Migration: North Point by ARCH2058

MIGRATION:

NORTH POINT

ARCH2058 Modern Architecture ASSIGNMENT 3: GUIDEBOOK

北角

| Fall 2021

Migration: How immigrant architects shaped “Small Shanghai” in North Point? Chan, Yan Oscar Wong (3035711933) Ma, Matthew Tsun Tik (3035720685) Yu, Jianing (3036537400)

MIGRATION

As a result of the Second Sino-Japanese War, all of Shanghai was occupied by the Japanese except foreign settlements. North Point became a haven destination for the wealthy and upper middle class. These immigrants brought forth the construction techniques of their homeland while making their home in Hong Kong by employing a granolithic cement plaster coined ‘‘Shanghai plaster’ to their building design. The tour takes you on the journey of the influence Shanghainese immigrants had on North Point in the scale of through the material of Shanghai plaster and terrazzo, showcasing its cultural impact and ideological implications.

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0. Meeting Point: North Point MTR Station B4 Exit 1. Ming Yuen Western Street No.15-17 2. Ming Yuen Western Street No. 34 3. Ming Yuen Western Street No. 47 4. St Jude’s Church 5. New Metropol Mansion (the site of the former Metropol Theater)

1 No. 15-17 Ming Yuen Western Street

Intersected with King’s Road and near North Point’s landmark, State Theater, Ming Yuen Western Street is the first site we will visit along the walking tour. It was developed by Shanghainese Capitalist K.C. Wong in the late 1940s in order to meet the housing demand of Chinese immigrants. Back then, Mainland China was undergoing civil wars, to escape from wars, a large number of rich and middle-class Chinese people moved to Hong Kong. North Point was one of the most popular sites at that time and soon known as “Small Shanghai” because of the construction of Shnaghai style modern buildings. At the bottom of the street, apartment No.15 and 17 are two adjacent buildings. Both has four floors with main entrances decorated by terrazzo and Shanghai plaster. Their unique textures and Art Deco outlook attract us to wisit up the street.

Original Shanghai plaster facade Now repainted with paints

Terrazzo entrance decoration (4 colors) Real granite with gaps Terrazzo entrance decoration (curved)

Terrazzo surface (pink)

Shanghai plaster decoration with lines added later to simulate stone gaps

2 No. 34 Ming Yuen Western Street Half was demonlished Semi-transparent Glass bricks No.37 is the only building on the street with the entire Shanghai plaster facade being kept

Next to No.37 is a commercial building with smooth marbles on its facade.

Car Road

Sidewalk Terrazzo entrance decoration (curved)

Going up along the street, there is our second site, No.34. As the only apartment building on the street without repainting, it stands out for the granolithic texture shanghai plaster facade, thusing becoming one of our key researching objects on Ming Yuen Western Street.

3 No. 45 Ming Yuen Western Street

Located at the end of Mingyuan West Street, No. 45 is a semi-abandoned residential building. Its left wing has been dismantled and the structural frame has been recast with concrete. This gives it a very shocking appearance at the first sight. Terrazzo, Shanghai plaster, concrete and paint together create a sense of harmony in this old modern style residential building.

Half of the apartment was demolished Concrete frame rebuilt on this basis

The paint on this side is peeling, revealing the original Shanghai plaster facade Original Shanghai plaster facade Now repainted with paints

Terrazzo entrance decoration (curved)

4 ST. JUDE’S CHURCH St. Jude’s Church was built in 1957 and it was designed by the architect Chien Nei-jen. The central part of the church, the nave, is covered by an exterior wall with slender glass windows that spans multiple floors to counterbalance the cumbersome building. The glass windows are vertical and are tinted with a pale green shade. There are grid reliefs at the exterior of the apse and sanctuary with circle and cross to create a massive cross. The structural material was originally done with rough cement. Since the renovation, these materials have been covered, therefore the original appearance has been lost.

5 METROPOL THEATRE

After developing the estate the demand for the Westernised lifestyle of the Shanghainese needs to be catered. In 1954 K.C Wong developed the Metropole Theatre at the intersection of Ming Yuen West Street and King’s Road. It was the second deluxe theatre in Hong Kong in the post-war era followed after the Empire Theatre which opened in 1952.

The Modernisation of apartment buildings on Ming Yuen Western Street shaped by Shanghai immigrants and Shanghai plaster in the 1950s Jianing, Yu

Hong Kong has always been a regional hub attracting immigrants from Mainland China and Southeast Asia. During the Sino-Japanese war(1937-1945) and the Chinese Civil War(1945-1949), a large number of upper

and middle class Shanghainese moved to Hong Kong to escape the wars. Located in the northeast of Hong Kong island, North Point was a popular choice for many of them. As one of the most developed metropolises in China at that time, “Shanghai” was synonymous with “modern”(“摩登”) in the minds of many Chinese people. Therefore, it’s not surprising that these wealthy Shanghai immigrants did not hesitate to “modernize” North Point and turned it into a “Little Shanghai” on their arrival. Among the many entertainment constructions developed at that time, Mingyuan West Street(明園西街) is a rare and quiet place. Starting from King’s Road, it is a slope with the other end excavated along the hill. On the two sides of the street, there are two rows of 4-floor apartments back in the 1950s. Developed and inhabited by Shanghai immigrants, the street bears a shanghai-Art Deco style and was studied by architectural historian Charles Lai(2020) because of the use of shanghai plaster. Inspired by Lai’s study

and our observations during site visits, this article will take Ming Yuen Western Street as an example to demonstrate that under the historical background of Hong Kong as a British colony, the arrival of Shanghainese after inter-war has shaped the modern residential buildings in North Point in a unique way different from European modernization and that as the main material for facade finishes, Shanghai plaster played an important role in presenting these immigrants’ cultural identities and modernism imaginations. As mentioned in the last paragraph, Ming Yuen Western Street was developed by migrant capitalists as a habitat for Chinese immigrants, especially from Shanghai. Therefore, different from local residential buildings developed at the same period, the apartment buildings on the street have a unique outlook that is close to Shanghai Modern style. In 1947-1952, Kwan-cheng Wong (K.C. Wong), a Chinese capitalist born in Ningbo and living in Shanghai, came to Hong Kong and founded Dah Yuan Real Estate (大元置

業). He bought up land at the site of the former Ming Yuen Amusement Park(1918-the Mid 1930s) and reconstructed a total of 28 four-story apartment buildings without lifts on the Ming Yuen terrace(Lo, 2018). Named after the original park, Ming Yuen Western Street is within the area. Similar in style to the old-fashioned Tong Lau in Shanghai, each apartment building has a symmetrical elevation, with staircases in the middle and residential on both sides. In the early days, some buildings had open-air balconies for residents to dry their clothes, but they have now been demolished. Also, it’s worth noting that although the design is inherited from the Art Deco style that was popular back in Shanghai last century, the lines of the apartments on Ming Yuen Western Street have been simplified a lot. The gorgeous Art Deco style can only be seen from the entrances decorated with terrazzo and Shanghai plaster. Undoubtedly, the Shanghai-modern-style apartments have strengthened the cultural identity of Shanghai immigrants to a large ex

At almost the same period, the Hong Kong government began to build public housing and lowrent housing for local residents. This set of photos shows the residential buildings on Ming Yuen Western Street(left), the public housing in Shek Kip Mei in the 1950s(middle), and a small villa in Shanghai(right). We can see the similarities and differences in the styles of these three residential buildings.

tent. However, the meaning behind the design goes beyond this. The residential buildings on Ming Yuen Western Street and nearby not only imply the cultural and regional identities of their residents but also in some way reflect their conceptualization and imagination of Shanghainese or Chinese Modernity. Early in the 1920s, Shanghai had been known as one of the most modern cities in Mainland China. During the civil war, “Shanghai” was almost equated with “modern”(transliterated as “摩登” in Chinese) in the minds of Chinese people, and sometimes replaced it as a descriptive word(Lai, 2020). The modernization of architecture in Shanghai was influenced by Western modern styles and theories, among which the Art Deco style was the most popular. But it was not fully independent of Chinese architectural style as well. In fact, most successful modern buildings in Shanghai and greater China at that time always included allusions to Chinese architecture(Eleanna, 2018). Under this background of “West met East”, a Chinese representation of modern architecture

was formed and affected Chinese people’s perception of modern architecture(Wang, 2018). Furthermore, the movement of immigrants to a large extent contributed to the connections and communications of modern architecture between Hong Kong and Shanghai. Thus Hong Kong’s architectural modernity was shaped not only by direct Western modernism due to its identity as a British colony but also to some extent by the hybridized “Chinese modernism” brought by migration. In terms of materials, lines, and layout, the residential buildings on Ming Yuen Western Street and nearby streets such as Qing Hua Street and Kai Yuen Street(Standnews, 2021) reflect this regional but also complex modern style, which makes this block and North Point hold a composite and hybridized modernity. Material is an important component of architecture. Though reinforcement concrete has been seen as an expression and method of the rationalist idea of modern architecture(Lai, 2020), the apartment buildings on Ming Yuen Western Street show a preference

for cement plastering which is often sidelined in the history of modern architecture. Both Shanghai plaster and terrazzo plastered here can be roughly classified as cement but somehow their primitive origins and recipes have been lost. According to architectural historian Charles Lai who has a great interest in Shanghai plaster(2020), terrazzo is also called “Italian plaster” by some people. While its main difference from shanghai plaster lies in the surface: terrazzo has a polished, smoother surface. Other than that, the two are basically the same. In the second half of this essay, we will narrow down the scope of our vision, have a closer observation of the facade and entrance decorations of these apartment buildings, and touch and feel the textures of shanghai plaster and terrazzo. The role of Shanghai plaster on Ming Yuen Western Street and its meaning to Shanghai immigrants are highlighted in many ways. As mentioned above, the apartment buildings we visited hold a simplified Art Deco style. Though the decorations were simplified out

of processing difficulty and cost, the style can still be observed from the buildings’ entrances where a layer of shanghai plaster or terrazzo is plastered on the outer surface. Consist of cement, lime, and stone clips, shanghai plaster owns a granolithic outlook and texture that can achieve Art Deco aesthetics. According to Dr. Lai(2021) again, we have learned that there are lots of reasons behind the choice of Shanghai plaster and terrazzo: in terms of construction techniques, since the material is plastered onto surfaces instead of prefabricated as blocks, it is much easier to form curved shapes and thus to be applied to stair handrails and pillars to achieve a streamlined outlook; in terms of raw materials, all are readily available local materials with a relatively low cost, and by mixing different color powders and stone chips, it can make various colors and patterns. The abstract facade outlook achieved by replacing blocks with surfaces shows modern architecture aesthetics while the low cost makes Shanghai plaster an even more convenient

way for the immigrants to express their cultural identity as “Modern Chinese”(Lai, 2018).

From left to right: the texture of Shanghai plaster on the facade, a closer look, terrazzos of different color gradients on the entrance, lines pressed on the surface later to achieve an outlook of stones. (Taken by the author on December 15, 2021)

However, though Shanghai plaster has a deep connection with Shanghai immigrants, it doesn’t mean that the material was brought to Hong Kong by them in the 1950s. In fact, it began to appear in Hong Kong’s modern construction early in the 1920s-1930s. In 1921, the original stucco finish was replaced with Shanghai plaster in the elevation design of the new extension of the old building of Victoria Hospital(Lai, 2018). This is the first time record of using “Shanghai plaster” in Hong Kong. And the localization of the material happened once it arrived in Hong Kong. On the one hand, since the original recipe was rarely known, local equivalents such as White Stone(白石) were used to construct Shanghai plaster. This gives the material a local taste. On the other hand, due to the same reason, the construction techniques of Shanghai paster were carried with craftsmen from Shanghai and then introduced to Cantonese craftsmen. Just as proposed by Bauhaus, craftsmen project their aesthetics into the construction which should also

be seen as part of the design and expression. The participation of Hong Kong craftsmen makes Shanghai plaster more localized. From the localization of Shanghai plaster, we can see that the cultural meaning behind it is never dull or single. As a localized adaptation of the imported Western modern materials(ie. terrazzo), Shanghai plaster experienced a second localization after its arrival in Hong Kong. While the use of reinforced concrete often reflects colonial culture, here we believe that Shanghai plaster to some extent represents a migrant culture. Moreover, “Shanghai plaster” has not been proven to have originated from the city of Shanghai. Since “Shanghai” was once seen as a description of “Chinese Modern” as we have argued above, Shanghai plaster will be a representation of immigrants’ Modern Chinese identity wherever it actually originated. To conclude, the arrival of Shanghai immigrants and the application of Shanghai plaster shape the modernization of residential buildings on Ming Yuen Western Street by

both keeping their cultural identity as modern Chinese and adapting to the local context for sustainable development. Hong Kong inhabited a large number of overseas and Chinese immigrants in the 1950s. Although as a British colony, its modernization process has been largely influenced by Western culture, the modernization process of architecture has never been single centric or linear but involved multiple centers. In the meantime, modern architectural culture cannot be understood only through master architects or landmarks. Shanghai plaster as a touchable material provides us with a new perspective to observe the influence of immigrant culture on the modernization of local architecture, which will be elaborated on further in the following essays.

Notes

1. Lai, Chun Wai Charles. “Cement and ‘Shanghai plaster’ in British Hong Kong and Penang (1920s–1950s)”. ICCH, Brussels, Belgium, ISBN 978-1-138-33230-0 (June 2018): 291-98. 2. Lo, York. “Red Capitalist: the life and ventures of K.C. Wong (王寬誠,1907-1986)”. The Industrial History of Hong Kong Group. October 19, 2018. https://industrialhistoryhk.org/red-capitalist-the-life-and-ventures-of-k-c-wong%E7%8E%8B%E5%AF%AC%E8%AA%A01907-1986/. 3. Wang, Haoyu. “Mainland architects in Hong Kong after 1949: a bifurcated history of modern Chinese architecture”. Hong Kong: The HKU Scholars Hub, 2008. 4. “Reconstruction gentrification led by State Theater(皇都帶動的重建士紳化)”, Stand News, August 27, 2021. 5. Lai, Chun Wai Charles. “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s”. Hong Kong: The HKU Scholars Hub, 2020. 6. “Changes in Hong Kong’s Housing(香港房屋的變遷)”, December 15, 2021, https://www.fed.cuhk. edu.hk/history/history2005/teach_s3_03.pdf. 7. District Section(區區小節). “State Theater and Community Building History in North Point(北角皇都戲院及社區建築歷史)”. RTHK. August, 2020, https://www.rthk.hk/tv/dtt31/programme/830_ magazine/episode/741927/miniepisode/449. 8. Wong, Dong Zhi. “Reflecting Hong Kong’s open “ocean character”, elegant terrazzo, constructing urban beauty (反映香港開放「海洋性格」淡雅水磨石建構城市美)”. Mingbao明報. March 4, 2021. https://today.line.me/hk/v2/article/j9DM2r.

To what extent has commercial buildings in North Point like St Jude’s Church reflected the integration of Shanghainese migrant’s lifestyle within Hong Kong? Matthew Tsun Tik, Ma

With the large influx of residing Shanghai immigrants. Their presence meant the arrival of the reflection of Shanghainese culture, like ‘Shanghai plaster’, as aforementioned in the previous essay is one of these aspects. Since many of the Shanghainese migrants were upper to middle class, not only did they bring their capital with them. Along with the westernised lifestyle accustomed to them in Shanghai. Living in British Hong Kong meant that their previous lifestyle would be adjusted into a more ‘Shanghainese westernised lifestyle.’ For example, cinema and churches in North Point had Shanghai plaster incorporated into them. Not only the material would be in the estates for those newly arrived refugees. It would cater to them in commercial buildings to their new Shanghainese westernised lifestyle. Shanghai plaster was also used to be called “washing rice” or “water stone”, which is a construction material that emulates the material of stone. Inside the cement mortar, small pieces of the “white stone” or black ones are

added to the wall. Then after it has dried, the areas that cement paddle which aren’t solidified will be hand washed to keep the bumpy texture. Later in the 1980s because of the tedious manual process and the discovery of new materials, the material was eventually eliminated. A lot of these surviving Shanghai plasters in Hong Kong were painted over with paint and even if they were asked to be repaired, the process faced many technical difficulties. In the 1930s, a new typology in cinema buildings had the use of Shanghai plaster in them. An architectural office: Clarke and Iu and Little, Adams & Wood was a part of this design during the 1930s, where there was a large influx of new cinema buildings. Shanghai plaster would regularly be chosen to be used to complete the façade with modern aesthetics. A project during that time was to design a six-story building that included offices, restaurants, and shops in front, then a 1000-seat cinema auditorium in the back and a dome on the top. The project would

have on the façade Shanghai plaster and the fake joints like the Art Deco buildings, that have been elaborated upon in the previous essay. These fake joints had lines crossing over the entire building and looked like a continuous line instead of blocks of stone, providing an Art Deco overtone that would go against the neoclassical façades, which seemed like tectonics from stone masonry construction. This cinema would be then known as King’s Theatre (娛樂戲院), as well as being the first of many within the new wave of buildings, it would have first to have air conditioning as well. It would service from the 30s up till the 60s before being rebuilt. During the Japanese Occupation, Mandarin films from Shanghai would still be shown. In addition, Little, Adams & Woods in 1932 had another project. It was to design another six-story building with a ‘latest emporium’ from the ground to the second floor. The article describes the façade of the building to have a touch of Chinese modern lines

and be completed with Shanghai plaster and terrazzo. It also describes the building should comprise a ‘pagoda-like’ tower. The choice of Shanghai plaster was in so many commercial buildings from a practical and technical standpoint, an example being how it performs as a finishing material. It was great in terms of hygiene for the 1933 Shanghai abattoir, which had granolithic cement surfaces. It also seemed hygienic because of the huge, tedious surfaces with rounded corners. As in British Hong Kong had standard practices of routine washing for cement plasters. The Central Market in 1938 was considered modern then, was equipped with built in terrazzo tables and a market stall with racks. The Bridges Street Market built in 1953 was also like the Central Market, with an interior Shanghai plaster dado finishing, resistant towards the routine cleaning. Shanghai plaster’s performance concerning water resistance offered shielding towards the moisture from routine cleaning. Nevertheless, the plasticity of the material

grants the design of more rounded corners and edges, so cleaning can be easily done. Later in the 1950s, with the wave of Chinese refugees. They mainly resided in nowadays Fort Street and Kin Wah Street in North Point, as well as Ming Yuen Western Street, which is just a street away from the other two populated streets. This allowed apartments, restaurants, nightclubs, and cinemas like King’s Theatre to flourish. As many of these immigrants had a Shanghainese western lifestyle, a lot of them were Catholic, this meant churches had to be constructed. On Cheung Hong Street a Methodist Church was created by Robert Fan and a few blocks away was St Judes Church (天主教聖猶達堂), which was designed by Chien Nei-jen in 1957. These sites were both on difficult rocky and hilly areas and it had to be flattened. A school was also involved within the site, Chien split the church and school into a rectangular plan with one being slender and the other being taller. The church being the slender one was cut up

into 20 vertical bays on the façade, these being where the pale green glass windows were situated. It gave an idea that the building is a monotonous mass and provided a sense of verticality and emphasizing the order. Moreover, three types of Shanghainese cement plasters were used. The façade where the vertical bays are had a hint of yellow hue cement with white stone aggregates and little black ones. At the main entrance, Shanghai plaster with grey coloured cement with white and black aggregates were used, along with this, horizontal feed joints are used. At the top of each vertical bay above where the plain green windows are located, there are grid reliefs with circles and crosses at the exterior of the nave. The apse and sanctuary also have circles and crosses, these located on this side create a “cast-in-situ motif of a massive cross.” These case-in-situ square frames that contain a circle and cross were done with the same yellow hue cement for the main façade. Chein only used three

types of Shanghainese cement plasters, what can be described as a compositional tool to read all the elements distinctively separately, even though they are all together. Chein had a good understanding for the Shanghainese cement plaster to create minor differences in colour and hue to intensify the depth on what could’ve been a dull and flat façade. Furthermore, Chein’s façade and his use of Shanghainese cement plaster deviates from the common practices of Art Deco aesthetics. Only using one material to complete the whole façade and with the fake joints to treat the façade as if it was a monotonous massing and Dr Chai described it as “putting faith in the aesthetics of volumetric proportions and abstract quality.” The Shanghai plaster was conceptualised as a mass, but not a type of finish or stone blocks. Those windows in each of those 20 vertical bays separate the façade into pieces, hence expansion joints can be prevented. Subsequently, the Shanghai plaster is successful in the façade, where it

combines into a singular surface. The indents at the grid reliefs and windows produces a perception that the Shanghai plaster carries on into the interior. It helps perceive a notion that the façade design is carved out from a single block of solid Shanghai plaster. On top of this, it was a homogenous finishing material that would call attention to the volumetric traits of the architecture. In conclusion, these commercial buildings located in North Point allow the integration of Shanghainese western migrant lifestyle by incorporating Shanghai plaster through the commercial buildings that they use. In other words, their new surroundings are built so a resemblance of their old home, Shanghai.

Notes

1. Lai, Chun Wai Charles. “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s”. Hong Kong: The HKU Scholars Hub, 2020. 2. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 226-228 3. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 315-316 4. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 321-322 5. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 327 6. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 332-334 7. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 351-352

To what extent is the material ‘Shanghai Plaster’ located at North Point a measurement of Shanghai immigrants’ influence on modernity and the culture of Hong Kong over time?

with Shanghai plaster as its ingredients and process are the same, but the differences lie in its use of colour and finishing being polished instead of Shanghai plaster’s brushed finish.

Chun Yan Oscar, Wong

The Ming Yuen Western Street located in North Point demonstrates Shanghai plaster and terrazzo as a case study to its role in Hong Kong’s modern architecture. The area, was funded and spearheaded by Kwan-cheng Wong, a Chinese capitalist who in 1952 developed the Dah Yuen Real Estate, which were 28 four-storey buildings with no lifts built to meet the housing demands of mainland refugees, whom many came from Shanghai. (Lo, 2018)

The material ‘Shanghai Plaster’ has a convoluted origin arriving to Hong Kong and an anonymity to its fabrication technique, but viewing it as a relic of the history of Shanghainese immigrants’ influence over Hong Kong is an intriguing discussion. ‘Shanghai Plaster’ is a cement plaster with a rough granolithic texture, made up of cement, sand and white coarse stone aggregates. Terrazzo is synonymous

‘Shanghai plaster’ as a concept and material reveals its significant role in developing Hong Kong’s modernity in the 19201980’s through Hong Kong’s reverence of Shanghai as Asia’s modern metropolis and its association with philanthropic project and Chinese elites, but when presented in the modern day, it suggests it has lost its place in the

canon of Hong Kong’s modernism through the disappearance of ‘Shanghai Plaster’. Although the specific origins of the material is unclear as well as non-linear, the emergence of the term ‘Shanghai Plaster’ inherently entails its role in Hong Kong’s modernity as a projection and vision for imagining Hong Kong to be like Shanghai, a Chinese modern metropolis. The name ‘Shanghai plaster’ to describe the granolithic cement plaster does not originate in Shanghai and is only one term out of an array of vocabulary from different languages and dialects that describe a similar material. (Lai, 2020) The phrase ‘Shanghai plaster’ was commonly found in parts of Asia such as Singapore, Macau and Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, the term emerged in newspapers and soon later in advertisements. Advertisements for contractors adopted ‘Shanghai plaster’ to attract clients and showcase their ability to fabricate such an attractive material. An advertisement for the contractor Gù xīn jì (顧新記) emphasises their Shanghai ori-

gins by bolstering ‘Shanghai plaster’ as their specialties alongside with “Italian marble” (Figure 1.1). (Lai, 2020) The advert insinuates that associating the plaster with Shanghai, it is perceived as appealing and desirable as the main selling point for contractors.

Figure 1.1 The Building Contractors Association Year Book. (The Building Contractor Association 1950),79-80

Shanghai as a concept for the Cantonese was revered, often referred to a higher or even superior quality. For example, Cathay Ceramics Hong Kong Ltd. emphasised their work on bricks were “laid by skilled Shanghai labour”. Based on an interview of a craftsmen conducted by Ho Pun Yuen from “The Fellowship of Lu Ban” the craftsmen said “Shanghai used different tools and methods than the Cantonese and they were willing to teach Cantonese their methods.” (Lai, 2020) Revealing there was institutional knowledge the Shanghainese had about cement plasters that the Cantonese were intrigued by. It means people believed that implementing material and fabrication processes in Shanghai meant a progression of rapid urbanisation and strive for modernity for Hong Kong. In context of North Point, the Dah Yuen Real Estate further promoted and showcased to the Cantonese how Shanghai plaster and terrazzo was an architectural finish that was

dignified and had developed a new modern aesthetic. As the project was developed by capitalist K.C Wong, whom operated in Shanghai for most his career, Shanghai plaster was employed as the main facades of buildings and terrazzo was integrated in the entrances. The material showcases it is suited for the facade with its easy application with continuous surface plastering without any intermediate breaks and its low maintenance design requirements compared to regular masonry. Shanghai plaster has a texture similar masonry and this similarity extends with the ability to emulate the aesthetics of masonry joints which gives a cost effective option to depict the decorative masonry joints of traditional Art Deco buildings (figure 1.2). The expansive variation within material with altering the hues and finish to create terrazzo or adding variation to different sizes and colours of aggregates aids in creating a dynamic composition for the facade with only one material (figure 1.3). This is exemplified through the buildings throughout the estate, showcasing the entrance as a separate ele

ment with its polychrome terrazzo juxtaposing the grey tones of the Shanghai plaster facade which also has slightly different values due to the difference in aggregates to create more depth to the facade of the building (figure 1.4).

Figure 1.2 Fake Joints (Taken by the author on December 15, 2021)

Figure 1.3 Terazzo variations, note: different use of aggregates for the green terazzo

Figure 1.4 Terazzo Enterance (Taken by the author on December 15, 2021)

Moreover, as the material is associated with Shanghai it appealed to foreign architects and engineers which further reinforces the narrative of Shanghai’s sophistication, as contractors have more experience collaborating foreigners and are familiar with their construction, technology, practices and construction management methods. Shanghai plaster and terrazzo’s association with Chinese elites reveals its function as an ambivalent material that operates in both Eastern and Western cultures as a neutral political material. Moreover, the material is a reflection of the role of Chinese elites in the political relations with the British colonists. The use of Shanghai plaster was a material chosen heavily by the contractor, commonly employed for the exterior and interior of philanthropic projects which used an Art Deco style as a means to highlight Chinese elites as capitalists. (Lai, 2020) These elites had a pivotal role in reinforcing a decentralised approach to autocracy for

the colonial government and indirect rule over the Chinese community in Hong Kong. For the case of K.C Wong, his role as a capitalist was to integrate the Shanghai mainland community to Hong Kong as well as meeting the needs of the British colony. In late 1942, K.C Wong saw an opportunity to leave Shanghai for Chungking where he accumulated British Pounds and Hong Kong dollar banknotes that were issued by the HSBC during Hong Kong’s Japanese occupation. In April 1946, the colonial government and HSBC honoured the bills and Wong made five times his investment. With his US$3.2 million capital, in 1947 he decides to move to Hong Kong motivated by the business opportunities, where usually many headed to Hong Kong for the British colony to flee from the communists who were gaining influence in the mainland. In reality he had a great relationship with the communists, which showcases his dual identity as simultaneously a tool for indirect power for the British Colony, but also taking care of the local and emerging Shanghai community in Hong Kong. (Lo, 2018)

The ambivalence of K.C Wong is reflected in the precise decisions to use Shanghai plaster to imitate an Art Deco and light neoclassical aesthetic of colonial buildings, but maintaining its Chinese craftsmanship. For instance, located in the bottom of Ming Yuen Western Street showcases a Shanghai plaster element on the facade that has ornamental fake joints that resemble an art deco aesthetic (Figure 2.1). More specially, the fake joints below are much thinner and are meant to imitate a stone block wall with its pattern. Moving up, the joints on the side of the structure resemble an imitation of columns with its thick vertical joints. Lastly, the top of the element has angular fake joints and resembles a roof structure where the vertical joint ‘columns’ are supporting it. These precise moves are employed to fully express the colonial influence of the art deco style and reinforce his ‘loyalty’ as well as the collaboration of the Chinese community to the British colonial government. But, with a strong sense of local Chinese labour involved as well as the

cost efficient economy in production of Shang -hai plaster, one must take into account the reading of the site as a process developed from the Chinese. The material was a middle ground between the two cultures with a quality between lavish and crude. The East-West divide is dissolved as the expression of the architecture is neither wholly Western or Chinese. (Lai, 2020) It reveals K.C Wong’s intention as a Chinese elite was to leverage the bond between the colonial government and develop North Point for the local Chinese community. Much like the facade made up of Shanghai plaster, he is an imitation of colonial ideals, but ideologically he uses the position given as a means to further Hong Kong urban modernity.

Figure 2.1 Shanghai plaster window facade (Taken by the author on December 15, 2021)

Although it is prevalent how much Shanghai plaster had an effect to the development of Hong Kong’s modernity, many buildings observed at North Point in the present that integrate Shanghai Plaster in its construction have been retrofitted or fully lost its unique textural quality by being painted over. This phenomena is seen throughout North Point with the painted facades and interiors from Dah Yuan Real Estate to the facade of St. Judes Church. The juxtaposition to the street once celebrating its materiality to attempting to cover up its texture entails the lost of the plaster’s importance in the canon of Hong Kong’s modern architecture history. The lost in legacy insinuates the convoluted history of Shanghai plaster must be investigated to inform what its future entails.

Notes

1. York Lo. Red Capitalist: the life and ventures of K.C. Wong (王寬誠,1907-1986), 2018 2. Charles Lai, “Cement in the Concrete Jungle: The History and Restoration of Shanghai Plaster in Hong Kong”, interview by Cecilia Chu, Docomomo, 2020 3. The Building Contractors Association Year Book. (The Building Contractor Association 1950), 79-80 4. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 223-226 5. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 257 6. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 272 7. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 274-275

Bibliography

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Lai, Chun Wai Charles. “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s”. Hong Kong: The HKU Scholars Hub, 2020. 10. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 226-228 11. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 315-316 12. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 321-322 13. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 327 14. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 332-334 15. Charles Lai, “Shanghai plaster: a history of cement architecture and colonial modernity in Hong Kong, 1920s - 60s” (Thesis, The University of Hong Kong), 351-352 16. York Lo. Red Capitalist: the life and ventures of K.C. Wong (王寬誠,1907-1986), 2018 17. Charles Lai, “Cement in the Concrete Jungle: The History and Restoration of Shanghai Plaster in Hong Kong”, interview by Cecilia Chu, Docomomo, 2020 18. The Building Contractors Association Year Book. (The Building Contractor Association 1950), 79-80

The Modern Architecture Guidebook Hong Kong’s built environment represents a unique site of inquiry in the global history of the Modern Movement. The Modern Architecture guidebook series draw from an inter-disciplinary toolkit of knowledge, references, and field studies to understand the processes at work in the built environment. Each walking tour in the series begins with one of the 98 MTR stations in Hong Kong as the meeting point. First opened in 1979, this modernist infrastructure has produced a city rationalized around transportoriented development. Organized around key themes (industrialization, colonization, environment, internationalization, migration, decolonization, counterculture, and globalization), the guidebooks present a critical yet open perspective towards the implications of large-scale modernist schemes on the environment and community.