Decolonization Decentralized Central_ Hong Kong's New Identity by ARCH2058

Decolonized Central: Hong Kong’s New Identity

ARCH2058 Modern Architecture ASSIGNMENT 3: GUIDEBOOK

中環

| Fall 2021

Decolonized Central: Hong Kong’s New Identity Chu Long Yiu Dominic (3035794246) Yeung Ho Lam Bosco (3035794210) Lai Kwong Ning Max (3035795264)

Decolonized Central

Central, being one of the early developed districts in Hong Kong, has long been this city’s political and cultural hub. Since the establishment of Victoria City, it has been the home of various important public and civic buildings, including the supreme court, government office, and police headquarter. Although Hong Kong was under British rule until the handover in 1997, the city has long undergone a decolonisation process. The city has become more independent from Britain and established its life and culture. Central has always been part of the decolonisation process. It has transformed from a small-town hub to a business centre of an international city, and this transformation has a prolonged impact on the identity of the people of this city. The tour aims at revisiting the past and the present to discover the change in public buildings and discover the decolonisation history of Hong Kong.

1 City Hall

Ohconfucius. City Hall of Hong Kong, C.1875. n.d. Photograph.

The city Hall we are familiar with today is the second generation of city hall. British architects Ron Phillips and Alan Fitch designed this generation, adopting international modernism. It is located at the centre of Central, and since its completion in 1962, it has played an important role in Hong Kong’s history and cultural development. Before the relocation of HKMOA and HKMOH, it housed a library, two museums and theatres, serving as the cultural and civil hub of the city. The previous one, built in 1869, is located at the current site of the HSBC building. The design was highly influenced by the renaissance style, and unlike the existing city hall where people could freely enter, it was only reserved for the rich and powerful. The building includes a library, museum and a theatre. However, it was later demolished in 1933 and 1947 to construct the third generation of HSBC building and the Bank of China building.

Fitch , Alan, and Ron Phillips. Slides, City Hall (1956–1962), Hong Kong. Photograph. Hong Kong, 1962. M+ Museum.

City halls of the two generations have similar functions and facilities. However, there is a noticeable difference in architectural style, from the renaissance to international modernism. This is because open and inclusive is the concept of the current generation of the city hall. This is due to the change in government attitude as they no longer see Hong Kong as an entrepôt but an international city under British rule. At the same time, the people of Hong Kong are no longer subjects under the colonial rule but a citizen of the city.

Concert Hall

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2 General Post Office

The Library of Congress. General Post Office, C.1923. n.d. Photograph.

Built in 1976, the 3rd generation of the General post office situated itself in the harbourfront area of central. The building is seemingly forgettable and mundane, overshadowed by skyscrapers and classical colonial structures. As a staple of modernist style and a manifestation of ‘form follows function’, the building was designed by architect K.M. Tseng, who was working for the Architectural services department. The facade can be understood as a composition of different visual patterns – windows of different sizes and alignments create a distinctive rhythm, following a clean language of linearity. The 2nd generation of the General Post office was built in 1911, located in the newly reclaimed area in Pedder Street. It was considered English Renaissance style, commonly found in large, grand buildings in England. Granite and red bricks form a beautiful red and white contrast on the highly symmetrical facade. The old GPO has four stories surrounding a large courtyard where some glazed roofs were designed for providing natural lighting into the interior. The

basement is half-sunken, allowing windows to be installed on street level for ventilation. It was then demolished to make room for the Central Station. Similarly located near the shore to facilitate receiving mail from the sea, the current GPO is located in the Connaught Centre. The shift from the older generation to the newer one reflected the change of architectural value from classical to modernism. The previous generation emphasized symmetry and ornamental value; the facade did not reveal what was happening inside the building, while the 1976 GPO’s facade echoes the internal programs. For instance, the floors dedicated to machinery will be windowless, while the floors for office buildings will have smaller rectangular windows. Due to technological advances, the newer one is more mechanized and more detached from its surroundings, air-cons mainly power ventilation while the 1911 GPO utilized natural ventilation devices like courtyard and verandas.

3 Central Market Situated in Des Voeux Road Central, Central, the Central Market has undergone three reconstructions, arriving at the current 4th generation, which was built in 1939. Designed by the Public works Department, which was solely constituted by a group of British architects and engineers, the market was designed in alignment with the international modernist style The Bauhaus and Streamline Moderne. University of Bristol - Historical Photographs of China. City of Victoria Hong Kong Central Market 1895. View from Queen’s Road., C.1895 n.d. Photograph.

Constructed in 1859, the former generation was considered a Victorian building. Redbrick walls with granite wall dressing for pilasters and archways are visible on the facade. Consisting of a central avenue flanked by two blocks of 2-storey, the commodious building was a prominent prototype that propagated sanitation and city image. It was then demolished after constant usage and wear.

Carrying similar functions and concepts, the current generation of Central Market reopened in later 1939. However, the two generations are distinctive in style. Categorized as a Bauhaus building, the four-storey building with curved corners embraces the idea of form following functions, emphasizing horizontality with a clean facade without ornamentations. Long ribbon window is not a statement of modern architecture but also a choice of functionalism to maximize light and airflow into the damp market, which is also contributed by the central linear courtyard. Reinforced concrete columns and beams form an open plan to offer flexibility in function. The building was designed upon its functions. There are no excessive elements that do not contribute to its functional requirement.

Modern architecture in public buildings and its impact to the people of Hong Kong Long Yiu Dominic, Chu

Hong Kong has been under colonial rule for over 150 years, and the British have deeply influenced Hong Kong in people’s ways of life, judicial system, and architecture. The establishment of Vitoria city in 1857 marks the foundation of colonial buildings in Hong Kong. The British started building European-style buildings from neo-classism to neo-renaissance, from modernism to contemporary. Among all, public buildings best illustrate the influence under colonial rule as many of them are designed by British architects in the Public Works Department.1

After World War two, the British gained back the authority of Hong Kong, and a lot has changed, including the architectural style of public buildings. There was a rapid construction of public infrastructures at that time, and there was an apparent change in style from neo-classism to modernism, such as the city hall, central market, and the government hill. This essay aims to discover the reason behind this change from political and economic aspects while also discovering what this change meant to the people of Hong Kong. From the political aspect, the British colonial government adopts modernism as a gesture towards a more people-oriented governing policy and an open, welcoming government. Before World War two, Hong Kong was only seen as an entrepôt for trading between China and Britain.2 The city was segregated by race, and it was mainly developed only for the interest of Europeans.3 Thus, it is no surprise that the old city hall is

restricted to the locals. The previous generation of the city hall is situated at a prime location, adjacent to the supreme court. It is neo-renaissance in style, which is at that time prevalent in Britain. Although it contains a museum, library and a 500-seat theatre, it does not serve as a civic hub for the Chinese locals but as a private club for the elites.4 During 1960, the world underwent massive decolonization, with many colonies in Africa and Asia gaining independence from their European ruler. This triggered colonial powers to rethink their absolute power in colonies. They started to establish a fair society where colonized people were more involved in the decision-making process, hoping to stabilize their colonies after the chaos caused by World War two.5 Hong Kong is no exception to this change. The city began a massive reclamation and started to develop new public infrastructure. With the change in the political environment of the colonies, the colonial officials in Hong Kong were ea-

ger to emulate cosmopolitanism to the city and construct a more inclusive city ever than before.6 Hence, modernism is chosen. More than a style that embraces minimalism and functions, modernism also represents a willingness to change and a more inclusive world. Unlike neo-classism and neo-renaissance buildings built in Hong Kong in the pre-war period, modernism has no specific linkage to a particular nation. Modernism is a “universal and transnational construct”. As a style based on addressing facts, it does not have a colonial background but solely focuses on the user’s needs.7 Thus, it is widely used in post-colonies to signal a change and independence, such as India in Chandigarh, Australia. Therefore, the generation of current city hall adopts international modernism. It has served as an important cultural and civic hub for generations. Unlike the previous one covered by stone, the minimalistic look makes the design bright and airy, giving people a sense of wel-

comeness and inclusiveness.8 At the opening ceremony, Governor Sir Robert Black said, “Here, in these buildings which I am opening today, there will be a welcome for the citizen not as a bearer of his rates and taxes, but as a partner in the artistic and social life of the city. He will come not to beard one of his obedient servants in his lair but to share in whatsoever is beautiful and available in this building.”9 This shows how the governing style at that time has shifted from an authorial to a more people-oriented one and how it serves as a milestone for the modernism transformation of public buildings onwards. From an economic perspective, the rapid development in Hong Kong is also a push factor of adopting modernism in government buildings. Classical and neo-renaissance buildings strongly focus on ornaments, which requires a high level of craftsmanship and makes construction costly. On the contrary, modernism building embraces minimalism. They have a simple and clean look, making

the building process quicker and less costly.10 Central Market is one of the examples. Being built in the years when the Japanese were invading China, Hong Kong economy was poor and had a limited budget for the fourth generation of the market. Hence, unlike the stone structures used in the third generation, modernism is adopted, saving costs and speeding up the process. After the second world war, the population of Hong Kong soar due to the influx of immigrants from mainland China. At that time, the Chinese civil war had ended, and many people worried about the communist rule and saw Hong Kong as safe heaven.11 Also, due to the poor economic and political development in the 1950s in China, such as the great leap forward and Hundred Flower Campaign, it is estimated that over 400 thousand refugees have fled to Hong Kong.12 This rapid population growth has led to a significant increase in demand for public services and infrastruc-

tures such as hospitals, housing, markets, and postal services. With a limited budget and a developing economy, the government must think of ways to mass-produce new government buildings to cope with the demands.13 Modernism is the best choice as it can be mass-produced at a lower cost. The general post office was built under such circumstances. Hong Kong was undergoing massive development, with new public housing, hospitals being constructed. The old general post office has to make way for the construction of MTR. Thus, the post office is located on the newly reclaimed land, next to the city hall. The post office has a simple 5-storey structure and a minimal design. It was designed for maximized efficiency and cost.14 Modernism indeed marks a new era of Hong Kong, an era of a people-oriented government and the city’s rapid development. It has shaped and improved people’s way of life in Hong Kong. However, one may wonder what

modernism really means to Hong Kong or, more specifically, to the people of Hong Kong. Modern architecture in public buildings helped shape the identity of Hong Kongers. Architecture is related to one’s construction of identity.15 As Winston Churchill said, “We shape our buildings, and then they shape us”16 Especially for public buildings, serving as social assets that are closely bonded to citizens’ lives. When we look back to the public buildings of Hong Kong in the 1890s and early 1900s, they often give people a sense of solemnness, and some are even a replica of a building in Britain. People at that time are live under the shadow of Britain and as a colonial subject under British rule. This has changed in the post-war period. Public buildings in the 1950s to 1970s embrace modernism. They usually have a simple appearance and form while focusing on the space within, such as the general post office and the city hall. Unlike their previ-

ous generations, which have a deep colonial background and some even being restrictive to the locals, these newly built public buildings aim to create an inclusive space for the public, becoming a people’s public space. 17 Thus, at this stage, people start to enjoy these infrastructures without segregation of race and take part in the city’s civic life. The change in public buildings makes them realize that they are no longer just colonial subjects but citizens of this metropolitan city. This makes the public start taking pride in their Hongkongness and start the construction of the identity of “Hong Kongers” in the 1960s, where they regarded themselves as Chinese but also unique to Hong Kong.18 People are concerned about the fate of the general post office and central market. They regarded these modern public buildings as their collective memory as these buildings have deeply embodied in the lives of many Hong Kongers and are part

of their identity.19 Thus, it is no surprise to see large demonstrations when these were being torn down, such as the hunger strike for queen pier and the star ferry pier.20 Some may argue that people want to preserve them is only because they are historic buildings. However, it is the strong bonding between modern public buildings and the public that makes them want to preserve them. No large demonstration can be seen when the old Hong Kong Club building, which is beautifully crafted in classical style, will be demolished for the new generation of Hong Kong club. This is because the public has no bonding to it. The club has long been a private club exclusive to the elites’ foreigners. Hence, it is not a “people’s public space”, and the public is less interested in preserving it and pay little attention to the demolition of the building. Modernism architecture in Hong Kong, especially those government buildings, have a significant symbolic meaning to the city.

It is a signal towards a more inclusive city and the rapid development that has helped shape generations of Hong Kongers, which many take pride in and are precious of it.

Notes 1.

DeWolf, Christopher. 2019. HONG KONG’S MODERN HERITAGE, PART VI: CITY HALL. June 13. Accessed 12 16, 2021. https://zolimacitymag.com/hong-kongsmodern-heritage-part-vi-city-hall/.

10. Xue, Charlie Q.L. 2016. “2.5 Conclusion: “Public” for the Societal Betterment.” In Hong Kong Architectur 1945-2015 From Colonial roGlobal, by Charlie Q.L. Xue, 51-53. Singapore: Springer Nature. 11. Hambro, Edvard. 1957. “Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong.” The Phylon Quarterly 69-81. 12. Burns, John P. “Immigration from China and the Future of Hong Kong.” Asian Survey 27, no. 6 (1987): 661–82. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644542.

Christopher. 2019. HONG KONG’S MODERN HERITAGE

DeWolf, Christopher. 2017. Hong Kong’s Other Peak – and the City’s Overlooked History of Segregation. May 24. Accessed December 19, 2021. https:// zolimacitymag.com/hong-kongs-other-peak/.

Owen, Norman G., and E.V. Roberts. n.d. THE HERITAGE OF HONG KONG HISTORY.

14. Christopher. 2019. HONG KONG’S MODERN HERITAGE

Xue, Charlie Q.L. 2016. “2.5 Conclusion: “Public” for the Societal Betterment.” In Hong Kong Architectur 1945-2015 From Colonial roGlobal, by Charlie Q.L. Xue, 51-53. Singapore: Springer Nature.

15. 15. Henderson, Joan C. 2008. “Conserving Hong Kong’s Heritage: The Case of Queen’s Pier.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 540-554.

Christopher. 2019. HONG KONG’S MODERN HERITAGE

Prakash, Vikramaditya. 2010. “Epilogue: Third World Modernism, or Just Modernism: towards a cosmopolitan reading of modernism.” In Third World Modernism : Architecture, Development and Identity, by Duanfang Lu, 262. Taylor & Francis Group

Christopher. 2019. HONG KONG’S MODERN HERITAGE

Wood, Chris. 2017. What the opening of City Hall 55 years ago meant for Hong Kong. Hong Kong, March 3.

13. Siu, Kin Wai Michael, and Yi Hua Huang. 2015. “Everyday life under modernist planning: A study of an.” URBAN DESIGN International 1-2

16. Dattner, Richard. 1995. Civil architecture: The new infrastructure. New York: McGraw-Hill. 17. The Standard. 2007. Antiquities Backing to Save Queen’s Pier. Hong Kong, May 10 18. Ip, Po-keung. 1997. “Development of civil society in Hong Kong: constraints, problems and risks.” In Political order and power transition in Hong Kong, by Li Pang Kwong, 159-186. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press. 19. Joan C. 2008. Conserving Hong Kong’s Heritage 540554. 20. Holmes, Stephanie. 2007. Pier pressure builds in Hong Kong. August 10. Accessed December 10, 2021. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/6933255.stm.

In Search of identity: Post war modernism in Hong Kong Kwong Ning Max, Lai

vironment, what is Hong Kong’s architectural identity? This essay seeks to explore what makes Hong Kong’s architectural identity through analyzing Hong Kong’s post-war political and socio-economic climate, the design of Pre-war and Post-war architecture, and the driving force behind these buildings, while using civic buildings as case studies. Rise of civic architecture; ‘public’ for social stability

Once a tiny fishing village with only a few thousand residents, Hong Kong, under 150 years of British colonization, her cityscape was deeply influenced by European eclectism and classicalism. Hong Kong has transformed into an international port on par with cities like London and shanghai. Until the post-war and 1950s decolonization movements, Hong Kong has become a city with modernistic and highly pragmatic architecture. With all these Western influences on Hong Kong’s built en-

The end of ww2 led to a paradigm shift in Asia’s political and social climate, which prompted the colony to build more civic facilities. Following the end of the war, many southeast Asia colonies such as Malaysia, Cambodia, and Singapore began claiming back sovereignty of their own countries, and independence movements proliferated. This led to a retreat of European powers in Asia. Moreover, with the rise of Communist China in 1949. British Colonial office felt the risk of losing its colonies and took a more lenient

and citizen-centric approach in governing the city. The British government of Labor Party enacted the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1945,1 which funded numerous civic and public architecture in Hong Kong. This is a sign that the British government was deeply concerned about its outlying colonies and was the sole reason for a citizen-centric governing style. Moreover, in 1967, decolonization began silently in Hong Kong “because Britain was set on a course of withdrawal”2 and a leftist riot stormed the streets of Northpoint and homemade bombs were thrown in the streets. To soothe the social unrest, The newly arrived governor Sir Maclehose and his cabinet started the construction of various public facilities. The colonial government adopted a people-oriented policy and started numerous civic architecture. One of the most prominent examples among these public buildings was the Hong Kong

City Hall, designed by Alan Fitch and Ronald Philips from the Public works Department in 1962. A city hall has been typically found in continental Europe and British cities since the end of 19th century.3 Yet, Hong Kong did not have a city hall during the first 100 years of British rule. In the 1950s, the government carried out a citizen-centric policy, proposal to form a city hall council to represent voices from different civic organizations arose. The city hall design embodies a minimal, elegant stone facade with a clean, sharp, and geometric form. It was Hong Kong’s first-ever entirely local-oriented center for culture, comprising a concert hall, a library, a theatre, and a marriage registry.4 City Hall was conceived in the mid-1950s, when buildings in Central were mainly classical, such as the 1905 Supreme Court and the 1897 Hong Kong Club, and Art Deco, such as the 1869 Hong Kong Bank headquarters. The design did not adopt the classical model of colonial buildings, which is often grandiose and evoked the empire’s power, but embraced an asymmetrical, open

aesthetic. City Hall led to a modernist trend in Hong Kong. As Bainiassad stated in his report, Hong Kong architecture is inherently public and that its “publicness” is an integral part of local culture.5 Perhaps it is the rise of a public building that makes Hong Kong architecture’ Hong Kong’. Pre-war colonial architecture Contrary to the Post-war civic-minded social structure. During the pre-war period spanning 1841-1941, Hong Kong was mainly developed to satisfy the interests of British merchants and the ruling class. The colony was busy coping with the problems of early settlement, an influx of refugees, hygiene in the dense city areas, exports, and productivity. The government had little attention, energy, and budget to spend on public facilities. Socially, the society remained racially segregated and polarised due to British colonial policies.6 Despite the rise of a British-educated Chinese upper class by the late 19th century,

race laws such as the Peak Reservation Ordinance prevented Chinese from living in elite areas like Victoria Peak.7 The colonial rule before ww2 was pretty much elitist and catered to serving the European Upper-class. This colonial Imperialism also reflected on the architectural style during this period. In 1911, Hong Kong’s first purpose-built General Post Office joined this concentration of colonial power. It was fashioned out of red brick and locally quarried granite. Its corner rooftop pavilion and Dutch gables made it seem taller than its five stories and built in English Renaissance style. Such style was commonly found in large, grand buildings in England, usually with rich decoration to express a sense of splendor. It features the symmetry of façades, the heavily rusticated pillars (pillars with blocks at intervals along the shaft) and arches with exaggerated voussoirs (the wedge-shaped units forming an arch) on the ground floor, the diminishing round-arched arcades at the verandahs, corner towers and

the use of numerous gables on the roof.8 All these expressed the glory and power of the British Empire. ‘Form follows Function; pragmatism in Hong Kong. Hong Kong has a hilly terrain that only little lands are truly habitable. In this geographical condition, the pragmatism of architecture developed over time, especially in post-war colonial Hong Kong. Hong Kong is generally defined as a “city of materialism” compared with other cities of religion, political power, and romance.9 Moreover, during the 1950s post-war reconstruction, the colonial government had to cater to the influx of refugees from China after the civil war. Until the 1970s, when Hong Kong’s economy took off, lands became extremely expensive, and every acre had to be utilized to the fullest. Pragmatism has become Hong Kong’s architectural identity. A building must be rational and deliver its maximum usable or saleable floor space.

A building is a machine for living and working that yields commercial value. The traditional relationship of “architect: building work” sometimes disappears in the city. This pragmatic attitude is also partly shaped by the city’s narrow lands and fast-paced life.10 Pursuing efficiency and mass production, elaborating functions, and exploiting technology advancements coincided with the design principles of modern architecture. This modern architecture opposed the classical eclecticist architecture that dominated the influential buildings of Hong Kong before the war. The General Post Office is a prominent example of post-war modernism. It was designed by local architect K.M. Tseng from the Public Works Department. The architect himself, Tseng also wrote in the Hong Kong Star in 1976. “From the ground, one can see inside while the exterior design suggests the functions performed on each floor. I tried to make the building functional and truthful, an expression of what goes on within the concrete

walls.”10 The GPO’s facade echoes the internal programs. For instance, the floors dedicated to machinery are windowless, while the floors for office buildings have smaller rectangular windows. The General Post Office also featured Hong Kong’s first central vacuum cleaning system and a mechanized sorting operation that was state of the art during the 70s. Socially, It represented an era of civic mindfulness during the 70s. The GPO was built with faith in public service, the idea of serving the public, not just the elite. From 1841 to 1997, Hong Kong society has undergone many upheavals and challenges. As a container of life, architecture witnessed Hong Kong’s changes over the years and its design adapted as well. In a city like Hong Kong, It seems to have been built on contingency, on geographic and historical accidents, shaped by times and circumstances beyond its control and by pragmatic accommodation to events”.11Does Hong Kong have an architectural identity of her own ? a ver-

nacular language indigenous to this area? I believe Hong Kong’s architectural identity is her ‘lack of identity’ that is constantly changing, evolving to societal change.

Notes 1.

Hong Kong Government Publication Bureau. 1947. Annual Report on Hong Kong for the Year 1946 . Hong Kong. 2. Fauer, D. 2003. Colonialism and the Hong Kong Mentality. Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, The University of Hong Kong. 3. L., XUE CHARLIE Q. 2018. “Chapter 2, Modernism Coming to Town—Government Low-Cost Housing and Public Buildings.” Essay. In Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From Colonial to Global. 43 4. L., XUE CHARLIE Q. 2018. “Chapter 2, Modernism Coming to Town—Government Low-Cost Housing and Public Buildings.” Essay. In Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From Colonial to Global. 44 5. Architectural Services Department. 2006. ‘Post 97 public architecture in Hong Kong’, Hong Kong: Architectural Services Department. 86 6. Trea Wiltshire. 1997. Old Hong Kong. Vol. 1 1860-1900. 86 7. Trea Wiltshire. 1997. Old Hong Kong. Vol. 2 1901-1945. 124. 8. “Hongkong Post - the Old General Post Office Building.” n.d. Www.hongkongpost.hk. Accessed December 22, 2021. https://www.hongkongpost.hk/en/about_us/ corp_info/history/old_gpo_bldg/index.html. 9. Bell, D., & De-Shalit, A .2011. The spirit of cities - why the identity of a city matters in a global age. 56 10. L., XUE CHARLIE Q. 2018. “Preface, In search of identities” Essay. In Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From

Colonial to Global. 17. 11. Dewolf, Christopher. 2019. “Hong Kong’s Modern Heritage, Part I: The General Post Office.” Zolima City Magazine. January 28, 2019. https://zolimacitymag.com/ hong-kongs-modern-heritage-part-i-the-general-postoffice/. 12. Abbas, A. (1997). Hong Kong: culture and the politics of disappearance. 159.

Obsolescence in Modernity and Decolonization in Central and Modernism’s Response Ho Lam Bosco, Yeung

Introduction Under British colonization, Hong Kong has undergone industrialization as a capitalist city due to the stability, maturity, and predictability of British law1 . Rapidly developing, the city has reformed itself through demolition and

reconstruction in response to the changing status of the city, and the built environment can be understood as a reflection of it. Each creative destruction2 , which is an essential fact about capitalism, indicates obsolescence of a building, which lost its value abruptly comparatively, implied by a change in its environment. This essay looks into three civic buildings the City Hall, the General Post Office, and the Central Market, which were pioneers in establishing Hong Kong’s status, and dissects the possible reasons for deconstruction in order to understand the shift of attitude in society, in terms of economic depreciation and cultural rejection, and eventually sees how modernism tackle obsolescence. Economic Depreciation A building and its site are inseparable. Economic obsolescence of a building lies at the relationship between it and its site. In a cap-

italist society, economic value is the key parameter in whatever a building is obsolete in capitalists’ eyes, and that is probably the easiest way because it is quantifiable. It is justifiable to say when the return on the investment of a building is incomparably small to the possible values harnessed by the same site, the building is exploiting the profitable site, deemed obsolete3 . Central was one of the earliest developed areas in Hong Kong, from a small trading community to the current international financial district. By the end of 20th Century, due to reclamation in 1904 and the redevelopment, Central has become a commercial hut with high-rise buildings, whereas residential buildings are relocated upwards to mid-level. All three civic buildings were located along the shore before reclamation, but reclamation led to their original sites becoming inland, at the heart of the Central. Located at Queen’s Road, the Central Mar-

ket was convenient to residents, however after the relocation of residential buildings, it became underused, and was then shut down and converted as a transition for the mid-level escalator system4 . Undoubtedly, according to the progress of creative destruction, sitting on a lucrative site, it was considered to be pulled down for private and financial high-rise development as the value of the site has skyrocketed, whereas the building itself did not co evolve with the value of the site, hence, became obsolete. Similarly, the City Hall was at the current sites of the HSBC Hong Kong headquarters building and the Bank of China Building – partly was taken down for the former in 1933 and the rest was demolished for the latter in 1947, then reconstructed at Edinburgh Place after the Second World War in 19615 . As a civic building, which does not aim to be an incoming-generating commodity, the City Hall occupied the potential site for high-rise financial buildings, being obsolete to the site it

situated.

Cultural Rejection

The 1911 General Post Office originally was located in Pedder Street. In order to facilitate the construction of the Central station below ground, it was relocated and reconstructed to the newly reclaimed land at the Connaught Centre in 1976, when the 1911 General Post Office was taken down as well. The site became far more valuable for a post office. Unpredictable, the development of the transportation system, which was vital to urbanism and modernity, obsolete the intact building.

Architectural style is subjected to its time, in some sense that it is vulnerable to the time. It can be understood that a change in architectural style indicates a change in the environment. The rationales behind the transformation of obsolete style into a new style showcase the change in attitude in people

In short, these buildings had to make way for constructions that offered greater prosperity than three civic buildings that could not even be considered commodities. Therefore, the previous generations were trivialized and obsolete, as they exploited the lucrative site, and reconstructed elsewhere.

Built in 1859, during the Victorian period, the previous Central Market can be categorized as a Victorian building, characterized by towers at two ends, gables, pitched roofs and red brick walls with granite dressing for pilasters. It was a manifestation of a native style from the mother country, Britain, that was incorporated into Hong Kong as a colony. The Central Market was subsequently reconstructed by a group of British architects and engineers, who advocate international architectural styles, namely Bauhaus, from the Public Works Department. In comparison, the current generation of the Central Market stripped off all or-

namentation and reduced in colours, formed by repetitive modules, and constructed in reinforced concrete. Horizontal windows and shading flow along the east and west facades, suggesting not only the international modern style, but also allowing light and air flow into the building as a functional purpose, which is also contributed by the central linear atrium6 . A grid of reinforced concrete columns free up the space, creating an open and flexible space. In short, the current generation of the Central Market prioritizes functionality of a building over everything else, its form faithfully expresses its functions, which is against colonial architectural styles. Here, the colonial colours were downplayed but the functionality was emphasized. 1911 General Post Office was in granite in English Renaissance style with rich ornamentation. Symmetry of the facades and rusticated pillars and arches with exaggerated voussoirs on the ground floor, diminishing arcades at the verandahs, gabled roof and corner tow-

ers are features of the splendid architecture. Built in reinforced concrete and supported by a grid of post and beam structure, 1976 General Post Office embraces Bauhaus style. It completely eradicates excessive decoration, while celebrating the geometric efficiencies in modernism with horizontality expressed by strip windows and repetitive pattern of brisesoleil7 . Compared to the old generation, the aesthetic of the building does not come from heavy decoration and the splendour but clean geometric form and vivid patterns on the facade. Besides, the current building is essentially a machine that had a central vacuum system to collect dust through holes on the sides of the floors. Windows are placed meticulously in response to the function of each floor – there are windows on floors for offices whereas there are not for machinery. Similarly, it is difficult to spot the trace of colonialism in the current General Post Office. It could be only read as a universal and anonymous building if it was contextless.

Constructed in 1869, the first generation of the City Hall could be categorized as Neo-Renaissance style, a prevalent style in Britain at the time. However, to downplay the instability and uncertainty provoked by World War Two, colonial powers re-evaluated their power in colonies, intending to establish a fair society. And such change in attitude can also be reflected in the style of architecture8 . The City Hall was then reconstructed in a modern style, which is universal and does not tie to a specific nation, in such that the power and colonial symbolism asserted in the British architectural style vanished. The change in style does not only erase the unnecessary ornamentation, but, more importantly, erases the absolute colonial power of Britain imposing on the Citizens, reminded by the style of the old City Hall. In conclusion, previous generations of these three buildings that were constructed in architectural styles that were heavily influenced by British style became obsolete because,

firstly, international style was prominent that functionality is prioritized than everything else and, secondly, the British government changed its attitude towards Hong Kong during post war period and massive decolonization around the globe. Modernism became the go to style of buildings due to its functionality, flexibility, and universality. Modernism and Obsolescence In the first decades of the twentieth century, many landmarks and buildings were demolished, including Marshall Field Wholesale Store, and pioneering modern structure Tacoma Building 9 . These losses provoked a huge discourse on obsolescence. In 1932, Bernard London naturalized it with a metaphor of life and death, describing obsolescence as a principle of nature 10 . It has to be accepted as an inevitable process that buildings must be created and destroyed. However, it is believed that Modernism could

widely adopted as it is a universal and transnational construct11 . In short, Modernism responds to obsolescence with its functionalism and flexibility that diminish the unexpected external factors of a building, suggesting an alternative to demolition, perhaps even an end to obsolescence.

Notes

10. London, Bernard. 1932.Ending the Depression through Planned Obsolescence Bernard London. New York (State). 12.

2. Schumpeter, Joseph A. 1974. Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. London: Unwin University Book. 83.

11. Prakash, Vikramaditya. 2010. “Epilogue: Third World Modernism, or Just Modernism: towards a cosmopolitan reading of modernism.” In Third World Modernism : Architecture, Development and Identity, by Duanfang Lu, 262. Taylor & Francis Group

1. Chan, Ming K. 1997. The Legacy of the British Administration of Hong Kong: A View from Hong Kong. 567.

3. Abramson, Daniel M. 2003. Obsolescence: Notes Towards A Hisotry. New York: Praxis, Inc. 109. 4. The Hong Kong Institute of Architects. 2005 . A Study on Historical and Architectural Context. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Institute of Architects. 4. 5. Chan, Peter Sui Shan. 2001. A survey report of Historical Buildings and Structures within the Project Area of the Central Reclamation Phase III. 9-10. 6. The Hong Kong Institute of Architects, “Sanitising Central Market,” The Hong Kong Institute of Architects E-Jornal, accessed December 19, 2021, https:// hkia-journal.net/sanitising-central-market/. 7. Hongkong Post, “The Old General Post Office Building,” Hongkong Post - The Old General Post Office Building, accessed December 19, 2021, https://www. hongkongpost.hk/en/about_us/corp_info/history/ old_gpo_bldg/index.html. 8. Xue, Charlie Q.L. 2016. 2.5 Conclusion: “Public” for the Societal Betterment. In Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015 From Colonial roGlobal, by Charlie Q.L. Xue, 51-52. Singapore: Springer Nature. 9. Abramson, Daniel M. 2003. Obsolescence: Notes Towards A Hisotry. New York: Praxis, Inc. 106.

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10. —. 2017. Hong Kong’s Other Peak – and the City’s Overlooked History of Segregation. May 24. Accessed December 19, 2021. https://zolimacitymag.com/hongkongs-other-peak/. 11. Fauer, D. 2003. Colonialism and the Hong Kong Mentality. Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, The University of Hong Kong. 12. Hambro, Edvard. 1957. “Chinese Refugees in Hong Kong.” The Phylon Quarterly 69-81.

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20. Owen, Norman G., and E.V. Roberts. n.d. THE HERITAGE OF HONG KONG HISTORY. 21. Prakash, Vikramaditya. 2010. “Epilogue: Third World Modernism, or Just Modernism: towards a cosmopolitan reading of modernism.” In Third World Modernism : Architecture, Development and Identity, by Duanfang Lu, 262. Taylor & Francis Group. 22. Siu, Kin Wai Michael, and Yi Hua Huang. 2015. “Everyday life under modernist planning: A study of an.” URBAN DESIGN International 1-2. 23. Schumpeter, Joseph A. 1974. Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. London: Unwin University Book. 83. 24. The Hong Kong Institute of Architects. 2005. A Study on Historical and Architectural Context. Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Institute of Architects. 4. 25. —. “Sanitising Central Market,” The Hong Kong Institute of Architects E-Jornal, accessed December 19, 2021, https://hkia-journal.net/sanitising-centralmarket/.

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The Modern Architecture Guidebook Hong Kong’s built environment represents a unique site of inquiry in the global history of the Modern Movement. The Modern Architecture guidebook series draw from an inter-disciplinary toolkit of knowledge, references, and field studies to understand the processes at work in the built environment. Each walking tour in the series begins with one of the 98 MTR stations in Hong Kong as the meeting point. First opened in 1979, this modernist infrastructure has produced a city rationalized around transportoriented development. Organized around key themes (industrialization, colonization, environment, internationalization, migration, decolonization, counterculture, and globalization), the guidebooks present a critical yet open perspective towards the implications of large-scale modernist schemes on the environment and community.