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MC GUPTA FOR BUILDING A MODERN, PROGRESSIVE HARYANA p10

MG DEVASAHAYAM EXPERIENCES WITH TWO CMsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;BANSI LAL & BHAJAN LAL p20

years Nov-Dec 2017 ` VOL. 11, ISSUE 8-9

FIRST STIRRINGS SHARDA PRASAD

p46

gfilesindia.com Bhagwat Dayal Sharma

Bansi Lal

Devi Lal

Bhajan Lal Banarasi Dass Gupta

Manohar Lal Khattar

Bhupinder Singh Hooda

ISSN 0976-2906

S RO TA V LO E TE KA RS SC A p5 YUK Y OV N 0 TA ER

51 years of prosperity ...miles to go

HARYANA

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CONTENTS Haryana 51 Years vol. 11, ISSUE 8-9 | NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2017 Anil Tyagi | editor GS Sood | business editor Sheshadri Chari | roving editor Alam Srinivas | contributing editor Anish Gandhi | consultant, foreign affairs Narendra Kaushik | associate editor Rakesh Bhardwaj | editorial consultant Ramesh Sharma | bureau chief (north india) Ajit Ujjainkar | bureau chief (mumbai) Durvesh Singh | bureau chief (Lucknow) Mayank Awasthi | sub editor Pawan Kumar | production coordinator Nipun Jain | finance Gautam Das | legal consultant Bushchat Media | edit & design Madan Lal | webmaster Abhisshek Tyagi | director advertising & marketing $1,/ 622' | 9,&( 35(6,'(17 0$5.(7,1* +919811639632 36 685$/ | 9,&( 35(6,'(17 0$5.(7,1* +919873243950 e-mail: asps@gfilesindia.com delhi: e-mail: adv@gfilesindia.com mumbai: 48/C-1, Areshwar, Mhada, S.V.P. Nagar, Andheri(W), Mumbai 400 053 Chandigarh: SCO 5- First Floor, Zirakpur-Shimla Highway, Zirakpur, District Mohali Punjab CONTACT â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 0172-509368 e-mail: rameshsharmaemail@gmail.com kolkata: 1,/2< /$+,5, +919830071652 ranchi: 0$1,1'(5 .80$5 6,1+$ +917461999985 $1,/ 7<$*, 35,17(5 38%/,6+(5 QG IORRU GGD VLWH QHZ UDMLQGHU QDJDU QHZ GHOKL Ä&#x192;

Haryana: 50 years and beyond Haryanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s political journey

+All information in gfiles is obtained from sources that the

MG Devasahayam

management considers reliable, and is disseminated to readers without any responsibility on our part. Any opinions or views on any contemporary or past topics, issues or developments expressed by third parties, whether in abstract or in interviews, are not necessarily shared by us. Copyright exclusively with Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd. All rights reserved throughout the world. Reproduction of any material of this magazine in whole, or in part(s), in any manner, without prior permission, is totally prohibited. The publisher accepts no responsibility for any material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with any advertisement without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. Published and printed by Anil Tyagi on behalf of Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd at Polykam Offset, C-138, Naraina Industrial Area, Phase I, New Delhi 110028. All disputes are subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of competent courts in New Delhi only

&217$&7 editor@gfilesindia.com )25 6$/(6 adv@gfilesindia.com )25 68%6&5,37,21 hrd@gfilesindia.com 7(/ )$;

MC Gupta

pg 10 Narendra Kaushik

A Study in Leadership SK Misra

An affair to remember pg 14 MC Gupta

Far away from home: my Haryana days

pg 36

AIIMS Jhajjar: A beacon of hope for cancer patients pg 40 pg 20

Lals of Haryana Shubhabrata Bhattacharya

pg 30

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;My strength was that I never sought postingsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

pg 26 Vishnu Bhagwan

pg 42

Bric-a-brac

State Scan: Normalising corruption

Kejriwal in a bind; Twitter battles; Shivpal joins Amar Singhâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s bandwagon; Kejriwal strikes again pg 6

The secrecy with which the new Lokayukta of Madhya Pradesh has been chosen points at the process by which corruption has been institutionalised in the State pg 50

First Stirrings: Power to Serve It was after doing his graduation in science that Sharda Prasad was bitten by the bug to become a civil servant, which he says was due to Allahabadâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s competitive atmosphere pg 46

By the Way UPSC sans IAS; Lavasa looks ahead; IASturned Sabziwala; Women power pg 61

Plus... Birthdays of MPs, Civil Servants Download the gfiles app

www.indianbuzz.com

Tracking: Transfers & Postings pg 58

pg 55

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

LETTERS editor@gfilesindia.com

Dynastic evils Your cover story in October (‘Karti, the king’, gfiles, October 2017), clearly reinforces the fact the dynastic politics is foremost amongst the many political evils in the Indian democratic system with most parties being run like family shops for personal interest rather than national or party interest. When the same members of a family control the government and they keep being re-elected, democracy is ruined. Although people vote for these political dynasties that is why they win, chances are, they only voted these members of a political dynasty because of vote buying or other reasons. As a result, those not

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

rich candidates who wish only the best of the entire community cannot compete against these rich members of political dynasties. However, I am not saying that all political dynasties are bad, but the majority of them are detrimental to the society because they destroy democracy and they make the government of the people, the government of few rich, oligarchy. To ensure that democracy truly functions in India and serves the common man, it is very important that the people from grass roots are given a chance to lead the people. People born with a silver spoon in their mouth can hardly empathise and feel the pain and ordinariness of being a common man in the so-called largest democracy of the world. Medha Sharma via blog Improving waterways The article on inland water transport (‘Why the boats don’t sail?’, gfiles, Ocotber 2017) was very interesting and informative. The Indian government’s recent thrust on reviving Inland water transport has mostly focused on freight and cargo, and except for Kerala, no serious effort has been made anywhere on modernising passenger transport.

Lakhs of commuters still have to depend upon utterly unsafe and un-regulated country boats and the archaic steel and metal ferries belonging to the various State Governments haemorrhage their organisation due to their inefficiency and high cost of ownership. Globally, passenger transport on inland waterways has been on a rebound as road traffic congestion and overloading of urban transit public transport has people restarting discontinued water routes or introducing new ones. Kumar P via facebook Flawed focus I agree with TN Pandey (‘Is CSR flawed?’, gfiles, October 2017) that the absence of a time limit within which companies must spend the amounts for CSR is a serious lacunae. Also, there is no requirement prescribed for the carry forward of the unspent sums to the following years for being utilised in those years, though the companies are following the practice of carry forward and on that ground, continue to use the CSR funds for their day-to-day functioning instead of spending these in the prescribed specified activities. Without adequate sanctions to ensure compliance, the socially beneficial legal provision serves little purpose. SK Tiwari via blog

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Bric-a-brac loud & clear

Aap’s Rajya Sabha worries is there an rss conection?

ELHI Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal is caught between BJP-led Central Government and various court cases. The people had high hopes from Kejriwal but he has become persona non grata in political circles within two years. The Congress is not ready to touch him. He has made the Delhi assembly a mud-slinging platform against his opponents. Instead of speaking from public platforms, he calls a ‘one-day session’ of the Delhi assembly where he and his MLAs rant against his opponents. Delhiites have never seen such a government. What’s more, he and his

election managers toured Gujarat extensively before the assembly elections even though the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) contested only on 11 assembly seats. Further, many AAP senior leaders are reportedly baffled about the initiatives of nominating prominent personalities for Rajya Sabha next year. Insiders claim Kejriwal can’t tolerate the rise of any AAP leader. Sources disclosed that Kejriwal’s sudden behavioural change is reportedly due to pressure from the RSS and BJP. It’s well known in political circles that Kejriwal is reportedly sympathetic to the RSS and can’t defy the bosses of RSS.

Twitter battles congress young turks in brawl

HE venomous relationship between Congress party’s Young Turks, Manish Tiwari and Deepender Hooda, is no secret. But perhaps even Rahul Gandhi could not have anticipated that this would take the form of open brawls in public fora. Apparently, Hooda had gone to address a meeting of the Congress student’s wing, National Students Union of India (NSUI). Soon, the national secretary of NSUI, Surabhi Dwivedi twitted: “Today Hooda Sir has given a new slogan, ‘You and I, NSUI’, so thank you so much from the core of our hearts for thus inspiring us with the slogan.” Tiwari jumped into the fray and retorted on Twitter: “This is an old slogan. It was first given in 1985 by the president of the JNU students’ union… the same man today is with the Telegu Desam party and his wife is the defence minister of the country.” Tiwari made his point without naming Nirmala Sitharaman’s husband Parakala Prabhakar, who is the Communications Advisor to the Chandrababu Naidu government in Andhra Pradesh.

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years

New trimurti in Delhi shivpal buys house in Jorbagh

ORMER Chief Minister of UP Mulayam Singh’s clan had a fierce fight just before the assembly elections. Following demonetisation, the three main actors of the family—former Chief Minister of UP Akhilesh Yadav, his uncle Ram Gopal Yadav, and Shivpal Yadav—were more worried about saving their alleged unaccounted wealth and avoiding the pressure of investigating agencies rather than saving the seat of power in Lucknow. Akhilesh Yadav still has the support of Ram Gopal Yadav along with the younger brigade of the Yadav clan. When Samajwadi Party Rajya Sabha member Naresh Agarwal hosted a party at a Delhi hotel in July 2107 to celebrate fellow MP Ram Gopal Yadav’s silver jubilee in Parliament, he had a surprise guest—Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Modi not only found time to join the celebration, but also spoke glowingly about Ram Gopal’s political career and services as an MP. Meanwhile, the gap has widened between Ram Gopal and Shivpal Yadav. Shivpal has chosen another way. He is increasingly seen with maverick Amar Singh and owner of Zee TV Subhash Goyal, a newly elected Rajya Sabha member. This trimurti is seen in parties, meetings and dinners together. It’s learnt that Amar Singh and Subhash Goyal are pampering Shivpal to invest his alleged unaccounted wealth into their ventures. Also, Shivpal has reportedly bought a house in the posh Jorbagh colony in Delhi. Watch this space for more updates.

Kejriwal strikes again woes of Delhi admin

HE relationship between Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal ejriwal and civil servants serving in the Delhi Government is said to be rocky, ocky, even acrimonious. The behaviour of Kejriwal for last two years rs indicates that he does not trust UT-cadre IAS officers. Even the officers are feeling suffocated and finding all means to run away from the Delhi government. There are innumerable able instances where Kejriwal knowing or unknowingly humiliated even senior-most officers rs of Delhi Government. In December 2015, the Delhi Andaman Nicobar Services (DANICS) officers rs had gone on a mass leave, protesting against the suspension of two special home secretaries. Kejriwal’s pattern attern allegedly is to humiliate the officers or transfer them to insignificant posts where there is no work at all. Some senior IAS officers told gfiles that the atmosphere in Delhi government is frustrating and officers don’t know where to go and whom to complain to. Take the case of IAS officer Keshav Chandra, Delhi’s Environment Secretary, who has been playing a crucial role in battling air pollution in the Capital. He has been transferred out of the State government and posted as Joint Secretary (logistics) in the commerce department. Chandra, as Delhi Jal Board’s CEO, was reported to be at loggerheads with the Kejriwal government. In July, the privilege committee of the assembly had summoned him in connection with a case related to irregularities in the tendering process of 14 sewage treatment plants along the Yamuna. In the meeting, Chandra is learnt to have had heated arguments with the committee members. However, during the pollution crisis, Chandra played a crucial role as he coordinated with various departments in dealing with the emergency. On November 20, the central Personnel and Training Department issued an order of transfers of senior IAS officers in which Chandra was asked to move to the Ministry of Commerce. Chandra’s departure follows the recent transfer of PWD Principal Secretary Ashwini Kumar, who too was in Kejriwal’s line of fire. The paradox is that even the Home Ministry, the cadre controlling body, is a mute spectator to the deteriorating condition of Delhi administration.

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

From the Editor

IFTY-ONE years after the birth of Haryana State, on November 1, 1966, it is time to take stock of where it was, where it has reached, and which way is it likely to go over the next two-three decades. When Haryana was carved out of Punjab State, largely based on language, there was political instability, the landscape was deserted and industry was almost unknown. An economic desert of sorts lay in front of the first Chief Minister, Bhagwat Dayal Sharma. The challenges were many; so were the opportunities. Where has Haryana reached now? Today, it has several pockets of prosperous oases in the midst of the desert. View it from the top, and there is tremendous economic prosperity. Its average annual growth in the past six years was almost 13 per cent. In terms of manufacturing, it has become the preferred destination for domestic and foreign investors in several sectors such as automobile, IT and food processing. It’s one of the most industrialised and urbanised States in India. One of the best examples of economic success is the creation of globalised regional manufacturing clusters in sectors like automobile. Either instinctively or deliberately, possibly presciently, Haryana realised the economics prescribed by Michael Porter in his The Competitive Advantage of Nations. He noted the “growing importance” of such industrial clusters “in an increasingly complex, knowledge-based, and dynamic (global) economy”. Today, the State houses domestic renowned auto-makers like Escorts, Eicher and Munjal, and global ones like Suzuki, Mitsubishi and Yamaha. Will to power and change: In one line, it can be said that the Haryanvis used a combination of political and social will to transform their State. None of this was possible without its leaders. As is true globally, and for India, the destiny of a nation, state or region, is determined by its political heads. It is decided by the personalities, who possess the “Will to Power” and the “Will to Transform” in an extreme form. It was the sons, the several lals, of Haryana, who brought in economic prosperity. Friedrich Nietzsche was not talking about such people when he wrote, “Every specific body strives to become master over all space and extend its force (its so-called “Will to Power”) and to thrust back all that resists its extension. But, it continually encounters similar efforts on the part of other bodies and ends by coming to an arrangement (“union”) with those of them that are sufficiently related to it: thus they then conspire together for power. And the process goes on....” What Nietzsche failed to recognise were the exceptions, the ones who proved his rule. Such towering personalities take the “Will to Power” to another dimension. They sometimes transcend the conspiratorial subtexts and they break the ongoing process with creative and development-linked dis-

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ruptions. In the case of Haryana, such individuals included Chief Ministers such as Bansi Lal, Devi Lal, Bhajan Lal, Omprakash Chautala, Bhupinder Singh Hooda and Manohar Lal Khattar. Apart from their individual and specified traits, these leaders signified a larger overriding political change. Although the first Chief Minister Sharma was a non-Jat, most of the subsequent were Bagris, who hailed from the Bagad belt of Bhiwani, Hissar and Sirsa. The three famous Lals, Bansi, Devi and Bhajan were from there. Hooda was the first to break this hegemony. Khattar completed the ironic political circle by becoming the second one to break the hegemony, and become a non-Jat CM. The political power has, for now, shifted from the Bagar belt. This has thrown up new challenges for Khattar, his BJP party and its ideological umbrella organisation, RSS, as well as the State. The Jats who will never accept his leadership are a force to reckon with in almost half of the State assembly constituencies. The non-Jats, who Khattar belongs to, are prominent in the others. Individual interests and State’s vision: The real transformation of Haryana actually began in the 1970s when Bansi Lal was the CM. He was a rustic politician but was clearly resultoriented. He was the ‘development’ visionary, who knew what it meant, required and took to change the agrarian economy. If he can be defined by one word, it has to be Maruti, now Suzuki, the Japanese auto giant. The project to make the small car, people’s car, cheapest car was obviously the dream of the late Sanjay Gandhi, son of the late Indira Gandhi. So, this Lal deliberately joined hands with him. Bansi Lal not only initiated MARUTI car project but was pioneer in developing agrarian infrastructure of the state on top priority. His lift irrigation initiative is still a milestone not only in Haryana but in India. The Maruti car revolutionised transportation; it lifted up the aspirations and desires of the then fledgling middle class across India; it was the first move in the anticipated or unexpected quest to create globalised regional clusters. When he came back to power, Bansi Lal was no longer Haryana’s ‘lal’. He was caught up in the shenanigans of coalition politics, was unable to cozy up to the Centre because of political changes, and spent most of his time in the creation of his political heir apparent, Surinder Singh. Throughout his life, Devi Lal remained a leader of the farmers, whose rise and fall was determined by the existing political circumstances. He continually remained an agitator, but, unfortunately, knew little about governance. When his sons, Omprakash Chautala and Ranjit Singh, grew up, they captured Devi Lal’s two lives. The former took over his father’s politics, and the latter ruled over the home. Caught between governance and emotions, Devi Lal gave in to the latter.

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When Chautala came to power, minus his father, his interest was limited to the collection of funds. Money became the main governance mantra, as the trio of Omprakash, and his two sons, Ajay and Abhay, wooed colonisers (with dreams of setting up fresh urban centres like Gurgaon (now Gurugram), industrialists (who bought into the concept of Porter’s clusters), and anyone else who wished a favour. Without a specific vision, money talked, money decided and money ruled. Bhajan Lal was the true businessman-politician; he would promise everyone, deliver some, but not annoy anyone. He was the typical turnkey CM. If someone, an individual or an institution, had a demand or wanted something, the CM would approve it without a thought to an overall blueprint. However, there wasn’t any perceptive and planned development in Haryana. The State swung between the commands of those who were close to Bhajan Lal. For a decade, Bhupinder Singh Hooda behaved like a coloniser-turned-CM. He struck a strong bond with Robert Vadra, the son-in-law of Sonia Gandhi, Congress’ President. Henceforth, Hooda’s was a despotic rule within the party, and within the government. The Hooda-Vadra alleged partnership amassed wealth along with the country’s topmost realtors. This was also when hordes of farmers sold their land, thanks to the realtors who built massive commercial and residential properties, especially in places like Gurgaon. It was the ‘Will to Power’ in its most negative essence. 2014 paved the way for a red-carpet entrance for Narendra Modi, the new Prime Minister. Frustrated, angry and desperate, the people of Haryana voted for the BJP. Modi chose a rank outsider, an unknown non-Jat as the new CM. Manohar Lal Khattar is still a work-in-progress. He still has to be evaluated, although pundits are ready with a copy of the unfilled political report card. However, he is a caught in a Catch-22 situation—between the needs of the RSS, and demands, hopes and aspirations of the masses. Will of the people: There were two other human energies that helped the CMs impose their wills. The first was the bureaucracy which, in 1966, was new and, hence, young and enthusiastic. Fortunately, despite their eccentricities and tastes, the CM chose their officials judiciously. Without bothering about the consequences, the bureaucrats implemented what was demanded of them—in letter and spirit. They committed a few blunders, but they delivered better than their counterparts in other States. And then there was the power of the people. Most of us don’t realise the power of the masses in the State, where an ordinary farmer can stand up to a CM. This form of confidence, even dominance, can reflect in violence, vandalism and verbal abuse, or positively in development, prosperity and a culmination of energies that can change the future of a

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State. It did both over the past five decades. Along with the leaders and bureaucrats, the masses decided their past, as they will do with their future. Mismatched society: Thanks to its leaders, and their obscure, twisted and manipulative visions, there was a development mismatch in Haryana. The areas adjoining Delhi, and those bordering Chandigarh prospered and developed. But the rest remained steeped in old, conservative and traditional socioeconomic morass. A few hours from Gurgaon, in Mewat, or in areas like Sirsa, it is difficult to imagine that one is in 21st century India. Here, the past rules the present; unfortunately, the ugly past. For example, the State has one of the worst gender ratios in the country, although the new CM Khattar has sought coordinated efforts with neighbouring States to curb infant mortality. The caste equation is strong and embedded, which frequently raises its head in the disquiet between rural and urban communities within the pockets of economic prosperity. It’s a State known for the illogical, even violent, decisions of the Khap Panchayats. In some ways, sections of society are anti-modern, anti-21st century and rooted in the 19th century; these sections are the anti-thesis of any modern, civilised, polite, intellectual and free society. Not that Haryana’s past is about caste, and illiberal mindsets and attitudes. It’s the same State that is seeped in the values of Arya Samaj and vegetarianism. Its past had glorious, and ever-optimistic, tendencies that were considered more futuristic than the other States. It borrowed the best from Punjab, of which it was a part until 51 years ago. And it borrowed the best ideals from the ‘Making of This Nation’. Hence, Haryana doesn’t need to change its society; its society needs to remember what it was, where it has reached, and where it wants to be tomorrow. The problem is that today Haryana is confused. It doesn’t know its future, is unclear about what it wishes to be. Does it want to be a strong agrarian society—it accounts for 7 per cent of the country’s agricultural exports, and 60 per cent of the export of basmati rice? Does it wish to be a fully-urbanised-industrialised society, with all the issues related to poorrich divide, chaos and power struggles? Does it want to be at the cutting edge of technology with emphasis on IT and AI? For Khattar these are the real changes. Haryana today is at the cusp of time, a bridge between the old and new, 19th century mindset and 21st century ideas. Its past achievements cannot be negated or dismissed but its future hangs in a balance. From here, it can take off on to a new dimension or it can continue at this pace, forever struggling with the battles between the past and present. Good Luck to Haryana. ANIL TYAGI HGLWRU#JÀOHVLQGLD FRP

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Haryana 51 Years mc gupta

Haryana: 50 years and beyond In the last 50 years, Haryana has moved places. While its area has remained constant, the number of districts has gone up from six to 22 and the population from one crore to more than 2.5 crores. Unfortunately, the skewed male-female ratio and caste prejudices have remained. For a modern and progressive Haryana, what is needed is wisdom and correct action

N November 1, 2016, a gala event was organised at Gurgaon, now Gurugram, marking the Golden Jubilee of Haryana’s creation. Prime Minster Narendra Modi, some of his Cabinet colleagues, Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal, Ministers of Haryana Government and many other VIPs were present at a glittering ceremony at Tau Devi Lal Stadium. Everyone present was full of verve and enthusiasm, including the Prime Minister and Haryana Chief Minister. I was also present. Watching the proceedings and pageant, my thoughts went back 50 years and even longer. I had joined the then 3XQMDE DV D YHU\ \RXQJ ,$6 2I¿FHU LQ 1961 after completing one-year training at the National Academy of Administration (as it was then known), Mussoorie (which I had joined in May 1960). Between 1961 and early 1966, there were occasional demands for creation of a separate State of Haryana, sometimes by Haryana leaders and sometimes, oddly enough, by some Punjab leaders who wanted a Punjabi ‘suba’. As long as Sardar

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Pratap Singh Kairon remained the Chief Minister of Punjab, he was able to deftly neutralise these demands. %XW RQFH KH GHPLWWHG RIÂżFH IROORZing the Das Commission inquiry in the middle of 1964, the State government of Punjab became weaker and the demand for the reorganisation of Punjab and creation of Haryana became stronger. One of the prominent leaders of the Haryana quest was Chaudhary Ranbir Singh (a very HPLQHQW IUHHGRP ÂżJKWHU DQG IDWKHU of Bhupinder Singh Hooda), who was the Irrigation and Power Minister in the Punjab Government. The Union government, after a lot of deliberations and wide consultations, decided to reorganise Punjab, its

second split (the earlier one having happened in 1947 with West Punjab going to Pakistan and East Punjab staying within India). It was much more than mere creation of Haryana as Punjab lost out its beautiful hill areas like Shimla and Kangra to Himachal Pradesh, the area contiguous to Delhi to Haryana and Chandigarh becoming a Union Territory. Bhagwat Dayal Sharma, a veteran Congressman and D VHDVRQHG SROLWLFLDQ EHFDPH WKH ÂżUVW Chief Minister of the new State but KH ORVW RXW LQ D YRWH RI FRQÂżGHQFH initiated by some agitated Congress MLAs, including Rao Birender Singh. Unfortunately, Singh also did not last long. In 1968, Bansi Lal became the Chief Minister and he initiated the

building up of the State. Bansi Lal ruled the State with a very ÂżUP KDQG SHUKDSV PRGHOLQJ KLPVHOI on Kairon. He had a vision and he was competently and appropriately DGYLVHG E\ VHQLRU RIÂżFHUV ,Q he was drafted in the Union governPHQW ÂżUVW DV PLQLVWHU ZLWKRXW SRUWIRlio and then as Defence Minister under Indira Gandhi. He earned a name for himself at the national level and Haryana started getting counted as a front runner. Then followed a string of Chief Ministers, including Banarsi Dass Gupta, Bhajan Lal, Devi Lal, Hukam Singh, Om Prakash Chautala, Bhupinder Singh Hooda and now, Manohar Lal. Some did outstanding work and provided great leadership which transformed the State from a backward region to a highly impressive modern State.

N the last 50 years, Haryana has moved places. While its area has remained constant and its capital continues at Chandigarh, the number of districts has gone up from six to 22 and the population from one crore to more than 2.5 crores. Unfortunately, the male-female ratio has remained skewed, but more of it later. Of course, the literacy percentage has jumped more than 25 per cent to over 75 per cent. Haryanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s per capita income has gone up more than five times at current prices and at constant prices has trebled. The Plan outlay has gone up from a small amount of `235 crore in the 4th plan to well over `1 lakh crore in the 12th plan. The most impressive growth has been in the agricultural sector as the wheat production has gone up 10 times and rice production almost 20 times. Oil seed production has gone up nearly 10 times and the cotton production more than 7 times. In the ÂżHOG RI HGXFDWLRQ KHDOWK WUDQVSRUW

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Haryana 51 Years mc gupta

and communications, Haryana has seen all-round development, partly because of wise leadership, partly because of civil service, partly because of forward-looking people and partly because of proximity to Delhi. Industry has seen a major expansion with very big names coming to Haryana, particularly in Gurgaon, which replaced focal points like Faridabad, Sonipat and Ambala. Incidentally, Gurgaon (now Gurugram) has emerged as the symbol of Vibrant Haryana. It is often referred to as the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Millennium Cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. While it has put Haryana on the global economic map, it has also thrown up many new challenges relating to urban planning, transport, pollution, etc. The way the people and the government address these challenges will determine Haryanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s future.

ARYANA is yet to set up a capital of its own and a separate High Court. Haryana shares these two with Punjab and Chandigarh. The Haryana government does not have control on Chandigarh. Now new problems like roads, traffic management, law and order, preservation and disposal of foodgrain stocks and alike have come to the fore. Strangely enough, the sensitivity to the caste system has continued in spite of economic growth and education. It is essentially the polluted political system which is keeping the caste system alive. The Jat agitation sometime ago is an evidence of the caste constituency in politics. The honour killings dictated by Khap Panchayats only strengthen this feeling. On August 15 we completed 70 years of freedom but the caste label is yet to be removed. The other unfortunate phenomenon is the distorted male-female ratio, particularly in Haryana, and in spite of various schemes for protecting

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the female foetus, female child and women, the mindset has not changed. The big social change which the nation has witnessed since independence is the status of women in society. In Haryana it is also visible but there is strong prejudice against the girl child. Haryana has a bright future, as India has. Haryana is one of the leading States in the Indian Union with an excellent per capita income, excellent communications, a forwardlooking citizenry and a fairly effective administration. All these factors should take the State ahead at a fast pace. What could hold it back is lack of a commonly shared vision, prejudices and complacency. Almost a year has elapsed since the IXQFWLRQ DQG WKH PRVW VLJQLÂżFDQW occurrence has been the judicial verdict against the Dera Sacha Sauda Chief a couple of months ago. The violence that erupted in its wake left the State shaken and the government busy picking up pieces. It has a certain message to the government: namely, that no organisation should be allowed to grow in a fashion that damages the society. There is also a message to the political class and, of course, the permanent executive, that there should be no compromise with the basic tenets of governance. This is not a lone incident as it was

Urban-rural divide, which has gone on for long years and becomes apparent in many ways, has now to be given a go by. It is time that we gave up the urban versus rural approach and concentrated on area development with a major city or town as the nodal point

preceded by the Jat agitation and the Rampal episode of Barwala, all within a span of three years or less. We have to watch out. Two major decisions of the Central government in the last one year, the golden jubilee year of Haryana, have been demonetisation announced by the Prime Minister on November 8, 2016, and the enforcement of GST with effect from July 1, 2017. There has been widespread debate RQ WKH EHQHÂżWV RI GHPRQHWLVDWLRQ and many sections, including some noted economists, have been highly critical of the decision. However, the full impact of demonetisation is yet to unfold and one would hope and wish that it removes the distortions in the Indian Monetary System. Introduction of GST was long overdue and it will undoubtedly have a huge spin-off for Indian economy, trade and industry. It, however, is passing through its nascent stage and the system is witnessing lots of teething troubles. Recently the Central government announced that many corrective measures are in the RIÂżQJ 2I FRXUVH +DU\DQD DOVR VKRXOG EHQHÂżW IURP WKHVH PHDVXUHV DV WKH

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entire country is expected to. Fifty years may be a short period in the history of a nation, but certainly a long period in the life of man. Those who witnessed the creation of Haryana in November 1966 and had the good fortune of serving the State were full of hope and aspirations as we got cracking. One wonders whether at the age of 50 the State of Haryana is witnessing slowdown associated with middle age! Perhaps not. A strong citizenry, a dynamic political system, an effective permanent executive, close proximity with Delhi and the backup of the economic growth of the last 50 years augur well for the State. However, the prejudices which some sections of the society still nurture, like the caste prejudice and the negative attitude towards the girl child, have to be eschewed. There is no easy way to success and the government and the people of the State have to continue to strive hard to make it an ideal state to live in. Unfortunately, the slogan of Clean India, ‘Swachh Bharat’, is yet to be given a full meaning and I do hope we would realise it sooner than later! As I look back, I venture to make a few suggestions. One is that the

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urban-rural divide, which has gone on for long years and becomes apparent in many ways, has now to be given a go by. In many parts of the country, including in Haryana, villages are straining to urbanise and the cities are merrily nibbling at the villages. It is time that we gave up the urban versus rural approach and concentrated on area development with a major city or town as the nodal point.

ECONDLY, it may be a good idea to make all Blocks co-terminus with Tehsils, with one

Haryana has seen all-round development, partly because of wise leadership, partly because of civil service, partly because of forward-looking people and partly because of proximity to Delhi. Industry has seen a major expansion with very big names coming to Haryana, particularly in Gurgaon

officer in charge of revenue, development and executive functions. It will, in many ways, bring administration to the doorstep of the citizens. Thirdly, there should be convergence of services at the village level. It may be worth considering if the functions of the Patwari, Gram Sewak and the village-level agriculture functionary are merged and each village in Haryana—numbering nearly 7,000— has one functionary answerable for all these responsibilities. This may need some readjustment in the higher echelons of government, namely at the departmental level and the State headquarters, but it may be worthwhile. Fourthly, it is time to relook at the transfer policy of the government, particularly of teachers in government schools. Most government officials, except may be in the department of police and excise, should be posted in home districts. Getting posted in home districts is only the beginning, accountability should follow. Of course, gazetted officers could be posted anywhere in the State. Haryana has a bright future but the people of the State and those who are responsible for its management have to put in their best efforts to make it happen. Haryana is the land of Mahabharata and Bhagwad Gita. The last verse of the Bhagwad Gita reads as follows: ğ Ȫ ȯæ Ȭ Ǚç Ȫ ğ ȡ Ⱦ Ǖ [ Ȭ @ ğ ĮȢͪ [ Ȫ ǗǓ Ģ Ǖ[ ȡ ȢǓ [Ǔ [ A

(Where wisdom and strategy (epitomised by Lord Krishna) and effective action (as Arjuna) come together, prosperity, victory (over poverty and evil) and sustainable policies follow) This is my view. So be it with Modern Haryana. Let wisdom and correct action prevail! g The writer is a former Chief Secretary of Haryana

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Haryana a ya a 51 5 Years ea s sk misra

A Study in

Leadership

Till the late 1970s and early 1980s Haryana was moving fast, and young IAS officers looked forward to being allotted to the State. In later years, unfortunately, things have slowed down. The foundation laid in the earlier decades, however, has been solid and enduring.

was Deputy Commissioner Hissar when Haryana was formed in 1966, and thus was with Haryana from the very beginning. My colleagues who remained with Punjab made no secret of their sympathy for me, being cast off, as they saw it, to a neglected and relatively backward part of old Punjab State. Many, in fact, had doubts as to whether we would even survive as a

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State. As Haryana and Punjab officers sat on different floors of the shared Secretariat in Chandigarh, they had plenty of opportunity to joke at our expense, even offering to help out with loans in case I did not get my salary. I, however, regarded it as both an opportunity and a challenge, and in retrospect, it was the most fortuitous development in my career. Indeed,

helping Haryana develop from a subject of jokes to a thriving and prosperous State that became an acknowledged trendsetter in many areas was an immensely satisfying experience. Bhagwat Dayal, the first Chief Minister, made a promising beginning, but unfortunately he did not last long. He was toppled by Rao Birendra Singh, who could claim the dubious

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distinction of having initiated the era of Aya Rams and.Gaya Rams for which Haryana earned great notoriety. Fortunately, this period did not last long. When an unknown politician named Bansi Lal came to power, with the full support of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the State took a new turn on the road to development and progress. Bansi Lal, a small town lawyer from Bhiwani, had no previous administrative experience, not having been even a Parliamentary Secretary. The veteran politicians and bureaucrats initially thought they could take him lightly, but were soon set straight, as they quickly learned that

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From the start, Bansi Lal’s word was law. He had vision and clear priorities and he knew which way the State had to develop. His focus was on rural development and agriculture, irrigation and rural electrification were his major concerns. Targets were fixed, deadlines were set, the State machinery was well oiled and moved in full gear he was not a man of straw, but meant business. From the start, Bansi Lal’s word was law. He had vision and clear priorities and he knew which way the State had to develop. His focus was on rural development and agriculture, irrigation and rural electrification were his major concerns. Targets

were fixed, deadlines were set, the State machinery was well oiled and moved in full gear. One typical instance illustrates the point. He had invited Mrs Gandhi to lay the foundation of a bridge on the river Ghaggar, to open up some areas and accelerate development. At the ceremony, he asked Mrs Gandhi to come again on a

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Haryana 51 Years sk misra

specific date to inaugurate the completed project. She arrived on the appointed date and in her speech remarked that her first reaction had been that the Chief Minister was indulging in gimmicks.

N irrigation, Bansi Lal was determined to divert excess flood waters from one region of the State to areas chronically suffering from drought. Engineers shook their heads and insisted that it was not possible as the drought-affected areas were at a higher level. Not one to take no for an answer, he suggested that they experiment with a new technique of moving water through a series of lifts, and assured them that he would take full responsibility. The experiment, to the amazement of everyone, was successful. Mrs Gandhi came to inaugurate the biggest lift irrigation

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Tourism was given a boost under Bansi Lal: (Clockwise from top) Harappan site of Rakhigarhi, Mughal Gardens at Pinjore, Karni Lake at Karnal

scheme in Asia, and, as irony would have it, on the same day a letter was received from the Water Resources Ministry saying that the scheme was not feasible. Bansi Lal could not resist having a dig at the Government of India and very triumphantly flourished the letter before the Prime Minister, remarking “Bahenji, this is how your Government works.” Two Haryana engineers, Mr Pathak and Mr Bansal, were duly rewarded with Padma awards. Electrification was also essential for operating tubewells and a date was fixed for providing electricity to all the villages in the State. Result was positive and work was completed three months before schedule. Projects like linking roads to mandis and provid-

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Haryana 51 Years sk misra

ing clean drinking water for villagers were also simultaneously taken up with similar results. Bureaucracy is often at the receiving end, particularly with the media, who are fond of seeing “the Babus” as culprits who do not allow progress. This is a thoughtless and unfair criticism as much depends on how we are treated by the politicians we work with. In Haryana, under Bansi Lal, things moved at a breakneck speed. Promises were made and fulfilled. Projects were rapidly executed. The CM set the tone, and officers whom he thought could deliver were chosen carefully, then given a free hand. We were trusted and protected against unscrupulous politicians. There were no frequent transfers, we were given sufficient time to produce results, and the bureaucracy responded as never before. Working as his principal adviser, I was given carte blanche in crucial areas. An outstanding example was the development of the concept of Highway Tourism, which gave a new and positive image to the State and, in time, became a trend setter.

IMILARLY, a proposal to provide the best education possible for deprived sections of the community soon became a reality. The Motilal Nehru School of Sports, with facilities matching the best public schools, was created to enable prestigious career possibilities to disadvantaged children who otherwise would never have such opportunity. The school has exceeded expectations, producing administrators, doc-

tors, engineers, architects, and young cadets for the defense services, in addition to many successful members of the corporate world. Some other Chief Ministers visited the school with a view to setting up similar facilities in their own States, but in the absence of sustained commitment, these never bore fruition. Haryana also set an example on demonstrating a model relationship between the Governor and Chief Minister. Governor BN Chakravarty of the ICS was a seasoned diplomat and administrator. Bansi Lal gave him full respect and looked upon him

Under Bansi Lal, things moved at a breakneck speed. Promises were made and fulfilled. Projects were rapidly executed. The CM set the tone, and officers whom he thought could deliver were chosen carefully, then given a free hand

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as his mentor, always sought his advice on important matters and kept him informed of policies and programmes. The Governor was in a real sense a friend, philosopher and guide. For instance, in the choice of a Vice Chancellor for Kurukshetra University, which was bedeviled with caste politics, Bansi Lal requested the Governor to identify a suitable person from a non-Hindi speaking State who would be above petty politics. The person chosen was from Assam, a retired Chief Justice of the Assam High Court and a former Principal of a law college. He proved to be a tough and visionary administrator who soon brought discipline to the University and encouraged innovations in the academic sphere. Haryana owes much to Bansi Lal, to his vision, his drive, and his energy. He maintained constant contacts at

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Bureaucracy is often at the receiving end, particularly with the media, who are fond of seeing “the Babus” as culprits who do not allow progress. This is a thoughtless and unfair criticism as much depends on how we are treated by the politicians we work with

all levels throughout the State, and thus had firsthand knowledge of problems, while at the same time observing and monitoring the progress of various projects. One of his strong points, and an essential for good governance, was that he knew his limitations, and in areas with which he was not familiar he left decisions to those who knew and he trusted. He was a vegetarian and a teetotaler, with his own lifestyle verging on spartan. In the beginning of his term he had, in fact, seriously flirted with the idea of declaring Haryana a meatless State. Fortunately better sense prevailed, and he was talked out of it. For such a person to then allow tourist resorts with restaurants and bars was remarkable, and demonstrated that he could be pragmatic where the interests of the State were concerned. He had, of course, some weakness-

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es. In democracy a free press is an absolute necessity, and in this area, it must be admitted, Bansi Lal did not live up to expectations. Initially, he bent backwards to court the media, wrongly thinking that they would not write unfavorable things. His attitude became confrontational when he realised that all his rasgullas and gulabjamuns had been wasted. He entered a state of war with The Tribune and as expected invited the wrath of the Press Council. In deciding on prohibition in a later term and against advice, he made one of his biggest blunders. But these were minor flaws when compared to his overall record. Bansi Lal’s successor, Chaudhary Devi Lal, had been his senior in politics and had played a significant role in getting Haryana statehood. Ironically, he was the one who gave Bansi Lal the first break in politics, suggesting his name for contesting to the State Assembly. He was under the mistaken belief that Bansi Lal, a blue-blooded Jat, belonged to the scheduled caste. Devi Lal was cast in a different mold. Not having any formal education, he was a man of the masses, enjoying their support and affection. Initially a prisoner in the hands of his family, after some time he broke the shackles and, like his predecessor, focused on rural development. His successor, Bhajan Lal, a believer in “every man has his price” had different priorities, but as with Devi Lal, the momentum of the early years continued. I left the State

while Bhajan Lal was still the Chief Minister. His successors unfortunately brought no credit to the State, and the slide began.

served in the State until 1980, and then again post-retirement served for some time as tourism advisor. Today, as Chairman of the Indian Trust for Rural Heritage and Development (ITRHD), I am involved with a major project in Rakhigarhi (Hansi), which gives me the rare privilege of recapturing some of the excitement I experienced during my years as a young officer in the field. On my first visit to the area in 2012, I was extremely touched when the young leaders of the community swarmed around me, with affectionate tales of the “golden days” under Bansi Lal, which most of them knew only through their fathers and grandfathers. Because of this, they have given ITRHD their full trust. This I consider a true demonstration of Bansi Lal’s legacy to the State. Till the late 1970s and early 1980s Haryana was moving fast, and young IAS officers looked forward to being allotted to the State. In later years, unfortunately, things have slowed down. The foundation laid in the earlier decades, however, was solid and enduring. Presently there are good young officers in the State, and I earnestly hope that they are given the freedom to allow Haryana to regain its momentum. g (Writer is former Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister)

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Haryana 51 Years mg devasahayam

Far away from home My Haryana days Experiences with two Chief Ministers—Bansi Lal and Bhajan Lal—and Jayaprakash Narayan, leader of the massive JP Movement and the ‘Enemy No. 1’ of the State

S a student of Economics in the 1950s at the southernmost tip of India, I was fascinated by the ‘Idea of India’ development with democracy—propounded by the Founding Fathers of the Republic in the midst of deep poverty and

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brutal violence caused by Partition. As I grew up and gained knowledge on the finer elements of politics and economics, this idea was ingrained in my mind and got lodged in the sub-conscience. The ‘idea of democracy’ is that

India would have political institutions consisting of self-governing, self-sufficient, agro-industrial, urbo-rural local communities—gram sabha, panchayat samiti and zilla parishad—that would form the base of Vidhan Sabhas and the Lok Sabha.

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These grassroots based institutions will control and regulate the use of natural resources for the good of the community and the nation. Built on this foundation, the development idea envisaged independent India as sui generis, a society unlike any other, in a class of its own that would not follow the western pattern of mega industrialisation, urbanisation and individuation. India’s would be agro-based people’s economy that would chart out a distinct course in economic growth, which would be need-based, human-scale and balanced while conserving nature and livelihoods. I believed that the country’s governance structure, with the Indian Administrative Service as its bulwark, is meant to adhere to, advance and implement this ‘Idea of India’ at the grassroots and policy levels.

Pursuing ‘Development’ and ‘Democracy’ with Chief Minister Bansi Lal I entered IAS in 1968 (actual batch 1964, due to Army service) and allotted to Haryana cadre. My first posting was Assistant Commissioner (Under Training), Hissar. Few weeks after reporting for duty in mid-1969, colleagues in the 1968 batch—Dhanendra Kumar, Komal Nayyar, LM Mehta, Veena Kohli, TD Jogpal and G Madhavan—got together at Chandigarh to call on Chief Minister Bansi Lal. We were escorted by the affable Sardar Tarlochan Singh, Joint Secretary, Political and Services. The first encounter was short and crisp. Bansi Lal was fresh in his job and we found him a bit shy and hesitant to converse in English. The meeting was over in minutes and the message given by him was brisk and brief: “Please work towards the develop-

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ment of this backward State with sincerity and honesty and I wish you all the best.” Little did I realise that soon I would be confronting Bansi Lal in differing capacities and deal with him on both the ideas—Development and Democracy.

Development I got a go at the ‘development’ idea when on December 21, 1972, I was appointed the first DC of the newly created desert district of Bhiwani, the home turf of Bansi Lal. The district was carved out of the adjacent areas of Hissar, Rohtak and Mahendergarh districts. Bansi Lal said this when I met him in Chandigarh before proceeding to assume charge: “Devasahayamji, my Bhiwani district is a semi-arid area. People, belonging to the farming community, are mostly poor and illiterate. Give them development-oriented, good and honest governance so that they can chart their own growth.” His vision of ‘development’ was robust and rustic: “Farmers are the

With mandate from the Chief Minister and his vision, I saw my chance of putting together a sui generis model of agrobased people’s economy at the district level which I had already conceived in my mind. On assuming charge, I first put together a functional district framework and then addressed myself to the task of development

mainstay of Haryana. Give them good basic infrastructure—water, electricity and roads. Then they will know how to develop themselves.” With this mandate from the Chief Minister and his vision, I saw my chance of putting together a sui generis model of agro-based people’s economy at the district level which I had already conceived in my mind. On assuming charge, I first put together a functional district framework and then addressed myself to the task of development. For this, I had to understand the district and its economy in quick time.

HIS was done along with the Chief Minister during the innovative ‘Meet the People’ mission, commencing within a month of my assuming charge. In a year or so, we visited all the 471 villages in the district. Starting early in the morning everyday, on an average 25 to 30 villages were covered. Leap-frogging method was adopted with four teams comprising of Revenue, Police and Public Relations officials making arrangements in each village as they went by. Since advance information was given, large number of villagers assembled for the interaction. These visits were planned and executed meticulously with Anil Razdan, my young Assistant Commissioner (Under Training), playing a stellar role. We were accompanied by the SP and senior officials of the irrigation, agriculture, animal husbandry and forest departments. Local MP/MLA also joined in. Depending upon the nature of the road, car or jeep was used. Whenever we travelled on a kutcha road in a jeep, either me or Bansi Lal used to drive. By the time we reached the village, the PRO was ready with the demands raised by the villagers. CM would go through it and

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Haryana 51 Years mg devasahayam

hand it over to me. The interaction would last for about five minutes and we would move on. By the time we reached the next village, we would have discussed and decided on most of the issues, including irrigation/ drinking water schemes in the arid areas. After returning to Bhiwani, these were compiled and sent to the concerned departments at various levels for compliance and report. Progress was reviewed regularly at the monthly meetings of the District Grievance and Coordination Committee, which I presided.

of three lift irrigation schemes and the Western Yamuna Canal irrigating the district. I gave a copy of the firmed-up Master Plan to the CM on the evening of September 30, 1973, when he visited Bhiwani. Overnight he read the entire document and made notes on

S the ‘Meet the People’ mission was going apace, I started working on the district’s development model. Village visits and my discussions with the officials of various departments gave me the impression that the task of development was being carried out in a piecemeal manner. Agriculture and animal husbandry being the mainstay of Bhiwani district, they should be at the core of development. Water being the lifeline in the semi-arid region, irrigation should be the catalyst. So, in the barren, droughtaffected district development should integrate irrigation, agriculture, animal husbandry and afforestation. Once broad approach was chalked out, we did intense brainstorming. Under my overall coordination, senior officials of these departments fanned out in the district, interacted with people, conducted studies and formulated detailed plans. This exercise was guided by experts from Haryana Agriculture University at Hissar. Result was the Master Plan for “Integrated development of Bhiwani District in Agriculture, Irrigation, Afforestation and Dairy farming”. With water as the catalyst, this plan was anchored on the command areas

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the margin. Except pointing out some factual errors, he was highly appreciative of the model and asked me to send it to the Agriculture Secretary for processing and release of funds. Soon thereafter, the initiative was launched with a grand ‘rural mela’ and various steps were initiated to implement the schemes to the best extent possible. The profoundly illustrated Master Plan document that ran into 229 pages continues to be still relevant in the development of semi-arid regions where agriculture and animal

husbandry continues to be the mainstay of the economy.

Democracy From Bhiwani I moved to Chandigarh as DC-cum-Estate Officer of the Union Territory in July 1974 and continued till late 1977. This posting was facilitated by Bansi Lal himself. I, therefore, was a District Magistrate before, during and after Emergency and had the chance of seeing this ‘autocratic saga’ from close quarters. Emergency regime that commenced on June 25-26, 1975 night, extinguished democracy, suspended fundamental rights, fettered freedom of the press and resorted to illegal detention and abuse of citizens. My opportunity to ‘defend democracy’ came a week later when Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), the die-hard democrat and leader of the massive JP Movement and the ‘Enemy No. 1’ of the State was shifted to Chandigarh from Delhi. As District Magistrate-cum-Inspector General, Prison of the Union Territory, I was his custodian. During this period, I developed a humane and warm relationship with the architect of ‘India’s Second Freedom’, which sustained after the Emergency and lasted till he passed away in October 1979. Let us hear the narrative from the distinguished civilian, TN Chaturvedi, former Chief Commissioner of Chandigarh, Union Home Secretary, Comptroller and Auditor General of India, Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) and Governor of Karnataka: “…..In 1975 Devasahayam—a \RXQJ DQG G\QDPLF RI¿FHU²ZDV '& and District Magistrate, Chandigarh. I had known him when he was a probationer at the National Academy at

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Mussoorie. He came to the Indian Administrative Service from the Indian Army, having developed qualities of leadership.During my stint from 1976-78 as Chief Commissioner of Chandigarh, I found Devasahayam to be a diligent, dedicated, composed, DQG HIÂżFLHQW RIÂżFHU ZKR XSKHOG WKH rule of law, and was fair in his dealings with all, however high or low they might be. It fell on the shoulders of this young man to be the jailor of JPâ&#x20AC;Ś â&#x20AC;Ś.Besides his duties as a civil servant Devasahayam did something moreâ&#x20AC;ŚHe met JP on an almost daily basis and interacted with him intensely. He treated JP as a man who had inspired millions of Indians to take up the cudgels for their rights. He looked upon him as the living connection with and embodiment of the ideas and ideals that Mahatma Gandhi instilled in those who fought for our freedom. He treated JP with the respect due himâ&#x20AC;Ś â&#x20AC;Ś..From a low point JP gradually recovered his old self, and in spite of his ill health, determined to right the wrong that has been done to India i.e. defeating Emergency. Devasahayam brings JP to life in all the glory of his integrity, moral fervour, and gift of the fight against all odds. Devasahayam was not just a jailor, but also an interlocutor, and then a tireless facilitator of a rapprochement between JP and Indira Gandhiâ&#x20AC;Śâ&#x20AC;? In the process, I had broken the barriers of civil service and saved JPâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life twice. First, in August 1975, when JP decided to go on fast unto death if Emergency was not lifted immediately and had written to the Prime Minister. After near two hours of wordy-duel, I dissuaded JP from taking this extreme step. Distinguished barrister and parliamentarian MR Masani records this in his Book, â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;JP: Mission Partly

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Accomplishedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Macmillan): â&#x20AC;&#x153;It seems that Mr Devasahayam, who was a competent and patriotic young officer, went and pleaded with JP not to risk his life and give up the idea of his fast. After lot of persuasion, he was able to make JP change his mind. This certainly shows that JP treated him like a friend and that Devasahayam had by his behaviour towards his distinguished prisoner earned his confidence. This incident also shows that not all officials of Government had lost their values and their decent instincts during the Emergency.â&#x20AC;?

In August 1975, when JP decided to go on fast unto death if Emergency was not lifted immediately and had written to the Prime Minister. After near two hours of wordy-duel, I dissuaded JP from taking this extreme step Next was more poignantâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;countering an attempt on the life of JP in confinement. Mysteriously, starting early November 1975, his health deteriorated sharply. I had serious suspicion about this conspiracy. My assessment was that â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Delhi Durbarâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; considered JP as the only person of stature who could challenge the dynasty and remove it from power. More specifically, he was the biggest stumbling block in Sanjay Gandhiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ambition to become Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s youngest Prime Minister! And, therefore, JP should be put out. Realising the enormity of the situation, I initiated a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;pincer movementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; to pressurise Ministry of Home Affairs and Prime Ministerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Office, got JP released and sent him post-haste to Bombayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Jaslok

Hospital just in time to save his life. JP lived for four more years, defeated Emergency in the polls held in March 1977 and returned India back to democracy. The rest is history. JP himself recorded my role in his eloquent letter (03-11-1977) in Hindi to Union Home Minister (Charan Singh) and Haryana Chief Minister (Devi Lal): â&#x20AC;&#x153;Jab mein Chandigarh mein nazarband tha, Shri Devasahayam ne apne kanoone kartavyon aur maryadon ka palan karthe hue mere saath athyanth hi soujanya ka barthav kiya tha. Unke anek krupayen us samay mere upar hue thi jis keleye unka sadha aabari rahoonga. Is vyakthikath prasangh ko agar chod bhi dhen tho mere upar deputy commissioner ke nathe unke sarkari aachar-vichar ka gambir asar muj par hua tha. Vah el kattar deshbakht, drud-prathiksh aur samarpith adhikari hain....â&#x20AC;?

URING Emergency Bansi Lal was CM, Haryana and also Defence Minister of India. In my pursuit of democracy agenda and safeguarding JP, there were sharp differences between us because of his loyalty to Sanjay Gandhi who was on the other extreme of the democracy spectrum! As I moved on, I found the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Idea of Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; withering and the service becoming servile. I fought these to the extent possible and being a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;lonerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; far away from my homestead I had severe limitations. So, I bowed out well before my time.So be it!

Governance principles with Chief Minister Bhajan Lal I knew Bhajan Lal from my Hissar days (he was Chairman of Hissar II Block Samiti) and had held sev-

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Haryana 51 Years mg devasahayam

eral important positions during his tenure as Chief Minister which included State Transport Controller (STC) and Excise & Taxation Commissioner (ETC). How I became ETC from STC overnight and back again as STC after some time is a story by itself. It was a cold winter night of December 1981, sometime around Christmas. I was in camp at Delhi and on returning to Haryana Bhavan around midnight found the genial Inspector General of Police at the reception looking very worried. I asked him why and he said that his job was at stake because within three weeks two hooch (illicit liquor) tragedies had happened in the State this time resulting in the death of over 40 people. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had pulled up Chief Minister Bhajan Lal and he in turn had taken it on the hapless Police chief. Since liquor sale and regulation came under the jurisdiction of ETC, I was wondering about the fate of the incumbent!

appointed time Bhajan Lal was shaving and looking relaxed. A hot cup of tea was waiting for me. Before I could talk, he said he has found the solution—to appoint me as ETC forthwith! I was taken aback. I have been GRLQJ ¿QH DV 67&²D FRPELQDWLRQ RI Haryana Roadways Chief, Transport Commissioner and State Transport Authority—liked the job and was coming on the national scene as an

ONSOLING the IGP I walked up the steps to my room in WKH VHFRQG ÀRRU %HWZHHQ WKH ¿UVW DQG VHFRQG ÀRRUV I saw a person wrapped in blanket coming down the steps. On close look I saw it was Chief Minister Bhajan Lal. He also recognised me and said “ah, Devasahayamji ayiye. Zaroori baat karna hai.” (Devasahayam come, we need to talk urgently). In the CM suit I found him tense, which was unusual for Bhajan Lal. He repeated what IGP told me and asked for a solution. I told him I will think over it and revert back. Since it was urgent he wanted me to meet him at 6 am itself. When I went to his suit at the

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expert and performer. I did not want to shift now and protested. Bhajan Lal overruled my protest and directed me to proceed to Chandigarh immediately and take the orders from the Chief Secretary. On reaching Chandigarh, I came to know of the jubilation in the camp of Jagannath, MLA from Bhiwani, who was Transport Minister with his coterie claiming that at long last they have succeeded in shunting me out. Actu-

ally, Jagannath has been working on it for some time and has been pestering the Chief Minister. Now he got an opportunity to boast. I did not like it, particularly because of the ongoing confrontation between us on corruption, indiscipline and nepotism in the department and Haryana Roadways. So, neither I met the Chief Secretary nor acted upon my transfer orders as ETC. There was suspended animation ERWK LQ WKH RI¿FHV RI 67& DQG (7& It was over a week when the New Year came. As I was winding up after midnight there was a phone call and it was Bhajan Lal on the other end. As I responded I was put off by what he said: “Devasahayamji aap mera dost hai. Phir be aap mujhe naukari se nikhalna chahte hain? (Devasahayam, you are my friend. Yet, do you want me to lose my job?). Before I could recover he said that due to my not taking over as ETC there was chaos prevailing and Prime Minister has put him on notice. And, he asked me as to why I was doing this. I sought time from him to personally explain and he agreed. At 11 am sharp I ZHQW WR KLV RI¿FH We were closeted for about half-an-hour and I explained to him about the tussle going on between me and the Minister, the things he has been boasting about and the tremendous adverse effect this will have on the functioning of the department and Haryana Roadways. Bhajan Lal said he knew most of these and wanted to know as to what was in my mind. I told him bluntly: “Chaudhri saheb, my taking over as ETC in these circumstances will be a great insult to me and the department I am presently heading. I would

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rather go on long leave.â&#x20AC;? As I left, he looked at me but said nothing. In the evening news came that Jagannath had been removed from Transport department and given another portfolio. I got the message loud and clear and the very next day took over as ETC. This crucial department, contributing over 75 per cent of State revenue was suffering from triple whammyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;corruption, severe loss of revenue and demoralisation DPRQJ WKH KRQHVW RIÂżFLDOV , KDG WR work overtime to rectify these and SXW WKH GHSDUWPHQW LWV RIÂżFLDOV DQG revenue generation back on track. Over weeks this was achieved through stringent administrative measures and motivation to curb corruption DQG HQKDQFH HIÂżFLHQF\ Then I proceeded on the long pending annual leave to my home town with the Additional Commissioner holding charge. In the Assembly election held during this period Bhajan Lalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Indian National Congress got only 36 out of 90 seats with the Chief 0LQLVWHU ÂżQGLQJ KLPVHOI LQ KRSHOHVV minority. To survive he had to bring the independent MLAs to his fold. So, the trademark game of Haryanaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Aya Ram Gaya Ramâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;played out in full measure. One such â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Ramâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; was a VPDOO WUDGHU IURP -LQG ZKR ZDV ÂżUVW time MLA. This Ram had a group of 5-6 MLAs with him and therefore bargained hard with Bhajan Lal and asked for KLV SRXQG RI Ă&#x20AC;HVK $QG LW WXUQHG RXW to be that of Excise & Taxation Minister which was normally reserved for a senior cabinet member. Bhajan Lal resisted for some time and then had to bow down. I was then on a threeweek leave in my home town and the Additional Commissioner was holding charge. When I returned I came across a strange phenomenon. The new Excise

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& Taxation Minister had openly announced that he had the mandate of Chief Minister Bhajan Lal to collect `1 crore within a short time. Therefore, he made one statement and issued one orderâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that Devasahayam did not suit him as ETC and all Excise & TaxaWLRQ 2IÂżFHUV (72V VKRXOG VHQG WKH ÂżOHV RI PDMRU DVVHVVPHQW FDVHV WR KLP so that he could â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;dealâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; with them. He ZDV SDUWLFXODUO\ NHHQ RQ WKH ÂżOHV IURP Faridabad, Ambala and Jagadhri-Yamunanagar. In my absence, most of the ETOs complied with the order and ZHUH VHQGLQJ KLP WKH ÂľKHDY\Âś ÂżOHV IRU â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;settlement and collectionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;!

When I returned I came across a strange phenomenon. The new Excise & Taxation Minister had openly announced that he had the mandate of Chief Minister Bhajan Lal to collect `1 crore within a short time. Therefore, he made one statement and issued one orderâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that Devasahayam did not suit him as ETC

IRST thing I did was to stop the practice forthwith. I also called on the Chief Minister and told him that the Minister did not suit me either! In the next couple of days, I received the feedback that except one ETO in Faridabad, all others had stopped VHQGLQJ WKH ÂżOHV WR WKH 0LQLVWHU , called the Deputy ETC, Faridabad and directed her to seek compliance from the ETO. She reported back saying that she has failed and the ETO was GHÂżDQW 6R , WUDQVIHUUHG KLP WR D IDU off place. He approached the Minister

and got it cancelled. I placed him under suspension. He got it stayed by the government and started celebrating. 7KH YHU\ FUHGLELOLW\ RI WKH RIÂżFH RI ETC was at stake and something drastic needed to be done. Reading the related laws carefully, I realised that all the ETOs are exercising the delegated powers of the ETC. I obtained legal opinion to the effect that the authority that has delegated powers to a suborGLQDWH RIÂżFLDO FDQ DOVR ZLWKGUDZ WKH same. I immediately issued a speaking order withdrawing powers from this particularly ETO and sent it posthaste to Faridabad directing the DETC to immediately serve on him. She was only too glad and within minutes all WKH ÂżOHV DQG IXUQLWXUH ZHUH UHPRYHG IURP KLV RIÂżFH H[FHSW RQH FKDLU (YHQ the attendant was withdrawn. Having been stripped of everything, the ETO EHFDPH D EXWW RI ULGLFXOH LQ KLV RIÂżFH Minister could do nothing unless the Act itself was amended. So, the next morning, the ETO reported to me with a pathetic face profusely apologising and seeking my permission to comply with one of my earlier ordersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;transfer or suspension. Having achieved the purpose, I did not want to rub it in and restored his powers directing him to report at the place where he was transferred. He complied instantly and the matter came to a close. Having lost face, the Minister made my transfer a prestige issue and started conspiring to overthrow Bhajan Lal by mobilising MLAs and even some ministers against him if this was not done. When I came to know this, I met the Chief Minister and sought a transfer. So, having VDIHJXDUGHG WKH RIÂżFLDO QRUPV DQG discipline I moved out from ETC to the post of STC for a second term! g The writer is a former Army and IAS officer

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gfiles inside the government

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Haryana 51 Years shubhabrata bhattacharya

Lals of Haryana From efficient Bansi Lal to rustic Devi Lal and shrewd Bhajan Lal, Haryana saw in them three leaders who took the State from strength to strength

OTWITHSTANDING that Chaudhary Devi Lal’s ambition to be the Prime Minister was thwarted—he ending up as Deputy PM under VP Singh and Chandrashekhar—Haryana did willynilly produce a PM, albeit temporarily. Gulzari Lal Nanda, who was interim PM after the demise of Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1964 and again after Lal Bahadur Shastri in January 1966, belonged to that part of Punjab which on November 1, 1966, emerged as India’s 20th State, Haryana. Nanda was responsible for the emergence of Faridabad, an industrial town on the fringe of Delhi, in the early sixties. (Another Nanda—HP Nanda, played a role in Faridabad’s emergence, with Escorts tractors and motorcycles becoming household names nationwide.) GL Nanda was the Union Home Minister when Haryana was born. The name Lal has been a dominating factor in Haryana politics: Chief Minister Manohal Lal Khattar had as his predecessors, besides Devi Lal, Bansi Lal and Bhajan Lal. Soon after the formation of Haryana in 1967, a MLA, Gaya Lal, defected from

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Congress to the Opposition and back to the Congress again within a fortnight. Announcing his redefection, the then CM, Rao Birendra Singh, said:”Gaya Ram is now Aya Ram”. This added “Aya Ram-Gaya Ram” to the Indian political lexicon. Defections dogged Haryana politics for many years till the anti-defection law put paid to this practice. In January 1980, after Indira Gandhi returned to power at the Centre, Chief Minister Bhajan Lal created history by en-masse defecting with his Janata Party government and forming a

Soon after the formation of Haryana in 1967, a MLA, Gaya Lal, defected from Congress to the Opposition and back to the Congress again within a fortnight. Announcing his redefection, the then CM, Rao Birendra Singh, said:”Gaya Ram is now Aya Ram”

Congress regime in the State. Bhajan Lal retained power amidst high voltage defection drama after the Assembly elections in June 1982. Both he and Janata Party leader Devi Lal whisked away respective MLAs to remote locations before the trial of strength in which Bhajan Lal prevailed. Sunday magazine had published a cover story on this phenomenon and Bhajan Lal earned the epithet “Hijacker” on the journal’s cover. The story listed the journey of the ghee trader from Adampur mandi who had emerged as the King. Till date, purest ghee in Kolkata’s wholesale market, Posta Bazar, is referred to as “Bhajan Lal ghee”. The Lal who indeed changed the face of Haryana, which comprised areas of underdeveloped Punjab prior to November 1, 1966, was Bansi Lal, who became CM in May 1968 after Bhagwat Dayal Sharma and Rao Birendra Singh’s short tenures. Till November 1975, when Bansi Lal moved to the Centre as Defence Minister, he changed the face of Haryana. Bansi Lal was inducted as part of the Sanjay Gandhi team which

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dominated the discourse during that period of Indira Gandhi’s Emergency rule—he joined the New Delhi establishment on the eve of the Kamagata Maru Nagar Session of Congress in December 1975 which saw the emergence of Sanjay Gandhi as Indira’s heir apparent. Sanjay’s pet Maruti project was located in Haryana. Bansi Lal and his trusted bureaucrat, SK Mishra (who later retired as Prinicipal Secretary to Prime Minister), changed the paradigm of governance in Haryana. Tourism

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received a fillip. Road connectivity was improved and network expanded. Bansi Lal even created a road within the territory of Haryana linking it to Delhi, bypassing Lalru in Punjab, to ensure that the intense inter-State dispute with the neighbouring State did not hamper movement of the Haryana Roadways between Chandigarh and Delhi. The CM preferred travelling by road and the legend was that if at any point of the journey his vehicle encountered a bump then the job of the concerned superin-

tending engineer of Haryana PWD was at stake.

ANSI Lal sowed seeds of industrialisation in the State, taking forward the Faridabad concept of Gulzari Lal Nanda. He was much ahead of his time. Today it is common practice for state CMs to solicit investments. Bansi Lal did this with alacrity in the late 1960s. His penchant for getting industry into Haryana was such that, according to a story doing rounds those days, when Film leg-

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Haryana 51 Years shubhabrata bhattacharya

end Raj Kapoor went to see Bansi Lal, who had been told Kapoor was a bigwig of the film industry, enquired, “Kapoor sahib aap industry kahan lagayenge—saari madad milegi”. An amused and amazed Raj Kapoor is said to have cut short the interaction. Bansi Lal played a silent but significant role as Union Minister. His intervention saw Indira Gandhi give up the concept of Deputy Ministers at the Centre. It so happened that at a military parade, where protocol and the Order of Precedence is strictly adhered to, Bansi Lal saw Janaki Ballabh Patnaik, then Deputy Defence Minister, sitting among officials and not on the sofas where other dignitaries, including Bansi Lal and his MoS, Vitthal Narhari Gadgil, were seated. On enquiry he learnt that a Deputy Minister was way down in the Order of Precedence, almost at par with senior civilian officers but below Generals of armed forces. At the earliest opportunity, Bansi Lal confronted Indira Gandhi: “Behenji, aapney unhey ohda toh diya hai, par unhey izzat nahin mili” (you have given them office but not rank and status).This intervention saw an en masse elevation of Deputy Ministers to Ministers of State. Apart from VP Singh no other Prime Minister has appointed deputy ministers since. Deputy Ministers who were elevated to MoS rank by Indira Gandhi in late seventies included Pranab Mukherjee, Viswanath Pratap Singh, JB Patnaik and Veerbhadra Singh. Bansi Lal’s term as Defence Minister was not without glitches. In Haryana Secretariat style, he used to walk the corridors of South Block and barge into officers’ rooms. Once at the weekly Tuesday meeting with senior officers, he confronted the then Army Chief, Gen TN Raina: “General sahib, aap kahan chhadi ghumakar

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Minister Sir, is supposed to be privy”. Fortunately civilian officers around him cautioned the Raksha Mantri and thus a Krishna Menon-type situation was averted. Devi Lal may not have emerged as PM, but sans his Green Brigade, the journey of VP Singh could not have begun at the Allahabad Lok Sabha byelection in June 1988. Later it was Devi Lal who acted as fulcrum to elevate his close friend Chandrashekhar as PM when VP Singh was ousted.

H Indira Gandhi

Bansi Lal played a silent but significant role as Union Minister. His intervention saw Indira Gandhi give up the concept of Deputy Ministers at the Centre... the intervention saw an en masse elevation of Deputy Ministers to Ministers of State ghhomtey rehetey hain? Mayn kai baar aapke kamrey giya,aap nahin miley”. The stoic General replied: “The tour schedule of the Chief of Army Staff is only to be conveyed to the Supreme Commander (President of India). No one else, including you,

ARYANA has hosted two major sessions of the Congress party. The session of AICC at Faridabad in April 1969, under S Nijalingappa’s presidency, was a precursor to the 1969 split. Post the Babri debacle, PV Narasimha Rao held a Special Session of AICC in Surajkund in March 1993. This session saw the emergence of what was to be Congress (Tiwari) and the subsequent decline of Rao. Bhajan Lal’s huge cauldron—karahi—from Adampur, which served halwa to the delegates was alight aside to the otherwise surcharged session. Surajkund was the place where the then Deputy PM and Home Minister, Chaudhary Charan Singh, sojourned after differences in Janata Party government of Morarji Desai surfaced in 1978. In an interview to journalist Udayan Sharma at Surajkund, Charan Singh branded Morarji cabinet as a “bunch of impotents”. This sowed seeds of split and emergence of Charan Singh as PM for a brief tenure in 1979 and the return of Indira Gandhi to power. Apart from historic Kurukshetra, even Faridabad and Surajkund have thus been venues for meandering of history. g

Writer is a former Editor of Sunday and National Herald and former political editor of The Tribune

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MEMORY CLOUDS The Hon’ble Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, on April 21, 2015, on Civil Services Day, gave a clarion call to record and upload the memoirs of senior and experienced civil servants. Hence... gfiles brings you a compilation of reminiscences by senior civil servants which were published in gfiles between 2007 and 2015. Don’t miss the opportunity to learn from the wealth of experience of veteran civil servants. Pre-order the book in advance to avail of the one-time offer of `720.

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Haryana 51 Years politics

Bhagwat Dayal Sharma

Bansi Lal

Devi Lal

Haryana’s

political journey The land of Lals for the first four decades of its existence, has come a long way with each of its 10 chief ministers contributing in some way in the long journey

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Bhajan Lal

Om Prakash Chautala

by NARENDRA KAUSHIK

HEN Haryana, or what was then known as South Punjab, was made a separate State on November 1, 1966, it hardly had anything going for it. The basic amenities—drinking water, electricity and roads—were scarce. Over 80 per cent of its 6,841 villages were living in the dark. They had no access to potable drinking water and still drew their intake out of wells. The connectivity was poor with cycle, tonga and bullock cart being used for ferrying people. The number of people owning tractors in villages was rare. In cities, people travelled in private buses. Southern Haryana cultivated and irrigated its farms from wells with the help of camels while the rest of the State did the same with pairs of oxen. There were no canals, particularly in the arid part of the State. Many people in villages, particularly the ones belonging to weaker sections, still lived in mud houses. Many of them rolled their chapatis from coarse grains like millet and corn. Cattle rearing was a co-vocation with agriculture. People grew millet, sorghum, wheat, corn, sugarcane,

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Manohar Lal Khattar

gram and cotton etc. Entertainment was limited to listening to radio, folk dramas and songs like saang, alha and bhajan, ragini and deru (kind of a drum). Screening of films in villages by State’s culture department and occasional watching of films in talkies in cities were other options. Mortality was very high with no healthcare available for infants and women during delivery. The raison d’être for demanding the State was alleged discrimination between North Punjab and South Punjab (now Haryana) and dominance of Punjabi culture. Caste was entrenched in

Bhupinder Singh Hooda

Haryanavis’ psyche then also. Jat politicians like Chaudhary Devi Lal and Sher Singh were at the forefront of agitation for Haryana. According to Bhim S Dahiya’s book, ‘Power Politics in Haryana: A View from the Bridge’, though castes other than Jats were not against creation of the new State, they ‘remained aloof from the movement’. Logically, Devi Lal, then a Congressman, should have taken the first shot at ruling the new State. Instead, Bhagwat Dayal Sharma, who presided over Punjab State Congress at the time, wrested the honour. Ironically, Sharma was against the division of Punjab. He feared domination by Jats in the new State. He managed to become the first Chief Minister due to his closeness to central Congress leaders. Sharma became a pioneer in nourishing Jat-non Jat template of politics in Haryana. In 1962, Sharma fought a bitter battle in Jhajjar constituency (then part of Punjab assembly) against Professor Shamsher Singh. The supporters of the two were vertically divided on caste lines and were in no mood to concede defeat. Singh had the strong backing of Jats while Sharma looked for consolidation of all other castes. It

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Haryana 51 Years politics

was feared that followers of the losing candidate might resort to violence. Singh, who ultimately lost to Sharma, averted the clash by lying to his Jat followers that he had won the election and they should head to homes in victory processions. With the ascent of Sharma, surprise, contradictions and caste and conspiracy made an entry into Haryana polity. In the first assembly elections in Haryana in 1967, Sharma was forced to change his seat from Jhajjar to Yamunanagar because people in Jhajjar, particularly the Jats, were thirsting for revenge.

HARMA continued to be the CM after constitution of a new assembly on March 17, 1967, though his candidate for assembly speaker Dayakishan lost the election. Sharma’s tenure of less than five months before the first State elections became controversial when he declared in a public meeting at a grain market in Rohtak, “This time around I will not let Chaudharies have a say. I will ensure their canes are suspended on spikes.” This was as direct a jibe against the Jats as could be. Sharma, who later represented Karnal in the Lok Sabha and also served as governor of Madhya Pradesh, is also remembered for advising Haryanvis to get used to eating ‘mota anaaj’ (millet and corn). Haryana in those days mostly grew these and only became a major producer of wheat and rice after the green revolution in the 1970s. On March 24, 1967, Rao Birendra Singh, the scion of royal family in Rewari and head of Vishal Haryana Party (first State party in Haryana), replaced Sharma as the Chief Minister. Adopted son of Rao Balbir Singh, the titular head of Rewari, Birendra Singh

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was selected for IPS (Indian Police Service) in 1949-50 but did not join. Being well-educated, Singh had a mind of his own and is remembered as a strong administrator. But his area of influence was largely confined to the Ahir belt (Rewari and surrounding areas) and he did everything to nurture it. Moreover, he was Chief Minister for barely seven months and nine days. On November 2, 1967, the government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi dismissed his government and imposed President’s rule on the basis of a report from the Governor whereby stability of his government was questioned.

Logically, Devi Lal, then a Congressman, should have taken the first shot at ruling the new State. Instead, Bhagwat Dayal Sharma, who presided over Punjab State Congress at the time, wrested the honour Rao Birendra Singh was the one who coined the term ‘Aya Ram Gaya Ram’ which became synonymous with defections across the country. It so happened that Gaya Lal, a Congress MLA from Hasanpur (Palwal), changed parties thrice in a fortnight in 1967. He quit Congress to join United Front (Janata Party) and subsequently returned to the Congress. Singh introduced Gaya Lal to press in Chandigarh saying ‘Gaya Ram’ is now

‘Aya Ram’. But shortly afterwards Gaya Ram switched over to the United Front again. In May 1968, fresh elections were held for Haryana assembly and Bansi Lal, a second-time MLA and favourite of Indira Gandhi, became the Chief Minister. Lal contributed majorly to construction of approach roads, canals and electrification, irrigation and drinking water in the State. Lal, an honest but arrogant and stubborn politician, set a target for his electricity staff and made sure that 5,500 villages (1,250 villages were already electrified when he took over) were electrified within a short span of time. During this he would move around at night and constantly take updates from electricity department’s superintending engineers and other staff. Lal, a former President of bar association in Bhiwani, took the private transport (buses) under State’ wings, created Haryana Roadways and provided connectivity. During his third tenure in 1996, his government granted licenses to cooperatives owning buses to ply within the rural sector. Lal took canals over sand mounds in Mahendragarh, Narnaul and Bhiwani where nobody could imagine them. For this, he sent an engineer to a foreign country to study lift irrigation and then issued him huge funds (around `80 crore) for the job. He generously allocated backward area grants. Lal was a man of his word and even than had dictatorial tendencies. After a tussle with Punjab over some road passing through Punjab’s territory, he got a bridge constructed over Ghaggar river and road laid in a record time to connect Panchkula with Shahabad (Kurukshetra) circumventing Punjab’s territory. Voters in the State

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(left to right) Devi Lal, Chandra Sekhar, VP Singh

apparently did not mind his dictatorial behaviour and reelected his government in 1972. Lal served as the state CM till December 1975 when Indira Gandhi decided to make him Defence Minister of the country. He had a say in choosing Banarsi Das Gupta as his replacement. Though Gupta served as CM for a year and five months, he could never grow out of Lal’s shadow. His mentor Lal himself lost much of his sheen by implementing agenda of Sanjay Gandhi, Indira Gandhi’s younger son. He allegedly cut off power supply to newspaper offices and closed down courts. Lal has been the longest serving CM of Haryana till date. During Janata Party wave in 1977, Devi Lal, a former head of Punjab

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State Congress and a popular farmer leader, stormed into power in Haryana. Devi Lal did not have Bansi Lal’s vision and chutzpah but made up for it by inflating his social base.

NLIKE Bansi Lal, a development man, Devi Lal proved to be a populist. He initiated number of social welfare measures to extend his popularity. His old age pension was a first in the entire country. He also rolled out pension for handicapped and widows. He initiated a work-for-foodgrains programme for the poor as well. His government constructed Harijan chaupals and initiated a rural industry scheme under which not only did the government give subsidy for setting up the industry but also bought the entire produc-

tion. The industry scheme proved to be a failure. Devi Lal would visit villages, eat food, drink lassi and smoke hookah with villagers. He always made it a point to fulfill commitments made in such gatherings. During his second term as the CM, Devi Lal waived loans up to `10,000 issued to farmers, landless cultivators, artisans and weavers by State-run banks. He migrated to the Centre to be Prime Minister VP Singh’s deputy on July 10, 1990, after handing over reins to his son Omprakash Chautala. But Devi Lal obviously failed to keep his herd of MLAs together during his first term. On January 28, 1979, Bhajan Lal, the harbinger of wholesale defections in the country, struck and moved away to Congress with the

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Haryana 51 Years politics

majority of Janata Party MLAs, thus bringing an end to Devi Lal’s first tenure as chief minister. Bhajan Lal was chief minister till June 4, 1986, and had returned to rule after elections in on the strength of consolidation of non-Jat voters in his favour. He also served as CM from July 23, 1991 to May 9, 1996. Lal pushed for large industry in the state. It was under his stewardship that Maruti took wings and industrial hubs like Faridabad and Manesar came into being. His tenure, however, is remembered more for institutionalisation of petty corruption in the State. Lal raised a banner of revolt against Congress high command in March 2005 when it backed Bhupinder Singh Hooda for Chief Ministership but fell in line after Hooda made his first son, Chander Mohan, his deputy.

N May 11, 1996, Bansi Lal rode back into power on the back of his coalition with Bharatiya Janata Party and promise of total prohibition. The latter proved to be his biggest undoing. His younger son, Surender Singh, allegedly patronised liquor smuggling in the State. Total prohibition dug a hole into the State exchequer leaving no money for development works. In June 1999, the 11-member BJP withdrew support from the government. Bansi Lal’s sterling performance during the first half of his career is diminished by his role in emergency and failure during the second term. Chautala, presently incarcerated over corruption in recruitment of junior teachers during his tenure, has been Chief Minister of Haryana for record four times. He extended welfare schemes announced by his father and released huge grants to

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OHIW WR ULJKW Ch. Bhajan Lal, Om Parkash Chautala and Bansi Lal

village panchayats. But he is likely to be remembered for his highhandedness with bureaucrats and MLAs (there are stories that his younger son Abhay would beat his party MLAs) and

Unlike Bansi Lal, a development man, Devi Lal proved to be a populist. He initiated number of social welfare measures to extend his popularity. His old age pension was a first in the entire country. He also rolled out pension for handicapped and widows

appointment of dummy Chief Ministers, Hukum Singh and Banarasi Das Gupta. Singh warmed the chair for Chautala from July 17, 1990 to March 21, 1991 in the wake of killing of voters at a polling booth in Meham where Chautala was pit against independent Anand Singh Dangi, while Gupta filled in for him for 52 days in 1990 after killing of Amir Singh, an independent candidate in the same constituency. The four-time CM holds the dubious distinction of having completed only one tenure (2005). Earlier this year, there was a controversy on whether Chautala sat for 10th or 12th examination under National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS) in Tihar jail. Bhupender Singh Hooda was chosen as Chief Minister in 2005 due to his clean image and was supposed to provide honest government. But during his two terms (2005-2009 and 2009-2013) he squashed that hope by taking too much interest in real estate and building a constituency for

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himself and his son. Hooda focused on shining Rohtak, his native district, and Sonepat and Jhajjar, its adjacent places. Thanks to his efforts, Rohtak has four-lane roads connecting it to Jhajjar, Bhiwani and Delhi. It is now a city of stadia, flyovers and industry, educational institutes and shopping malls. Hooda neglected the rest of the State. In 2009, he returned to power largely due to Congress’ great performance in these three districts and support from Kuldeep Bishnoi’s Haryana Janhit Party (HJP). Hooda has been under a cloud since last year when a panel set up under Justice SN Dhingra claimed that laws were flouted in granting land licences in Gurugram under his regime. Robert Vadra, son-in-law of Congress chief Sonia Gandhi, was one of the alleged beneficiaries of this. There are reports that the Congress high command may keep Hooda in the doghouse to save Vadra. Manohar Lal Khattar, the present incumbent serving since October 2014, holds true the French saying ‘More things change the more they stay the same’. The first Punjabi Chief Minister of the State is facing an allegation that he has pit 35 biradaris (castes) against Jats, the dominant caste that plays a decisive role in 30 out of the 90 assembly seats. There are murmurs in the State that Khattar first allowed Jats to go on a rampage in February this year over reservation and then silently encouraged other castes to consolidate against the warrior caste. The upcoming assembly elections in the state in 2019 will not just be a test for Khattar but also the State electorate. It is to be seen whether the voters will reject Khattar’s honesty (even veteran Congressmen vouch for his integrity)

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In May 1968, fresh elections were held for Haryana assembly and Bansi Lal, a second-time MLA and favourite of Indira Gandhi, became the Chief Minister. Lal contributed majorly to construction of approach roads, canals and electrification, irrigation and drinking water in the State for a Chief Minister who can get things done and who has a social connect. Khattar, a chronic bachelor like Vajpayee and other Sangh office bearers, keeps off his family. Even his critics admit that he has made a major attempt to check corruption in jobs by reducing interview marks. People count Haryana Public Service Commission (HPSC) among the departments cleaned. He has put in place a system for transfer and postings. He has also decided that he would only recruit engineers from among GATE (Graduate Aptitude Test in Engineering) qualifiers. Khattar has also purged public distribution system of bogus ration cards. His drawback is he does not even listen to his party workers, has made no effort to connect with people and is found to be indecisive when a

crisis triggers. A big example of his indecisiveness was the violence that broke out during Jat agitation for quota in February this year and after arrest of Dera Sachha Sauda head Gurmeet Ram Rahim last month. There is also a fear that Khattar’s attempt to enforce RSS agenda of Gita and cow may not win him any voters in the State where the only culture is believed to be agriculture.

VER the years, Haryana has made some rapid strides in development with each of its 10 Chief Ministers having contributed something or the other. Today, along with Punjab and Tamil Nadu, the state is considered to be the rice bowl of the country. It has greatly worked on improving sports infrastructure and facilities, particularly in wrestling and kabbadi where it has had dominance. Now you have stadia, coaches and other paraphernalia available after every few kilometres. The State has appointed coaches even in village schools. Suddenly, every other girl in the State wishes to be a Sakshi Malik and a Gita Phogat. Haryana is probably the only State in the country where intervillage connectivity has been given a big thrust. Another area where the State has done remarkably well is in girls’ education. It has travelled long distance from being a State notorious for female foeticide to a State where girls outnumber boys in higher education in major universities. Chautala created clean green spaces in the name of his father. You have Tau Devi Lal Parks in almost every big city of the State. However, despite having cut down its losses in transmission and distribution, power cuts are still a norm particularly in the rural sector. g

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gfiles inside the government

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Haryana 51 Years first stirrings mc gupta

An affair to remember A former three-times chief secretary looks back with pride

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Then Haryana Home Secretary MC Gupta (standing) with Chief Minister Banarsi Das Gupta (extreme left) in 1977

HE idea of a career in the administrative services was not mine. I was barely 13 years old and about to give my Class IX examination, when my father, a professor, advised me that I should plan to get into the IAS rather than follow him as an engineer. My only perception of the IAS and its predecessor, the ICS, was that of all-powerful district magistrates and formidable collector sahibs issuing prohibitory orders like Section 144 of the CRPC. I was a child during the pre-Partition and Partition riots. I remember a public relations person sitting in an open tonga announcing the collector’s diktats. Some years later I was to realize that being an IAS officer meant much more than enforcing law and order.

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The career was a noble call to national service that would also give me status and social support. India was newly independent. Young men like me were suffused with idealism. After being selected for the IAS I was posted in Haryana as an officer of the state’s cadre. At that time, Haryana was among the most backward states of the country. Nobody could have imagined that it would become a front-running state in the years to come. I was posted as deputy commissioner, Mahendragarh in Narnaul in 1967 during the Rao Birender Singh regime, but left for a central deputation in 1968 and joined the department as a fresh entrant. I returned to the state in 1972. Thereafter till my retirement in 1997, I continued to

alternate between the state and central governments. When I was recalled to the state during Chaudhary Bhajan Lal’s regime to become Haryana Chief Secretary for the third time in 1995. I was then the Industry Secretary to the Government of India. One of my peers called up and asked me my feelings about returning as chief secretary for the third time. I replied that it felt like getting married to the same woman for the third time. Times have changed and along with them, value systems. Globalization has made its impact upon society and governance. Things are vastly different from what they were in the1950s and ‘60s. There is a new dynamism in the air all across India. But this is nothing new to Haryana. Since its

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Haryana 51 Years first stirrings mc gupta

inception as state it quickly developed a culture of quick decision-making, and transmitting them to the lower levels of government. Haryana’s per capital income for the last year is the second highest in the country – a little over `31,000 at current prices, second only to Goa. As I said, the Haryana of today is very different from the Haryana of 1966. I was closely associated with four chief ministers of Haryana: Chaudhary Bhajan Lal, Bhagwat Dayal Sharma,

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I went to see Chief Minister Bansi Lal on official work. He asked me to sit comfortably before I could even open the official discussion. He asked me to compare him with Chaudhary Bhajan Lal as Chief Minister

Chaudhary Devi Lal and Chaudhary Bansi Lal. All four were unique. In fact, once when I was Chief Secretary (for the third time), something interesting happened. I think, it was in 1996. I went to see Chief Minister Bansi Lal on official work. He asked me to sit comfortably before I could even open the official discussion. He asked me to compare him with Chaudhary Bhajan Lal as Chief Minister. Even for an officer who had been in

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civil service for 36 years, this came as a googly. I decided to play with a straight bat. I asked him whether I could compare three of them –. Chaudhary Devi Lal and Chaudhary Bhajan Lal and him. He asked me to go ahead. Tea was served in the meantime and I had a couple of minutes to collect my thoughts. I told him that Chaudhary Devi Lal was essentially a big landlord, a large hearted person. He had neither the time nor the desire to go into details. Also, he was quite credulous. Turning to Chaudhary Bhajan Lal, I said that he was very suave and generally a nice person. He believes and tries to respect all those who are worthy of respect. He is so nice in his personal relations that you are not sure whether he is really happy or not. As for Bansi Lal, I told him that it was difficult to describe you on your face. But in his register, there was no column for pardoning people. Once he was annoyed with anyone, it was difficult for that person to regain his favour. I told him in his new avatar he was accommodating and straightforward. An another event remains indelibly etched in my mind. I was Home Secretary when Banarsi Das Gupta was chief minister. In 1976, during the emergency, he did not pressure officers to do anything wrong. I recall one major incident of the time. Mani Ram Bagri, Member of Parliament, was in jail under MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act) at Rohtak and he was ill. One day I received a telephone call from the District Magistrate, Rohtak Miital that Bagri was critically ill. He suggested that Bagri be released from jail on parole. I told him that we had already sanctioned three months parole to Bagri. Mittal said that Bagri is adamant that he does not want a conditional release and would not

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Other Chief Ministers Pratap Singh Kairon I can readily recall with that Kairon was a towering personality; not too tall nor the typical Jat Sikh, but there was something that made you respect and even fear him. I remember at least two meetings with him when I was a very young sub-divisional Magistrate. He spoke with lot of variety and conviction. He could be extremely pleasant and even friendly when he wanted and he could also equally be tough.

Comrade Ram Kishan He was a simple individual so who hardly left a lasting impression.

Pandit Bhagwat Dayal Sharma He was an astute politician but very open, very friendly and still holding on to some values. Later his son become a minister in the state.

Rao Birender Singh He came from a free and strong background and even in the defence forces when he joined the ministry in public life. He was also a smart politician. His son Rao Inderjit Singh is the Minister of State for Defence in the Union government.

As for Bansi Lal, I told him that it was difficult to describe you on your face. But in his register, there was no column for pardoning people. Once he was annoyed with anyone, it was difficult for that person to regain his favour agree to parole. It was morning, I asked him to call me in the evening at five when I would give the government’s decision. I tried to contact Banarsi Das Gupta who was also the Home Minister. I could not contact him as he was travelling, addressing public meetings. The district magistrate called at five in the evening. I told him that I had not been able to contact the chief minister. I asked him to consider all factors and when he reaffirmed Bagri was critically ill, I asked him to revoke the MISA order and release him forthwith. Mittal was shocked that I had not obtained the chief minister’s order. I quietly told him that I was conveying to him the orders and he should carry them out. I asked him to confirm the release within one hour. Around 9 in the night, the Chief Minister called me from Narnaul and asked me about the matter since I was trying to get in touch with him. I told him as to what had happened and that I had ordered the release of Mani Ram Bagri and that I am sending file for his approval. The Chief Minister held on to the telephone silently for a minute and then he told me it’s all right. The following day I sent the file up regarding the case and I got it back the following day with his approval. g As told to Anil Tyagi (published in gfiles, April 2007)

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Haryana 51 Years milestone

AIIMS Jhajjar

A beacon of hope for cancer patients Spread over 330 acres, AIIMS Jhajjar, when functional, is going to be Asia’s biggest hospital by SADIA RAHMAN

HE people of Haryana have so far lacked good healthcare facilities; either they had to go to Post-graduate Institute of Medical Education and Research, Chandigarh, or rush to Delhi. This seems to be changing now. Haryana is concentrating on healthcare facilities and the latest landmark is AIIMS Jhajjar, which

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has been specially designed for cancer treatment under the dynamic leadership of Dr Randeep Guleria, Director, AIIMS, Delhi, and Dr GK Rath, Chief, Dr BR Ambedkar Institute, Rotary Cancer Hospital, AIIMS. The healthcare landscape of India started shaping up with the establishment of AIIMS in 1956. It is considered as the best medical college and public hospital in the country and is

globally recognised for providing lowcost medical care to a large number of patients. The institute, already having extensions in Ballabhgarh, Haryana, and Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, has now come up in Jhajjar, Haryana, with a huge complex known as AIIMS Badsa, or AIIMS Jhajjar. AIIMS-II spreads over 330 acres (1.335 square kilometres) of land. The newest addition to the campus, built with an

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The institute will bridge the gap for cancer healthcare, providing state-of-the-art facility to patients

(2nd from left) Dr Randeep Guleria, Director, AIIMS, Delhi

Dr GK Rath, Chief, Dr BR Ambedkar Institute, Rotary Cancer Hospital, AIIMS

project, said, “When functional, the institute will open doors and provide career and job opportunity to nearly 3,500 individuals. It’s going to be Asia’s biggest hospital”. The Apex Centre for Translational Research in Prevention & Care of India Centric Cancers is collaborating with the National Institute of Cancer of USA, La Foundation De I’ Academie de Medecine of France, Barts Cancer Institute in Queen Mary University of London in UK and many more national and international organisations to carry out high quality research. It will engage scientists from medical, bio-informatics and molecular medicine background to ensure quality research output.

initial cost of `2,035 crore. Spread over 32 acres within the 330-acre Jhajjar campus of AIIMS, the National Cancer Institute (NCO) is the apex Centre for Translational Research in Prevention & Care of India Centric Cancers. It is the Independent India’s largest

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public-funded healthcare project. It has more than 700 beds dedicated to patients suffering from cancer, over 350 dwelling units and more than 1,000 hostel rooms for doctors and staff, PI-based labs, tissue/biobanking facility. Dr Rath, who heads AIIMS Jhajjar

HE institute will bridge the gap for cancer healthcare, providing state-of-the-art facility to patients. It will be the largest institute which will pioneer in the field of translational research for giving better treatment options and modalities. It is believed that the institute will concentrate on the various unanswered questions through research regarding prevention, early diagnosis and management of Indian cancers like the oral cancers, gall bladder cancers, cervical cancers, etc. There are hundreds of patients who seek treatment at Dr BR Ambedkar Institute Rotary Cancer Hospital. A senior AIIMS doctor, on the condition of anonymity, said AIIMS’ cancer department witnesses about 1,500 patients a day, while only around 300 get treated and the rest go back. g

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gfiles inside the government

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Haryana 51 Years

first stirrings vishnu bhagwan

‘My strength was that I never sought postings’ The former Chief Secretary of Haryana looks back on 35 years in the IAS

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was named by my mother, who was very religious. She named my brothers Sri Bhagwan and Ved Bhagwan. After one of them died, her mindset altered and my youngest brother was named Brijender. I belong to a Vaishya community but never added this to my name. When my father, an advocate, admitted me to school, he entered my name as Vishnu Bhagwan Aggarwal. I asked him to let it be Vishnu Bhagwan. Nobody in Haryana knew that I belong to a Vaishya community. That benefited me a lot in caste-ridden India. I was always very good in studies, standing first in my class. I studied at Ramjas School, Chandni Chowk, Delhi as we lived in Naya Bazaar. I topped the school in Class VIII. I did BA (Economics) from St Stephen’s College and MA (Economics) from Delhi School of Economics, but secured a second division both times. I joined LLB classes and started preparing for the civil services exam. My father had always wanted me to pass the IAS exam. I appeared the first time in 1962 but could not make it. I think my options, economics and history, were not scoring. In 1964, I got admission in IIM, Ahmedabad. The schedule was so tight that I could not get time to prepare for the civil service exam. So I quit IIM and returned to Delhi. In 1964, I appeared for the IAS exam with law and economics as my main papers and passed. In 1965, after completing training, I was allotted to the Punjab cadre. We joined service with missionary zeal. When I was about to join, the decision to divide Punjab was in the offing. I joined at Hissar, where my Deputy Commissioner was SK Mishra. My first independent posting was as SDM, Hansi. In 1966, Haryana

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was carved out of Punjab. The officers were allotted to the state they happened to be working in. I was allotted to Haryana. After Hansi, I went as Deputy Commissioner to Bhiwani. Bansi Lal was then a young leader. I was his returning officer when he contested the Assembly election in 1968. I worked 20 years in Haryana and 15 years in Delhi with the Central government. Haryana had been the backwaters of Punjab. Haryana postings were treated as punishment postings. Once Haryana had its own CM, fast development took place. The state developed under the dynamic leadership of Bansi Lal. He changed the perception about Haryana. He gave responsibility to young officers, and they worked fast. He was CM the first time for eight years. He was very meticulous. He moved from village to village along with officials, especially irrigation department officials. He knew more than the Secretary, Irrigation. After every visit he would hold meetings and instruct officers about the work to be done in various villages. He would ask officials to submit financial plans, implementation plans and human resource to work in the fields. He would order that the work be started at once. As young officers, we ate dhaba food. Under Bansi Lal, Haryana came on to the tourism map. Good eating joints opened. He would issue orders and nobody dared speak. He

was an autocrat. I worked in the Agriculture Ministry. When Bhajan Lal was about to become Agriculture Minister, some department officials were apprehensive of working with him. When he did become Agriculture Minister, I became Joint Secretary, Policy and Planning. I asked an officer why he was afraid if he had never worked with Bhajan Lal before. I told him that Bhajan Lal would never pressure him to work against his will. “Most of the time, he will say do this work, and if you are not able to do it, he will not ask about it. But if some work has to be done by all means, he will call you and ask you to do it. If you say it can’t be done, he will say, ‘Fine, you write your comments on the file and I will overrule.’ So where is the problem?” I said. Many years later, that officer told me I had been right. My most memorable work was done when Haryana had a disastrous flood in September 1995. I was Secretary, Irrigation and Power. I worked day and night and provided whatever was needed. The Chief Minister, Bhajan Lal, gave me everything I required. The successive government under Bansi Lal also took note of my good work. When Bansi Lal was elected CM the second time, he suddenly became very fond of me. He would call me several times a day. I knew my limitations so I kept a low profile. There were discussions among bureaucrats close to him, but he did not listen to

Haryana postings were treated as punishment postings. Once Haryana had its own CM, fast development took place. The state developed under the dynamic leadership of Bansi Lal. He gave responsibility to young officers, and they worked fast

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Haryana 51 Years

first stirrings vishnu bhagwan

My most memorable work was done when Haryana had a disastrous flood in September 1995. I was Secretary, Irrigation and Power. I worked day and night and provided whatever was needed. The Chief Minister, Bhajan Lal, gave me everything I required

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ory and, like other Haryana CMs, he travelled the state. He launched the programme, Sarkar aapke Dwar (Government at your Doorstep). Whenever he returned from touring villages, he would call a meeting of the officers and, without help from any document, instruct them on what had to be done. He would remember names of villages, the villagers and the work needed. I became Chief Secretary of the state for four months. Chautala want-

ind

them. He appointed me Secretary, Education. I fully enjoyed this posting. I used to say, “Why have I not worked in this department earlier?” Another posting I enjoyed was in the Agriculture Ministry. I went to Rome as India’s representative in the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). I travelled a lot in that part of Europe. I also worked as Principal Secretary to Chief Minister Om Prakash Chautala. He has a wonderful mem-

ed to appoint me earlier but somehow it was not cleared by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. He offered me an extension of three months but I saw no logic in staying on only for three months. After retirement, I was Vice-Chancellor of Guru Jambheshwar University. I would like to congratulate the leadership and officers who have been instrumental in the progress of Haryana. It is much ahead of many other states. I have enjoyed every moment of my career in the IAS. My biggest strength was that I never sought postings. And, I never hesitated to express my opinion. g As told to Anil Tyagi (published in gfiles, October 2009)

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19 45

FIRST STIRRINGS sharda prasad

POWER to Serve

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It was after doing his graduation in science that Sharda Prasad was bitten by the bug to become a civil servant, which he says was due to Allahabad’s competitive atmosphere

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T was Allahabad’s infectious pull for civil services that put Sharda Prasad, son of unlettered farmer parents in Alampur Geria village of Fatehpur district, on the road to be an IAS. Prasad wanted to be an engineer and had already completed Bachelor of Science (BSc) from Allahabad University when the competitive atmosphere of the Sangam city rubbed off on him. He enrolled for masters in Political Science whose syllabus was kind of amalgamation of five papers of Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) examination. “I went to the Government Intermediate College, Allahabad, to do intermediate and then engineering but did BSc from Allahabad University with physics, chemistry and mathematics. It was here that the city’s infectious atmosphere had an influence on me. I joined MA in Political Science. Its syllabus was tailor-made for the civil services,” Prasad recalls. But in 1975, a coincidence made Prasad join as Probationary Officer (PO) in State Bank of India (SBI). It so happened that during a playing card session involving 8-10 friends in his hostel, they noticed POs’ vacancies in a newspaper lying there. “We all filled up the forms but I only got selected. I served as PO in SBI for three years,” he remembers. In 1979, Prasad appeared for the civil services but could get into Customs and Central Excise department only. In 1981, he cleared the civil services and was asked to report to Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration (LBSNAA), Mussoorie, on September 1. On August 31, he resigned as Superintendent of Customs at Patna airport and took a train to Dehradun. During his training, the academy’s director was 1951-batch Bihar cadre

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IAS PS Appu. Appu instilled in him and others the value of character when he took voluntary retirement after the then Union Home Minister Giani Zail Singh reinstated a trainee IAS who the former had terminated for having misbehaved with a fellow woman officer. Prasad reminisces the trainee officer pointed gun at the woman officer during a trekking mission in the Himalayas. He says this was ‘one of its kind incident’ in the entire history of the IAS. After completion of first phase (nine months) of his training in the Academy, Prasad was sent to Almora as Assistant Collector and Magistrate for a year. During this period, he worked with a Block Development

In 1979, Prasad appeared for the civil services but could get into Customs and Central Excise department only. In 1981, he cleared the civil services and was asked to report to LBSNAA, Mussoorie, on September 1 Officer (BDO), a Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) and tried three civil, criminal and revenue cases each. For the criminal cases, he had to go to Nainital as Almora in those days appeared to be crime free. After some months, Prasad was made the SDM of Baramandal subdivision. He lists drinking water and road among the most difficult problems people faced in those days. Since he was instrumental in providing water, women invariably would welcome him everywhere with an aarti. In winter, he was given a ceremonial milk bath at Jageshwar temple. After completing his on-field training of one year, Prasad returned to the Academy

for 2nd phase of his probation (lasting three months). During this phase, a two-week army attachment also took place and he was sent to Kargil along with other batch mates where they learnt how to fire light machine guns and medium machine guns and how to work with army in times of an emergency. On September 1, 1983, he was posted as SDM Jaunpur. He also had additional charge of revenue record room where fudging of records had become rampant. Prasad made it a routine to take at least a couple of rounds of the room during the day. On one such round, he found a lady advocate fiddling with the records. He got her arrested. Lawyers first in Jaunpur and then in Varanasi division launched a strike in reaction. But the incident put an end to the malpractice. After spending two years in Jaunpur, Prasad was sent to Jhansi division as Joint Development Commissioner. Scarcity of drinking water was a problem in the arid region comprising districts of Banda, Jhansi, Hamirpur, Jalaun and Lalitpur. He distinctly remembers the happiness on faces of residents in Lalitpur when his team bored the first tubewell there with circulatory rigs. “People broke into a dance to welcome the gushing water,” he recounts. During his two-year stint, the division invariably bettered all other Uttar Pradesh divisions in implementation of 20-point programme and other development projects. Subsequently, Prasad got transferred as Additional Commissioner (Rural Development) in Lucknow. His mandate was to implement Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP), Training of Rural Youth for Self-Employment (TRYSEM) and National Rural Employment Programme (NREP), Rural Landless

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

FIRST STIRRINGS sharda prasad

Delhi Development Authority (DDA) and generated in three-and-a-half years a surplus of over `2,000 crore, which over the years has grown to `35,000. He was Joint Secretary (Centre-State) in the Ministry of Home Affairs when Godhra incident took place in February 2002. Apparently, law and order became a major challenge for him particularly in Ayodhya (Uttar Pradesh), which was placed under President’s rule. In later years, he served as Labour Commissioner in Uttar Pradesh and was instrumental in effecting major reforms. These reforms had a bearing on minimum wages, bonus payments and inspection systems.

I Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP), Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) and other projects. His annual budget was a whopping `700 crore. Prasad says opportunities like these gave him the maximum satisfaction in the IAS. In three years, he claims to have brought down poverty levels by 12 per cent to 40 per cent. As well, he drafted a new scheme Ambedkar Gram Vikas Yojana under which 100 such villages where the population of SCs and STs was over 50 per cent were to be provided roads, drinking water and power, school, irrigation and other individual beneficiary oriented schemes. The scheme was designed on the principle that poverty at one place is a threat to prosperity everywhere. Initiated under Mulayam Singh Yadav government, it was so much liked by the next incumbent Mayawati that she created a separate department for its implementation. The department still exists.

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Scarcity of drinking water was a problem in the arid region comprising districts of Banda, Jhansi, Hamirpur, Jalaun and Lalitpur. He distinctly remembers the happiness on faces of residents in Lalitpur when his team bored the first tubewell there with circulatory rigs Prasad’s next assignment was as District Magistrate Pilibhit, which in those days was afflicted with Sikh terrorism. He drew up a plan for security of banks in the district. Rajnish Kumar, the current Chairman of the SBI, was then a branch manager in Pilibhit. Recently, Kumar recognised Prasad in a meeting. In subsequent years, Prasad worked as Commissioner (Land Disposal) in

N 2006, Prasad returned to the centre as Director General (Employment and Training). Under his stewardship, the number of Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) doubled from 5,114 to 10,344 and training capacity from about 7 to 14 lakh plus and number of institutes for training of trainers grew to 30. Prasad retired on May 31, 2013, becoming the longest serving DG of DGE&T since 1945 when it was set up. Subsequently, Prasad was appointed Chairman of a committee whose assignment was to suggest reforms in skill development systems and also served as Principal Advisor to Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister for one year. Currently, Prasad is Advisor (Skills and Livelihood) in Sagarmala Programme which is working on setting up new ports, modernisation of existing ports, port connectivity, port-led industrialisation and skills and livelihood. Prasad, father of two sons, would want to be an IAS in his next life as well because that gives an opportunity and power to serve the poor. g As told to Narendra Kaushik

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December’17

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

STATE SCAN

lokayukta madhya pradesh

Normalising

corruption The secrecy with which ch the new Lokayukta of Madhya Pradesh has been chosen points at the process by which corruption has as been institutionalised in thee State by RAKESH DIXIT

raging political storm over appointment of Madhya dhya Pradesh Lokayukta provides vides enough and apt indications as to how the Shivraj Singh Chouhan governvernment has been striving to ‘normallisze’ corruption in the State overr a decade. The ‘normalisation’ process has as hidden (purchasable opposition n leaders and mediamen) and nottats so-hidden (corrupt bureaucrats down to the ground level) stakeholdolders. Judiciary is, of course, nott its part but some of the judges’ actions ions have aroused suspicions in public ublic from time to time. Ruling party members and RSS volunteers are open n and brazen collaborators. The Chief Minister had realised lised early on that it required special skills to normalise corruption. When n dumper case involving him and his wife surfaced in 2008,, Chouhan was quick to blame the accusers of harbouring grudge against ainst a farmer’s son who wants to earn honest money by doing some clean busi-

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ness. The Vyapam scam, according to the Chief Minister, would not have been probed, had he not acted as a first and foremost whistle blower. The needless brouhaha about corruption in the Rs 5000-crore Simhastha 2016 extravaganza was attributable to antiHindu mindset shown by the Congress people, the Chief Minister would have the world believe. In his eyes, farmers’ unrest that has crippled the State’s agrarian economy, is handiwork of anti-social elements. In sum, Chouhan’s contention is that all those who level allegations of corruption against his government are either enemy of the State’s devel-

been so severely compromised by this government that it has become virtually irrelevant.

opment or votaries of the feudal forces who don’t want to see a humble farmer’s son succeed in taking Madhya Pradesh to a dizzying height. This is BJP’s dominant narrative visà-vis charges of corruption. A section of media lapped it up with alacrity and fostered with huge government advertisements. Scenario has changed a bit though. But the Chouhan government is unrelenting in its efforts to normalise corruption. Now the process has reached such an extent that an ex-Lokayukta has cynically dismissed requirement of the anti-corruption ombudsman in Madhya Pradesh as unnecessary. Former Lokayukta justice Faizan Uddin says dignity of the august office he held between 1998 and 2003 has

Former Lokayukta justice Faizan Uddin says dignity of the august office he held between 1998 and 2003 has been so severely compromised by this government that it has become virtually irrelevant

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year-long farce that preceded sudden appointment of Justice NK Gupta as Lokayukta on October 16 amply underpins Justice Faizan Uddin’s cynicism. One can discern roles of several stakeholders of the ‘normalisation of corruption’ syndrome in the drama called ‘search of Lokayukta’. It began in June 2016. In his seven inglorious years as Madhya Pradesh Lokayukta, Justice PP Naolekar had set so many egregious examples of bailing out the Chouhan

government on corruption that a similarly malleable successor was hard to find. Although an amendment in the Lokayukta Act in 1999 had hugely widened the scope for picking up a successor, finding another Naolekar was still a problem. The amendment did away with the requirement of

selecting Lokayukta only from among retired Supreme Court justices and High Court chief justices. The change opened the post for retired High Court justices too. Even then, choosing someone to match Naolekar’s record was a tall order. The former Lokayukta had many qualities which immensely suited the Chouhan government. First, he was from a hardcore RSS sympathisers’ family from Jabalpur. Second, he had absolutely no qualms in blithely rejecting complaints against the Chief Minister, his cabinet colleagues and powerful bureaucrats. He disposed of complaints against

eight ministers just before the assembly election in 2013. The only complaint against the Chief Minister that the Lokayukta had to deal with pertained to the ‘dumper case’ which was admitted and probed by his predecessor, Justice Ripusudan Dayal. Expectedly, Naolekar painstakingly weakened the case against Chouhan and Sadhna Singh before it was put up before a special court. The judge was so taken in by the Lokayukta’s dilution work that he exclaimed on record why would as high a post holder as the Chief Minister indulge in such a petty corruption when he could have easily made millions using his office! The dumper case surfaced in 2008, months after Chouhan assumed the

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

STATE SCAN

lokayukta madhya pradesh

Chief Minister’s office. It was alleged that the Chief Minister’s wife Sadhna Singh purchased four dumpers (loading trucks) worth Rs 2 crore surreptitiously and had them enrolled on hire in the JayPee cement factory in Rewa. Alleging quid pro quo between one of the factory owners, Sunny Gaur, and the Chief Minister, the then leader of opposition, late Jamuna Devi, had approached the Lokayukta. The scam reverberated nationally but a year down the line was forgotten. The Lokayukta buried the matter. Anyway, Justice Naolekar, self-admittedly, used to see dishonesty down and not up the power structure.

sent of the leader of opposition and the chief justice on one name from a panel of probables sent by the state government. The leader of opposition in the State assembly, Satyadeo Katare, was undergoing treatment in Mumbai for cancer. He eventually died in October 2016. Senior Congress MLA Bala Bachchan was officiating in place of Katare. Bachchan held the post till the Congress high command finally appointed Ajay Singh as the fullfledged leader of opposition in February this year. Also, the MP High Court did not

E had already said soon after assuming the office that corruption at Patwari level was what concerned him most. And he remained true to his words all through his tenure. No wonder, a grateful Chouhan cabinet took an unprecedented decision in 2015 to extend Justice Naolekar’s tenure by a year. But he could not have remained for life on the post, much as the Chouhan government may have so desired. The Lokayukta finally retired in June last year, necessitating search for his successor. After much deliberations the Chief Minister zeroed-in on Justice NK Gupta, who had retired from Madhya Pradesh High Court in 2016. Before he became a High Court judge in 2010, Justice Gupta was the Chief Minister’s legal adviser and, therefore, a confidante. Chouhan was so unwavering on his single choice that he did not think it proper to present a panel of probables for the post to the MP High Court Chief Justice, even for a semblance of fairness. However, a couple of glitches put paid to the Chief Minister’s plan then. The Lokayukta Act provides for con-

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Justice PP Naolekar

have a full-fledged Chief Justice then. After Chief Justice AM Khanwilkar’s promotion as Supreme Court judge in May last year, Justice Rajendra Menon was holding charge as acting Chief Justice. Although the acting Chief Justice and the acting leader of opposition too were not legally barred from giving their accent, if convinced, on Lokayukta’s name, the Chief Minister was apparently not too sure how the two would react to the single name he had in mind. Justice Menon, who was later promoted as Bihar High Court

Chief Justice in March this year, is known to be tough and upright. So, the Chief Minister kept the Lokayukta appointment process in abeyance. Instead, he devised a plan B to forestall resentment over non-appointment of Lokayukta by appointing Justice UC Maheshwari as Up-Lokayukta. Hours before he retired, the outgoing Lokayukta administered the oath of office as Up-Lokatukta on June 26 last year. Justice Maheshwari was serving as a judge of the MP High Court’s Gwalior bench. Soon after being informed about his new assignment, he left Gwalior and arrived in Bhopal. He resigned as justice, the post he was set to retire from in November 2017. The post of Up-Lokayukta had been unoccupied since previous incumbent Justice Chandresh Bhushan completed his term in February 2014. Up-Lokaukta’s appointment provided the government enough leeway to try and get consent of the leader of opposition and the Chief Justice to the single name of Justice NK Gupta as Lokayukta. Attempts were made to get approval on the name from acting leader of opposition Bala Bachchan. Concerned officers from the Chief Minister’s office chased Bachchan at his residences in Indore and Bhopal for the purpose, but were unsuccessful. He refused to oblige them, saying he would not approve a single name. He wanted a panel of probables to choose from, as he had grown suspicious about the government’s insistence on one name. Bachchan disclosed all this behind-the-curtain shenanigans of the government after the announcement of the Lokayukta. With Bachchan unyielding and Justice Rajendra Menon unpredictable, the government decided to bide time till both were succeeded. In February, Ajay Singh was elected

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leader of opposition. A month later, Justice Hemant Gupta was sworn in as MP High Court Chief Justice. The collegium for Lokayukta‘s selection was thus truly in place. Now the time was opportune for the Chief Minister to move the file to get his former legal adviser appointed as the next anti-corruption ombudsman. The Chief Minister, however, let six more months elapse since Up-Lokayukta UC Maheshwari was not posing any problems for the government. But one powerful IAS officer in the Chief Minister’s office thought differently. The bureaucrat suspected that, of late, the Up-Lokayukta had been taking particular interest in a complaint filed against him, alleges State Congress spokesman KK Mishra. According to the Congress leader, this IAS officer played a key role in the sudden appointment of NK Gupta as Lokayukta. He reportedly convinced the boss to expedite process of the pending appointment. Subsequent developments, which happened at breakneck speed, corroborate the Congress leader’s allegation. In less than a month, due process was completed for the appointment which had been hanging fire for over a year. The process was set in motion with leader of opposition Ajay Singh writing a letter to the Chief Minister on September 19, asking for filling up the Lokayukta post. In next one week, the Chief Minister completed consultation with Singh and chief justice Hemant Gupta. On October 6, the Chief Minister informed Singh that the Chief Justice had agreed upon the single name of Justice NK Gupta. Four days later, Ajay Singh too sent his approval on the name. On October 16, Lokayukta’s appointment was announced and two days later justice NK Gupta took oath for the post. All

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this happened under a veil of secrecy. Not a single meeting of the collegium took place. News of the Lokayukta’s appointment triggered a political storm as soon as it appeared in the local media. Not only did the suddenness of the appointment, but also the choice of candidate raised hackles of the opposition as well as the civil society. While the news sprung surprise on others, it came as a huge shock for the Up-Lokayukta because his wouldbe boss is six years junior to him. This is unprecedented. But, a clever Maheshwari willy-nilly reconciled

himself to working under his junior, saying he was indeed hurt but not so much as to quit the job. His protest was limited to boycotting the oathtaking ceremony of the Lokayukta. The Congress felt cheated by its leader Singh’s capitulation before the Chief Minister on the appointment. Congress Rajya Sabha member and AICC legal cell head Vivek Tankha wondered aloud how Singh signed on the dotted line without verifying the seniority of Justice NK Gupta. A stung Singh hit back by saying if Tankha was so concerned about irregularity in the appointment, he better moved the Supreme Court against it. Singh’s barb might cost him dear as Tankha is indeed contemplating to move the apex court over the matter. He says he is in talks with party’s senior lawyers P Chidambaram and Kapil Sibal to explore legal points on which the Lokayukta’s appointment could be challenged in the court.

F Justice NK Gupta

After much deliberation the Chief Minister zeroed-in on Justice NK Gupta, who had retired from Madhya Pradesh High Court in 2016. Before he became a High Court judge in 2010, Justice Gupta was the Chief Minister’s legal adviser and, therefore, a confidante

ORMER Speaker of the Madhya Pradesh Assembly, Srinivas Tiwari, and several other party leaders felt that Singh had forfeited the right to lead the Congress party in the Assembly. Speculations are rife in the state Congress as to why Singh did what he did. One conjecture is that he may have struck a deal with the Chief Minister to have a defamation case against him withdrawn. The Chief Minister has sued Singh, demanding Rs 1 crore as compensation for defaming him and his wife, Sadhna. The case was filed following Singh’s allegation in May 2013 that the Chief Minister’s wife bought a currency counting machine to count the couples’ ill-gotten money. He had said this in a press conference in Sagar. Significantly, barely three weeks earlier (September 21), Singh con-

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

STATE SCAN

lokayukta madhya pradesh

Congress leader Ajay Singh (centre)

sented to justice NK Gupta’s name (October 10), the Chief Minister and his wife had their statements recorded in the court of the chief judicial magistrate, Bhopal, in connection with the defamation case. Their appearance in the court lent tremendous weight to the defamation case.

section in the Congress ascribes Singh’s action as signs of frustration borne out of changing dynamics in the party wherein Jyotiraditya Scindia has emerged as a clear winner for projection as chief ministerial candidate. This conjecture is plausible because Singh had earned the spurs in his first stint as leader of opposition between 2010 and 2013. He was aggressive and unrelenting against misdeeds of the Chouhan government. He was then cherishing hopes to succeed Chouhan, if the Congress won in the 2013 assembly polls. In his second innings, Singh is a pale shadow of his first stint’s combative persona.

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

The Congress felt cheated by its leader Ajay Singh’s capitulation before the Chief Minister on the appointment. Congress Rajya Sabha member and AICC legal cell head Vivek Tankha wondered aloud how Singh signed on the dotted line without verifying the seniority of Justice NK Gupta Singh’s supporters, on the other hand, give benefit of doubts to their leader. They point out that the single name for the Lokayukta had come to him from the Chief Justice. So, the blame for overlooking the fact of the Lokayukta being six years junior to his deputy should be laid at the Chief Justice’s doorstep. Singh himself advanced this contention in his defence, saying how he was supposed

to be familiar with gradation list of High Court judges. While intra-party bickering in the Congress is on, the Chouhan government is mighty pleased with its success in getting the chosen nominee appointed. The government hastily bailed out Singh by issuing a statement that all rules and norms were properly followed in the selection process. New Lokayukta NK Gupta has refused to comment on the developments leading to his controversial appointment. He says he was completely unaware of the process of his appointment. Starting his six-year stint as the Lokayukta amid thick clouds of scepticism, Justice Gupta looks rather conscious that his every decision will be scrutinised with a tooth and comb by people. But he has the example of his predecessor, PP Naolekar, to brazen it out, should the opposition accuse him of bailing out the Chouhan government. g

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birthdays IAS officers’ birthdays Dec 16, 2017 — Jan 15, 2018

IAS officers’ birthdays Dec 16, 2017 — Jan 15, 2018

Sunil Porwal

Gurdev Singh Ghuman

Ajit Balaji Joshi

B Maheswari

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

kuttys@ias.nic.in

gurdev.singh@ias.nic.in

joshiab@ias.nic.in

bmaheswari.ias@ias.nic.in

Ajay Tirkey

Veenu Gupta

Jenu Devan

Monica Priyadarshini

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

tirkeyaj@ias.nic.in

guptav2@ias.nic.in

jenudevan.ias@ias.nic.in

m.priyadarshini@ias.nic.in

Pradip G Chaudhuri

Leena Johri

Vikram

Dhaval Jain

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

pradepg.chaudhuri@ias.nic.in

johril@ias.nic.in

vikram.yadav@ias.nic.in

dhaval.jain@ias.nic.in

Rani Nagar

JB Patel

SP Singh Parihar

Narmdeshwar Lal

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: BIHAR

rani.nagar@ias.nic.in

jb.patel@ias.nic.in

parihars@ias.nic.in

lnarmdes@ias.nic.in

Abhinav Chandra

Subhash S Dumbare

Saket Malviya

Rakhil Kahlon

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH

cabhinav@ias.nic.in

ss.dumbare@ias.nic.in

saket.malviya@ias.nic.in

rakhil.kahlon@ias.nic.in

Rajesh S

Choten Dhendup Lama

OT Chingmak Chang

Priyanka Soni

CADRE: NAGALAND

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: NAGALAND

CADRE: HARYANA

rajeshs.ias11@ias.nic.in

lamacd@ias.nic.in

Kumar Jayant

Dhirendra Kr Tiwari

16-12-1958

27-12-1961

17-12-1963

27-12-1963

18-12-1962

28-12-1968

19-12-1981

29-12-1962

20-12-1976

29-12-1961

21-12-1984

30-12-1972

22-12-1967

30-12-1968

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: PUNJAB

jayantk@ias.nic.in

tdhirenk@ias.nic.in

Asit Kumar Tripathy

Ravi Kapoor

23-12-1960

31-12-1960

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

tasitkr@ias.nic.in

kapoorr@ias.nic.in

Aariz Aftab

Chandrakant Kumar Anil

24-12-1964

31-12-1967

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: BIHAR

aftaba@ias.nic.in

kumarca@ias.nic.in

B Suman

Chandra Shekhar Kumar

24-12-1970

1-1-1969

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: ODISHA

sumanb@ias.nic.in

kumarcs@ias.nic.in

Narayan Swaroop Nigam

Chhabilendra Roul

25-12-1973

1-1-1961

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: PUNJAB

nigamns@ias.nic.in

roulc@ias.nic.in

Vijayendra Kumar

Ashwani Kumar

26-12-1969

1-1-1968

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

kumarv9@ias.nic.in

kashwani@ias.nic.in

Suraj Kumar

Vishal Kumar Dev

CADRE: JHARKHAND

CADRE: ODISHA

suraj.kumar@ias.nic.in

devvk2@ias.nic.in

26-12-1987

1-1-1970

1-1-1979

1-1-1984

02-01-1990

03-01-1960

03-01-1987

04-01-1963

07-01-1969

08-01-1988

08-01-1989

09-01-1970

09-01-1966

10-01-1988

priyanka.soni@ias.nic.in

Ajoy Kumar Sinha

Sanghamitra Ghosh

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

04-01-1966

11-01-1970

sinhaak4@ias.nic.in

ghoshs2@ias.nic.in

Jata Shankar Choudhary

Ravinder Kumar

CADRE: JHARKHAND

CADRE: JAMMU & KASHMIR

05-01-1963

12-01-1982

jatas.choudhary@ias.nic.in

ravinder.k12@ias.nic.in

Suresh Chandra

SKR Pudakalkatti

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: BIHAR

06-01-1963

13-01-1978

csuresh.up@ias.nic.in

pudakalkatti.ias@ias.nic.in

Raj Shekhar

Jeevan Babu K

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: KERALA

06-01-1977

14-01-1981

rajshekar@ias.nic.in

jeevanbabu.ias11@ias.nic.in

Amar Nath Upadhyay

Juthika Patankar

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

06-01-1966

15-1-1964

amarnath.upadhyay@ias.nic.in

juthika@ias.nic.in

Tanvi Garg

Keshav Kumar Pathak

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

CADRE: BIHAR

06-01-1985

tanvigarg.ias09@ias.nic.in

15-1-1968

pathakk2@ias.nic.in

Dilip Kumar Wasnikar 06-01-1960

CADRE: CHHATTISGARH

dkwasnikar.ias@ias.nic.in

For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com

www.indianbuzz.com

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

IPS officers’ birthdays Dec 16, 2017 — Jan 15, 2018

Rakesh Bansal

Barinderjit Singh

Anant Deo

Anil Kant

CADRE: JHARKHAND

CADRE: UTTARAKHAND

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: KERALA

rbansal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

bsingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

anantd@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

anilk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

K Madhukar Shetty

RS Meena

Pawan Kumar

Ranveer Kumar

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

kmshetty@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rsmeena@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

pk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Pranaya Ashok

Om Prakash

Rajesh Das

Shreenatha N

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

paskok@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

om@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rajesh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

shreenatha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Sachindra Patel

R Sreelekha

Mohammad Akil

Prabir Majumdar

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: TRIPURA

sachindrap@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

sreelekha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

akil@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

pmajumbar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

V Jayashree

Ashish Gupta

Ranvir Singh Krishnia

Renchamo P Kikon

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: AGMUT

CADRE: NAGALAND

vjayashree@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

agupta@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rskrishnia@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rpkikon@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Akash Jindal

Imnalensa

Mahendra Pratap

P Nagarajan

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: NAGALAND

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

akashj@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

imnalensa@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

mpratap@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

pnagarajan@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Amar Kumar Pandey

M Singh Chhina

Parhlad Narayan Meena

KC Agrawal

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: UTTARAKHAND

CADRE: CHHATTISGARH

akpandey@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

mschhina@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

pnmeena@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kcagrawal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

G Janardan

Bastab Baidya

Arun Kumar Singh

T Ravi Kumar Murthy

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: JHARKHAND

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

gj@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

bb@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

aksingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ravi@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

DK Pattanayak

Kaliraj Mahesh Kumar S

Ishwar Singh

J Ravinder Goud

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: AGMUT

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

dkpattanayak@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kmkumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

isingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

jrgoud@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Niranjan B Vayangankar

Poonam Srivastava

Anil Kumar Tank

Deepak Kumar Jha

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

CADRE: CHHATTISGARH

nbvayangankar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

poonam@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

anilkt@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

dkjha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Deepika Tiwari

Pawan Kumar Shrivastava

Pankaj Kumar

TA Tripathi

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

deepikat@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

pks@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

pankajk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

tatripathi@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Arindam Dutta Chowdhury

Indira Mukherjee

Charan Singh Meena

Rajesh Kumar Mishra

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: CHHATTISGARH

adchowdhury@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

imukherjee@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

chmeena@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rkmishra@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

VK Bhikhubhai

Shalabh Mathur

Vivekanand Singh

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

vkbhikhu@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

smathur@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

vsingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

17-12-1978

17-12-1971

18-12-1987

18-12-1982

19-12-1966

19-12-1978

20-12-1962

20-12-1963

21-12-1971

21-12-1972

22-12-1979

23-12-1970

23-12-1980

24-12-1981

24-12-1961

24-12-1972

25-12-1960

25-12-1966

26-12-1983

26-12-1963

27-12-1962

27-12-1975

28-12-1963

28-12-1965

29-12-1985

29-12-1980

30-12-1963

31-12-1982

31-12-1963

01-01-1966

01-01-1964

01-01-1961

02-01-1985

02-01-1960

03-01-1961

03-01-1966

04-01-1961

04-01-1980

05-01-1962

06-01-1966

06-01-1980

07-01-1968

08-01-1971

09-01-1961

10-01-1960

11-01-1959

12-01-1973

13-01-1979

14-01-1962

15-01-1964

05-01-1985

For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

www.gfilesindia.com KWWSV WZLWWHU FRP J¿OHVPDJD]LQH KWWSV ZZZ IDFHERRN FRP J¿OHVPDJD]LQH

birthdays Lok Sabha Members Dec 16, 2017 — Jan 15, 2018

Lok Sabha Members Dec 16, 2017 — Jan 15, 2018

Subhash Chandra Baheria

Prem Singh Chandumajra

Sharad Tripathi

Baijayant ‘Jay’ Panda

BJP (Rajasthan)

SAD (Punjab)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

BJD (Odisha)

subhash.baheria@sansad.nic.in

ps.chandumajra@sansad.nic.in

sharad.tripathi@sansad.nic.in

bj.panda@sansad.nic.in

Kinjarapu Ram Mohan Naidu Chandrakant Bhaurao Khaire 18-12-1987

01-01-1952

KC Patel

Kaushalendra Kumar

TDP (Andhra Pradesh)

SS (Maharashtra)

BJP (Gujarat)

JD(U) (Bihar)

rammohannaidu.k@sansad.nic.in

bk.chandrakant@sansad.nic.in

kc.patel@sansad.nic.in

kaushalendra.k@sansad.nic.in

Rattan Lal Kataria

Udit Raj

Shibu Soren

Kunwar Bharatendra Singh

BJP (Haryana)

BJP (NCT of Delhi)

JMM (Jharkhand)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

ratanlal.kataria@sansad.nic.in

udit.raj@sansad.nic.in

shisoren@sansad.nic.in

bharatendrasingh@sansad.nic.in

Manoj Rajoria

Jyotiraditya M Scindia

M Veerappa Moily

Dimple Yadav

BJP (Rajasthan)

INC (Madhya Pradesh)

INC (Karnataka)

SP (Uttar Pradesh)

manoj.rajoria@sansad.nic.in

jyotiraditya.scindia@sansad.nic.in

vmoily@kar.nic.in

dimpleyadav78@gmail.com

Laxman Giluwa

Janardan Singh Sigriwal

BJP (Jharkhand)

BJP (Bihar)

laxman.giluwa@sansad.nic.in

janardansingh.sigriwal@sansad.nic.in

17-12-1956

19-12-1951

01-01-1950

01-01-1958

19-12-1969

01-01-1971

20-12-1964

09-01-1972

10-01-1950

11-01-1944

12-01-1940

12-01-1964

13-01-1959

14-01-1964

15-01-1978

02-01-1959

Rajesh Ranjan (Pappu Yadav) Bhola Singh

Rajya Sabha Members Dec 16, 2017 — Jan 15, 2018

24-12-1967

03-01-1939

Motilal Vora

BJP (Bihar)

20-12-1928

Madhusudan Mistry

RJD (Bihar)

rajesh.ranjan19@sansad.nic.in

bholasingh.mp@sansad.nic.in

INC (Chhattisgarh)

INC (Gujarat)

Dibyendu Adhikari

Ninong Ering

vora@sansad.nic.in

madhusudan.mistry@sansad.nic.in

Pratap Keshari Deb

INC (Arunachal Pradesh)

21-12-1971

Garikapati Mohan Rao

AITC (West Bengal)

dibyendu.adhikari27@yahoo.com

ninong.ering@sansad.nic.in

BJD (Odisha)

TDP (Telangana)

CL Ruala

M Chandrakasi

pratapkeshari.deb@sansad.nic.in

mohan.rao@sansad.nic.in

Anubhav Mohanty

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

24-12-1981

Anand Sharma

INC (Mizoram)

rualacl@sansad.nic.in

m.chandrakasi@sansad.nic.in

BJD (Odisha)

INC (Himachal Pradesh)

K Maragatham

Deepender Singh Hooda

anubhav.mohanty@sansad.nic.in

anandsharma@sansad.nic.in

AK Antony

INC (Haryana)

28-12-1940

Ashok Siddharth

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

k.maragatham@sansad.nic.in

office@deepender.in

INC (Kerala)

BSP (Uttar Pradesh)

Narendra Keshav Sawaikar

Murli Manohar Joshi

ak.antony@sansad.nic.in

mpashoksiddharth@sansad.nic.in

Arun Jaitley

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

28-12-1952

Kanimozhi

BJP (Goa)

narendra.sawaikar@sansad.nic.in

murli@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Gujarat)

DMK (Tamil Nadu)

Idris Ali

Ranjeet Ranjan

ajaitley@sansad.nic.in

kanimozhi@sansad.nic.in

07-01-1974

Gopal Narayan Singh

Mahendra Prasad

AITC (West Bengal)

idris.ali@sansad.nic.in

INC (Bihar) ranjeet.ranjan19@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Bihar)

JD(U) (Bihar)

Arvind Ganpat Sawant

gopalnarayan.singh@sansad.nic.in

prasadm@sansad.nic.in

Brijbhushan Sharan Singh

Mohd. Ali Khan

MJ Akbar

INC (Andhra Pradesh)

BJP (Madhya Pradesh)

alikhan@sansan.nic.in

mj.akbar@sansad.nic.in

T Rathinavel

Ananda Bhaskar Rapolu

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

INC (Telangana)

t.rathinavel@sansad.nic.in

ab.rapolu@sansad.nic.in

24-12-1976

03-01-1959

25-12-1935

04-01-1969

27-12-1982

04-01-1978

29-12-1966

30-12-1950

31-12-1951

05-01-1934

08-01-1957

SS (Maharashtra)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

arvind.sawant@sansad.nic.in

brijbhusan.singh@sansad.nic.in

Hari Narayan Rajbhar

Aparupa Poddar

01-01-1950

08-01-1986

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

harinarayan.rajbhar@sansad.nic.in

AITC (West Bengal)

aparupa.poddar@sansad.nic.in

01-01-1943

01-01-1948

01-01-1951

03-01-1945

05-01-1948

05-01-1953

05-01-1965

05-01-1968

08-01-1940

11-01-1951

15-01-1964

For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com

www.indianbuzz.com

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Tracking HASMUKH ADHIA

GOPAL KRISHNA

GC MURMU

The 1981-batch IAS officer of the Gujarat cadre has been appointed Finance Secretary in Government of India.

The 1983-batch IAS officer of the West Bengal cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Shipping.

The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Gujarat cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Department of Revenue.

RATNA PRABHA K

PRITAM SINGH

AJAY KUMAR

The 1981-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary of Karnataka.

The 1984-batch IAS officer of the Rajasthan cadre has been appointed Director General, National Archives in the rank of Additional Secretary.

The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Secretary, Department of Defence Production, Ministry of Defence.

SMITA NAGRAJ

UP SINGH

The 1984-batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre has been appointed Member, Union Public Service Commission (UPSC).

The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Water Resources and Ganga Rejuvenation.

SNEHLATA SHRIVASTAVA The former 1982-batch IAS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre has been appointed Secretary General, Lok Sabha.

AJAY NARAYAN JHA The 1982-batch IAS officer of the Manipur cadre has been appointed Secretary, Expenditure in the Ministry of Finance.

PRADEEP SINGH KHAROLA

BINOY KUMAR

BADRI NARAIN SHARMA

The 1983-batch IAS officer of the Telangana cadre has been appointed Special Secretary, Logistics, Department of Commerce.

The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Rajasthan cadre has been appointed Chairman, National Anti-Profiteering Authority (NAA).

RAGHVENDRA SINGH

The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Union Territory cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Department of Economic Affairs.

The 1983-batch IAS officer of the West Bengal cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Culture.

The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Chairman-cumManaging Director, Air India.

MM KUTTY

JATINIDER NATH SWAIN The 1988-batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre has been appointed Managing Director, Solar Energy Corporation of India.

PANKAJ RAG The 1990-batch IAS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Ministry of Sports.

SUNDEEP KUMAR NAYAK The 1988-batch IAS officer of the Jammu and Kashmir cadre has been appointed Managing Director, NCDCI.

Moving On: IAS officers retiring in December 2017 ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

Kuljit Singh Kropha (1982) Jatinder Bir Singh (1983) Dipak Kumar Sarma (2000)

ANDHRA PRADESH

Lingaraj Panigrahi (1982)

BIHAR

Gopal K Paramhans (2006) Gajanan Mishra (2006)

JAMMU & KASHMIR

RAJASTHAN

KERALA

TELANGANA

MAHARASHTRA

TAMIL NADU

Dilshad Khan (2002)

KM Abraham (1982)

VV Deshmukh (1998) KM Nagargoje (2002)

MANIPUR

Th. Chittaranjan Singh (2001)

GUJARAT

DP Joshi (2000)

HARYANA

Sudeep Singh Dhillon (1984)

JHARKHAND

Vinod Shankar Singh (2002) Balmukund Jha (2003)

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

MADHYA PRADESH

Ashok Kumar Sharma (2004)

PUNJAB

Mandeep Singh Sandhu (1984) Dharam Vir (1984)

Ashok Jain (1981)

GD Priyadarshini (2002)

P Senthilkumar (2006)

UTTAR PRADESH

Sudhir Kumar Dixit (2000) Sunil Kumar Srivastava (2002) Jai Prakash Trivedi (2002)

UNION TERRITORY

Jitendra Kumar Dadoo (1983)

WEST BENGAL

Subhasis Moitra (1999)

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www.gfilesindia.com

APURVA CHANDRA The 1988-batch IAS officer of the Maharashtra cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary and Director General Acquisition, Ministry of Defence.

KAMRAN RIZVI The 1991-batch IAS officer of the Uttar Pradesh cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Rural Development.

SANJAY RASTOGI The 1991-batch IAS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Development Commissioner Handlooms.

ASHWANI KUMAR The 1992-batch IAS officer of the AGMUT cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary, Puducherry.

RAJEEV SINGH THAKUR The 1995-batch IAS officer of the Rajasthan cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Defence, Ministry of Defence.

KESHAV CHANDRA The 1995-batch IAS officer of the Union Territory cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary Logistics.

P SHAKIL AHMAD The 1995-batch IAS officer of the Assam Meghalaya cadre has been appointed Sr Executive Director , Rural Electrification Corporation Limited (REC).

SACHIN SINHA The 1995-batch IAS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, School Education and Literacy, HRD Ministry.

V SHASHANK SEKHAR The 1996-batch IAS officer of the Nagaland cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of School Education and Literacy, HRD Ministry.

PRAVEEN N GEDAM The 2002-batch IAS officer of the Maharashtra cadre has been appointed Private Secretary to Piyush Goyal, Minister for Coal and Railways.

www.indianbuzz.com

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN CHHATTISGARH RP MANDAL has been appointed Principal Secretary, Panchayat and Rural Development Department with additional charges of Development Commissioner and Director General, SIRD; CK KHAITAN has been appointed Principal Secretary, Forest Department; SONMONI BORAH is Secretary, Water Resources and Religious Trusts and Endowments Department; AVINASH CHAMPAVAT is Commissioner, Surguja division; RITA SHANDILYA has been appointed Special Secretary (independent charge), General Administration Department (GAD) with additional charge as Special Secretary (Independent Charge), Co-operatives Department; R PRASANNA is Special Secretary (Independent charge), Social Welfare, Sports and Youth Welfare and additional charge as Commissioner (Disabilities); DHARMESH SAHU is Director, Sports and Youth Welfare; and SARVESHWAR NARENDRA BHURE is Mission Director, National Rural Health Mission, Raipur. RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN PUNJAB G VAJRALINGAM has been appointed Additional Chief Secretary Parliamentary affairs; SANJAY KUMAR is Principal Secretary Labour and in addition Principal Secretary Medical Education and Research; JASPAL SINGH has been appointed Principal Secretary Water Resources; VIKAS PRATAP is Secretary Tourism and Cultural Affairs; KAMAL KISHORE YADAV is Director Treasury and Accounts and in addition Managing Director Punjab State Ware Housing Corp. Ltd. and CONWARE; ABHINAV is is Commissioner Municipal Corp., Ludhiana; JASKARAN SINGH is Director, Hospitality; AMIT KUMAR is Special Secretary, Housing and Urban Development; KARNESH SHARMA is Director, Local Government; and ABHIJEET KAPLISH is Sub Divisional Magistrate, Mansa.

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN MAHARASHTRA VANDANA KRISHNA has been appointed Additional Chief Secretary (Reforms), Finance Department; VK GAUTAM has been appointed Principal Secretary (Accounts and Treasury), Finance Department; RA RAJEEV is Principal Secretary (Expenditure), Finance Department; SVR SRINIVAS has been appointed Principal Secretary (Information Technology), General Administration Department; DB DESAI is Director, Disaster Management Cell, Revenue & Forest Department; MG GURSAL is Commissioner, Mahatma Gandhi National Employment Guarantee Scheme, Nagpur; SD MANDHARE is Chief Executive Officer, Zilla Parishad, Pune; SG KOLTE is Chief Executive Officer, Zilla Parishad, Osmanabad; RD NIVATKAR is Joint Secretary to Chief Secretary Office; and VIPIN ITANKAR has been appointed Chief Executive Officer, Zilla Parishad, Latur. RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN HARYANA NAVRAJ SANDHU has been appointed Additional Chief Secretary, Vigilance; SUNIL GULATI has been appointed CMD, Haryana Minerals, and Coordinator, centrallysponsored schemes; DHEERA KHANDELWAL is ACS, Cultural Affairs, and Archives, Archaeology and Museums; JYOTI ARORA has been appointed Principal Secretary, Technical Education; SUMITA MISRA is Principal Secretary, Social Justice and Empowerment, Fisheries; ASHOK KHEMKA is Principal Secretary, Sports and Youth Welfare; PANKAJ AGGARWAL is Director General, Supplies and Disposal; SHEKHAR VIDYARTHI is Director, Environment, Chief Executive, Haryana Khadi and Village Industries Board, and MD, HAFED; SAKET KUMAR is Director, AYUSH, Special Secretary, Health Department, and Special Secretary, Home-1; CHANDER SHEKHAR is Special Secretary, Forests, and Secretariat Establishment; BHUPINDER SINGH is MD, Dairy Development Cooperative Federation, and Special Secretary, Finance; GEETA BHARTI is Director, Welfare of SC and BC; SHALEEN has been posted as Director, Medical Education and Research.

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

Tracking

For a complete list of appointments & retirements, see www.gfilesindia.com

NIHARIKA RAI The 2005-batch IAS officer of the AGMUT cadre has been appointed Private Secretary to Vijay Goel, Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs and Statistics & Programme Implementation.

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN UTTARAKHAND AMIT SINGH NEGI has been appointed Secretary, Planning; HARBANS SINGH CHUGH HAS been appointed Secretary, Administration; V SHANMUGAM has been appointed Excise Commissioner; and VIMMI SACHDEVA has been appointed Director, Sports, and Additional Secretary, Home.

PAWAN KUMAR SAIN

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN BIHAR VIVEK KUMAR SINGH has been appointed Principal Secretary, Revenue and Land Reforms; ASANGABA CHUBA AO has been appointed Special Secretary, Mining and Minerals; AJAY YADAV has been appointed Additional Secretary, GAD; and RS SHRIVASTAVA has been appointed Managing Director, Infrastructure Development Authority, Patna.

The 2005-batch IAS officer of the AGMUT cadre has been appointed Deputy Secretary, President House.

PRASANTH NAIR The 2007-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Private Secretary to KJ Alphons, Minister of State for Tourism and Electronics & IT.

MANJUNATH KS The 2010-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Commissioner and Director for Sericulture Development in Karnataka.

SK SINHA The 1983-batch IPS officer of the Bihar cadre has been appointed Secretary Security, Cabinet Secretariat.

NASIR KAMAL The 1986-batch IPS officer of the Uttar Pradesh cadre has been appointed Additional Director General, Border Security Force.

M MAHENDER REDDY The 1986-batch IPS officer has been appointed DGP Telangana.

VIJAY KUMAR The 2005-batch IPS officer of the Jammu and Kashmir cadre has been appointed DIG (Armed), Jammu.

RAJESH VAISHNAW

appointed Joint Secretary, Space.

The 1996-batch IFS officer has been appointed High Commissioner of India to the Republic of Malta.

DHARMA REDDY ALL

SUSHIL KUMAR SINGLA The 1994-batch IFS officer of the Himachal Pradesh cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Land Resources.

SANJAY KUMAR SINHA The 1993-batch IFS officer of the Jammu and Kashmir cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Higher Education.

GANGADHARAN SUDHARMINI The 1995-batch IA&AS officer has been appointed Accountant General (A&E), Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala.

RAVI KANT The 1986-batch IOFS officer has been appointed Joint Secretary Department of Defence.

HARI PRASAD PUDI

SHANKAR DUTT SHARMA

The 1994-batch IRAS officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Ex-Servicemen Welfare.

The 2016-batch IPS officer has been appointed SP, Dungurpur, Rajasthan.

KUMAR VINAY PRATAP

RAVI BANGAR The 1982-batch IFS officer has been appointed Ambassador of India to Ecuador, with residence in Bogota.

SIBI GEORGE The 1993-batch IFS officer has been appointed Ambassador of India to the Holy See, with residence in Berne.

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

The 1991-batch IDES officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs.

SHRAVAN KUMAR The 1991-batch IRS-IT officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Ministry of Culture.

ANANT SWARUP The 1992-batch IRPS officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Commerce.

SATRUGHANA PUJAHARI Justice Satrughana Pujahari, Judge of Orissa High Court, has been appointed Judge of Madras High Court.

VP VAISH Justice Ved Prakash Vaish, Judge of Meghalaya High Court, has been appointed Judge of Allahabad High Court.

ASHUTOSH KUMAR Justice Ashutosh Kumar, Judge of the Delhi High Court, has been appointed Judge of Patna High Court.

The 1992-batch IES officer of the Manipur cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Economic Affairs.

GOVIND MATHUR

ANUJ SHARMA

ASHUTOSH KUMAR

The 1991-batch IDES officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs.

Justice Ashutosh Kumar, Judge of the Delhi High Court, has been appointed Judge of Patna High Court.

ANOOP SRIVASTAVA

DALVEER BHANDARI

The 1989-batch IDAS officer has been

Dalveer Bhandari has been re-elected as Judge to the International Court of Justice.

Justice Govind Mathur has been appointed Judge of Allahabad High Court.

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www.gfilesindia.com

...by the way IAS-turned Sabziwala

hen one hears the chant ‘sabziwala’, a picture of a cart fully loaded with vegetables appears in mind along with a man who is usually dressed in kurta-pajamas. But the chant has taken on a new avatar, online. Pravesh Sharma, a 1982-batch IAS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre, now resigned from IAS, has begun a start-up named ‘Sabziwala’, a retail fruits and vegetables chain that promises delivery of quality fresh produce directly sourced from farmers to consumers. He would have been a Secretary in the Government of India (he served as a director in the Prime Minister’s office at the time of Atal Bihari Vajpayee) had he not resigned. At the end of his bureaucratic career he chose to change tracks. Sharma believes he supplies quality produce at prices that are a tad less than those of Safal, Mother Dairy’s market leading brand in the Delhi region. A student of history from Delhi University, Sharma brings 18 years of experience in agriculture, including as agriculture secretary of Madhya Pradesh and India representative of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). His last major stint was as Managing Director for five years of the Small Farmers’ Agri-business Consortium (SFAC), which encourages farmers to set up producer companies with guidance and grants. Sabziwala began commercial trials in June in Delhi’s sub-city of Dwarka. “I wanted to create an enterprise around agriculture to demonstrate it can be a viable, inclusive, sustainable and scalable. I chose fruits and vegetables because this is the most fragmented value chain,” says Sharma. His is an asset-light model. Sabziwala owns very little. Everything— warehouses, trucks, labour—are leased or contracted. Sharma has changed the dynamic for the superannuated ‘babus’; babus ; if you have a passion for your job, don’t don t look for post-retirement government jobs, but learn from Sharma how to create a brand and add value to society. g

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Women power

t’s surprising that in the election year, Karnataka government has assigned the job to administer the state to two top-ranking women civil servants–Chief Secretary K Ratnaprabha and Director General of Police Neelamani N Raju. K Ratnaprabha is a 1981batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre and will retire on March 31, 2018. She is the third woman chief secretary of Karnataka after Teresa Bhattacharya (2000) and Malathi Das (2006). She worked as deputy commissioner in Raichur erviing in in and Bidar, apart from serving departments such as y, commerce and industry, communication and transport. Ratnaprabha, originally belonging to Andhra Pradesh, did her graduation in physics and chemistry before shifting her stream am and completing post-graduation raduation in two subjects, English and Sociology. ociology. A month ago, 1983-batch Indian Police Service officer Neelamani anii N Raju an ju took too ook k over over as as DGP in the state. Raju, who belongs to Roorkee in Uttarakhand, became the state’s first woman director general and inspector general of police on October 31, breaking a glass ceiling in the state police. She is a 1983 batch IPS officer and wife of former IAS officer Narasimha Raju. She had a long career in Intelligence Bureau where she moved up to the post of additional director. She was the recipient of the President Police Medal for Distinguished Service in 2009. This 57-year-old officer will be at the helm till January end, 2020. g

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

...by the way Lavasa looks ahead

E UPSC sans ns IAS

he Union Public Service Commission ion (UPSC), the nodal agency which recruits officers and conducts d the h civill services exams, doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have a single IAS officer on its administrative board. The UPSC is currently headed by Prof David R. Syiemlieh, an academician. It has eight members on its board. Except for IPS officer, Bhim Sain Bassi, former Police Commissioner, and Indian Foreign Service officer, Sujata Mehta, all members are out of the domain of civil services. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a body of postal officers, engineers and educators. Vinay Mittal is an IRTS officer. Arvind Saxena, an engineer by education, is an IPoS officer of the 1978 batch. Prof (Dr) Pradeep Kumar Joshi, an educator, served as Chairman, Chhattisgarh Public Service Commission, and also Chairman, Madhya Pradesh Public Service Commission. Air Marshal Ajit Shankarrao Bhonsle (retd), is a defence professional. Dr Manoj Soni is an educator and former Vice Chancellor of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Open University. One thus wonders why there is no IAS officer in the core body which recruits IAS, IPS, and IFS and other civil servants. Sources disclosed that former Chairman Deepak Gupta reportedly created a hullabaloo on the issue of status of UPSC chairman and its membersâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; all were equal in the status holding cabinet rank status. It is reported that Deepak Gupta, former Secretary, Ministry of New and Renewable Energy, who allegedly got the coveted post through the recommendation of a Gujarati solar panel contractor, did not like the idea of being equal among equals. So, a request was made that only the Chairman UPSC should hold Cabinet Secretary status and privileges with other members being at par with Secretary rank. Naturally, the IAS fraternity do not want to join the bandwagon even after retiring as Secretary to work under a non-civil services officer. g

gfiles inside the government vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Nov-Dec 2017

very month, approximately 15 to 20 civil servants superannuate but Ashok Lavasa knows how to PDNH LW PHPRUDEOH /DYDVD D EDWFK ,$6 RIÂżFHU of the Haryana cadre and former Secretary, Finance, superannuated on October 31, 2017. The soft-spoken RIÂżFHU KDG D ZRQGHUIXO VSRWOHVV FDUHHU DQG LV NQRZQ to be a passionate photographer (his photos have been published in JÂżOHV). Lavasa sent an SMS to all his friends and well-wishers the day after superannuation. The SMS read as follows: â&#x20AC;&#x153;In life thereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s always a time to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;move onâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. In government that time comes when it asks you to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;stopâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. That stop at sixty happened on 31st October 2017, which brought to close an innings that ODVWHG \HDUV DQG GD\V 7KH ÂľÂżUVW SKDVHÂś RI OLIH HQGHG 15t 15th h September 1980, when I on 15th joine the Indian Administrative joined Ser Service and the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;second phaseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; when w I superannuated as Finance Secretary of the F country. c In between there was Environment & Forest, w Civil Aviation, Power, Home, Economic Affairs at the Centre and Industries, Tourism, Public Relations at the State. 21 years in the state of Haryana and 16 in s GOI. GO Now for the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;third phaseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, the yet-to-be determined future that may be shaped by the evident and not-so-evident past. What continues, however, is the association one has formed with men and matters. It matters to me; hope it matters to you as well. I will continue to retain the same mobile number (as it is personal), the same residential address for 6 months (as it is the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s), not WKH VDPH RIÂżFLDO SRVLWLRQ EXW WKH VDPH GLVSRVLWLRQ , do not wish to thank you for your support as I want it to continue, but I do feel grateful for your good wishes that brought me thus far. I hope to remain in touch.â&#x20AC;? His 7ZLWWHU SURÂżOH #$VKRN/DYDVD FKDQJHG D ELW EXW VKRZV enthusiasm and spirit, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Traveller, Sportsperson, Author, Music lover, ex-Administrator, & still aliveâ&#x20AC;?. JÂżOHV wishes him good luck. g

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Regn.No.DL(C)-14/1161/2016-2018 Licence No. U(C)-03/2016-17, Licence to post without prepayment Posted on 7th & 8th of every month at SPM SRT Nagar, Post Office, New Delhi 110055 R.N.I. No: DELENG/2007/19719. `200, vol. 11, issue 8-9 | Date of Publication: 05/12/2017 | Pages 64