Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y Etnografía. Libro de la Conferencia

Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y EtnografĂ­a / Second International Rock Art and Ethnography Conference 14 al 18 de agosto del 2017 - Cusco, PerĂş

Libro de la Conferencia Conference book

LIBRO DE LA CONFERENCIA. SEGUNDA CONFERENCIA INTERNACIONAL DE ARTE RUPESTRE Y ETNOGRAFÍA. © Asociación Peruana de Arte Rupestre (APAR), 2017.

Imagen de la tapa: Quilca (petroglifo) etnográfico proveniente de Thado valley-Sindh Kohistan, Pakistan. Fotografía por Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, 2012. / Ethnographic quilcas (petroglyph) from Thado valley-Sindh Kohistan, Pakistan. Photo by Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, 2012.

Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y EtnografĂ­a / Second International Rock Art and Ethnography Conference 14 al 18 de agosto del 2017 - Cusco, PerĂş

Libro de la Conferencia Conference Book

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Contenido / Index Presentación. 5 Presentation. 6 Objetivos. 7 Objetives. 8 Participantes / Participants. 9 Créditos / Credits. 10 Programa / Program. 11 Resúmenes / +Abstracts. 17 Código de Ética. 31 Ethics Code. 32 Hoja de notas / Notes page. 35

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Presentación La Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y Etnografía será organizada por la Asociación Peruana de Arte Rupestre (APAR), miembro de IFRAO, a partir del 14 de agosto de 2017. Este evento es la continuación de la primera conferencia de su tipo, llevada a cabo en la ciudad Cochabamba, Bolivia, el año 2014, en la cual se pudieron discutir los alcances y la importancia de la etnografía para la investigación y la comprensión del arte rupestre en el mundo, y en especial en los Andes y la Amazonia.

Siguiendo esta línea, desde hace varios años la Asociación Peruana de Arte Rupestre (APAR) viene enfatizando los estudios rupestres considerando las nociones nativas de reconocimiento material, usando primariamente los términos de quilcas, t'oqos o ushcus, que identifican, no solo todos los tipos de formas gráficas en los Andes, sino también las llamada “cúpulas”. Estas expresiones culturales están presentes en todos los Andes, siendo usadas desde el más remoto pasado hasta la época de los Incas, e incluso hasta la actualidad. La recuperación de los términos nativos para la comprensión del pasado, ya sea mediante la etnografía, etnología, la toponimia o la antropología, ayuda a reincorporar

las formas gráficas antiguas, como el llamado “arte rupestre”, al actual contexto de pertenencia social con el que está históricamente vinculado.

En un país con una milenaria historia cultural, las quilcas o el arte rupestre tienen un lugar importante en las tradiciones indígenas, que es necesario ponderar en estos tiempos, manteniendo siempre una perspectiva científica, académica y social. Esto es posible en el Perú como en todos los Andes y la Amazonía; y es posible también en muchos lugares del mundo con muy antiguas, vivas y vigentes tradiciones culturales.

Por lo expuesto, la Asociación Peruana de Arte Rupestre (APAR) invita a todos los conocedores nativos, investigadores indígenas, académicos en formas cognitivas tradicionales, así como investigadores profesionales, arqueólogos y especialistas en quilcas o arte rupestre del mundo, a participar en esta Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y Etnografía, a ser realizada en la ciudad del Cusco en agosto del año 2017. Estamos seguros que la participación de todos estos investigadores traerá nuevos conocimientos y ayudará a cambiar los paradigmas de la investigación rupestre mundial.

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Presentation IFRAO member Peruvian Rock Art Association (APAR) will host the Second International Rock Art and Ethnography Conference in the third week of August 2017.

This event follows the first conference of its type carried out in the city of Cochabamba, Bolivia, in 2014, where the importance and scope of the ethnography for the rock art research were discussed, with emphasis in the Andes and Amazonia.

Following this trend, the Peruvian Rock Art Association is stressing rock art research considering the native notions of material recognition, using primarily the terms quilcas, t'oqos or ushcus, that identify, not only all the types of graphic forms in the Andes but the socalled “cupules”. These cultural expressions are present in the whole Andes being used since the most remote times until the Inka epoch, even yet to actual present times. The revival of indigenous terminology to understand the past, with either the ethnography, ethnology, toponomy, or anthropology, helps to the reincorporation the

ancient graphic forms, as the “rock art”, to the actual sense of social context with which it is historically linked.

In a country with a millennial cultural history, the quilcas or rock art has an relevant place in the indigenous customs that is important to value in these times, always keeping scientific, academic and social perspectives. This is possible in Peru as in the whole Andes and Amazonia; and is possible in many places in the world with very ancient, extant and current cultural traditions.

Following these reasons the Peruvian Rock Art Association (APAR) invites all native savants, indigenous researchers, academics in traditional cognition; professional archaeologists and quilcas or rock art specialists of the world to participate in this Second International Rock Art and Ethnography Conference to be hosted in the city of Cusco in August 2017. We are sure that the participation of all these researchers will bring new knowledge and will help to change the paradigms of rock art research.

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Objetivos • • • •

Reunir conocedores indígenas y especialistas en cognición nativa de varios lugares del mundo, para hablar sobre quilcas o arte rupestre y sitios sagrados Resaltar el valor los estudios etnográficos y etnológicos en la investigación rupestre contemporánea Valorar los conocimientos indígenas sobre las quilcas o el arte rupestre de los Andes y la Amazonia, así como de otras partes del mundo.

Utilizar el conocimiento indígena sobre quilcas, arte rupestre y sitios sagrados para mejorar la investigación y la interpretación de este fenómeno cultural.

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Objetives • • • •

Gather native savants, persons and indigenes with traditional knowledge, and specialists in native cognition from different places of the world to talk about rock art and sacred sites.

Highlight the value of the ethnographic and ethnological studies in contemporaneous rock art research.

Value the indigenous knowledge about the rock art in the Andes, Amazonia and from other parts of the world.

Use the indigenous knowledge about rock art and sacred sites to improve the research and interpretations of this cultural phenomenon.

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Participantes / Participants •

Abdullah M Alsharekh (Saudi Arabia) • Juan Pablo Alva (Perú) • José Bastante (Perú) • Robert Bednarik (Australia) • Alberto Bueno Mendoza (Perú) • Jesus E. Cabrera (USA) • Jaime Corisepa Neri (Perú) • Fermín Chimatani Tayori (Perú) • Nino Del-Solar-Velarde (Perú) • Mike Donaldson (Australia) • Julie Drew (Australia) • Jean Clottes (Francia) • Meenakshi Dubey-Pathak (India) • Gori-Tumi Echevarría López(Perú) • Jesús Gordillo Begazo (Perú) • Vinicius Honorato (Brasil) • Yesenia Huashuayo Casavilca (Perú) • Jessica Joyce Christie (USA) • Lallesh Kumar (India) • Mamta Kumari (India) • Marcélia Marques (Brasil) • Edith Mercado Rodríguez (Perú) • Luz Marina Monrroy Quiñones (Perú) • Alfredo Mormontoy Atayupanqui (Perú)

• Ken Mulvaney (Australia) • Hannah Nascimento (Brasil) • Irvin Lucio Navarro Amaro (Perú) • Carlos Augusto Palheta Barbosa (Brasil) • Edithe Pereira (Brasil) • Roy Querejazu Lewis (Bolivia) • Klaus Quicque, Bolivar (Perú) • Natividad Quillahuaman (Perú) • Krishna Rao (Tanzania) • Anne Rapp Py Daniel (Brasil) • Jairo Saw Munduruku (Brasil) • H. Denise Smith (USA) • Luis Tayori Kendero (Perú) • Sadasivuni and Temu, E.L. (Tanzania) • Higino Pimentel Tenório Tuyuka (Brasil) • Sachin Kr Tiwary (India) • Andrés Troncoso (Chile) • David Turnbull (Australia) • Pieter Van Dalen Luna (Perú) • Raoni Valle (Brasil) • Pedro Vargas Nalvarte (Perú) • Jorge Yzaga (Perú) • Pindi Setiawan (Indonesia)

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Creditos / Credits Instituciones Organizadoras Asociación Peruana de Arte Rupestre (APAR) Museo Inka – UNSAAC Asociación de Estudios del Arte Rupestre de Cochabamba (AEARC) Federación Internacional de Organizaciones de Arte Rupestre (IFRAO) Museo de Arqueología y Antropología de La Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos Patronato de Defensa del Arte Rupestre de Pacarán Comité Organizador

Presidente: Gori-Tumi Echevarría López Vice Presidente: Alfredo Mormontoy Atayupanqui Comité de Programas: Carlos Rodriguez Bejar Comité de Promoción: Edwin Ttito Ttito Comité Científico Lic. Ninoska Avendaño Profesor Robert Bednarik Dr. Alberto Bueno Mendoza Inv. Víctor Corcuera Cueva Lic. Jesús Gordillo Vegazo Lic. Edith C. Mercado Rodríguez Lic. Luz Marina Monrroy Quiñones Lic. Daniel Morales Chocano Profesor Roy Querejazu Lewis Lic. Zenobio Valencia Garcia Dr. Raoni Valle Lic. Pieter Van Dalen Luna Lic. Pedro Vargas Nalvarte Lic. Patricia Vega Centeno Contacto y Comunicación E-mail: raecusco@gmail.com, aparperu@gmail.com Web site: https://sites.google.com/view/2raec-cusco/iniciohome Facebook: https://web.facebook.com/Segunda-Conferencia-Internacional-de-ArteRupestre-y-Etnograf%C3%ADa-183642092101185/

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Programa / Program Lunes 14 de agosto Salón de Grados Paraninfo Universitario

11:00 am INAUGURACIÓN DEL EVENTO / INAUGURATION Palabras de la Lic. Edith Mercado Directora del Museo INKA-UNSAAC Palabras del Lic. Gori-Tumi Echevarría López Presidente del 2RAEC-Cusco Palabras del Prof. Robert Bednarik Representante de IFRAO Palabras del Lic. Alfredo Mormontoy Atauyupanqui Vice-Presidente 2RAEC-Cusco Auditorio Museo Inka SESIÓN 1 Evidencia Etnográfica de la Producción de Quilcas o Arte Rupestre en el Mundo / Ethnographic evidence of rock art production around the world Coordinadores / Chaired by Robert Bednarik & Jesús E. Cabrera

3.00 pm “An ethnography of global rock art” / “Una etnografía del arte rupestre mundial” Robert G. Bednarik

3.30 pm “The Lightning Brothers: a dreamtime creation story from Wardaman Country, northern Australia” / “Los hermanos relampago: una historia de creación onírica de Wardaman Country” Dr Mike Donaldson 4.00 pm "Etnografía y lectura de quilcas, una propuesta desde la amazonía y la costa central del Perú" / "Etnography and quilcas lecture, a propose from the Amazon and the central coast of Peru" Gori-Tumi Echevarría López & Jorge Izaga 4.30 pm Break time 5.00 pm “Recent indigenous interpretation of rock art images in Indonesia” / “Recientes interpretaciones indigenas de imágenes del arte rupestre de Indonesia” Dr Pindi Setiawan 5.30 pm “Wanjina art of the Kimberley: 4000 years of aboriginal cosmology” / “Arte Wanjina de Kimberley: 4000 años de cosmología aborigen” Dr Mike Donaldson

12 Martes 15 de agosto Auditorio Museo Inka SESIÓN 2 Investigación en Quilcas o Arte Rupestre Etnográfico en el Mundo / Research in ethnographic rock art around the world Coordinadores / Chaired by Nino Del-Solar-Velarde & José Bastante

3.00 pm "Northern territory Australia, Wardaman people's interpretation of their rock paintings. How the ancestors created their cosmos" / “Territorio norte de Australia, la interpretación de las pinturas rupestres de la gente de Wardaman. Cómo los ancestros crearon su cosmos” Julie Drew 3.30 pm "Footprints in central Indian rock art (with special reference of Chhattisgarh)" / “Impresiones de pies en el arte rupestre de India central (con especial referencia a Chhattisgarh)” Meenakshi Dubey-Pathak & Jean Clottes 4.00 pm "Relaciones Navajo – Anasazi en el Cañon de Chelly, US, A traves de arte rupestre y etnografia" / "Navajo – Anasazi relationships in Chelly Cannon through rock art and ethnography" Jessica Joyce Christie 4.30 pm Break time 5.00 pm “T’oqos o ushcus, evidencia arqueológica de una tradición cultural milenaria en los Andes” / “T’oqos or ushcus, archaeological evidence of a millenarian cultural tradition in the Andes” Gori-Tumi Echevarría López 5.30 pm “Identificación de grafemas escriturarios en Chekta y su interpretación arqueológica, valle del río Chillón, Perú” / “Identification of writing graphemes in Chekta and its archaeological Interpretation, Chillón river valley, Peru” Alberto Bueno Mendoza 6.00 pm

“Quilcas de Pintay Machay y su importancia como demarcador fronterizo entre los Guancas y Taramas-Chinchaycochas, dos culturas regionales del Intermedio Tardío desarrollados en el actual departamento de Junín” / “Pintay machay´s quilcas and its importance as a border demarcation between Guancas and Taramas-Chinchaycochas, two late Intermediate Period regional cultures in the actual department of Junín” Irvin Lucio Navarro Amaro

6.30 pm “Chulpas y quilcas: el culto a los ancestros en Cajacay, Ancash” / “Chulpas and quilcas: the ancestors cult at Cajacay, Ancash” Pieter van Dalen Luna & Yesenia Huashuayo Casavilca 7:00 pm “Cronología, funcionalidad y externalidades etnográficas de los petroglifos de Miculla, Tacna - Perú” / “Chronology, functionality and ethnographic externalities in the petroglyphs of Miculla, Tacna – Peru” Jesús Gordillo Begazo & Gori-Tumi Echevarría López Miércoles 16 de agosto Museo Inka 10.00 am - 1.00 pm Vista guiada al Museo Inka - UNSAAC / Guide visit to Inka Museum - UNSAAC Auditorio Casa Garcilaso SESIÓN 3 Sitios con quilcas o arte rupestre como espacios sagrados / Rock art sites as sacral spaces Coordinador / Chaired by Roy Querejazu Lewis

3.00 pm "Rock art sites and temples in India" / “Arte rupestre y templos en India” Meenakshi Dubey-Pathak & Jean Clottes 3.30 pm "Más allá de los espacios sagrados: una reflexión sobre la relación entre el arte rupestre, el espacio y los otros seres no-humanos desde el centro norte de Chile" / “Beyond the sacred spaces: a though

13 about the relation between rock art, space and other no-human beings, from norcentral Chile” Andrés Troncoso

4.00 pm "Arte rupestre en Bolivia a través de la etnografía (espacios sagrados con arte rupestre)" / “Rock art in Bolivia through ethnography” Roy Querejazu Lewis 4.30 pm Break time 5.00 pm “Análisis e interpretación del arte rupestre de la red de caminos del Santuario Histórico y Natural de Machupicchu” / “The rock art at the road web of the Machupicchu Archaeological National Park, analysis and interpretation” Francisco Huarcaya Quispe 5.30 pm “Rock art intercultural investigations under circumstances of threat to indigenous cultural, territorial and ecological rights in brazilian Amazonia – The case of Munduruku people from middle Tapajos river, Para state, Brazil” / “Investigaciones interculturales en arte rupestre bajo circunstancias de amenza a los derechos culturales, territoriales y ecologicos indígenas en la Amazonia brasilera. El caso del pueblo Munduruku del río Tapajos medio, Estado de Pará, Brazil” Raoni Valle & Jairo Saw Munduruku 6.00 pm “Cultura Harakbut y su territorio sagrado, (Woa’ndari) en la Amazonia sur del Perú” / “The Harakbut culture an its sacred territory (Woa’ndari) in Peru´s south Amazonia” Jaime Corisepa Neri, Fermín Chimatani Tayori, Luis Tayori Kendero, Klaus Quicque, Bolivar, Juan Pablo Alva y Natividad Quillahuaman Jueves 17 de agosto Casa Garcilaso 10.00 am - 1.00 pm Vista guiada a la Casa Garcilazo - Museo Regional del Cusco / Guide visit to Garcilaso House Cusco´s Regional Museum Auditorio Casa Garcilaso

SESIÓN 4 Uso Ceremonial de Sitios con Quilcas o Arte Rupestre, pasado y presente / Ceremonial use of rock art sites, past and present Coordinadores / Chaired by Gori-Tumi Echevarría López & Luz Marina Monrroy Quiñones

3.00 pm "El uso ceremonial de sitios con arte rupestre en la amazonía brasileña. Evidencias y posibilidades de interpretación" / “The ceremonial use of rock art sites in brazilian Amazonia. Evidences and possibilities of interpretation” Edithe Pereira, Anne Rapp Py Daniel, Hannah Nascimento, Carlos Augusto Palheta Barbosa, Vinicius Honorato 3.30 pm “Arte rupestre e práticas sacralizadas: incorporação de diferentes temporalidades em sítios arqueológicos no nordeste do Brasil” / “Rock art and sacralized practices: incorporation of different temporalities in archaeological sites in northeast Brazil” Marcélia Marques 4.00 pm "Janin Cave in central Arabia and its possible religious or mystical role in ancient Arabian communities" / “La cueva Janin en Arabia central y su possible rol mítico o religioso en las antiguas comunidades de Arabia” Dr. Abdullah M. Alsharekh 4.30 pm Break time 5.00 pm “The goddess Alia in rock art” / “La diosa Alia en arte rupestre” Robert G. Bednarik 5.30 pm "Mapping Murujuga: using rock art to reacquire a spiritual landscape" / “Mapeando Murujuga: usando el arte rupestre para readquirir un paisaje spiritual” Dr Ken Mulvaney 6.00 pm "Ceremonial uses of Wardaman site complex

14 NT Australia" / “Usos ceremoniales de un sitio complejo Wardaman, Australia NT” Julie Drew

6.30 pm "Rock art ceremonies of Central Tanzania heritage: past and present" / “Ceremonias rupestres en la herencia de Tazmania central: pasado y presente” Krishna Rao, Sadasivuni and Temu, E.L. 7.00 pm "Dense metaphors: rock art as the cosmos" / "Metáforas densas: el arte rupestre como el cosmos" H. Denise Smith 7.30 pm "Rock painting of Likhichhaj: a review" / “Pinturas rupestres de Likhichhaj: una revision” Lallesh Kumar & Mamta Kumari Viernes 18 de agosto Auditorio Museo Inka SESIÓN 5 Interpretaciones Tradicionales de Sitios con Quilcas o Arte Rupestre / Traditional interpretations of sites with rock art Coordinador / Chaired by Raoni Valle

3.00 pm “Folklore and rock art: a study of Uraon tribal myths” / “Folklore y arte rupestre: un studio de los mitos de las tribus Uraon” Sachin Kr Tiwary 3.30 pm “Meaning in Arabian rock art” / “Significado en el arte rupestre de Arabia” Robert G. Bednarik 4.00 pm “Movement, narrative, and gathering: a performative alternative in prehistory and rock art Interpretation” / “Movimiento, narrativa y recolección: una alternativa de performance en la prehistoria y en la interpretación de arte rupestre” David Turnbull

4.30 pm Break time 5.00 pm "Espíritu Bautista del pueblo Yanesha. Una experiencia etnográfica en Checta, un sitio con quilcas en la costa central del Perú" / “Espíritu Bautista from Yanesha people. An ethnographic experience in Checta, a quilcas site on the central coast of Peru" Gori-Tumi Echevarría López & Pedro Vargas 5.30 pm “UTÃ WORI (pedra desenhada) - Perspectivas Tuyuka” / “UTÃ WORI (stone drawn) - Tuyuka Perspectives” Higino Pimentel Tenório Tuyuka 6.00 pm “UTÃ WORITIRE – A preliminary experience of intercultural/interepistemological theory-building on the lower Negro river petroglyphs, Amazonas, Brazil” / “UTÃ WORITIRE – Una experiencia preliminar de construcción teórica intercultural/ interepistemológica en los petroglifos debajo río Negro, Amazonas, Brasil” Poani Higino Pimentel Tenório Tuyuka & Raoni Valle 7:00 pm Plenaria Final 7:30 CLAUSURA DEL EVENTO / EVENT CLOSURE Palabras del Prof. Roy Querejazu Lewis Presidente de la AEARC Palabras del Lic. Gori-Tumi Echevarría López Presidente del 2RAEC-Cusco ---------Sabado 19 de agosto Salida de campo / Field trips Opción 1: Machupicchu Opción 2: Saccsayhuaman Domingo 20 de agosto City tour. Quilcas del Cusco

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Foto y plano con la ubicaciรณn de los lugares donde se realizarรก la conferencia / Picture and plan with the indication of the conferences location. Image from Google Earth and Google Maps.

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Sitio Web APAR Web Site Enlaces / Links

https://sites.google.com/site/eloylinaresmalaga/home Sitio Web sobre Eloy Linares Málaga http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/ethics/codigo-apar Código de Ética de APAR http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/ethics/codigo-ifrao Código de Ética de IFRAO http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/boletin-apar Boletín APAR - Guía de todos los números https://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/quellca_rumi Revista Quellca Rumi http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/legislacion_patrimonio Legislación y patrimonio cultural del Perú https://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/glosario-glossary Glosario de Arte Rupestre APAR - IFRAO https://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/reportes-articulos-reports-articles/escala-ifrao Escala Estándar de IFRAO http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/reportes-articulos-reports-articles Artículos sobre arte rupestre publicados en APAR http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/campo Salidas y visitas a sitios con quilcas (arte rupestre) APAR http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/conferencias Conferencias organizadas por APAR http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/interviews Entrevistas APAR http://sites.google.com/site/aparperu/home/recursos-arte-rupestre Recursos en quilcas del Perú http://mc2.vicnet.net.au/home/rar1/shared_files/News_26-2.pdf Las cuatro categorías materiales del arte rupestre peruano (inglés) http://engukuani.colmich.edu.mx/red/index.php?option=com_rsfiles&Itemid=41 Las cuatro categorías materiales del arte rupestre peruano (español) http://quilcavirtual.blogspot.com/ Quilca Virtual (Aplicando RTI al registro de las quilcas del Perú) http://issuu.com/apar Publicaciones de APAR - ISSU (libre on line) http://www.scribd.com/APARPERU Publicaciones de APAR - Scribd

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Resúmenes / Abstracts

Contenido de la sesión / Session rationale

demostrando que los antiguos sitios con arte rupestre estuvieron siendo reusados recientemente o en la actualidad para propósitos diferentes a los de sus significados originales. Por lo tanto, el propósito subyacente de esta sesión es el establecer un conocimiento sólido de base para información acerca de las ideas indígenas, prácticas o interpretaciones concernientes al paleoarte y a las producciones etnográficas del tipo.

Mientras que la información más comprensiva sobre la etnografía del arte rupestre ha sido reportada de Australia, desarrollos recientes en otros países sugieren que el conocimiento sobre el significado y la producción del arte rupestre puede ser disponible de otras partes del mundo.

Esta sesión de la Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y Etnografía intenta proveer una visión general de la comprensión sobreviviente del arte rupestre así como del arte mobiliar. Propuestas para presentaciones, tratando este tópico de varios continentes, están invitadas, dándose una particular atención a la evidencia de Sudamérica, Asia y Australia. Esta evidencia puede ser de tres formas: (1) Conocimiento acerca del significado original o la producción tradicional del arte rupestre obtenida de los productores indígenas o de sus pares culturales; (2) información acerca de los significados impuestos por indígenas actuales sobre arte rupestre preexistente no producido por ellos; y (3) evidencia adquirida científicamente

While traditionally the most comprehensive information about the ethnography of rock art has been reported from Australia, recent developments in other countries have suggested that knowledge about the meaning and production of rock art may be available from various other parts of the world. This session of the Second International Rock Art and Ethnography Conference is intended to provide a global overview of the surviving understanding of both rock art and mobiliary art.

Proposals of presentations addressing this topic are invited from the various continents, with particular attention to be given to South American, Asian and Australian evidence. Such evidence can be in one of three forms: (1) knowledge about the original meaning or production of traditional rock art secured from the indigenous producers or their cultural peers; (2) information about meanings imposed by recent indigenes on pre-existing rock art not produced by them; and (3) scientifically acquired evidence demonstrating that ancient rock

SESIÓN 1 Evidencia Etnográfica de la Producción de Quilcas o Arte Rupestre en el Mundo / Ethnographic evidence of rock art production around the world Coordinadores / Chaired by Robert Bednarik & Jesús E. Cabrera

18 art sites were being re-used recently or currently, perhaps for purposes different from their original meanings. Therefore the underlying purpose of the session is to establish a sound knowledge base for information about indigenous ideas, practices or interpretations concerning palaeoart and ethnographic art-like productions.

Resúmenes / Abtracts “An ethnography of global rock art” / “Una etnografía del arte rupestre mundial” Robert G. Bednarik Recent developments indicate that knowledge about the meaning and production of rock art may be available from various parts of the world besides Australia. That ethnographically accessible interpretation of rock art often obtainable from Australian Aboriginal elders is well known. Here we present possibilities, in some cases proven, that such knowledge may have survived among traditional societies in various continents. In a few parts of the world it is even possible to secure credible ethnographic information about rock art that is millennia old, via the decipherment of rock inscriptions occurring with it and referring to it.

“The Lightning Brothers: a dreamtime creation story from Wardaman Country, northern Australia” / “Los hermanos relampago: una historia de creación onírica de Wardaman Country” Dr. Mike Donaldson The Lightning Brothers are important figures in the creation mythology of the Wardaman Aboriginal people of the Victoria River District in the Northern Territory of Australia. The story involves tribal ‘brothers’ Jabirringgi and Yagjabula and an epic battle with stone axes.

The two figures are painted in a rock shelter at Yiwarlarlay, near the old Delamere cattle station.

Although initially said to have been painted by the brothers themselves, later research revealed that the paintings were done by a Wardaman elder, starting in the 1930s and completed in the early 1940s. The original ‘Dreamtime’ painting site became inaccessible to traditional Aboriginal people with pastoral expansion in the 1920s and the Yiwarlarlay site was created so

that Wardaman people could continue traditional cultural ‘business’.

In another twist to the story, many other painted sites within about 100 km have similar depictions of the two ‘brothers’, but associated mythology appears to have changed due to subsequent shifts in land affiliations, and a loss of cultural continuity.

"Etnografía y lectura de quilcas, una propuesta desde la Amazonía y la costa central del Perú" / "Etnography and quilcas lecture, a propose from the Amazon and the central coast of Peru" Gori Tumi Echevarría López & Jorge Izaga Estudios etnográficos entre los Tucano, cuenca del Vaupes, amazonía colombiana, permitió el descubrimiento de una tradición social que comprendía la lectura e interpretación de signos ideográficos, entre los que se cuentan tanto pictogramas, petroglifos e incluso dibujos contemporáneos. Aunque esta tradición ha permanecido circunscrita a una zona del Amazonas, sus implicancias para la comprensión de las quilcas o el arte rupestre en los Andes es extremadamente grande.

Usando como base empírica los resultados de las investigaciones en las quilcas de la costa central del Perú, el autor propone la existencia de una relación lógica entre estas dos tradiciones gráficas, lo que permitiría la corroboración de la hipótesis de la escritura ideográfica en los Andes, y por primera vez, un acercamiento a la comprensión literal de este feonómeno gráfico.

Ethnographic studies among the Tucano, in the Vaupes basin, colombian Amazon, allowed the discovery of a social tradition that included the interpretation and reading of ideographic signs, including pictograms, petroglyphs and even contemporary drawings. Although this tradition has remained circumscribed to an area of the Amazon, its implications for the understanding of the quilcas or rock art phenomenon in the Andes is extremely large.

Using as an empirical basis the results of the investigations in the quilcas of the central coast of Peru, the author proposes the existence of a logical relationship between these two graphic traditions, which would corroborate the hypothesis of the ideographic writing in the Andes, and for the first time, an approximation to the

19 literal understanding of this graphic phenomena.

“Recent indigenous interpretation of rock art images in Indonesia” / “Recientes interpretaciones indigenas de imágenes del arte rupestre de Indonesia” Dr. Pindi Setiawan Indonesia has more than 400 sites located in 12 complexes rock art, spread from west to east along a distance of 5000 km. Rock art is no longer produced by recent indigenes in Indonesia.

Nevertheless, there are three rock art complexes where recent indigenes have stories related to rock art images: hand stencils at Sangkulirang (east Kalimantan), ‘rider’ and ‘kite’ images at Muna (southeast Sulawesi), ‘sun’ images at Dunwahan (southeast Maluku). Gecko images are thought to have appeared from glacial to post-glacial times.

Each rock art site seems have its own shape and style of geckos. We often found local people still using gecko images as a part of their rituals today.

“Wanjina art of the Kimberley: 4000 years of aboriginal cosmology” / “Arte Wanjina de Kimberley: 4000 años de cosmología aborigen” Dr. Mike Donaldson Large multi-coloured dramatic paintings of Wanjinas – ‘Cloud Spirit’ figures without mouths – occur in numerous rock shelters across the remote north-west Kimberley region of Western Australia. First recorded by Europeans in 1838, the distinctive and spectacular paintings were originally thought to have been done by people other than the extant Aboriginal inhabitants. Even when photographed in detail in 1901, there were no associated ethnographic accounts of the paintings as the early explorers into this remote region did not engage with the nomadic Aboriginal people.

It was not until Christian missionaries and ethnographic researchers in the 1920s recorded myths associated with the Wanjina paintings that it was realised they were part of the current Aboriginal belief systems. Detailed ethnographic studies of Wanjina sites carried out in 1938 by the German Frobenius Expedition revealed the complexity of the Wanjina mythology.

SESIÓN 2 Investigación en Quilcas o Arte Rupestre Etnográfico en el Mundo / Research in

ethnographic rock art around the world Coordinadores / Chaired by Nino Del-Solar-Velarde & José Bastante

Contenido de la sesión / Session rationale El arte rupestre registrado etnográficamente en el mundo brinda una notable oportunidad para poner entender, de primera mano, los motivos ideológicos, sociales y culturales de los productores de estas obras. Así mismo, permite comprender la naturaleza técnica y tecnológica de la producción en si misma, permitiendo revelar los condicionamientos materiales de la manufactura y la relación entre técnica y obra física. Todo este conocimiento puede, además, ser interpolado para comprender este fenómeno en el pasado.

The ethnographically recorded rock art in the world offers a remarkable opportunity to understand, at first hand, the ideological, social and cultural motives of the producers of these works. In addition, it letting us to understand the technical or technological nature of the production itself, revealing the material conditions of the manufacture and the relation between technique and physical work. All this knowledge can also be interpolated to understand this phenomenon in the past.

Resúmenes / Abtracts “Northern Territory Australia, Wardaman people's interpretation of their rock paintings.

How the ancestors created their cosmos” / “Territorio norte de Australia, la interpretación de las pinturas rupestres de la gente de Wardaman.

Cómo los ancestros crearon su cosmos” Julie Drew - Master of Philosophy Archaeology University of Sydney 2001 Wardaman creation story is depicted in the rock paintings to tell the story of the ancestors who created the land. Bill Harney the senior Elder of Wardaman Aboriginal Corporation brings together the images of the lightning people and explains how they created the lands of Wardaman Country. Bill explains how the laws of nature are intertwined with the formation of the laws of people as set in the rock images and handed down from generation to generation. I will show the rock art sites connected to this creation story

20 that I visited with Bill over a period of 10 years.

"Footprints in central Indian rock art (With special reference of Chhattisgarh)" / “Impresiones de pies en el arte rupestre de India central (con especial referencia a Chhattisgarh)” Meenakshi Dubey-Pathak & Jean Clottes Red, white and more rarely yellow footprints are a particular motif of Central Indian rock art that we have found in several painted sites, even if it is not –by far- one of the most frequent themes represented. We shall concentrate on the State of Chhattisgarh where we could study it in different areas.

If footprint representations are common the world over, in India, and particularly in the region under study, age-old traditions of footprint making are still alive in many places. In certain parts of the State, auspicious prints are made on the floor of the house entrance and sometimes on the wall inside the house, which represent the feet of Lakshmi, the Goddess of Wealth. More to the point, we have collected evidence of footprint making in very recent times -the past decades- in rock art sites of the Chhattisgarh State.

We have systematically looked for information in the local tribes and from local people about the reasons why they made that particular gesture, on which occasions and who did it, both concerning the rock art and the prints on the floors of houses.

We are certainly not proposing to “explain” the rock art and its complex details in the light of present-day practices. The long persistence of ancient traditions in Central India, however, as well as the continuance of ritual practices in painted shelters, including making footprints and/or footprint representations on the walls, enable us to better understand some of the reasons that may have prompted their authors in the rock art of the region under study.

"Relaciones Navajo – Anasazi en el Cañon de Chelly, US, A traves de arte rupestre y etnografia" / "Navajo – Anasazi relationships in Chelly Cannon through rock art and ethnography" Jessica Joyce Christie El proposito de mi ponencia es evaluar las relaciones entre los Navajo y los antiguos Anasazi a través de l’arte rupestre y la etnografia

en el Canon de Chelly, Arizona, Estados Unidos.

El Canon de Chelly estaba ocupado por los Basketmaker (c. 0-750 d.C.) seguidos por los Anasazi (c.750-1300 d.C). Los Basketmaker y Anasazi vivian en casas dentro de los abrigos rocosos y frecuentemente pintaron arte rupestre en las paredes rocosas. Los Navajo llegaron en el siglo 1700 y construyeron sus viviendas al fondo de los canones. Añadieron su arte rupestre a varios sitios Anasazi. La etnografía y mis consultaciones actuales con Navajos revelan, por ejemplo, técnicas de ejecución de sus techos de estrellas (estilo arte rupestre Navajo particular) y su entendimiento histórico.

La ubicación, los estilos, y la iconografia de l’arte rupestre Navajo además de la etnografía actual demuestran relaciones mixtas entre los Navajo y Anasazi: aquí mis enfoques son interpretaciones políticas y económicas en base de tradición, respeto, y educacion.

“Tóqos o ushcus, evidencia arqueológica de una tradición cultural milenaria en los Andes” / “T’oqos or ushcus, archaeological evidence of a millenarian cultural tradition in the Andes” Gori-Tumi Echevarría López Investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas desde el año 2016 en el Cusco, han cedido una importante serie de evidencia arqueológica relacionada a los t’oqos o ushcus en sitios arqueológicos claves para la historia del sur del Perú. Haciendo una evaluación de los contextos arqueológicos más seguros con esta evidencia en los Andes, el autor reevalua la importancia de este artefacto, haciendo hipótesis sobre su función cultural y cronología; y su relación con algunos contextos etnográficos conocidos.

“Identificación de grafemas escriturarios en Chekta y su interpretación arqueológica, valle del río Chillón, Perú” / “Identification of writing graphemes in Chekta and its archaeological Interpretation, Chillón river valley, Peru” Alberto Bueno Mendoza - UNMSM Diversidad de paisajes geomórficos presentan sitios arqueológicos con quellqas figurativas y geométricas que los arqueólogos las consideramos grafemas escriturarios conformantes de sistemas significativos de producción social, cuyos morfemas son palabras relacionadas

21 directamente con los gráficos plasmados por medio de varias técnicas en soportes tales como roca (petroglifos), paredes de cuevas y abrigos rocosos, farallones rocosos pintados, piedras pintadas, etc. (pintura rupestre), marcas figurativas y geométricas en campo abierto (geomarcas) y grabado y rayas a desnivel en la tierra (geoglifos).

Cada uno de los tipos de grafemas representan algún tipo de morfema cuya significación estará en relación directa con la figura representada o acción o movimiento envolvente consustancial.

Todo grafema está significando el morfema que el hombre quiso representar: • Grafema individual: el morfema representado e interpretado en su realidad.

• Grafema escénico: varios morfemas a interpretarse en conexión de acciones o movimientos envolventes.

• Grafemas superpuestos: traslape de morfemas que podrían expresar discursos diacrónicos, pero quizá cambios sociales y culturales.

• Grafemas geométricos: representación de figuras geométricas relacionadas al espacio físico, astros, siluetas, lineaturas, etc., vinculados a la actividad cognitiva.

El pensar de la gente del mundo antiguo se graficó (“escribió”) en soportes distintos, pero hoy lo hacemos en el soporte papel o pantallas electrónicas.

Diversity of geomorphic landscapes presents archaeological sites with figurative and geometrical quellqas that the archaeologists consider as writing grafemas conforming to significant systems of social production, whose morphemes are words related directly to the graphics embodied by means of several techniques in supports such as rock (petroglyphs) , Walls of caves and rocky coats, painted rocky cliffs, painted stones, etc. (Rock painting), figurative and geometric marks in the open field (geomarcas) and engraving and scratches in the ground (geoglyphs).

Each type of graphemes represents some type of morpheme whose significance will be in direct relation to the represented figure or consubstantial surrounding action or movement. Every grapheme is signifying the morpheme that man wanted to represent: • Individual grapheme: the morpheme represented and interpreted in its reality.

• Scenic grapheme: several morphemes to be interpreted in connection of actions or

involving movements.

• Overlapping graphemes: overlapping morphemes that could express diachronic discourses, but perhaps social and cultural changes.

• Geometric graphemes: representation of geometric figures related to physical space, stars, silhouettes, lines, etc., linked to cognitive activity.

The thinking of the people of the ancient world was graphed ("wrote") in different supports, but today we do it in the paper support or electronic screens.

“Quilcas de Pintay Machay y su importancia como demarcador fronterizo entre los Guancas y Taramas-Chinchaycochas, dos culturas regionales del Intermedio Tardío desarrollados en el actual departamento de Junín” / “Pintay machay´s quilcas and its importance as a border demarcation between Guancas and Taramas-Chinchaycochas, two late Intermediate Period regional cultures in the actual department of Junín” Irvin Lucio Navarro Amaro En este trabajo expondremos un análisis general que realizamos a las quilcas pictóricas de Pintay Machya, ubicadas en la zona sur del actual distrito de Huaricolca, provincia de Tarma. En esta exposición, detallaremos las características pictóricas de estas quilcas, su soporte y entorno inmediato. Así mismo, en base a estas descripciones y análisis de las mismas, propondremos algunas interpretaciones de lo que habrían representado estas quilcas, tanto en el ámbito cognitivo de la población prehispánica de esta región y la relevancia política que tuvieron entre los Taramas-Chinchaycochas y Guancas, durante el Intermedio y Horizonte Tardío.

“Chulpas y quilcas: el culto a los ancestros en Cajacay, Ancash” / “Chulpas and quilcas: the ancestors cult at Cajacay, Ancash” Pieter van Dalen Luna & Yesenia Huashuayo Casavilca La cuenca alta del río Fortaleza, es un territorio compartido por las provincias de Recuay y Bolognesi, en el departamento de Ancash. En los últimos dos años hemos venido realizando el Catastro e Inventario de sitios arqueológicos en la provincia de Bolognesi, territorio conformado por

22 15 distritos, uno de estos Cajacay. En total, hemos registrado cerca de 650 sitios arqueológicos, entre estos numerosos sitios con pinturas rupestres.

Los sitios con quilcas se encuentran ubicados en cuevas, abrigos rocosos o grandes rocas aisladas (ubicadas en medio del valle o laderas).

La mayoría de sitios con quilcas, se encuentran asociados a chulpas que se han edificado en la parte baja, las cuales tienen planta rectangular y cuadrangular, con entierros múltiples al interior. Las quilcas están conformadas por motivos circulares simples, circulares con punto concéntrico, zoomorfos (camélidos, serpientes, aves), antropomorfos, geométricos y en áreas.

Los sitios con quilcas corresponden a diferentes periodos culturales, desde el precerámico hasta el Tawantinsuyu.

Hasta la actualidad, los campesinos y ganaderos siguen transitando por estos sitios, dejando una serie de ofrendas, como conopas, para que las divinidades andinas los provean de agua y abundancia en su producción. Incluso, se han encontrado entierros contemporáneos (hace 30 años) cerca de las pinturas, entre estos restos de senderistas que han sido enterrados con su propaganda, en tumbas muy similares a las chulpas, pero contemporáneas.

“Cronología, funcionalidad y externalidades etnográficas de los petroglifos de Miculla, Tacna - Perú” / “Chronology, functionality and ethnographic externalities in the petroglyphs of Miculla, Tacna – Peru” Jesús Gordillo Begazo & Gori-Tumi Echevarría López Se propone una secuencia y cronología del sitio arqueológico de Miculla basada en el registro visual, con proposiciones sobre la contemporaneidad, secuencias de producción y relaciones históricas de las quilcas. Se trata en particular, de iniciar el debate sobre una necesaria revisión de los aspectos formales e históricos de uno de los sitios de quilcas más grandes del planeta. El tema funcional de las quilcas también ha sido parte de la discusión desde los trabajos de los años ochenta, promovidos por los arqueólogos de Tacna y la región, donde el tema ceremonial y ritual vinculado al cuto del agua es uno de los argumentos más sólidos. El espacio del sitio arqueológico de Miculla aún sigue siendo sacralizado por yatiris actuales, y el simbolismo

de su iconografía se ha mantenido en el tiempo mediante su representación contemporánea, como parte de la identidad de los pobladores de Tacna.

SESIÓN 3 Sitios con quilcas o arte rupestre como espacios sagrados / Rock art sites as sacral spaces Coordinador / Chaired by Roy Querejazu Lewis

Contenido de la sesión / Session rationale Actualmente en las regiones andinas y otras áreas del mundo, llamamos "espacios sagrados" a aquellos sitios (en este caso con arte rupestre) que siguen siendo venerados por las comunidades actuales por considerar que poseen alguna "fuerza" o "poder" que pudiera dar lugar a una acción positiva o negativa (maléfica). Estos sitios son generalmente sometidos a un "re-uso" por medio de ofrendas, ritos o festividades. Lo que permanece es el carácter sagrado, pues los lugareños actuales (en la mayoría de los casos) no han participado en la producción del arte rupestre.

In the Andean region and on other zones of the world we call “sacral spaces” those sites (in this case with rock art) that still are venerated by extant communities, which consider that these sites possess “force” or “power” that could provoke a positive or negative (malefic) action.

These sites are generally subject of reuse by means of offerings, rituals or festivities. What remains is the sacred character, because the local inhabitants (in most of the cases) never participate in the production of the rock art.

Resúmenes / Abtracts "Rock art sites and temples in India" / “Arte rupestre y templos en India” Meenakshi Dubey-Pathak & Jean Clottes In India rock art sites are still sacred and currently frequented to hold ceremonies. This may take three main forms, the first one respecting the art, while the other two are ritually detrimental to its preservation.

Firstly, People from the local tribes (Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh) will go to the painted sites for various festivals in the

23 year and hold there ceremonies (fires, deposits of offerings) directed by their local “priest” or “shaman”. They may touch the walls and add handprints, dots and finger prints to the paintings, but they generally respect them.

Secondly, quite common is having a sort of altar or sanctuary built for one of the Hindu divinities in one corner of the shelter. This may be accompanied by religious scribbling’s on the painted walls.

And thirdly when the painted site is entirely taken over to turn the shelter into a habitation for a hermit or into a kind of Hindu temple.

Then all or most of the paintings may be erased or covered with modern paint and sometime with the images of the Hindu God and Goddess!!

Aparte de muy pocos sitios, no ha habido producción de arte rupestre en Bolivia durante el período Republicano, pero sí ha habido una actividad de re-uso en algunos sitios con arte rupestre en la región andina. Este artículo presenta la esencia de este concepto etnográfico relacionado actualmente con estos sitios con arte rupestre. En otras palabras, incluye un enfoque etnográfico relacionado con aquellos sitios con arte rupestre que reciben una variedad de expresiones culturales (ofrendas). Se hace un repaso de los diferentes tipos de ofrendas dirigidas a los "poderes sobrenaturales" (sangre, leche, hojas de coca masticada, piedras, artefactos arqueológicos, fósiles, plumas y otros), comenzando por la investigación etnográfica realizada por Rafael Karsten, y luego, haciendo alusión a la función ritual prehispánica de algunas cúpulas.

"Más allá de los espacios sagrados: una reflexión sobre la relación entre el arte rupestre, el espacio y los otros seres no-humanos desde el centro norte de Chile" / “Beyond the sacred spaces: a though about the relation between rock art, space and other no-human beings, from norcentral Chile” Andrés Troncoso - Departamento de Antropología Universidad de Chile

“Análisis e interpretación del arte rupestre de la red de caminos del Parque Arqueológico Nacional de Machupicchu” / “The rock art at the road web of the Machupicchu Archaeological National Park, analysis and interpretation” Francisco Huarcaya Quispe

Tradicionalmente se ha considerado a los sitios de arte rupestre como espacios sagrados.

Sin embargo, bajo esa premisa existe el supuesto de una separación entre lo sagrado y lo profano que no es siempre aplicable a contextos andinos.

En contraposición, y siguiendo la idea de lugares poderosos planteados en el resumen de la sesión 3, en este trabajo discutimos como el proceso de hacer arte rupestre en la zona centro norte de Chile fue una estrategia de articulación y mediación entre los humanos y una serie de otros-no-humanos, los que en su totalidad conformaban una comunidad extendida. Realizamos esta discusión a partir de combinar un análisis espacial del arte rupestre realizado por los grupos Diaguita entre el 1.000 y 1.450 d.C. con modelos provenientes de la etnografía andina y las propuestas ontológicas de P. Descola.

"Arte rupestre en Bolivia a través de la etnografía (espacios sagrados con arte rupestre)" / “Rock art in Bolivia through ethnography” Roy Querejazu Lewis - Asociación de Estudios del Arte Rupestre de Cochabamba (AEARC)

Las pinturas rupestres del camino Inka del Santuario Histórico y Natural de Machupicchu, son un documento sobre la mágica religión que estuvo vinculada a la vida de nuestros antepasados; material para el estudio del hombre y el medio geográfico.

El estudio del arte rupestre impone la necesidad de establecer métodos y procedimientos que produzcan información sobre estos testimonios gráficos e incrementen el conocimiento arqueológico de nuestra región.

“Rock art intercultural investigations under circumstances of threat to indigenous cultural, territorial and ecological rights in brazilian Amazonia – The case of Munduruku people from middle Tapajos river, Para state, Brazil” / “Investigaciones interculturales en arte rupestre bajo circunstancias de amenza a los derechos culturales, territoriales y ecologicos indígenas en la Amazonia brasilera. El caso del pueblo Munduruku del río Tapajos medio, Estado de Pará, Brazil” Raoni Valle – Federal University of Western Para– UFOPA; Jairo Saw Munduruku – Munduruku Indigenous

24 Association of Middle Tapajos River – PAHYHY’P In 2015 two campaigns were settled aiming the location and documentation of Munduruku sacred places containing rock art in the rapids of Middle Tapajos River, Para State, Brazilian Amazonia. These campaigns were executed by an intercultural team of researchers composed by a Munduruku professor and historian and a nonIndigenous rock art archaeologist. In that process, they exchanged concepts and procedures, as well as, produced some considerations regarding rock art phenomenon applying both knowledge theories, Munduruku and Western Archaeological. Through that, they performed what they problematized as an “interepistemological” approach of rock art investigation. Basically, the search algorithm for locating the sites was the traditional narrative of one of the Munduruku demiurges, Muraycoko, who is considered the rock art original maker in their oral historiography, mainly associated to red pictograms, Wuyta`a Surabudodot, and only disputably associated to petroglyphs, Wuyta`a Ybararakat. Despite knowing the narrative, the Munduruku historian and other elders did not know the exact location of the sites, just its general area of probable occurrence. Normally, they avoid the physical proximity with rock art due to its sacrality and also dangerousness, only accessible to specifically trained shamans. However, this area was and still are under severe menace of being irremediably and extensively destroyed by a mega-dam project, the Sao Luiz do Tapajos Dam. Since the beginning of the Brazilian Government's planning, in the eighties, for building an entire dam complex throughout the upper and middle Tapajos River Basin, heartland of the Munduruku traditional territory, this Indigenous group have been fiercely fighting against governmental hydrolectric and mining developmentalism in the region. The effort towards the precise location of Muraycoko sacred places in that area was designed by some Munduruku elders and leaderships together with Western archaeological collaborators as a strategy to provide cultural and historical elements demonstrating by means of rock art evidence the importance and deep meaning of those rock art places to Munduruku's oral tradition and landscaping, as one more weapon to juridically oppose governmental initiative. It resulted in the location of a cluster of petroglyphs, a common occurrence in Amazonian riverine ecosystems,

but also, in the discovery of faint red pictograms indisputably associated to Muraycoko agency and also constituting a rarity considering conservation parameters in that tropical humid riverine environmental setting. An intercultural report was, then, produced in order to notify Brazilian Public Ministry to open one more judicial representation against Governmental dam's project in Tapajos river based on the evidence discovered and their importance to Munduruku's Intangible Cultural Heritage. The present communication aims to offer a brief account of this process.

“Cultura Harakbut y su territorio sagrado, (Woa’ndari) en la Amazonia sur del Perú” / “The Harakbut culture an its sacred territory (Woa’ndari) in Peru´s south Amazonia” Jaime Corisepa Neri, Fermin Chimatani Tayori, Luis Tayori Kendero, Klaus Quicque Bolivar, Juan Pablo Alva & Natividad Quillahuaman La Nación Harakbut es uno de los pocos pueblos amazónicos originarios, oriundos de la selva sur oriental de la amazonia peruana, según las memorias de los sabios que nos acompañan física y espiritualmente, el pueblo no evidencia movilización, por ende ancestralmente ha ocupado una vasta extensión de una porción considerable del departamento amazónico de Madre de Dios.

Los Harakbut, dependemos de nuestro territorio sagrado porque ahí están los elementos básicos para la pervivencia: el agua limpia, el bosque los animales, el aire puro, nuestra cultura la espiritualidad a través de ella adquirimos conocimientos biológicos y espiritual, así como; los cantos, danzas el sine, nuestras pinturas corporales, las curaciones entre otros, que están relacionado con la naturaleza que nos rodea y nuestra cultura.

En esta conferencia trataremos además elementos de la cultura Harakbut que incluyen la etnocartografía, las expresiones gráficas (iconografías), y sobre el gran sitio sagrado (Rostro Harakbut).

SESIÓN 4 Uso Ceremonial de Sitios con Quilcas o Arte Rupestre, pasado y presente / Ceremonial use of rock art sites, past and present Coordinadores / Chaired by Gori-Tumi Echevarría López & Luz Marina Monrroy Quiñones

25 Contenido de la sesión / Session rationale Salvo pocos ejemplos etnográficos, el uso de los sitios con quilcas o arte rupestre en el mundo sigue siendo mayoritariamente desconocido; no teniéndose una idea cabal de su función y su papel en las sociedades antiguas.

Esto se complica cuando se corrobora, desde el punto de vista etnográfico o arqueológico, que incluso en casos de la existencia de arte rupestre formal y técnicamente similar, los usos han podido ser variados. Dentro de este panorama, uno de los aspectos más regulares de la comprensión e interpretación de los sitios con arte rupestre ha sido proponer su vinculación a usos de tipo ceremonial, los cuales son vigentes en el registro etnográfico de muchos sitios a nivel mundial.

Esta sesión tiene como objetivo la determinación del uso de los sitios con quilcas o arte rupestre, pasados y presentes, con énfasis en los aspectos sagrados y rituales de este uso, poniendo en evidencia incluso usos no sagrados del mismo. Lo que se busca, es poner en evidencia de manera técnica, cual ha sido la función de los sitios con quilcas y su connotación ideológica.

Except for a few ethnographic examples, the use of rock art sites in the world is still unknown and we have not a defined idea about its role and function in ancient societies. This becomes complicated when we corroborate, from an ethnographic or archaeological point of view, that even in cases or formal and technical similarity, the use could had been different. Within this panorama one of the most common aspects to understand rock art has been the proposition of its relation with ceremonial uses, which are common in the ethnographic record of many sites in the world. The objective of this session is the determination of the use of the rock art sites, past and present, with emphasis in the sacred and ritualistic aspects of this use, also putting in evidence sacred uses. What we seek is to expose in a technical and scientific way the function of rock art sites and their ideological connotations.

Resúmenes / Abtracts "El uso ceremonial de sitios con arte rupestre en la amazonía brasileña. Evidencias y posibilidades de interpretación" / “The ceremonial use of rock art sites in brazilian Amazonia. Evidences and

possibilities of interpretation” Edithe Pereira, Anne Rapp Py Daniel, Hannah Nascimento, Carlos Augusto Palheta Barbosa & Vinicius Honorato Las pinturas y los grabados rupestres en Amazonía brasileña están ubicados principalmente en lugares a cielo aberto, pero existen también en abrigos y cuevas donde, por su posición se puede verlas con la luz natural. Contrário de esta situación y en cantidad más pequena, existen pinturas y grabados localizados en zonas de penumbra y afóticas en el interior profundo de cuevas, donde solo se puede verlas con ayuda de luz artificial.

En los dos casos, hay sítios arqueológicos donde el arte rupestre es el único vestígio encontrado.

En esta ponencia seran presentados sítios arqueológicos localizados en los municípios de Rurópolis y Monte Alegre, en el Estado de Pará, cuyos contextos evocan cuestiones importantes sobre las posibilidades de uso ceremonial relacionado a la ejecución del arte rupestre en el pasado.

“Arte rupestre e práticas sacralizadas: incorporação de diferentes temporalidades em sítios arqueológicos no nordeste do Brasil” / “Rock art and sacralized practices: incorporation of different temporalities in archaeological sites in northeast Brazil” Marcélia Marques A coexistência de vestígios arqueológicos pré-históricos e históricos é bastante constatada nos mais diversos contextos paisagísticos. No nordeste do Brasil, em zonas rurais dos estados do Piauí e Ceará, sítios arqueológicos de arte rupestre (Pedra do Castelo e Furna dos Caboclos I e Furna dos Caboclos II) foram revisitados ou reutilizados por fiéis cristãos movidos por espírito religioso.

A cruz, emblema cristão, está presente em todos os sítios e, de certa forma, afirma a sacralização e reconquista destes espaços no presente. Além do aspecto religioso, a memória de um massacre indígena em sua repercussão política no contexto atual é revivida em um dos sítios de arte rupestre.

O respeito à permanência de documentos materiais e de práticas culturais, envolvendo diferentes temporalidades (passado e presente), é uma forma de assegurar a multiplicidade de vozes que emanam destes acervos.

The coexistence of prehistorical and

26 historical archeological vestiges is a lot certified in the most different landscapes contexts. In Brazil’s Northeast, on rural zones of states such as Piauí and Ceará, archaeological sites of rock art (Pedra do Castelo, Toca do Cruzeiro e Furna dos Caboclos I e Furna dos Caboclos II) were revisited or reused

by Christians followers moved by the religious spirit. The cross, a Christian symbol, is present in all of the sites and, in a certain manner, affirms the sacralization and reconquest of these spaces in the present. Besides the religious aspect, the memory of an indigenous carnage in its political repercussion in the actual context is revived in one of the rock art sites. The respect to the permanency of materials documents and cultural practices, involving different temporalities (past and present), is a way to ensure the multiplicity of voices that emanate of these heaps.

goddess of love and fertility. Despite more than 1400 years of intensive censure of pre-Islamic practices and the proscription of iconic art, the Bedouin of the Najran desert region have secretly continued to revere this female deity and to produce her images on rock. Despite great stylistic latitude in the style of her depictions, she is easily recognisable by her standard attributes and her likeness has been reproduced up to the 20th century. In a number of cases her images have been the subject of recent supplication rituals.

"Janin Cave in central Arabia and its possible religious or mystical role in ancient Arabian communities" / “La cueva Janin en Arabia central y su possible rol mítico o religioso en las antiguas comunidades de Arabia” Dr. Abdullah M Alsharekh - Department of Archaeology, King Saud University, Saudi Arabia.

For the Yaburara people of Murujuga, the coming of European settlement to the north west of Australia in the 1860s was not a good thing. A smallpox epidemic in 1866, followed in February 1868 by the events known as the ‘Flying Foam Massacre’ all but whipped them out. In the twentieth century, government policies, kept people off the islands, clustered around the sheep stations and isolated towns. When heavy industry came to Murujuga in the 1960s, Aboriginal people where not considered. Now, in the twenty-first century, people are using their cultural knowledge from the mainland to read the totemic and ritual space through the rock art of Murujuga and the Dampier Archipelago, Western Australia.

Janin Cave is one of the most important rock art sites documented in the Hail region in Saudi Arabia. It's unique art composition and varieties makes it distinct from many sites in Arabia. The cave is a natural cavity on the slope of a sandstone mountain, and has a depth of about 15 meters. Both, the external and internal walls of the cave have many rock art motives, but mainly tens of engraved hands.

The high quantity of engraved hands raise the question about the site's role in antiquity, and the possibility of it having a religious/mystical significance.

This paper aims at illustrating the site's importance and the various theories that can be put forward to explain its past social role.

“The goddess Alia in rock art” / “La diosa Alia en arte rupestre” Robert G. Bednarik In the south of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the production and ritual use of rock art has continued to the present time. Alia is a preIslamic legendary princess and venerated as the

"Mapping Murujuga: using rock art to reacquire a spiritual landscape" / “Mapeando Murujuga: usando el arte rupestre para readquirir un paisaje spiritual” Dr Ken Mulvaney - Principal Advisor Cultural Heritage. Communities and Communications

"Ceremonial uses of Wardaman site Complex NT Australia" / “Usos ceremoniales de un sitio complejo Wardaman, Australia NT” Julie Drew - Master of Philosophy Archaeology University of Sydney 2001 In Wardaman Country, 2000 square kilometres west of Katherine in the Northern Territory of Australia these people use the rock art sites created by their ancestors to impart the knowledge and laws of their land. Wardaman people say that the use of the rock art in their country varies according to the purpose of the visit. I will discuss with video clips of the sites the various ceremonial uses of the Moon Dreaming site complex in Wardaman Country. The senior female elder revisited these rock art sites with me

27 and her granddaughters to explain the knowledge and stories about understanding the laws of her country. These images and engravings hold within them the sacred and ritual aspects of both the women's and men's business at puberty which is handed down from one generation to the next.

"Rock art ceremonies of central Tanzania heritage: past and present" / “Ceremonias rupestres en la herencia de Tazmania central: pasado y presente” Krishna Rao, Sadasivuni and Temu, E.L. African continent is known for potential rock art. Tanzania in the East Africa is also resourceful for paintings and engravings. Especially Central Tanzania region is fertile for rock art evidence. Our visit to Kolo Kondoa, Singida and other areas of Central Tanzania revealed that the painted rock shelters and caves are popularly known for living places of spirits where the indigenous traditional practitioners/ rainmakers conduct ceremonies for disease cure and rain making. What is important is that these practitioners ceremoniously offer prayers along with animal sacrifice and local beer to the spirits attributed to the painted caves and rock shelters.

At the same time the food that is cooked at the rock art site is enjoyed by all villagers after ceremonious offering of the same to the ancestors.

The indigenous communities living nearby these archaeological sites continue such practices for their welfare since generations.

"Dense metaphors: rock art as the cosmos" / "Metáforas densas: el arte rupestre como el cosmos" H. Denise Smith, Ph.D. Located in on the edge of Atlanta, Georgia (US) in Fulton County, an extraordinary pair of rock forms sit behind a local church. One stands more than two meters tall and resembles a raptor, usually described it as an owl. Approximately thirty meters away is a large, roughly spherical boulder known to many as Turtle Rock. The author will argue that these forms actually represent a peregrine falcon and a serpent's head.

Drawing on the symbolism of ancient Mississippian culture, the author will hypothesize that these two forms, located on the edge of what is thought to be an ancient ceremonial ground, were intended to symbolize the cosmos.

Localizado en el borde de Atlanta, Georgia (EEUU) en el condado de Fulton, un par de rocas en formas extraordinarias se localiza detrás de una iglesia local. Una mide más de dos metros de altura y se asemeja a un rapaz, pero se describe generalmente como un búho. Aproximadamente treinta metros de distancia es otra roca grande y aproximadamente esférica, que es conocida por muchos como Turtle Rock (Roca de tortuga). El autor argumentará que estas formas actualmente representan aún halcón peregrino y una cabeza de serpiente. Basándose en el simbolismo de la antigua cultura del Misssisipi, el autor planteará la hipótesis de que estas dos formar rocosas localizadas en el borde de lo que se cree que es un terreno ceremonial tenían por objeto simbolizar los cosmos.

"Rock painting of Likhichhaj: a review" / “Pinturas rupestres de Likhichhaj: una revision” Lallesh Kumar - Researcher (M. Phil/NET-JRF) Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior, India Mamta Kumari - Researcher (Ph.d), Department of History, Jiwaji University, Gwalior, India Likhichhaj, Pahargarh town, Sub-district Joura, District Morena, Madhya Pradesh, India is located on left bank of Ashan River, a tributary of Chambal River. It is situated south-east about 15 km away from sub-district headquarter Joura and 45 km away from district headquarter Morena.

Likhichhaj means a hill bending onward like a balcony. Many pictures are drawn on balcony in the red colour of Geru and Khariya. Besides Likhichhaj, several other shelters and rock painting sites have also been Neechta, Kundighat, Baradeh, Ranideh, Khajura, Keetya, Hawamahal on the same River. There are many natural rock shelters that are natural inhabitation for men and animals.

Many of which contain paintings executed in a style that reminds of the Neolithic and historic period. The subject matter generally deals with battle scenes, warriors with bows and arrows, hunting and dancing scenes, Hunting of Snake by Peacock and different animal figures. Dwarikesh (Dwarika Prasad Sharma) of Michigan University conducted his explorations in 1979 on the river Ashan and discovered a large number of rock shelters at Likhichhaj.

Morena district is located in the northern part of the state, bordered by Rajasthan on west

28 and Uttar Pradesh on the North. The adjacent districts are Gwalior and Bhind in the east and sheopuri Kalan in the south. The district is bounded by north latitudes, 260.05’- 260.42’ and east longitudes, 770-05’-780.30’ and is covering area of 4988 sq km. The climate of Morena district is characterized by a hot summer and general dryness except the south west monsoon season.

The normal annual rainfall of Morena district is 753.7 mm. Morena district receive maximum rainfall during south west monsoon period i.e.

June to September. About 91.8 % of the annual rainfall received during monsoon season. The normal maximum temperature during the month of May is 42.10C and minimum during the month of January is 7.10C. SESIÓN 5 Interpretaciones Tradicionales de Sitios con Quilcas o Arte Rupestre / Traditional interpretations of sites with rock art Coordinador / Chaired by Raoni Valle

Contenido de la sesión / Session rationale Esta sesión busca la construcción de un espacio para ponencias directas de conocedores indígenas y/o tradicionales, con perspectivas culturales y epistemológicas diversas, más allá de la occidental-eurocentrista. De esta forma se intenta poner en consideración diferentes interpretaciones hacia el fenómeno del arte rupestre o quilcas (fenómeno grafico en la lengua y cognición Quechua), las que no siguen necesariamente una línea equivalente con la arqueología científica.

This session intends to create preferential space to Indigenous, aborigines, natives, originals or traditional people to express their direct perspectives in terms of rock art knowledge or knowledge on Quilcas (graphic phenomenon in Quechua language family and cognition). That is, this session is committed to embrace non- estern/ non-Eurocentric perspectives, not necessarily in line with scientific archaeology.

Resúmenes / Abtracts “Folklore and rock art: a study of Uraon tribal myths” / “Folklore y arte rupestre: un studio de los mitos de las tribus Uraon”

Sachin Kr Tiwary., Ph.D. - Assistant Professor, Department of Ancient Indian History Culture and Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University It is always stated by several scholars of archaeology, history, anthropology and various discipline in these subjects that, Rock Art is dead subject because of no historicity, contextivity and dating. The present attempt is proving a fact about the historicity, though in historical context, but we have the Historicity of the Rock art in light of folklores. An Ethno Rock Art attempt has already proved the decoding of many enigmatic issues.

The present work is based on the ethnographic data and folklore prevalent among the tribes, semi-tribes such as Kharwar and Oraon etc of the Kaimur region. The folklore which is in various ragas is opening a new way of thinking towards the writing of regional history based on folklore rather than the material culture which we retrieve and interpret on that base as the cultural identity of this region. If the folklore explains that the particular region was inhabited by some regional groups at a particular time, so in this condition it’s better to name that particular phase or period as that regional historical group name, rather than the name based on material culture.

The recent study of Kaimur Kudukh myths and legends are revealing several facts such as the origin of Oraon, migration by force, war between Chero and Kharwar, the fort and army features, their traditional play, role of a women etc. In spite of these their traditional worship gods.

In the present paper the author has made an attempt to prove that the myths in which the story is told tells about the importance of elephant, war, role of female etc. as illustrated in the rock shelter of the Kaimur region. The folklore is the best source to now the actual past event by way of folktales and myths. Through these folklores one can easily reconstruct the regional history of the region.

“Meaning in Arabian rock art” / “Significado en el arte rupestre de Arabia” Robert G. Bednarik The meaning of rock art cannot be known within a scientific framework unless credible ethnographic knowledge can be obtained, because pareidolic interpretation of rock art by cultural

29 outsiders offers no testability. Ethnographic interpretation involves either the witness account of the rock artist or a highly knowledgeable elder from the tradition in question; or the content of a rock inscription executed with the rock art and referring to it. The deserts of Arabia contain tens of thousands of rock inscriptions, many of them associated with rock art and translatable. Some of these scripts serve to explain the rock art’s meaning, thus providing credible interpretations acceptable to science.

“Movement, narrative, and gathering: a performative alternative in prehistory and and rock art interpretation” / “Movimiento, narrativa y recolección: una alternativa de performance en la prehistoria y en la interpretación de arte rupestre” David Turnbull - Victorian Eco-Innovation Lab (VEIL), Melbourne School of Design, University of Melbourne The paper proposes a performative alternative to western scientific orthodoxies in prehistory and rock art interpretation. It argues that knowledge production in all traditions is profoundly spatial and narratological being shaped and constructed in movement through the world connecting people, places, and practices in knowledge spaces. Differing traditions both within western sciences and across cultures deploy differing ontologies and narratives with differing spatialities and socio-cultural techniques in enabling knowledge to be moved and assembled. The paper examines ways in which these differing ontologies can be held in productive tension drawing on examples from Australian Aboriginal rock art traditions, from controversies in South American prehistory, and from recent work in embodied cognition.

"Espíritu Bautista del pueblo Yanesha. Una experiencia etnográfica en Checta, un sitio con quilcas en la costa central del Perú" / “Espíritu Bautista from Yanesha people. An ethnographic experience in Checta, a quilcas site on the central coast of Peru" Gori-Tumi Echevarría López & Pedro Vargas Espíritu Bautista fue un indígena de la nación Yanesha de la selva central del Perú, siendo uno de los conocedores más conspicuos y sabios sobre las tradiciones y costumbres ancestrales de

su pueblo y de otras poblaciones amazónicas. El año 2014 invitamos a Espíritu al sitio arqueológico con quilcas de Checta en Lima para una vista de reconocimiento, con impresionantes resultados.

Usando su poderosa memoria ancestral Espíritu recordó el sitio arqueológico, informándonos sobre su uso y significado social, además de interactuar con algunas imágenes marcadas en la roca. Al habernos comunicado sus impresiones y sus recuerdos del sitio, Espíritu se convirtió en el primer informante amazónico de un sitio con quilcas yungas en el Perú lo cual tiene notables implicancias culturales para la interpretación de los sitios con quilcas en los Andes Esta ponencia es un homenaje y revalorización de la memoria de nuestro ancestro, maestro, guía y hermano Espíritu.

Espíritu Bautista was a native man from Yanesha nation of the central amazon of Peru, being one of the most conspicuous and wise connoisseurs on the traditions and ancestral customs of his people and other Amazonian populations. In 2014, we invited Espíritu to the quilcas archaeological site of Checta in Lima for a reconnaissance visit with impressive results. Using his powerful ancestral memory Espíritu recalled the archaeological site, informing us about its use and social meaning, in addition to interacting with some images marked on the rock. Having communicated his impressions and his memories of the site, Espiritu became the first Amazonian informant of a site with quilcas yungas in Peru which has remarkable cultural implications for the interpretation of this type of archeological sites in the Andes.

This presentation is a tribute and revaluation of the memory of our ancestor, teacher, guide and brother Espíritu.

“UTÃ WORI (pedra desenhada) - Perspectivas Tuyuka” / “UTÃ WORI (rock desenhada) Tuyuka Perspectives” Prof. Higino Pimentel Tenório Tuyuka - SEMEC – São Gabriel da Cachoeira / Foirn As artes e tecnologias Tuyuka estão gravadas nas pedras, não separam ou fragmentam nosso conhecimento, nem nossa vida. Não separam a comunidade da vida da floresta, vida da água, vidas dos animais, dos peixes, das serras, da terra. Nossa sociedade não se organiza só para

30 o bem de uma pessoa, é organizado para o bem coletivo.

Adornos de danças, enfeites, cuias de vida, suporte da cuia estão gravados nas pedras do Rio Negro, continuam a existir no Rio Negro como símbolo da marca rota por onde os ancestrais de transformação subiram até o Buraco de Transformação em Ipanoré Tudo o que é doce é chamado fruto de leite, e dá a vida. Todos os sumos doces que a floresta oferece são chamados sumo de leite, leite para a vida da humanidade. Respeitamos essa mata e a essa terra por que dela saímos. Respeitamos as serras, por que são Casas deTransformação.

Utãwori, encontra-se nas pedras dos rios, nas pedras das serras. Gravuras nas pedras têm múltiplos valores simbólicos na Cultura dos povos indígenas do Rio Negro, quer na história da Transformação, na ocupação dos territórios, proteção e cura da saúde, na estética física, na relação social, na relação de parentesco, no artesanato, na cerâmica, no ritual de xamanismo, nos rituais de danças tradicionais e nos rituais de iniciação dos jovens com flautas sagradas.

Conhecimentos bem elaborados atribuindo-os para cada Gênero.

Os rios, por que são Rios de Transformação, onde nascemos, onde tomamos a água pura, das Malocas (Casas de moradia), Casas de Transformação, seus esteios, são Esteios de Transformação, seus telhados, Cobertura de Transformação, travessões, Travessões de Transformação, por que representam o mundo os ossos do corpo e poder das pessoas. As Casas representam a Transformação do Povo no início dos tempos, através da Cobra Grande que fez transformar a humanidade, num processo enquanto subia no rio de leite.

Os antigos respeitavam mais os rios, cachoeiras, os espíritos das florestas, os espíritos dos peixes, espíritos da mata, por que fazem parte da mesma história de transformação; por que rios, florestas, animais, tudo tem relação com a vida humana. Eles, que não puderam se transformar como humanidade viva; têm inveja, brincam e agridem, dão doenças. Daí surge o respeito e todas cerimonias de proteção e cura. O conhecimento que não separa a espiritualidade entre as coisas, sempre respeitou o meio ambiente, como parte da humanidade. (Basoka Niretirere Padeore - cultura de respeito).

Hoje sofremos grande impacto da chegada

de outras culturas e civilizações, de outros conhecimentos que pretenderam sobrepor aos nossos.

“UTÃ WORITIRE – A preliminary experience of intercultural/interepistemological theory-building on the lower Negro river petroglyphs, Amazonas, Brazil” / “UTÃ WORITIRE – Una experiencia preliminar de construcción teórica intercultural/ interepistemológica en los petroglifos debajo río Negro, Amazonas, Brasil” Poani Higino Pimentel Tenório Tuyuka - SEMEC – São Gabriel da Cachoeira / Foirn Prof. Raoni Valle - Federal University of Western Para - UFOPA Amazonian Indigenous people possess diverse and complex theories about the phenomenon that non-Indigenous archaeologists define as Rock Art. However, ethnographic or archaeological works on that subject are scarce pointing to the invisibility of the phenomenon (Amazonian rock art Indigenous theories) and/or a lack of interest from those disciplines in problematize such epistemic field in a more systematic and indepth manner. Therefore, this present proposal constitutes a provocation regarding this theoretical silence that permeates Amazonianist rock art ethnography and archaeology. This field of investigation in Amazonia could be understood as a “gray area” where little ethnographic and archaeological understanding was provided regarding these relationships among people, rocks, graphics and knowledge in Amazonian biome. By other hand, Indigenous knowledgeable people themselves never ceased thinking on that subject, inserting rock art in effective Basoka Niretirere Padeore (“Cultures of Respect”) materialized in meaningful and sacred places with Nimuãtirigere Masire (“Art-Mythology”) This proposal is based on an exchange of ideas between a Native Amazonian Tuyuka professor-researcher and a non-Indigenous rock art archaeologist during an intercultural field work for the survey of petroglyph sites in the lower Negro River basin, Amazonas state, Brazil. This effort permitted a preliminary theoretical dialogue between Tuyuka and Archaeological perspectives on rock art aiming the tentative advance of an interepistemological theory-building strategy regarding the lower Negro River rock art. This communication intends to give a brief account of that experience.

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Código de Ética Premisas •

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Las quilcas o el arte rupestre constituyen un objeto arqueológico y por lo tanto un patrimonio nacional. Esto quiere decir que este material se encuentra protegido y amparado por las leyes peruanas del patrimonio cultural y arqueológico.

Las quilcas son una herencia cultural del pasado. Hay 4 tipos de quilcas en el Perú: Pictografías, Petroglifos, Arte Mobiliar de Tradición Rupestre y Geoglifos (Fig. 1).

La s qui l cas pres en t an l as s i g u i e n t e s características: el motivo o la figuración, el soporte (incluye el suelo), el entorno inmediato, y el paisaje (Fig. 2). En conjunto estas características configuran el sitio arqueológico con quilcas o arte rupestre.

Todos los peruanos tienen derecho y el deber de apreciar, estudiar y proteger las quilcas.

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Comportamiento ético 1. Comunicar siempre su ingreso a los sitios que estén bajo custodia o supervisión, sea éste del Estado o particular (comunidad campesina, asociación comunitaria, etc.). Si existen reglamentos internos de visitas, seguir este reglamento y cumplir con los requerimientos estipulados en el mismo.

2. Entender conscientemente el encontrarse en

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un lugar que es un repositorio cultural antiguo, un lugar con reliquias expuestas. Por tanto se requiere un comportamiento acorde a esta situación.

Observar las quilcas siempre desde una distancia prudencial.

No debe explorarse o intervenirse físicamente las quilcas en ninguna forma. No debe tocarse, pintarse, rasparse, tizarse, mojarse, escalarse, etc.

No se debe alterar de ninguna forma el entorno en el cual las quilcas están inscritas.

No se debe remover o disturbar el suelo de ninguna manera. No hacer fogatas, campamentos, construcciones, etc., en zonas cercanas a los sitios con quilcas.

No se debe levantar, colectar o coleccionar cualquier material cultural asociado a los sitios arqueológicos con quilcas, sean estos cerámica, lítico, hueso, o cualquier otro material similar.

Esta recomendación incluye también muestras botánicas (plantas y/o árboles), y muestras minerales y fósiles.

No se debe dejar en el área nada extraño al entorno y al sitio arqueológico con quilcas, esto incluye artefactos modernos, basura, etc.

Se debe recordar que todo daño a un sitio arqueológico con quilcas, siendo este patrimonio nacional, constituye un delito contra el patrimonio cultural que es sujeto a penalidades legales.

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Ethic Code Premises •

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Quilca or rock rt is an archaeological object and therefore a national patrimony. This means that rock art is protected by Peruvian laws of cultural and archaeological patrimony.

Quilca is a past cultural heritage. There are four types of quilcas in Peru: Pictograms, Petroglyphs, Mobiliary Art, and Geoglyphs (Fig. 1).

Quilca includes the following features: the figuration or motif (made by paint, percussion, or other techniques), the support (the rock, the rock outcrop, land floor, etc.) the immediate environment, and the landscape or the atmospheric environment. As a whole these features configure the archaeological site of quilcas or rock art.

All the Peruvians have the right and the duty to appreciate, protect and study the national rock art having in mind the following aspects:

Visitors ethical behavior 1. Always communicate the entry to the sites with quilcas or rock art that are under custody or supervision, of the state (Ministry of Culture for example), or individual (Ayllus, Peasant Community, associations, etc.) If internal procedures of visits exist, follow this regulation and fulfill its stipulated requirements.

2. Understand consciously being in a place with exposed relics or an old art repository.

Therefore an appropriate behavior to this situation is required.

3. Always observe the rock art from a prudential distance.

4. Never interfere physically the rock art in no way. It must never be clean, paint, scrape, make wet, scale, or touch in any manner, direct or indirect.

5. Never alter in no way the surroundings environment in which the rock art are included. Never remove the ground, make bonfires, camping, constructions, etc., in zones near to the archaeological sites with quilcas or rock art.

6. Never collect or pick it up from the floor any cultural material associated to the rock art sites, are this ceramic, lithic, bone, or any other similar object, archaeological o ethnographic. This recommendation also includes botanical samples (plants and/or trees,) mineral samples and fossils.

7. Never leave in the area nothing strange to the environment and to the rock art site, this includes offerings, coins; garbage, etc.

8. Always remember that any damage to the rock art, being national patrimony, constitutes a crime against our cultural heritage that is subject to penalties

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Figura 1. Los cuatro tipos de quilcas o arte rupestre en el Perú: pictogramas, petroglifos, geoglifos y arte mobiliar de tradición rupestre (Según Línares Málaga 1973) / The four types of quilcas or rock art in Peru: Pictograms, petroglyphs, geoglyphs and Mobiliar art with rock art tradition (After Linares Málaga 1973).

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Figura 1. Las cuatro características ténicas de las quilcas: el motivo o la figuración, el soporte (incluye el suelo), el entorno inmediato, y el paisaje o entorno medio atmosférico / The four technical characteristics of the quilcas or rock art: the figuration or motif, the support, the immediate environment, and the landscape or the atmospheric environment.

35 Hoja de Notas / Notes

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Afiche del evento, basado en una Quilca (petroglifo) etnográfico proveniente de Thado valley-Sindh Kohistan, Pakistan.

Símbolo de la Segunda Conferencia Internacional de Arte Rupestre y Etnografía. Fotografía por Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, 2012. / Event poster based in an ethnographic quilca (petroglyph) from Thado valley-Sindh Kohistan, Pakistan. Simbol of the Second International Rock Art and Ethnography Conference. Photo by Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, 2012.