2021_ARCH2058_Guidebook_Development_Industry and Residence in Tsuen Wan

DEVELOPMENT:

TSUEN WAN

荃灣 ARCH2058 Modern Architecture

ASSIGNMENT 3: GUIDEBOOK

| Fall 2021

Development: Industry and Residence in Tsuen Wan Daegeun Kim (3035446124) Eunsoo Kim (3035660861) Soyeon Park (3035664831)

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MTR Station and Destinations Footbridge Travel Path

MTR Station and Destination Footbridge Travel Path

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B3 exit

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TSUEN WAN Past century of Hong Kong is condensed in Tsuen Wan. It is the place of history, architecture and culture that represents the modernism of Hong Kong. After the second world war, Tsuen Wan went through rapid development through the textile industry.

Many textile factories were constructed, which populated the region, and changed the living environment with the highrise dense apartments. Thanks to the textile factories in Tsuen Wan, Hong Kong could become the manufacturing center of Asia. Most of the factories have already disappeared today, but it is possible to observe the traces of the old days in Tsuen Wan. Today we will guide you to the places where we can observe the traces of the factories and the residential buildings: Sam Tung Uk Museum, Shek Pik New Village, and the Mills. We will walk through the footbridges that connect them together.

Sam Tung UK Museum

1 Sam Tung UK Museum After we get off the MTR, we can find a parklike open space among the high-rise buildings in a five-minute walk: Sam Tung Uk Museum.

The vernacular architecture was constructed in 1786, originally home to the Chan clan of Hakka people who settled in Tsuen Wan after moving from the southern part of China. The whitewashed walls and tiled roofs reveal “a typical Hakka walled village” where row houses are located on both sides with an ancestral hall and dwellings along the central axis.

Due to the development plan in Tsuen Wan, the villagers were relocated to new housing blocks nearby. With local support, the village was declared a historical monument and was restored in 1987, which is now opened as a museum, featuring the indigenous traditions and cultures of the Hakka community. You may enjoy their exhibitions for details: the lineage history, architectural concepts, village food making techniques, and indigenous folk customs.

Original Shek Pik Village in Lantau Island

Shek Pik New Village in Tsuen Wan

2 Shek Pik New Village The footbridges are everywhere in Tsuen Wan, and there is one right in front of the museum. We will follow its path to the Shek Pik New Village, one of the remaining old apartments among the high-rise buildings.

Shek Pik New Village is one of the earliest 5 storey apartment buildings in Tsuen Wan, built in the late 1950s. It represents the contemporary residential housing type featuring the private balcony, highlighted with the color red. The story of this village goes back to the construction of Shek Pik reservoir in Lantau Island. The original Shek Pik Village was located in Southern Lantau Island. In 1957, in order to solve the problem of fresh water shortage, the government decided to construct a reservoir in southern Lantau island. However, southern Lantau island was not a barren land, home for around 250 people. The villagers were moved to the Shek Pik New Village in Tsuen Wan. In order to fit into the dense Tsuen Wan region among factories, the building was designed to be tall and packed.

Main hall in The Mills

Pak Tin Par Lane (Former loading-unloading space)

3 THE MILLS On the way to our last site, The Mills, we will see the developed Tsuen Wan through a panorama of high-rise residential towers on the right and Nina tower and shopping centers on the left.

The Mills is the latest heritage destination where the original 3 mills of Nan Fung Textile factories were located. The appearance of three rectangular buildings looks similar to the past Mill no. 4, 5, and 6, but the inside is reinterpreted through the modernization.

The first scene we can see is a Pak Tin Par Lane, which is the reborn space from the past material loading-unloading space of factories to a new pedestrian walkway with the murals. The murals, representing the past, present, and future of The Mills and glass link bridges, connecting Mill 5 and 6 make the lane exude a welcoming atmosphere.

Here, in the atrium, key aspects of what we can see are a wide skylight that allows us to

look up to the rooftop and the original green and white-colored concrete columns with newly attached steel frames. You may find it interesting to discover the old textile factory’s vestiges. Following the stencil signage, which preserves the original font, you can wander from the modern textile shops on G/F to the contemporary textile museum on 3/F.

DEVELOPMENT OF TSUEN WAN IN TERMS OF POPULATION AND TEXTILE INDUSTRY Daegeun, KIM

The modernizing process of Hong Kong is quite like most other countries. Hong Kong developed from agricultural economy(primary) to manufacturing(secondary), and then eventually to the service industry(tertiary).

However, the process was very rapid and messy, especially in the Tsuen Wan region due to the mass construction of factories in Tsuen Wan during the initial industrialization period. Therefore, it created a negative impact to the built environment of the region

unlike any other countries, and also unlike any other regions of Hong Kong. The economic changes during the modernization of Hong Kong caused an unstable development of Tsuen Wan through unplanned construction of factories and housings that only lived through a very short lifespan.

The industrialization of Tsuen Wan started in the early 20th century, and the textile industry has always been the backbone of Tsuen Wan since the 1920s.[1] However, industrialization and urbanization were highly accelerated only after the post war era, which made the development very unstable. Post war time allowed Hong Kong for such a fast growth because the global changes after the second world war allowed the huge influx of capital into Hong Kong. The greatest factor was the British capitalistic economic influence, which became more dominant than that of the mainland China.[2] Also, the Chinese revolution in 1949 caused many businesses to move from mainland China to Hong Kong,

together with technical and managerial personnel.[3] The developed countries in Europe left more labor-intensive industries to less developed countries in Asia. Therefore, the number of industrial workers in Hong Kong increased from 51627 to 297897 only during the 15-year period from 1947 to 1962.

A 1968 book “Space, change and feng shui in Tsuen Wan’s urbanization” by Baruch Boxer commented on the modernizing process as a revolutionary change happened in a decade.

The population of Tsuen wan was 5335(1931), 84823 (1961), and 210000(1966),[4] and the author anticipated the population to exceed 1000000 by 1978.[5] (It did not happen since the population of Tsuen Wan is 318916 in 2021). Still, it is observed that the urbanization and industrialization during the postwar era was an extraordinary process. Nevertheless, due to the rapid urbanization, Tsuen Wan was responsible for 69% of textile production out of entire Hong Kong by early 1960s.[6] This

rapid

process

greatly

worsened

the living environment of the area. The development happened without a plan.

Larger number of factories were constructed without accommodation for workers and their families.[7] Factory workers back then needed to live closer to the factory due to the poor transportation infrastructure, and many of them were squatters from mainland China. Therefore, they lived in dense apartment buildings with poor lighting and ventilation, all constructed within a very small region around the factories. One of the government’s immediate reactions to the poor living condition is the ‘Tsuen Wan Satellite Town Development’ in 1959, which includes reshaping of the land contour unintendedly affecting the natural water stream. The abrupt geological change caused the flooding of the area during the rainy season of Tsuen Wan.[8] Overall, it is clear to see that the government and the residents could not handle the sudden changes of economic structure and population, while it is already too late to slow down the textile

market of Tsuen Wan. The rapid changes eliminated the traditional agricultural society, and left the traditional 1-storey individual housings to go empty or demolished.

In the 1970s changes in government structure sparked some improvement. The resettlement department of the government was absorbed into the housing authority when the housing authority was undergoing expansion and restructuring. The new resettlement department attempted the clearance of squatters in Tsuen Wan.[9] Also, the government commenced multiple projects on construction of public housing and multistorey factories. However, the attempt was not very successful in terms of building management.

The positive changes could not keep up with the increasing population and the demand for the manufactured goods, and the fast economic changes resulted in a constant reconstruction and demolition of factories and apartment buildings. Besides, there had been some positive changes that naturally emerged

among people. Within the high rise dense environment, the Chinese temples arose as a new gathering places for the squatters.[10] In the 1980s, the textile industry in Tsuen Wan flourished to the maximum, and eventually started to decline. The decline was a natural process after 2 major social changes that completely reshaped Tsuen Wan. The first is the improvement of infrastructure. Tsuen Wan MTR station opened 3 years after the first MTR was opened in Hong Kong. Footbridges for pedestrians started to be constructed, connecting the most populated area of Tsuen Wan to the MTR station.[11] The second is the gradual decline of the manufacturing industry as a whole, as more and more manufacturing moved to mainland China due to the cheaper labor cost.[12] The financial industry began to rise as the manufacturing industry decline, and more people from Tsuen Wan started to work in Kowloon and Hong Kong Island.

People did not have to live closer to the working area thanks to the successful MTR

development. The shift of economic structure highlighted a much stronger importance on efficiency of transportation. Compared to the unsuccessful government’s attempt for environmental improvement in the 1970, they were more capable of investing on financially heavy projects since the government became much wealthier as the real GDP increased rapidly during the previous decade. More importantly, factories adopted newer and faster machines, enabling them to increase the profit without increasing the labor scale in the golden era of the textile industry.

The increased production was not achieved through the expansion of the number of labor and factories. These changes are much less influential to the living environment of the residential area negatively, which enabled the government to run successful infrastructural constructions much more easily.

However the problem of short lifespan of buildings persists. New economic changes also mean the end of most of the facilities and buildings for the manufacturing economy.

Factories closed down one by one, and poorer quality housing near the factories were also demolished. The public factory estate that was built from the 1950s and 1970s were mostly demolished during the 1990s and 2000s.[13] For example, Shun Kei Factory Estate was built in 1982 and demolished 1998 for the development of the west rail project.[14] Since people work in Kowloon and Hong Kong Island while continued to live in Tsuen Wan, Tsuen Wan eventually became one of the most populated residential districts in Hong Kong. and this change initiated the rise in the service industry. After the 1980s, a series of shopping malls were constructed. Starting from the Nan Feng Center and Luk Yeung Galleria in 1983, Tsuen Wan Plaza(1992), Discovery Park(1997), and City Walk Plaza(2007) were constructed. Multiple parks were developed and the first concert hall of Tsuen Wan (Tsuen Wan Town Hall) was also constructed in 1980.

Overall, the economic changes in Tsuen Wan during the 1980s improved the environmental quality of the region much better. However,

the process of positive changes was done through an extremely unsustainable process of reconstruction and demolition of buildings.

Most of the factories were either closed or demolished even though they are only a couple decades old, and this phenomenon continues in contemporary days. It is an inevitable phenomenon in the history of modernism that the capitalist economy shortens the lifespan of architecture. Buildings cannot live long enough to maintain their structural lifespan, causing social and environmental problems.

The process of rapid development is still ongoing in contemporary days. The scale of the manufacturing industry went down from 4.6% (1980) to 1.03% (2019).[15] The new footbridge expansion project happened between 2009 to 2013, connecting most of the Tsuen Wan region together by expanding the existing footbridge constructed in the 1980s. There are attempts to overcome the lifespan problem of industrial buildings. The government has been running quite active revitalization projects of the unused industrial

buildings since 2009 in Kwun Tong, Sham Shui Po, and Tsuen Wan.[16] There are more of these projects in the New Territory since there were more factories in New Territories than the Kowloon and the Island. Those cultural spaces in the setting of large scale industrial buildings (such as the Mills in Tsuen Wan) are becoming the new identity of the younger culture of Hong Kong. The living condition clearly improved a lot in contemporary days.

Hong Kong went through the entire process of modernization in an extremely short period of time, especially in Tsuen Wan up to the contemporary days. The process of both planned and unplanned development and various outside factors shaped the contemporary day culture of Hong Kong.

However, it is unsure whether the current state of development is sustainable. The world is still constantly changing when we are facing the new era of 4th industrial revolution with the rise of artificial intelligence. The changes are faster than any previous days in history. The current buildings can easily go

outdated, and the demand for new buildings and new programs is constantly changing.

Notes

1. Li Zhang. “1937- 1941 年香港华资工业的发展 [Development of Chinese-owned Enterprises in Hong Kong from 1937 to 1941].” Modern Chinese History Studies (in Chinese). China: China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House, 1999.

2. Leung, Chi-tien, Steve., and University of Hong Kong. Centre of Urban Studies Urban Planning. ”The Complexity and Contradiction in the Capitalist Mode of Urbanization [electronic Resource] : A Historical Analysis of the Urban Process of Hong Kong.” 1986.

3. Brim, John Anthony. “Local Systems and Modernizing Change in the New Territories of Hong Kong”. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilm International, 1995.

4. Lai, David C. Y, and D. J Dwyer. “Tsuen Wan: A New Industrial Town in Hong Kong.” Geographical Review 54, no. 2 (1964): 151-69.

5. Baruch Boxer, “Space, Change and Feng-shui in Tsuen Wan’s Urbanization” (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968).

6. Lai, David C. Y, and D. J Dwyer. Tsuen Wan: A New Industrial Town in Hong Kong (Geographical Review 54, no. 2 1964): 151-69.

7. J.W. Hayes. “THE IMPACT OF THE CITY ON THE ENVIRONMENT.” In Geography and the Environment in Southeast Asia, 69. Hong Kong University Press, HKU, 1978.

8. Ibid.

9. 何, 耀生”香港製造‧製造香港 [Made in Hong Kong — Making Hong Kong].” . 2009: 1-153 10. J.W. Hayes. “THE IMPACT OF THE CITY ON THE

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

ENVIRONMENT.” In Geography and the Environment in Southeast Asia, 69. Hong Kong University Press, HKU, 1978.

Transport and Housing Bureau. “Extension of footbridge network in Tsuen Wan.” Legislative Council Panel on Transport, 2007.

Johnson, Elizabeth Lominska, and Graham E. Johnson.

“Tsuen Wan’s New Face: Transition to a Post-Industrial City.” In A Chinese Melting Pot: Original People and Immigrants in Hong Kong’s First ‘New Town,’ 1st ed., 155–72. Hong Kong University Press, 2019.

Planning Department.

“REGENERATION OF INDUSTRIAL AREAS IN METRO AREA – A Hypothetical Case Study at San Po Kong.” Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government. 2003.

Hon, May Sin-Mi. “Workers worried railway project may cost them their jobs”. South China Morning Post, 1996 World Bank. “Hong Kong SAR, China.” The World Bank Group. 2021.

Edward Wu, “Revitalization of Industrial Buildings in Hong Kong.” The Hong Kong Institute of Surveyors.

2012.

THE TWO OPPOSING IMPACTS OF TSUEN WAN’S DEVELOPMENT ON RESIDENTIAL AREAS: HAKKA VILLAGES AND PUBLIC/PRIVATE HOUSINGS Eunsoo, KIM

On July 20th, 1977, SCMP reported Tsuen Wan’s transformation with the title of “Old Tsuen Wan bows out”.[1] During the process of modernization, Tsuen Wan experienced

rapid changes in the economy, industry, and the environment from both planned and unplanned outcomes, which were marked by the development of the textile industry.

Nevertheless, with several old buildings remaining among the newly built high rises, we may understand how Tsuen Wan looked like in the past and the process of modernization since then. The transformation was also evident in the context of residential areas in Tsuen Wan, which involved two distinct stakeholders: Hakka villagers and new immigrants from the mainland. The significant changes in the urban context in the region resulted in the disappearance of indigenous traditions of the Hakka community while accelerating the growth of public housing followed by high rises for the growing middle class.

The first affected group was the Hakka villages, which settled “the communities of indigenous villagers” who have been living in Tsuen Wan for more than 100 years as their ‘home’.[2] Their initial settlements date back

to the 17th to 18th century when they got expelled from the southern part of China due to the rise of the Qing dynasty and their attempt to eliminate possible rebels from the Ming dynasty in the province.[3] After their relocation, their lifestyle was rather simple, focusing on agriculture as “the basic economic pursuit” with the reclamation for suitable land to cultivate crops.[4] They mainly cultivated “wet rice, sweet potatoes, pineapple, and vegetables” together with the minor fishery on the coastline.[5] The vernacular architecture reflects these residential patterns and traditions where the houses were built in rows while being connected and clustered to each other for “mutual protection in an insecure world”.[6] This is why walled village houses could be observed in Hong Kong for fortification purposes. Also, their architectural concept in materials, layout, and preservation techniques illustrated the notable vernacular style of the villages.[7] However, since the 1950s, the villagers have

faced a sudden and drastic change in the environment. Due to the massive influx of new immigrants from the mainland in the late 1940s, Tsuen Wan turned into an industrial town.[8] The major industry changed from agriculture to textile industry and its prompt growth resulted in the land filled with factories.

Tsuen Wan experienced a period of confusion as the population was rapidly increasing when there was no accommodation for them, resulting in squatter settlements. As a result, this led to the construction of Tsuen Wan New Town with a master plan as a “self-contained satellite of Hong Kong” from the government.

[9] However, this plan meant that the land had to be “surrendered for development” and thus, they could no longer rely on “agriculture for their livelihood”.[10] Also, the construction of new infrastructure in the area led to “physical alteration of landscape”, which affected their pursuit in feng-shui of the topography that they believed to have a direct relationship with their own “prosperity and well-being”.[11] Therefore, even though

adequate compensations were given to the villagers through negotiations, “the necessity for removal of ancestral villages” leading to the demolition of the villages and relocation of their ‘home’ and traditions must have been a tragic ending for them.[12] A well-known example would be Shek Pik New Village built in the 1960s. This five-story apartment building was newly built to accommodate the displaced Shek Pik villagers who had to move due to the construction of the Shek Pik reservoir.[13] The original village with its history and tradition is now submerged and could only be found in photographs. Another example would be the Sam Tung Uk museum where the traditional Hakka walled village is preserved and turned into a museum. Due to the continuous development plans in Tsuen Wan, especially MTR stations, Sam Tung Uk village was also in danger of being torn down.

[14] But, due to the local support and its historical significance, the village was preserved and underwent a period of restoration while the villagers were moved to nearby housing.

It now became a historical monument as ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage’ and opened as a museum that reminiscences about the traditional craftsmanship and indigenous culture, which remains as part of history.[16] This shows how the Figure 1. Sam Tung Uk Museum modernization of Tsuen Wan turned the former tangible culture into intangible heritage, which inevitably led to the disappearance of indigenous Hakka people who would live a dissimilar lifestyle compared to their ancestors.

[15]

On the contrary, there was another group of people who get affected by Tsuen Wan’s development: the new immigrants from the mainland in the late 1940s. After the Chinese Civil War, countless refugees came over to Hong Kong. This turmoil also prompted

businesses to relocate their capital and assets, which among them, included Shanghainese industrialists who brought textile businesses that transformed the local industry in Tsuen Wan.[17] Together with the modern machinery and workforce, the industrialists took full advantage of the geographical location of Tsuen Wan, which allowed worldwide trade through the Rambler Channel and thus, the immediate growth of the textile industry.[18] In contrast to the growing industry, the immigrants were suffering from poor

Figure 2. Squatter area in Tsuen Wan in 1959

residential conditions due to the shortage of housing. As the development of the industry started without a plan, the accommodation for the new immigrants was an urgent problem.[19] The only solution for the booming population was squatter settlements, where people built temporary housing with mainly wood and metal sheets, thousands of them clustered together on the hillside.[20] Thus, this type of squatter camp was especially vulnerable to natural disasters such as fire and typhoons, making their conditions even worse. The issue was not solved until the huge fire that rendered more than 50,000 people homeless in Shek Kip Mei in 1953 urged the government to take action.[21] Consequently, “large-scale clearances” were planned for redevelopment, which included virtually everything: not only squatter structures, but also farmlands, livestock, and even indigenous villages that required “a great deal of tact and persuasion”.

[22] During the clearance work in the 1970s, the inhabitants of each clearance area were registered through the survey conducted

by the government and were assessed for “eligibility for rehousing”.[23] People who have passed through the assessment could apply for public housing, which helped to improve living environments and significantly reduce the number of squatter settlements in the region. Therefore, the former squatter inhabitants could relocate themselves into more secure and stable housings with the continuous effort of the government to improve the design and facilities of the buildings. While the initial resettlement blocks (Mark I blocks) were six to seven-story “H” or “I” shaped blocks with no electricity or running water, the final design (Mark VI blocks) was composed of 16 story blocks with private lavatories in their balconies and water taps.[24] “Universal Design” was also adopted to support lifelong needs throughout their residential period and a more spacious environment with better daylighting and ventilation was constantly developed.[25] Additionally,

through

the

constant

redevelopment work in both public and private housings, Tsuen Wan transformed from a low-income “workers’ town” into a growing middle-class city.[26] This implied not only the growth of Tsuen Wan but also the thriving Hong Kong in general. The construction of the MTR allowed faster and easier access from other regions in Hong Kong, meaning people could still live in Tsuen Wan while working in other areas.[27] Aiming at growing middle-class, private housing estates were developed as high-rise buildings followed by commercial towers and shopping malls, successfully transforming Tsuen Wan with modern developments.[28] This implies the successful development of Tsuen Wan, which is now known as ‘the first-generation new town’.

Despite the successful achievement as a new town, the development process is considered as a double-edged sword that brought both positive and negative consequences for people. Such rapid transition displaced the indigenous villagers, which brought

irreversible impacts in their lives. Meanwhile, for the new incomers, the development was an opportunity for them to obtain safe and improved living conditions. The further development of footbridges connects the residential area with leisure centers and transportation, making Tsuen Wan a “sky city”.[29] Modernization is an ongoing process, meaning the urban context will continue to change and bring challenges to overcome that could be both or either success or failure.

Notes

1. Christopher DeWolf, “Stories behind Hong Kong Districts: Tsuen Wan – from Hakka Farms to Textile Mills to a Post-Industrial Future,” South China Morning Post, September 25, 2017, https://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/ travel-leisure/article/2112676/stories-behind-hongkong-districts-tsuen-wan-hakka-farms.

2. James Hayes, Tsuen Wan: Growth of a ‘New Town’ and Its People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 9.

3. Christopher DeWolf, “Stories behind Hong Kong Districts: Tsuen Wan – from Hakka Farms to Textile Mills to a Post-Industrial Future,” South China Morning Post, September 25, 2017, https://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/ travel-leisure/article/2112676/stories-behind-hongkong-districts-tsuen-wan-hakka-farms.

4. Baruch Boxer, Space, Change and Feng-shui in Tsuen Wan’s Urbanization (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968), 229.

5. Ibid.

6. James Hayes, Tsuen Wan: Growth of a ‘New Town’ and Its People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 5.

7. Ibid.

8. Christine Tai, Cherry Ge, and Gienne Lee, “Hong Kong’s Squatter Settlements – from Transit Points to Cherished Homes,” Varsity, May 12, 2011, https://varsity.com.cuhk. edu.hk/index.php/2011/05/squatters/.

9. Christopher DeWolf, “Stories behind Hong Kong Districts: Tsuen Wan – from Hakka Farms to Textile Mills to a Post-Industrial Future,” South China Morning Post, September 25, 2017, https://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/ travel-leisure/article/2112676/stories-behind-hong-

kong-districts-tsuen-wan-hakka-farms.

10. Baruch Boxer, Space, Change and Feng-shui in Tsuen Wan’s Urbanization (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968), 230.

11. Ibid, 231.

12. Ibid.

13. Christopher DeWolf, “What Happened to Hong Kong’s Underwater Villages?,” Zolima City Magazine, April 18, 2019, https://zolimacitymag.com/what-happened-tohong-kongs-underwater-villages/.

14. Richard Garrett, “Sam Tung Uk,” CityLife Magazine, accessed December 18, 2021, http:// hkcitylife.com/index.php?route=product/ product&path=105_267_268&product_id=142.

15. Ibid.

16. “Fully revamped Sam Tung Uk Museum to open to public from tomorrow,” DimSum Daily, November 2, 2021, https://www.dimsumdaily.hk/fully-revamped-samtung-uk-museum-to-open-to-public-from-tomorrow/.

17. Christopher DeWolf, “Stories behind Hong Kong Districts: Tsuen Wan – from Hakka Farms to Textile Mills to a Post-Industrial Future,” South China Morning Post, September 25, 2017, https://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/ travel-leisure/article/2112676/stories-behind-hongkong-districts-tsuen-wan-hakka-farms.

18. Ibid.

19. Christine Tai, Cherry Ge, and Gienne Lee, “Hong Kong’s Squatter Settlements – from Transit Points to Cherished Homes,” Varsity, May 12, 2011, https://varsity.com.cuhk. edu.hk/index.php/2011/05/squatters/.

20. Christopher Dewolf, “When Hong Kong Was a City of Villages: Squatter Settlements and Their Legacy,” Zolima City Magazine, March 3, 2017, https://zolimacitymag.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

com/hong-kong-city-villages-squatter-settlementslegacy/.

James Hayes, Tsuen Wan: Growth of a ‘New Town’ and Its People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 75.

Ibid.

Ibid.

“Memories of Home – 50 Years of Public Housing in Hong Kong,” Hong Kong: Hong Kong Housing Authority, February 18, 2011.

Ibid.

James Hayes, Tsuen Wan: Growth of a ‘New Town’ and Its People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 162.

Elizabeth Johnson and Graham Johnson, In A Chinese Melting Pot: Original People and Immigrants in Hong Kong’s First ‘New Town’ (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2019), 160.

“Urban Mapping,” Chinachem Group Official Website, August 21, 2021, https://www.chinachemgroup.com/ news/lifeplus-magazine/magazine-issue-list/magazineissue-03/iss03_02_spotlight.

Ibid.

Figure 1. University of Hong Kong Libraries, Sam Tung Uk Museum, Tsuen Wan 荃灣三棟屋博物館, photograph, DigitalRepository@HKUL, https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/ catalog/mw22vb85k#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=-812%2C172%2C2316%2C1111&r=.

Figure 2. Ka-iu Fung, Squatter Area, Tsuen Wan 荃灣木屋區, photograph, DigitalRepository@HKUL, https://digitalrepository. lib.hku.hk/catalog/p2676z09q#?c=&m=&s=&cv=&xywh=412%2C-32%2C1822%2C622.

TEXTILE INDUSTRY: FROM THE PAST TO THE MODERN INTERVENTION Soyeon, PARK

A trajectory from industrialization to deindustrialization and culturally and artisticallyled creative society creates the present look of Tsuen Wan. As a fusion of the old and the new, and as a symbol of the modern development of Hong Kong, Tsuen Wan is worthwhile to be studied on how it has developed from a region with industrial buildings, mainly textile factories, to a new commercial compound of skyscrapers, shopping centers, and recreational facilities. Although the decreased demand on the textile industry made almost all textile factories abandoned,

the revisit to the past since 2013 from Nan Fung Group, which was the most popular textile company, has succeeded in awakening the textile industry in Tsuen Wan. Therefore, the objective of the paper is to identify the impacts of the depreciation of the textile industry through the economic development in Tsuen Wan from the 1950s to the early 21st century and it will further explore how the current textile industry is interpreted in modern times through ‘The Mills’ where is the representation of revitalization of the past.

A Shadow of Textile Factories

Figure 1. Textile mills built along western edge of Tsuen Wan in the 1960s

The aftereffects of Chinese Civil War in 1945 and the geopolitical turmoil in Asia Pacific in the 1950s are the major triggers of the influx of Chinese immigrants into Tsuen Wan area.[1] Chinese entrepreneurs

had introduced machinery with advanced technology and human resources in late 1947.[2] Dr. Chen Din-Hwa, the founder of Nan Fung Textiles Limited; the renowned textile giant, was also one of the immigrants.

Although manufacturing the metal goods was also a prosperous industry,[3] it could not be compared with the golden age of the textile industry.[4] It was the dominant sector in the areas of employment and domestic export performance in Hong Kong. Its development resulted in more than 1,000 factories and about 70% workers in the spinning mills in Tsuen Wan.[5] The first large mills, including Nan Fung Textiles (the previous use of The Mills) were lined up in front of the Castle Peak Road and some are on the western edge of the bay in the 1960s as Figure 1 demonstrates.[6] They were the modern and well-equipped factories and composed four or five stories and they were called ‘flatted factories’.[7] The reason why they were not common ramp up factories is to set

different activities such as weaving, spinning, and manufacturing garments on each floor.

Also, high rent prices and the scarcity of developable land for industrial buildings in Tsuen Wan are the other reasons.[8] Until the end of 1970s, the rapid development in the textile industry could achieve a distinct growth in the Tsuen Wan textile factories.

Demise and the Results

Figure 2. The use of Mill 4 as storage in the 1990s

The tragedy started in the 1980s due to a shift from manufacturing to the service sector, especially in tourism,[9] leading to the

gradual transformation of land uses from industrial to commercial. Moreover, the cost of the textile was cheaper in southern China while the costs for local production were increased by the rising labor costs, and finally, they made manufacturers move northward to seek cheaper labor costs.[10] Besides the industrial changes, those were the reasons why textile factories were pressured into repositioning their roles. In the case of Nan Fung Textiles, they also made losses since Feb 1981 because of the fluctuating price of raw materials, so they decreased the number of cotton spinning mills from 46 to only 20 in 1986.[11] However, they cut their production eventually in 2008 and turned the mills into warehouses, as shown by Figure 2. In the meantime, the second generation of Nan Fung Group was started by diversifying its business portfolio in property[12] and real estate and the mills were almost derelict storage.

Since the situation for the textile industry kept getting worse with high unemployment

rate,[13] the government applied a set of revitalization measures on 1 April 2010 to encourage the redevelopment and conversion of older industrial buildings.[14] Accordingly, the vacancy rates remained under 10%.[15] The factories usually sold their land to property developers and changed the uses into offices, residential towers, shops, etc through redevelopment. New industrial buildings were full of modern amenities, and tenants became selective for reconstructing as brand-new buildings. These changes influence the surrounding planning as well. On the edge of Tai Chung Road, many industrial buildings and Nan Fung Textiles are located.

Most of them are mixed-use buildings (i.e. commercial and industrial) with non-industrial uses like sound experience center and photo studios. Thus, the planning department interpreted that the area is no more industrial area, but commercial and cultural space and proceeded with the Footbridge B (under construction) project above Tai Chung Road to connect this area to the center of Tsuen

Wan.[16] Thereby, the demise of the textile industry brought new changes on the inside uses and even on the surroundings as well.

On the other hand, if they keep changing everything to adapt to the future and transitions, what will be the leftovers from the past? Is it reasonable to replace all the traces from the old?

Revival

Figure 3. Consolidation of old and new signages on the neat grey plastered facade

Unlike most renovated buildings that tore out

the old and built high-rise buildings, Vanesse; the founder of The Mills has wanted to keep the memories by preserving the old and representing the roots of the Company with the modern touch.[17] When Nan Fung Group moved to its third generation, Dr. Chen’s granddaughter, Vanesse pushed ahead with the commercial projects.[18] Among them, a remarkable one is an unprecedented nonprofit revitalization project for the almost entirely obliterated textile industry.[19] In 2018, three former factories; Mill 4, 5, and 6 had reopened under the name of The Mills.[20] The Mills is a 15-minute walk away from the Tsuen Wan MTR station that is geographically undesirable, but the reason for its popularity can be found in the value of that space. Most of the redeveloped textile factories have sleek exteriors with attractive interior areas by having granite external walls and a marble lobby inside.[21] On the contrary, The Mills put focus on upgrading instead of transformation.

It maintains terrazzo; a prevalent material

for the flooring in the past, and about 119 different-shaped broken concrete columns.[22] With these preserved materials, the architects introduced a kind of modern type of framework to work with the old. They constructed glass bridges, connected three mills, and added steel frames around the concrete columns for the strengthening. Also, by taking advantage of the high ceilings of the factories, architects could find new possibilities in spatial uses in the atrium. Each floor height of Mill 6 is about 4.45m, the highest height compared to the floors in Mill 4 and 5.[23] Therefore, by knocking through the middle of the first and the second floors, the architects have created a large gathering space with ample daylight through a 5.63m wide skylight. People in this atrium can even overlook the public roof garden atop Mill 6. Accordingly, the hall gives the enlarged experiences and suggests a new way of setting an environment as individuals can get a sense of the place. “Where you are, where you want to go, how you go is the story of architecture and it is the story of

The Mills”, says Ray Zee; the lead designer of The Mills project in Nan Fung Group.[24] When you squeeze your eyes, the shape of the building is the same as before. But, when you open your eyes, you can see the details of how the old and the new complement each other. This can be recognized by the small details as well, for example; glass bridges with checked texture from the old metal plates, Hong Kong’s traditional green and white paints on columns, and the coexistence of old and new signages without unnecessary pipes on the front facade (figure 3).

Along with recalling the past, The Mills is trying to further develop a bond with the current generation and to spread the future of the textile industry widely. The atrium, the space where the workers weaved the cotton fabrics in the 1980s, is now used as exhibitions, showcasing contemporary art and design in terms of recalling the past.

Additionally, it is also used as a catwalk where

the models walk to display the complete products, clothes in fashion shows. This kind of spatial use can be interpreted as a way of connecting the textile industry with a fashion design, which is a current trending industry. The building is one single complex holding three main pillars; shop floors at the bottom, CHAT (non-profit art center and museum), and FABRICA offices (an incubator for the start-up textile businesses).[25] The linear and see-through street-level shops provide hands-on learning and experiential retail to the public. As individuals enter the building, it allows their personal connections to the textile factories’ past and the City’s culture by wandering around the spaces from the atrium to the above museums and galleries. Therefore, exploring the continuity of authentic Tsuen Wan’s textile story and fostering younger generations successfully bring the spirit back to the textile industry.

In the flow of economic development, the uses of buildings have transformed from

manufacturing and industrial to commercial buildings. The textile factories and industry itself, got highly affected by the transitions after the 1980s, leading to the end of production and they spontaneously became warehouses or other non-industrial uses for profit. Therefore, the factories in Tsuen Wan are kept replaced by new skyscrapers or residential towers, and now, it is time to give attention to the heritage and a legacy. What we as the next generation can do is consider counteractive space; a composite of the revitalized old and the new to enhance the value of the buildings, which are harmonizing in one community. A fine specimen, The Mills reveals the possibilities of the industrial factories, and the next potentials, coming out from the high ceiling and within the four concrete walls is beyond calculation.

Notes

1. Centre for Heritage Arts & Textile, Archiving The Mills Through The Lens. Mill 6 Foundation Ltd, 2018, 6-252.

2. Ibid.

3. David C. Y. Lai, and D. J. Dwyer. “Tsuen Wan: A New Industrial Town in Hong Kong.” Geographical Review 54, no. 2 (1964): 151–69. https://doi.org/10.2307/213184.

4. Johnson, Elizabeth Lominska, and Graham E. Johnson.

“Tsuen Wan’s New Face: Transition to a Post-Industrial City.” In A Chinese Melting Pot: Original People and Immigrants in Hong Kong’s First ‘New Town,’ 1st ed., 155–72. Hong Kong University Press, 2019. https://doi. org/10.2307/j.ctvs1g8gp.15.

5. Centre for Heritage Arts & Textile, Archiving The Mills Through The Lens. Mill 6 Foundation Ltd, 2018, 6-252.

6. Tsuen Wan District Council Secretariat, “Minutes of the 3rd Meeting of Tsuen Wan District Council (3/2016).”

Tsuen Wan District Office. 2016.

7. LEUNG Cheuk Fai Jimmy, “Industrial Land Use Changes in Response to Economic Restructuring in Hong Kong.”

Department of Urban Planning and Design, The University of Hong Kong, 2015, 14-53.

8. David C. Y. Lai, and D. J. Dwyer. “Tsuen Wan: A New Industrial Town in Hong Kong.” Geographical Review 54, no. 2 (1964): 151–69. https://doi.org/10.2307/213184.

9. 林健枝, “Tourism and city planning - China - Hong Kong.” Centre for Environmental Policy and Resource Management the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. 4-9.

10. Centre for Heritage Arts & Textile, Archiving The Mills

Through The Lens. Mill 6 Foundation Ltd, 2018, 6-252.

11. Ibid.

12. Bernice Chan, “Mill revamp is cue for Hong Kong textile workers to reminisce, and upcycle.” South China Morning Post. 2016.

13. Elaine Wu, “High Jobless Rate Leading Concern in Tsuen Wan.” South China Morning Post, 2003. http:// eproxy.lib.hku.hk/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/ newspapers/high-jobless-rate-leading-concern-tsuenwan/docview/265821397/se-2?accountid=14548.

14. “Pamphlets on Planning for New Towns / New Development Area, Tsuen Wan.” Tsuen Wan and West Kowloon District Planning Office, 2019.

15. LEUNG Cheuk Fai Jimmy, “Industrial Land Use Changes in Response to Economic Restructuring in Hong Kong.”

Department of Urban Planning and Design, The University of Hong Kong, 2015, 14-53.

16. “Extension of Footbridge Network in Tsuen Wan Footbridge B along Tai Chung Road and Hoi Shing Road.” Mannings (Asia) Consultants Ltd, 2021.

17. Centre for Heritage Arts & Textile, “Archiving The Mills Through The Lens.” Mill 6 Foundation Ltd, 2018, 6-252.

18. Ray Zee, Interview by author. Personal interview. Nan Fung Group in Central, December 15, 2021.

19. Christopher DeWolf, “Stories behind Hong Kong districts: Tsuen Wan - from Hakka farms to textile mills to a post-industrial future.” South China Morning Post.

2017.

20. Enid Tsui, “Inside the Hong Kong cotton mills being transformed from old eyesores into creative hub.” South China Morning Post. 2017.

21. Pui-Wing Tam, “Property: Industrial Buildings Adopt

22.

23.

24.

25.

a New Look.” Asian Wall Street Journal, Jun 12, 1995. http://eproxy.lib.hku.hk/login?url=https:// www.proquest.com/newspapers/property-industrialbuildings-adopt-new-look/docview/315668134/se2?accountid=14548.

Ray Zee, Interview by author. Personal interview. Nan Fung Group in Central, December 15, 2021.

“PROJECTS - The Mills”. Constructionplusasia, 2017. https://www.constructionplusasia.com/hk/the-mills/.

Ray Zee, Interview by author. Personal interview. Nan Fung Group in Central, December 15, 2021.

Ibid.

Figure 1. David C. Y. Lai, and D. J. Dwyer. “Tsuen Wan: A New Industrial Town in Hong Kong.” Geographical Review 54, no. 2 (1964): 151–69. https://doi.org/10.2307/213184.

Figure 2. The mills, “ABOUT THE MILLS - THE HALL.”, The mills. https://www.themills.com.hk/en/heritages/the-hall/.

Figure 3. Charlotte Luo, “Textile mills reborn as art hub.”, The Standard Newspaper Publishing Ltd. 2018.

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The Modern Architecture Guidebook Hong Kong’s built environment represents a unique site of inquiry in the global history of the Modern Movement. The Modern Architecture guidebook series draw from an inter-disciplinary toolkit of knowledge, references, and field studies to understand the processes at work in the built environment. Each walking tour in the series begins with one of the 98 MTR stations in Hong Kong as the meeting point.

First opened in 1979, this modernist infrastructure has produced a city rationalized around transportoriented development. Organized around key themes (industrialization, colonization, environment, internationalization, migration, decolonization, counterculture, and globalization), the guidebooks present a critical yet open perspective towards the implications of large-scale modernist schemes on the environment and community.

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