DECOLONIZATION:
CENTRAL
ARCH2058 Modern Architecture ASSIGNMENT 3: GUIDEBOOK
中 環
| Fall 2021
Decolonization: The Multiple Identities of Hong Kong Presented in Central Chau Mei Yan (3035698313) Ma Ho Ching (3035701756) Zhu Yalan (3035703649)
Decolonization: the multiple identities of hong Kong presented in central
The Centre
Central Market
International Finance Centre
Queen’s Pier
Statue Sqare
As implied by its name, Central has always been a core district in Hong Kong that evolves with every change in the city. It was one of the first district that began developing under British colonial rule; Central became the economic and administrative centre of Hong Kong over the years. Since its decolonization, Hong Kong struggles to negotiate with its colonial identity. The architecture in Central reflects such struggles in the city’s attempt to redefine itself. This tour invites its participant to look at the selected sites in three different lenes— the architecture of Central as being placeless, being rich in historical ties to the city and being a tool of constructing a hyperrealistic identity. The dialogue formed by these three lenes may lead to a new understanding of the complexity in Hong Kong’s identity that the architecture in Central represents.
1 THE CENTER The Center is a grade A office tower located at the interchange between Central and Sheung Wan. This 346 meters building is the fifth-highest building in Hong Kong. In 1988, the Land Development Corporation (former Urban Renewal Authority) decided to redevelop this old district which was previously a concentration of cloth stalls (Wing On Street) and stalls for selling chemical raw materials (Tung Man Street). The development area had an irregular shape, and many old buildings surrounded it. To gain more usable space, its architect Dennis Lau decided to use an octagonal star to be the shape of the plan. With steel frames, Lau also lifted the whole building by 20 meters to allow lower levels users to obtain a better view. When people enter the building, they can see the reflective structures under a high ceiling representing modernity and high-tech.
2 CENTRAL MARKET The preserved Central Market is the fourth generation Central Market built in 1939. Its design was heavily influenced by the Art Deco Movement and obtained a streamlined shape with ribbon windows. Its reconstruction from 2017-20 changed it into a multi-functional building in which half of its area becomes pathways and public open spcae, including exhibition and performing spaces. The other half of the market remains as commercial space. After the reconstruction, many local branded retail stores and food stalls got in. Only 13 out of two hundred original market stalls run inside after the reconstruction.
Many spaces become public open spaces (POS).
3 QUEEN’S PIER In 1953, the second generation of Queen’s Pier was built in Central after reclamation. It was the only public pier in which ceremonies would be conducted. When governors and other essential officials arrived and left Hong Kong, there would be welcome and farewell ceremonies. In 1975 Queen Elizebeth II also went ashore through this Pier. To civilians, the Pier was also the destination for the Hong Kong Cross Habour Race. Although the Pier was ordinary in its functional architectural style, it has a high value due to its irreplaceable status in holding historical events. In 2007, under strong opposition, the government demolished the Pier and replaced it with Central Ferry Piers to complete the Central-Wan Chai Bypass. The parts of the Pier have been kept and are now inside Kau Shat Wan Government Explosives Depot, and their fates remain unknown. The demolition faced strong oppositions.
4 INTERNATIONAL FINANCE CENTRE Designed by architect Cesar Pelli, the IFC is Composed of two towering skyscrapers, a luxury hotel and a shopping mall, the IFC can be recognized in many images of Hong Kong’s skyline. The second IFC tower is the second tallest building in Hong Kong; it stands as a symbol of Hong Kong as an international financial hub and its economic prosperity. The two towers house the office of many important financial institutions such as the Hong Kong Monetary Authority, Citadel and China Development Bank.
The IFC complex is situated within the Central elevated walkway, which leads to other parts of Central and Sheung Wan. On the other hand, it is connected to the rest of Hong Kong through the transportation infrastructure nearby, namely the Star Ferry Pier, Exchange Square’s bus terminal and three MTR lines, making it a hub of connectivity within the city.
5 STATUE SQUARE Formerly known as the Royal Square, the Statue Square was built in 1887 on the reclaimed land from the Praya Reclamation Scheme. Statues of British royal family members were placed there following its completion; the Cenotaph is also part of the square. In the past, the square was the site for royal rituals and ceremonies, of which the public could only spectate. The Statue Square is surrounded by other landmarks or significant buildings of Hong Kong, such as the former Court of Final Appeal, the HSBC Headquarters, the Hong Kong Club Building, City Hall, and the Queen’s Pier before its demolition. Today, the only statue remaining is the statue of Sir Thomas Jackson, the chief manager of The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation in the early years. It has become a public garden since the 1960s and a major gathering place for Filipino domestic workers on public holidays.
Placeless Central: identify buildings in Central without historical ties Ho Ching, Ma
In the canon ‘Building on Disappearance‘ by Ackbar Abbas, spaces in Hong Kong have been divided into three categories: local, merely local, and placeless1. In this essay, I am going to argue that The Center and the redeveloped Central Market, are placeless spaces showing a lack of historical ties. Definition of placelessness Placeless spaces are ordinary. They are ordinary not in terms of their architectural styles or technologies but the experiences the buildings provide to their users. They can be a manifesto of achievements2. However, they can be on other sites, giving everyday experiences. They are hard to remember not only because they are everywhere but also because they come from nowhere. These buildings often show detachments from their surroundings and the local contexts
(history, culture). They are irony spaces that are unique and ordinary simultaneously: unique since they are out of tune with their surroundings. Ordinary in terms of the users’ experiences they provide and the fact that they are not site-specific. The Center: Wiping away memories In 1988, the Land Development Corporation (former Urban Renewal Authority) redeveloped an old district between Central and Sheung Wan and finished The Center in 1998. During the Chinese Lunar New Year, One of the redeveloped streets: Wing On Street, was one of the four streets walked through by Central district residents and shopkeepers for good fortune3. However, the redevelopment had ignored its historical value, shortened the 300 meters Wing On Street by 2/34, and downgraded it into a back alley. Moreover, this street was also a famous concentration with 60 cloth stalls5. Due to the redevelopment, all stalls went away. Another street that faced a similar
‘Cloth Street’ Wing On Street in 1978 Source: HKUL
fate was Tung Man Street. This street, previously a center for selling chemical raw materials, also became a back alley without any original stalls. In The Center, the only space which reminds you of the glorious history of the site is the ‘H6 CONET’ public area on the ground floor of the building. It is a community center with exhibition and performance spaces. The texts on exhibition boards, murals, and fabric artworks there were the only things left for people to imagine the past site6 . The above examples show how the reconstruction has wiped out the originality of the site.
The Center: New identity from nowhere Besides destruction in the historical value of the site, The Center created a new and exotic image to the area that shows a complete detachment from the local context. In terms of its function. It is a grade A office building with banks and law firms inside. These high-value-added tertiary industries have nothing to do with the original civilian retail stalls, which were strongly related to local secondary sectors. From an architectural perspective, it is also exotic to the place. The Center locates in the early Central Business District of Hong Kong. So it is in an old district with many low buildings which did not even have a lift (like Winong Building7 and Gilman Ladaar Building8). As the fifth-highest skyscraper in Hong Kong, the Center stands out entirely from its surroundings. Moreover, to prevent its nearby low buildings from blocking the views of lower levels users, the architect Dennis Lau lifted the whole building by 20 meters. I would argue that the mismatch between The Center and its
The exposed steel frames present a high-tech image.
old surroundings was intentional. Lifting the building represents its desire to own the sky alone and an absolute denial of the past and low buildings. That explains why The Center, equipped with the fastest elevators in Hong Kong9, locates next to facilities that do not even have elevators. As its expressive steel frames and glass facades imply, the Center is a manifesto of high-tech and modernity10 but not a common project. The Center: Our everyday space The Center is placeless since it provides ordinary everyday experiences to its users,
which users can gain from many other sites. The Center is a Grade A office tower similar to many of its kind all around Hong Kong: with an effective air-conditioning system, enough parking spaces, and well-furnished11 since they were all constructed to meet specific requirements by the Rating and Valuation Department. The 140 thousand square meters floor area provided by The Center only consisted of around 2% of the Hong Kong Grade A office building floor area (201712). Although The Center is unique from its surroundings, it is never exceptional in Hong Kong. Besides Central, it can locate in developing Eastern Kowloon, Mong Kok, or even Tsuen Wan (a significant amount of Grade A office towers are finished there in 202113). Besides Hong Kong, it can also locate in another commercial metropolitan like London or New York. All the banks and cooperations inside can function appropriately in other Central Grade A Office Towers. The Center is never an irreplaceable center. It is replaceable, replicable, and movable.
Due to its detachment from the local contexts and its ordinary function and quality, I would describe it as placeless.
The iconic streamlined shape and ribbon windows have been kept. Source: Headline Daily
Redeveloped Central Market: new wine in an old bottle The redeveloped Central Market is the fourth generation Central Market finished in 1939. It was a wet market with five kinds of stalls that sold poultries, meats, fish, fruits, and vegetables14. However, the redeveloped Market is no longer a civilian market but a high-end mall with bars, dessert shops, and gift shops15. There is a mismatch between
the past and present target customers. In terms of its function, the redevelopment has also changed it a lot. The original Market can be divided into three parts: - The stalls - The Food and Environmental Hygiene Department office (FEHD) - The temporary dormitory for the FEHD16 After the redevelopment, more than half of the area became public open spaces, including exhibition and performance spaces. So it is now a multi-functional mall. Although its iconic streamlined facade with modernist ribbon windows has been kept, this preservation project changed the function and nature (its target audience) of the space. Hence I would call it placeless due to its loss of historical connections. Redeveloped Central Market: destructions on the old bottle Looking into its details, we can find much evidence on how the redevelopment has
Stalls were separated by half walls. The high ceiling height and opeanable windows were for ventilations. Source: Daqing, Gu; Bertin, Vito; Peiling Hu
demolished the originality of the Market. In 1939, the primary cooling and ventilation strategies were passive methods. Hence each floor in the Market had a high ceiling height (from 3.8 to 5.1m17). 2 meters high openable ribbon windows are 2 meters above the ground of each floor. The walls between stalls and stalls were just 1.83 meters tall. Together with the atrium, these elements were essential for ventilation and cooling. However, the redevelopment has ignored many of these technical details. Although the high ceiling is kept, the spaciousness is reduced since many pipelines for air-conditioning and ventilation are under it. Advertisements cover part of the win-
dows, and all windows have been sealed, so they lost their primary functions. And the most iconic facility of the Market: the terrazzo staircase, has also been changed. The architect has built a new metal railing to the stair to fit the latest Building Ordinance. This action largely affected the appearance of the stair and received many criticisms18. To conclude, with technological advancements, many technical details of the original Market become redundant, and their originalities have been ignored during the preservation. Redeveloped Central Market: our everyday mall Although the Market has kept some originalities (like the staircase and facade), I would argue that they are not history but nostalgia since these remaining parts have lost many of their original functions or appearances. Nostalgia is not the resurrection of the past but represents the fade of memories19. When it comes to nostalgia, it is never unique. From the malls in landmark areas like the
ers’ experiences, are typical. Hence I would call this Market not site-specific, highly commercial, detaching from its originalities, and thus placeless. Conclusion To conclude, to know if the building is placeless, we can judge it by examining whether it disrespects the local contexts and provides an ordinary experience to its users, which they can gain from many other places. Central Market now: full of high-end retail stores which is like many other Central malls. Source: Ann Chiu
CANTONYAMA in Tsim Sha Tsui, which adapted 80s Hong Kong as its theme20, to the local malls like TBG Mall, which tried to rebuild the past Lower Ngau Tau Kok Estate, nostalgia is common. The Market is no more than many other malls that are complexes of various stores: catering stores, stores for bags and accessories, cosmetics shops, and boutiques. Although it has a historic facade different from those ordinary glass-faced malls, its internal functions, themes, and us-
The Center is a project with a solid intention to deny the local contexts. And just like many other office towers, they are all built to fulfill a set of requirements. So I would argue it is placeless. Although the redeveloped Central Market is a preservation project intended to preserve history, it becomes nostalgic since many historic parts have either been demolished or changed. And we already have so many nostalgic Hong Kong malls. So it is also placeless.
Notes 1. Abbas Ackbar, Building on Disappearance, (America,
Duke University Press, 1994). 2. Abbas Ackbar, Building on Disappearance, (America, Duke University Press, 1994). 3. Ho Ng, Sunset of Hong Kong, (Hong Kong, Sub Culture Ltd, 2021). 4. Kit Hung, Ho. “Can you remember the Central Cloth Street that Mr. Chan remembers?” Initium Media. 12 December 2015. 5. Oriental Daily News. “Shopkeepers of cloth stores blame the URA for using maintenance as an excuse to force them to leave the Western Market”. 23 August, 2016. 6. Kit Sum, Tou. “Secretary for Development Micheal Wong points out that rebuilding is not about erasing everything but for better living environments” HK01. 29 July, 2019. https://www.hk01.com/%E7%A4%BE%E6%9C%83%E6 %96%B0%E8%81%9E/357164/%E9%BB%83%E5%81% 89%E7%B6%B8%E6%8C%87%E9%87%8D%E5%BB%B A%E4%B8%8D%E6%98%AF%E6%93%A6%E5%8E%BB%E6%89%80%E6%9C%89%E6%9D%B1%E8%A5%BF-%E 5%86%80%E5%B8%82%E5%BB%BA%E5%B1%80%E7%82 %BA%E5%B1%85%E6%B0%91%E7%B7%A0%E9%80%A0 %E6%9B%B4%E5%A5%BD%E7%94%9F%E6%B4%BB%E7%92%B0%E5%A2%83 7. Prime Property Consultants Ltd. “Wimhong Building”. 2020. http://www.primeoffice.com.hk/zh/hong-kong-office/12801/winhong-building 8. OneDay Hong Kong Property Search. “Gilman Ladaar Building”. 2021. https://www.oneday.com.hk/zh_HK/buildings/gilman-ladaar-building/
9. Au Li, Lin. “Hong Kong Records”. HK01. 30 October, 2021. https://www.hk01.com/%E7%86%B1%E7%88%86% E8%A9%B1%E9%A1%8C/682871/%E9%A6%99%E6%B8% AF%E4%B9%8B%E6%9C%80-%E5%85%A8%E6%B8%AF7 %E8%90%AC%E9%83%A8%E5%8D%87%E9%99%8D%E6 %A9%9F%E5%AF%86%E5%BA%A6%E5%86%A0%E7%B5 %95%E5%85%A8%E7%90%83-%E6%9C%80%E7%AA%84 %E9%9B%BB%E6%A2%AF%E5%83%8520%E5%90%8B% E9%97%8A 10. Abbas Ackbar, Building on Disappearance, (America, Duke University Press, 1994). 11. Rating and Valuation Department, Hong Kong Property Review 2021, (Hong Kong, Rating and Valuation Department, 2021). 12. Rating and Valuation Department, The year-end total stock of private office buildings of all levels, (Hong Kong, Rating and Valuation Department, 2018). 13. Rating and Valuation Department, Preliminary Statistics of Hong Kong Property Review 2021, (Hong Kong, Rating and Valuation Department, 2021). 14. Daqing, Gu; Bertin, Vito; Peiling Hu. The greatest form has no shape (Time + Architecture, Shanghai, No. 3), (China, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, 2015), 131. 15. Central Market. “Floor Directory”. 2021. https://www. centralmarket.hk/tc/floor-directory 16. HKIA, Research on the history and architecture of Central Market, (Hong Kong, The Hong Kong Institute of Architects, 2005). 17. Daqing, Gu; Bertin, Vito; Peiling Hu. The greatest form has no shape (Time + Architecture, Shanghai, No. 3), (China, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji
Finding identity: The construction by history Yalan, Zhu
Introduction The construction of the identity of Hong Kong was deeply related to the history of the city. Being governed by different countries, the identity of Hong Kong had been constantly reconstructed. As Michael Walzer explains that “The state is invisible; it must be personified before it can be seen, symbolized before it can be loved, imagined before it can be conceived.”9 In this essay, the identity of Hong Kong will be discussed in close relation to the city’s history as recorded by the construction of buildings in Central, to illustrate the prominent identity of Hong Kong as a former British colony.
The Center The skyscraper constructed with glass and steel was built in 1998 through a redevelopment project led by Land Development Corporation (former Urban Renewal Authority). The project turns several old commercial streets, which their histories could be chased to the early foundation of Hong Kong, into an office building with cutting-edge technologies. Controversies had been pointed towards the ignorance of the project on preserving the history and destroying the old urban fabric hence leading to another placeless generic building. However, it is debatable that the redevelopment project is exhibiting the identity of Hong Kong as an autonomous administration and as a former British colony. The government had put forward a series of redevelopment plans addressing the poor allocation of land resources that caused urban decay problems in the 1980s. Among all districts in Hong Kong and Kowloon, Sheung Wan has the largest number of dilapidated
buildings, contributing to more than 30% of the total.2 The old commercial streets close to the heart of Hong Kong are therefore targeted as a site for redevelopment. One must admit that the project prioritized profiting over community well-being, however, this decision is closely related to the unique administrative model in the 1980s to 1990s. As a self-financing public corporation, the Land Development Corporation(hereafter LDC) is only capable of directing non-profitable plans with government sponsoring.6 The Jubilee Street renewal was not the case, unfortunately. Furthermore, the preservation of the redeveloped district was not mentioned as one of the purposes of the corporation.3 The establishment of the LDC was a unique marker in the urban developmental history, paving ways for the later founding of the Urban Renewal Authority. The Centre succeed in generating profit while rousing the controversies in cultural preservation. Both outcomes reflected the leadership of the LDC as the proposer of the project. There-
fore, the project could be concluded as an honest record of a timely response in the urban development history of Hong Kong. The cooperation between the government, the LDC, and the developer displayed the close relationship between the government and the merchants. This relationship could be traced back to the early colonial time of Hong Kong, which will be discussed later with the case of the Statue Square. As aforementioned, the role of LDC was unique and important in the negotiation and realization of the projects. The public corporation could utilize its identity to provide better relocation for the primitive residents, to enhance efficiency negotiating with land developers, and to ensure the project is in line with the greater blueprint of the city planning.2 On the other hand, the private property developer, in this case, Cheung Kong Land Development Corporation, provides high-quality execution in realizing the plan utilizing the resources they had accumulated.6 The devel-
oper could be benefitted from the profit generated by the project by having a consensus with the LDC.leg It could be concluded that The Center being one of the most successful projects done in the years of LDC,5 represents the continuation of the reciprocal relationship inherited from the early colonial period. The Statue Square and the Queens’s Pier Entering the public garden, the symbols of colonial power might not be obvious to the visitors, however, the landmark finished in 1897 was planned with the intention of demonstration of power.8 As the year passed, its function and role had been changed several times as the political status changed in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, its profound relationship with politics and its prime location in the city landscape made the symbolism of colonial identity unignorable. The construction of Statue Square was on the reclaimed land from the Praya Reclamation Scheme, with the old name Royal Square. The location of the square was chosen so that
the place is at the center of the city, carrying strong symbolic significance. Not only the location was carefully selected, but the layout of the square was also designed with special reference. Similar to the layout of Parliament Square in London, which was also located at the center of the city. Both were
Fig. 1 The layout of the Statue Square 8
surrounded by buildings representing the achievement of the British. Examples could be The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank(hereafter HSBC) marking the financial power, the Hong Kong club representing the elite class, and the Supreme Court displaying the ruling of British. The establishment of the Statue Square was hinged on joint efforts of the British government and the merchants. It was only possible to construct the square with agreement from the HSBC to preserve the lots for the government. The reciprocal relationship between the government and the merchants on land development was by then rooted in the culture of Hong Kong. The erection of the Cenotaph in 1932 commemorated the death in the First World War. Since then, there were two focuses in the square conveying the colonial identity of Hong Kong. The Statue of the Queen demonstrates the royal power and the Cenotaph symbolizes nationality. As profound as the symbolic meaning was
constructed, the square bore the burnt during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. The new ruler was eager to remove the royal symbols of the British Empire to establish its legitimacy. A new name “Showa Square” had been given to the Statue Square and all statues were removed.4 Although the square no longer symbolizes the legitimacy of Britain, the action of the Japanese consolidates the political meaning of the Statue Square. This illustrates the significance of the square in representing the political identity of Hong Kong. Later in 1945, Japan lose in the war and Britain was able to take back Hong Kong. In face of the past failure of protecting their colony, the British wished to cultivate the loyalty of Chinese people to their governance by establishing a democratic system and rewarding citizenship.1 The new attitude was reflected in the treatment of the Statue Square. The statue of Queen Victoria was transferred to Victoria Park, in this way symbol of authoritative power was decentralized from the city center. In 1950 the Statue Square had turned
into a car park, instead of keeping its function as a royal square. The new attitude to the Statue Square could be seen as the deliverance of a public message, pointing out the new governing approach to Hong Kong. The Statue Square had been the tool to express the political status of the city. Without the statue as the royal symbol, the Square itself becomes the symbol of the identity of Hong Kong. A few decades later Hong Kong was handed over to China. The metaphor of “own master” was prominent in the speeches of the Chinese officials regarding the new identity of Hong Kong.7 The Statue Square, therefore, was kept as a public garden to reassure the autonomy of Hong Kong and the identity of a special administrative region. Not like the Statue Square being still accessible now, the Queen’s Pier was demolished by the Hong Kong government in 2008, waiting to be re-located until now. Constructed in the same period as the Statue Square, the pier served as a major ceremonial landing area for
the British Roya Family and for governors to assert their authority on arrival. Standing on this piece of land, we could see the skyline of central from a distance. The disappearance of the Queen’s Pier conveys a clear message that the identity of Hong Kong had changed, and it might be difficult finding a place to settle this symbol of the old identity. The Central Barrack beside had become training ground of the People’s Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison, the red star on the façade marked the change of the ruler over Hong Kong. The Statue Square and the building surrounded had been carrying the identity of the city since its establishment and this role had been consolidated throughout history.
Conclusion The skyline of Central has formed accumu-
latively, all starting with the forceful colonization of British governance. The history of being a colony not only produced architecture like the Statue Square and the Queen’s Pier but also the principle behind making
Notes
1. “The Fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China and the Japanese Occupation.” Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 06 (2004). https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-3602. 2. Feng, Bangyan. “The Change in Urban Development Model and Public Housing Policy in the 1980s.” Essay. In Xianggang Di Chan Shi = Hong Kong Real Estate Development 1841-2020. Xianggang: San lian shu dian (Xianggang), 2021. 3. Hong Kong e-Legislation, Cap. 15 Land Develoment Corporation Ordinance § (n.d.). 4. The Hong Kong News, January 20, 1942. 5. Land Development Corporation, 19971998 LDC Annual Report § (n.d.). 6. Pang, Kai Kwong. “The Government Established the Land Development Corporation.” Episode. 快闪香港. Hong Kong, October 27, 2020. 7. Shi-xu, Manfred Kienpointner, and Jan Servaes. Read the Cultural Other: Forms of Otherness in the Discourses of Hong Kong’s Decolonization. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2005. 8. Tam, W.S. Thesis. Public Space and British Colonial Power: The Transformation of Hong Kong Statue Square, 1890s-1970s, 2014. http://commons.ln.edu.hk/his_etd/5. 9. Walzer, Michael. “On the Role of Symbolism in Political Thought.” Political Science Quarterly 82, no. 2 (1967): 191. https://doi.org/10.2307/2147214.
‘ASIA’S WORLD CITY’, A HYPERREALISTIC HONG KONG Mei Yan, Chau
Asia’s World City’, a description of Hong Kong first put forward by Mr Tung Chee Hwa, the first Chief Executive of Hong Kong since the city’s handover from the British to China is now the headline for the Brand Hong Kong program. According to the government’s statement on the program, Hong Kong is a ‘worldly’ city because of how the culture of East and West is blended within the same place; its ‘Asian’ identity comes from its geographical location.1 This essay, as one of the three perspectives in this walking tour that explores Hong Kong’s identity after decolonization, contends that Hong Kong’s identity as ‘Asia’s World City’ is
a hyper-realistic construct by examining how architecture is used in its construction and its implication to the ‘real’ identity of Hong Kong. Philosopher Jean Baudrillard defined hyperrealistic identity as constructed by images and signifiers which determine how an object is perceived; an identity that is built without an origin.2 The identity of ‘Asia’s World City’ fits into this category because of its ignorance of Hong Kong colonial past; the word ‘World’ attempts to lift the city off its historical and cultural context and generalize the city as a ‘city of the world.’ On the other hand, the word ‘Asia’ merely indicates Hong Kong’s geographic location rather than a cultural background. In the case of a city, architecture is the most significant visual signifier of identity because of its physical presence, which allows them to shape the imagery of the city. Postcard images of Hong Kong often feature either the Victoria Harbour or a view from the Peak, both of which look to Central as the representation of the city. These
images show Central to be an area densely occupied by high-rise buildings, with even taller skyscrapers jutting out here and there. A
Figure 1. A view of Victoria Harbour with the red junk-ship.
Figure 2. A view of Hong Kong from the Peak.
symbol of prosperity, these skyscrapers formed the skyline of Central and the image of Hong Kong in the minds of tourists around the world. The International Finance Centre, in particular, stands out because of its height. The second tower, completed in 2003, has an impressive height of 88 stories, making it the tallest building on Hong Kong Island. Its visibility in images of the city’s skyline was undeniable even during its construction when the reinforced concrete core was first constructed in support of the 8 mega columns that came after in the construction process.3 ‘The tower is tapered as it rises upward, culminating in a sculptural crown. Its triumphant presence welcomes visitors from around the world to Hong Kong, a cosmopolitan city at the intersection of Western and Eastern culture.’4 a description by Cesar Pelli, who is the architect behind the project; the IFC intended to become a landmark. But what kind of identity does it present? Even though Hong Kong calls itself a ‘city where the East and West blend’, the
IFC tower shows characteristic to neither the East nor West; the all-glass facade, steel and concrete structure draws no implication to its context. A placeless architecture, as Ackbar Abbas would describe, the IFC towers could be placed in any ‘metropolis’ of the world and it would not look out of place.5 It is only when the IFC is shown in that iconic picture of Victoria Harbour in the same frame as the red Chinese junk boat that it can be seen as a product from the West. Even then this perception is problematic itself because it considers all that looks ‘modern’ to be from the West, or the mere juxtaposition does not imply the ‘blending’ of both cultures. On the other hand, using placeless buildings like the IFC complex as a representation, or landmark, mask the city behind a veil of generality that takes attention away from its historical past. In this sense, IFC is successful in constructing the generic image of ‘Asia World City’ for Hong Kong. The IFC showcased Hong Kong’s economic prowess, function as office space for multinational
financial institutions and posed as a signifier of Hong Kong’s prosperity, which all contributed to constructing its ‘world city’ identity. Despite the visual impression that it gives, walking through the IFC reflects another side to the complex. As the tour moves from Central Market to IFC via the Central elevated walkway, the two towers cannot be seen from the footbridge; the scenery left is a crowded footbridge that spans along the bustling Connaught Road Central. The IFC complex is well-incorporated to the Central footbridge system where there were multiple exits to the footbridge from the shopping mall levels, as well as extending the footbridge network to the Star Ferry Pier. Moreover, the complex is connected to the rest of Hong Kong by a comprehensive transportation system nearby; supported by a large bus terminus station under the exchange square and three different MTR lines converging beneath the shopping mall, including the airport express line.6 Although the building’s visual quality presents itself as floating without context,
the infrastructure around makes a different argument. Away from the camera angle that looks across Victoria Harbour, the tower’s presence is much less perceivable; with the footbridge system passing through and continues alongside the complex, the IFC becomes more of a hub that connects pedestrians to different parts of Central and a place of gathering for both commercial groups and the general public. This resonates with Hong Kong historically being an entrepôt, a facilitator in trading between countries.7 From this perspective, the IFC becomes more representative and reflective of Hong Kong in the historical sense, further
Figure 3. Pedestrian Passage network around IFC
reflecting how the demeanour of the towers was merely there to construct the ‘Asia World City’ image that the government promotes. The construct of hyperreality is not only done by the construction of new signifiers for a new identity; it can also involve the removal of an old identity. The tour arrives at the Statue Square next, which current state is described as a ‘popular spot for Central’s office workers to enjoy an alfresco takeaway lunch’ on the website of the square’s neighbouring commercial building.8 Nestled among skyscrapers and other famous buildings in Hong Kong, the square was once an important site for British ceremonies during colonial rule. Previously named the ‘Royal Square’, the square was a display of colonial power both symbolically and in practice; it used to display statues of British royal family members and a place for official ceremonies.9 It was not opened as a leisure space until the 1960s; the above-mentioned description of what it is now is a huge understatement to what it was during colonial times.
From its important function as a ceremonial site that commemorated British royal family members to briefly becoming a car-park in early 1950s, and now a public square where Filipino domestic helpers gather during the weekends, the historical significance of Statue Square is being gradually stripped of as Hong Kong grew closer to its decolonisation.10 Its historical significance was also overshadowed by the iconic architecture surrounding it— the HSBC headquarters, former legislative council building, Mandarin Oriental Hotel, Jardin House and the City Hall, all of which are made to be a symbol of ‘East and West coming together’ or a ‘prosperous world city’. Statue Square, a place symbolic of Hong Kong’s colonial past, has lost its ability to narrate Hong Kong’s identity as once a colony and the separation between East and West before decolonisation, and arguably now.
and its colonial past; traversing between the hyperreality constructed by architecture and historical reality. The tour ends at Queen’s Pier, of which the demolition seems to be a fitting metaphor for how Hong Kong postcolonial search for a new identity trump over its colonial past. The Queens’s Pier was demolished due to the land reclamation project of Victoria Harbour initiated in 1989 with the aim to ‘enhance a distinct and highquality central business district image and to create a world class waterfront that is vibrant, attractive and belongs to the public of Hong Kong’ according to the Secretary for Development.11 As the Queen’s Pier is located close to the new harbourfront, whatever is constructed there would become a visible part of the Victoria Harbour scenery and contribute to shaping Hong Kong’s identity, be it the hyperreality that is ‘Asia’s World City’ or one that hearkens back to its colonial past.
A walk in Central passes by both the signifiers that make Hong Kong ‘Asia’s World City’
Yet who is to argue that Hong Kong is not already ‘Asia’s World City’? The intriguing
part of a hyperrealistic identity of a city is that it is partly constructed with architecture, a physical embodiment of such identity. If all traces of Hong Kong’s colonial past fall into obsolescence in face of this new identity, its identity of being a placeless ‘world city’ may very well be the reality.
Notes
1. Asia’s World City. Accessed December 22, 2021. h t t p s : / / w w w. i n f o . g o v. h k / i n f o / s a r 5 / e a s i a . h t m . 2. Kellner, Douglas. Jean Baudrillard. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Accessed December 22, 2021. https://plato.stanford.edu/cgi-bin/encyclopedia/ archinfo.cgi?entry=baudrillard&archive=win2020. 3. Wong, Raymond M W, and M F Ho. “Structural and Construction Feature of the Hong Kong International Financial Centre Phase II.” Department of Building and Real Estate, Hong Kong Polytechnic University. Accessed December 22, 2021. https:// w w w. i r b n e t . d e / d a t e n / i c o n d a / C I B 1 0 1 2 0 . p d f . 4. “International Financial Centre of Hong Kong Defines a Global Financial Hub.” International Finance Center, Hong Kong. Accessed December 22, 2021. https://pcparch.com/work/ifc-hong-kong. 5. Abbas, M. A. Hong Kong : Culture and the Politics of Disappearance. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1997. 6. Solomon, Jonathan D. “It Makes a Village: Hong Kong’s Podium Shopping Malls as Global Villages.” In Aspects of Urbanization in China: Shanghai, Hong Kong, Guangzhou, edited by Gregory Bracken, 165–82. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt46mzks.13. 7. Faure, David. A Documentary History of Hong Kong: Society. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, HKU, 1997. muse.jhu.edu/book/5493.
8. Statue Square.” Landmark Hong Kong. Accessed December 22, 2021. https://www.landmark. hk/en/visit/around-central/statue-square. 9. Tam, W. S. “Public space and British colonial power: The transformation of Hong Kong StatueSquare, 1890s-1970s” (Master’s thesis, Lingnan University, Hong Kong, 2014). Accessed December 22, 2021. http://commons.ln.edu.hk/his_etd/5 10. Pan, Lu. “(Forgotten) Landscape of Imperial War Memories in a Colonial City: Hong Kong’s Cenotaph and Beyond (1920s - 1960s).” The Chinese Historical Review 27, no. 2 (2020): 93-118. 11. Henderson, Joan C. “Conserving Hong Kong’s Heritage: The Case of Queen’s Pier.” International Journal of Heritage Studies: IJHS 14, no. 6 (2008): 540-54. Figure 1. Cheung, Eric. “Victoria Harbour’s red-sailed junk boat.” Photograph. South China Morning Post. https://www.scmp.com/native/news/hong-kong/ society/topics/holiday-home/article/3093572/howvictoria-harbours-red-sailed?module=perpetual_ scroll_0&pgtype=article&campaign=3093572 Figure 2. “The Peak.” Photograph. Hong Kong Tourism Board. https://www.discoverhongkong.com/eng/explore/ attractions/best-ways-to-marvel-at-iconic-victoria-harbour. html
Figure 3. Solomon, Jonathan D. “It Makes a Village: Hong Kong’s Podium Shopping Malls as Global Villages.” In Aspects of Urbanization in China: Shanghai, Hong Kong, Guangzhou, edited by Gregory Bracken, 165–82. Amsterdam University Press, 2012. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/j.ctt46mzks.13.
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The Modern Architecture Guidebook Hong Kong’s built environment represents a unique site of inquiry in the global history of the Modern Movement. The Modern Architecture guidebook series draw from an inter-disciplinary toolkit of knowledge, references, and field studies to understand the processes at work in the built environment. Each walking tour in the series begins with one of the 98 MTR stations in Hong Kong as the meeting point. First opened in 1979, this modernist infrastructure has produced a city rationalized around transportoriented development. Organized around key themes (industrialization, colonization, environment, internationalization, migration, decolonization, counterculture, and globalization), the guidebooks present a critical yet open perspective towards the implications of large-scale modernist schemes on the environment and community.
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