 191-196 are own photographs of the complex Figure 445Figure 202 Images from Google Earth highlighting the location and the current facade Figure 446Figure 203 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 447Figure 204 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 448Figure 205 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 449Figure 206 Actual situation of the interior of the site; Figure 450Figure 207 Side entrance towards the back of the site; Figure 451Figure 208Side entrance towards the back of the site; Figure 452Figure 209 Broletto Flaminio vintage fair location;

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Figure 453Figure 210 Broletto Flaminio vintage fair location; Figure 454Figure 211 Broletto Flaminio vintage fair location;` Figures from 198-206 are own photographs of the site Figure 455Figure 212 Playground from Children Museum; Figure 456Figure 213 Parking lot; Figure 457Figure 214 Tram station; Figure 458Figure 215 Adjacent building; Panorama of the street in front of the site; Figures 207-210 are own photographs of the amenities Figure 459Figure 216 View from above from the model of the Freie Universität Berlin from http://www.eduardo-reina.com/constru-3.html Figure 460Figure 217 Plan of the Freie Universität Berlin from http://www.eduardo-reina.com/constru-3.html Figure 461Figure 218 Amsterdam Orphanage, built by Dutch Architect Aldo van Eyck in 1960 from http://architecturextoday.blogspot.nl/2012/12/amsterdam-orphanage-netherlands.html?view=flipcard Figure 462Figure 219 The Kingo Houses, Jorn Utzon from http://architecturextoday.blogspot.nl/2012/12/amsterdam-orphanage-netherlands.html?view=flipcard Figure 463Figure 220 Structural and facade reference - Palazzo della Cancelleria Rome - courtyard from https://ro.pinterest.com/pin/498281146246711252/ Figure 464Figure 221 Structural and facade inspiration - Museu Marítim: Drassanes (Shipyards) de Barcelona from http://www.terradasarquitectos.com/en/proyectos/shipyard-bcn Figure 465Figure 222 Structural and facade inspiration - Cloister San Francesco, Ascoli Piceno from https://www.flickr.com/photos/gengish/sets/72157615205369522/ Figure 466Figure 223 Structural and facade reference - Giorgio Calanca, Luciano Pozzo, Giorgio Mondadori e Oscar Niemeyer with the first version of Palazzo Mondadori project, 1969 from http://www.festivalarchitettura.it/festival/it/articolimagazinedetail.asp?ID=127&pmagazine=1&pagecomm=1&lang=EN Figure 467Figure 224 Facade and structure reference - Palácio do Itamaraty, Brasília, Oscar Niemeyer from http://divisare.com/projects/308176-oscar-niemeyer-gonzalo-viramonte-palacio-do-itamaraty-1970 Figure 468Figure 225 Facade and structure reference - Palácio do Itamaraty, Brasília, Oscar Niemeyer from http://divisare.com/projects/308176-oscar-niemeyer-gonzalo-viramonte-palacio-do-itamaraty-1970 Figure 469Figure 226 Facade and structure reference - Palácio do Itamaraty, Brasília, Oscar Niemeyer - view from the interior from http://divisare.com/projects/308176-oscar-niemeyer-gonzalo-viramonte-palacio-do-itamaraty-1970 Figure 470Figure 227 Portico reference - Denise, 81, photographed in 2015 at Renée Gallhoustet’s Cité Spinoza, Ivry-sur-Seine, 1973 from http://www.dezeen.com/2016/01/03/laurent-kronental-souvenir-d-un-futur-photo-essay-paris-forgotten-housing-estates/ Figure 471Figure 228 Athmosphere reference - Bahrain Pavillion from the XIII Biennale di Architettura, Venezia 2012 from http://www.francescolibrizzi.com/bahrain-pavilion/ Figure 472Figure 229 Reference for structure and porticos - Moneo Museum of Roman Antiquities, Merida from https://ro.pinterest.com/pin/296182112965131417/ Figure 473Figure 230 Reference for arches and structure - Goldenberg House by Louis Kahn (1959) from http://socks-studio.com/2014/04/08/the-plan-is-a-society-of-rooms-goldenberg-house-by-louis-kahn-1959/ Figure 474Figure 231 Reference for structure and arches - Toyo Ito, Tama Art University Library from http://archeyes.com/toyo-ito-tama-art-university-library/ Figure 475Figure 233 Reference for structure and arches - Toyo Ito, Tama Art University Library from http://archeyes.com/toyo-ito-tama-art-university-library/ Figure 476Figure 232 Reference for structure and arches - Arsenale, Venice Biennale pavilion, interior view Figure 477Figure 234 Facade and proportion reference - Brunelleschi’s Ospedale degli Innocenti, Florence from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ospedale_degli_Innocenti Figure 478Figure 235 Facade and proportion reference - Brunelleschi’s Ospedale degli Innocenti, courtyard view, Florence from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ospedale_degli_Innocenti Figure 479Figure 236 Facade and proportion reference - The Greater Cloister of St. Francis of Ascoli Piceno , popularly also known as Piazza delle Erbe, interior courtyard view from https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiostro_Maggiore_di_San_Francesco Figure 480Figure 237 Framework Quincux, Christian Symbolism from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Figure 481Figure 238 Framework Quincux, Guilloche Symbolism from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Figure 482Figure 239 Cosmatesque Ornament - variation from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Figure 483Figure 240 Cosmatesque Ornament - variation from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Figure 484Figure 241 Cosmatesque Floor: 12th Century, plan of St. Clemente, Rome from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Figure 485Figure 242 Cosmatesque Floor, Plan of 12th Century from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Figure 486Figure 243 Cosmatesque Floor, Plan of San Marco, Venice, 12th Century from Pajares-Ayuela, Paloma. Cosmatesque Ornament : Flat Polychrome Geometric Patterns in Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002.

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