INFRASTRUCTURE:
SHA TIN
ARCH2058 Modern Architecture ASSIGNMENT 3: GUIDEBOOK
沙 田
| Fall 2021
Infrastructure in Sha Tin: Village, New Town, and Modern City Chan Hei Lam (3035700104) Chick Kar Yi Priscilla (3035703704) Leung Hiu Lam (3035695505)
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INTRODUCTION
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Sha Tin is in the New Territories of Hong Kong, the development traverse along the Shing Mun River for over a hundred decades. This guidebook selected four main spots: Tsang Tai Uk (1847), Lek Yuen Estate (1975), Sand Martin Bridge (the 1980s), and Sha Tin New Town Plaza (1984), to enable visitors to experience social and architectural changes under modernization. Tsang Tai Uk is a traditional Hakka-walled village, with a backdrop of public houses (Lek Yuen Estate) featured by its modernized characters. Sand Martin Bridge enables people to travel to two sides of the river which bridges the old and new. While Sha Tin Town Plaza is on reclaimed land - above the MTR station that connects with various parts of Sha Tin. The spots narrate a conversation between the past (the 1800s- 1973), New Town (1973- 1980s) and now (1980s – 2021), the essays will investigate the city transformation related to urban planning: in what ways Sha Tin New Town is an inclusive community that preserves traditions, how the new policies are situated in and response the existing context, and a translation of New Town aspiration to reality.
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U TAI
Brunt blue brick
1 TSANG TAI UK “Wok Yi” roof represents high social class
Tsang Tai Uk, is a Hakka-walled village constructed in 1847 by a wealthy granite merchant Tsang Koon- Man – after the foundation of Hong Kong, he started his business for military barrack, warehouse, and housing. The house built on burnt blue brick with roof tiles, with a moat surrounding four sides of the façade for protection. The four corners each consist of a guarded town for defensive fortification due to the political instability in that period. A hierarchy of spaces and embrace of traditions and religions are shown in the organization of the house. It follows the rule of “Three Tongs Four Heng三堂四橫” meaning three halls are in the middle, while two rows of yokoya橫屋
Roof tiles
are on the sides. A stone plateau named “Yi Guan Shi Ju一貫世居” is on the main entrance, “An Fu 安富” (wealth) and “Zun Rong尊榮” (honorable) are placed on the two side entrances respectively.
2 LEK YUEN ESTATE Centralized lift
Staircase
Symmetrical floors
Lek Yuen Estate, built in 1975, is Shatin’s earliest public housing estate. The estate compromised of seven residential blocks and several other facilities. Being the very first public estate under the Shatin new town development, Lek Yuen Estate has also marked the start of a new generation of estates. It is first developed as a self-contained residential area, where there is also a Lek Yuen Plaza that includes a car park, fresh market, dining, and shopping areas. In fact, many of the shop owners were merchants from the old Sha Tin market but relocated to Lek Yuen Plaza after the demolishment of the market.
3 SAND MARTIN BRIDGE
4-lane dual Carriageway
Bicycle track Pedestrian road
Sand Martin Bridge, built in the 1980s is a bridge that was built across Shing Mun River to connect Sha Tin Town Centre with Sha Tin Wai. The bridge allows vehicles, bikes and human to pass through it simultaneously by dividing into a 4-lane dual carriageway, two pedestrian walkways and one cycling track. Back then in the 1970s, the transportation in Sha Tin District was very inconvenient. The cycling tracks that connected the whole district together has therefore played a very important role in alleviating the congested traffic. At the same time, providing a recreational site for residents to relax and enjoy the scenery. The authorities have also built the pedestrian roads alongside with the bicycle track to ease the usage.
4 SHA TIN NEW TOWN PLAZA Facade renovation from tile to white metal panels
新 城 市 廣 場
Remain as tile construction
Sha Tin New Town Plaza - one of the largest shopping centers in Hong Kong, started operation in 1984 by the developer Sun Hung Kai Properties, is formerly named Sha Tin Market. After the introduction of New Town development in Hong Kong, the concepts of “self-containment” and “balanced development” design strategies were emphasized. The demolishment of Sha Tin Market to New Town Plaza offers diverse and convenient shopping and recreation experience for citizens. As it locates in the heart of Sha Tin, different transportations are built around the Plaza, including minibus, MTR station and shuttle services, etc.
A Dialogue between traditions conservation and city modernization: 1800s- 1980s Kar Yi Priscilla, Chick
Sha Tin New Town began in 1973, a mediation between the pull of tradition and the push of development is always a question being raised out when modernizing a community. This essay will examine the historical relationships of Hong Kong’s traditional villages, transportation, and economic growth, communities. An understanding of how local traditions are conserved and transformed under the modernization planning of Sha Tin New Town will be discussed. Shing Mun River plays a curial role in the de-
velopment of Sha Tin, which is a relationship that oscillates between parasites, symbiotic, and parallel. The five development phases are: the early development of Lek Yuen (1368 – 1898), the formation of Sha Tin (18981945), the reconstruction after World War II and transplantation of modernised community (1945- 1980s)
Early Development of Lek Yuen 13681898: Agriculture, Fishing, and Walled Villages Origin of Villagers The phase of the early development of Lek Yuen (1368-1898) shows that Shing Mun River is a driven force to society, architecture is a representation of social status. In the Ming Dynasty (1368 – 1644), it was originally named Lek Yuen means a source of trickling flow1. Villagers are categorized into two groups: Local and Hakka. The former was villagers who migrated from the mainland at the end of Ming and the beginning of the Qing Dynasty,
situated in Lek Yuen due to the rich natural resources for farming and fishing. On the other hand, the latter one was villagers who migrated to Sha Tin relatively later. Hence, the majority lived along the hill2.
Figure 1.1 Farmland of Lek Yuen in 1910s (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1910)
Walled Village – Tsang Tai Uk In 1841, the Convention of Chuenpi was signed between Britain and Great Qing to end the First Opium War. Hong Kong became a free port for exchange and trade activities. A wealthy granite merchant Tsang Koon- Man took advantage of this social phenomenon, began his business with the Qing and British Colonial Government, including military barrack, warehouse, and housing. His donation to the government enabled him to have the honor of being an official. Then he
constructed the Tsang Tak Uk in 1874. The house is a Hakka-walled village that was influenced by geomantic practice (or Fengshui), built with “built on brick foundations of burnt blue brick with roofs of tile laid on pin rafters” 3 . Four watching towns on the corners were featured by the “Wok Ji” 鑊耳 roof structure – this building technique represents the wealth and social status of the owner. Differ from the nearby walled- village, the axis of the house doesn’t have any paths, instead, a group in three of ancestor halls is designed. The village consists of three rows, the main entrance will lead to the ancestral halls where meetings and ceremonies took place, is in the innermost row, and Yokoya橫屋 is on the sides, showing a centralization and hierarchy of spaces4.
Figure 1.2 Interior of Tsang Tai Uk (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1981)
Sha Tin naming evolution Since plenty of mud and sand sediments accumulated in the lower stream of Shing Mun River, the villages started to name “Sha Tin” when Hakka people started their development here. In 1898, the British and Qing governments signed the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory to acquire a 99- year lease on 335 square miles of land from China5. Approximately 650 scattered Hakka or non- Hakka engaged in traditional farming practice, the British colonial government turned “Sha Tin” as an official name6.
The Formation of Sha Tin (1898-1945): Transportation and Management under British Administration Bridges and waterway traffic The phase of formation of Sha Tin (18981945) shows that Shing Mun River is a site for connection, a diverse transport system started to emerge under the British administration. In the early 20th century, the Tsang
Family arose the idea of construction of Tai Chung Kiu to bridge the eastern and southern sides of the Shing Mun River so that villages were no longer required to boat across the river. In terms of waterway traffic, a major transportation method before 1911, the services connected Lek Yuen Village with Tai Po7. Apart from local transportation, it also enables exportation activities to Mainland.
Figure 1.3 Old style bridge across Shing Mun River (Source: 何綬《何綬詩情影集》, 1995)
Roads traffic After the Convention of Cheunpi was signed, people needed to travel between Lek Yuen and Kowloon City through hill way, which is not effective in management and communication. Therefore, Tai Po Road was built in 1902 which spans from Sha Tin to Tai Po in the New Territories of Hong Kong.
Figure 1.4 Tai Po Road in 1958 (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1958)
Moreover, the Kowloon Canton Railway from the Lo Wu border crossing to Kowloon started operation in 1911, a convenient living in terms of transportation is brought to Sha Tin, contributed by the diverse transportation system development under the British ruling8.
The Reconstruction after World War II and
Transplantation of Modernised Community(1945- 1973): Modernized Ideas and
Traditions Preservation
Social Demands – population growth and lack of market The phase of reconstruction after World War II (1945-1973) began the emerge of mod-
ernized ideas and traditional preservations. Shortly after the end of the war in 1945, a population boom happened - reached 1.6 million at the end of 19469. Since the Revolution in China in 1949, the successive waves of immigration have led to more intense urbanization planning in the future. Along with the destruction of housing and hygienic problems due to warfare, the demand for houses and infrastructure increased drastically led to the evolution of public housing and transplanting modernism to Sha Tin10. Economically, Sha Tin Market was proposed to the government in 1950 by Lau Duan11. The formation of Sha Tin Market consisted of five streets and 125 temporary houses, it introduced a new commune and commercial space for the public. Despite the numerous conveniences brought to Sha Tin, the market ended 20 years later because of the extension of Tai Po Road in 1976 and the redevelopment project into Sha Tin New Town Plaza in 1980.
Figure 1.5 Floating restaurant near Sha Tin Market in 1960s (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1960)
Figure 1.6 Sha Tin reclamation in 1975 (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1975)
The Old Villages In 1960, the Hong Kong government issued the first Master Plan to develop Sha Tin Valley into a new town12. Learnt from the previous experience of how expensive and time-consuming to relocate villages, this policy amended to “maintain and respect these villagers’ lifestyle, culture, and heritage” is hoped to en-
gage with the transforming city13. In addition, a British policy voiced by Governor Sir Henry Blake safeguard pre-existing landed interests and preserved usages and good customs. Therefore, British administrators hoped policies implemented in the future would have a balance between the villager’s interests and social transformation. Transformation and Regulation of Tradition in Sha Tin Valley In 1967, a plan called for “higher density residential and industrial development” to create a balanced and self-sufficient new town, at the same time, recognize the values of traditions14. In the mid- 1970s, the New Territories Development Department (NTDD) suggested preserving the villages by drawing a boundary around them. For example, initial plans for Sha Tin Valley in the 1960s also proposed to conserve Tsang Tai Uk as a tourist site. However, the plan was canceled due to the resistance of the villagers. Hence the village remained unsettled till recent years15.
After the new town policy began, some villages were demolished for land reclamation, road creation, and infrastructure construction, as a result, the Heung Yee Kuk organized a protest to demand changes on land policies and village regulations, a more permissive development approach in the villages is carried out. Later, some villages started to become an enclave of low-density housing in the view of economic benefits and a rise of the redevelopment of villages under a new “land premium system” in 198316. Architectural preservation after the new town development is rooted to promote tourism. However, the proposal failed because villagers were not interested to turn their historical site into a tourist spot. The construction of Sha Tin New Town generates economic opportunities and benefits, some villagers thus agreed to have low-density housing for high-income residents built nearby17.
Figure 1.7 (left and right) Map of Sha Tin Valley: 1970, 1990
(Source: Map of Sha Tin, sheet7D, Crown Lands and Survey Office, Directorate of Overseas Surveys, Hong Kong, 1968) (Source: Map of Sha Tin Surveying and Mapping Office, Land Department, Hong Kong, 1990)
Transformation of Community in Sha Tin – New Town Plaza Completed in 1984, the New Town Plaza was a significant historical moment, was an integral part of a housing estate, an integration of old and new, modern and tradition was reflected. It achieved the “comprehensive planning” mentioned in 197218. The development of Sha Tin represented successful cooperation between people from different sectors19. Although it continues the idea from Sha Tin Market to tie the community and neighborhoods across the city, the sense of place and
“community spirit” has weakened overtime under the urban renewal and market optimization20. To prevent the risk of failure, numerous flagship department stores, for example, Japanese retailer Yaohan, started their business there. The disappearance of local characteristics and practices happened in Sha Tin’s development, capitalist developers emphasized profit-making rather than building the bond of community ties and linkage. Conclusion Attempts to respect traditional vernacular architecture (walled city) and villagers’ perspectives have not meant “total” conservation of culture or traditional way of life. Historical resources and attention to local traditions values are in the plan of modernizing Sha Tin New Town policymaking. Architecturally, even western modernized public housing design with the objective of efficiency began to influx Hong Kong housing policies in the 1970s21. Some local villagers could still be conserved successfully under the land rights regulations,
planned revitalization, and translation of the villages in the redevelopment proposal. Moreover, New Town emphasizes self-containment and a balanced community22. The following essay will examine how different factors shape the contextual development of Sha Tin.
Figure 1.7 Tsang Tai Uk village, with high-rise housing in background (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1981)
Figure 1.8 Sha Tin New Town Plaza roof top for recreational activities, 1986 (Source:Hong Kong Memory, 1986)
Notes 1.
2. 3.
4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
10. 11. 12. 13. 14.
衞慶祥, 沙田文物誌, ed. Office Hong Kong . Sha Tin District and 專題展覽及文物誌製作工作小組 沙田文化節籌備委 員會 (香港]: 沙田民政事務處 [Xianggang] : Shatian min zheng shi wu chu, 2007). Board Hong Kong. Sha Tin District and 沙田區議會 香 港, 沙田古今風貌 (香港: 該會, 1997). Jeffrey W. Cody and James R. Richardson, “Urbanizing Forest and Village Trees in Hong Kong’s Sha Tin Valley, 1976-1997,” Traditional dwellings and settlements review 9, no. 1 (1997). 陳天權, 被遺忘的歷史建築, Chu ban.初版. ed., 新界離島 篇, (香港: 明報出版社有限公司Xianggang : Ming bao chu ban she you xian gong si, 2014). Cody and Richardson, “Urbanizing Forest and Village Trees in Hong Kong’s Sha Tin Valley, 1976-1997.” 衞慶祥, 沙田文物誌. ibid. ibid. 薛求理, 城境 : 香港建築, 1946-2011 = Contextualizing modernity : Hong Kong architecture 1946-2011, Di 1 ban.第1版. ed., 香港建築, 1946-2011, (香港: 商務印書 館香港有限公司Xianggang : Shang wu yin shu guan (Xianggang) you xian gong si, 2014). ibid. 陳天權, 被遺忘的歷史建築. Cody and Richardson, “Urbanizing Forest and Village Trees in Hong Kong’s Sha Tin Valley, 1976-1997.” David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country – Revisited (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 2015). ibid.
15. James R. Richardson, Accommodating existing settlements in large scale development : recommendations for Sha Tin New Town Hong Kong (2012). 16. Cody and Richardson, “Urbanizing Forest and Village Trees in Hong Kong’s Sha Tin Valley, 1976-1997.” 17. Richard J. Garrett, “Sha Tin – The Building of a New Town,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 55 (2015). 18. Belinda Yuen, “Fifty Years of Public Housing in Hong Kong: A Golden Jubilee Review and Appraisal,” (Liverpool University Press, 2005). 19. Nicolas Douay, “Stefan Al (ed.), Mall City, Hong Kong’s Dreamworlds of Consumption: Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 2016, 234 p,” China perspectives 2017, no. 3 (2017), https://doi.org/10.4000/ chinaperspectives.7431. 20. Cecilia Chu, “People Power as Exception: Three Controversies of Privatisation in Post-handover Hong Kong,” Urban studies (Edinburgh, Scotland) 47, no. 8 (2010), https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098009356121. 21. Garrett, “Sha Tin – The Building of a New Town.” 22. 薛求理, 城境 : 香港建築, 1946-2011 = Contextualizing modernity : Hong Kong architecture 1946-2011.
Sha Tin New Town: the making of a new community Hei Lam Brittany, Chan With such a rich historical background, it is hard to imagine how it is transformed into the Sha Tin new town within the course of 13 years.1 This essay will examine Government’s visions for the new town, and how it is realized through the infrastructural development of gathering spaces – public housing estate, the New Town Plaza, and the circulation networks. The new town vision The idea of developing new towns in Hong Kong was first proposed by Sir Leslie Patrick Abercrombie in the 1948 Abercrombie Report.2 Abercrombie was an experienced town planner from Britain, who had a brief visit to
Hong Kong due to an invitation by the government.3 Following his previous experience in the Greater London Plan and the post-war urban construction in other European cities, he suggested using similar notion of garden cities in Hong Kong, where new satellite towns are built on the peripheral regions of Kowloon and in the New Territories.4 “Garden cities” refer to Howard’s idea of a “network of smaller cities”, combining the idea of “town” and “country”.5 These cities of low urban densities will contain an administrative centre and a central park, and industrial regions will be separated from residential areas and located on the peripheral areas.6 Housing shortage had been a significant driving factor for the development of new towns. After World War II, there was an influx of Mainland refugees into Hong Kong, which led to the skyrocketing of Hong Kong population from 600,000 to 1.6 million by the end of 1946.7 The Shek Kip Mei squatter fire in 1953 also urged the government to tackle the
housing problem.8 In 1972, the government launched the 10-year housing programme which aimed to provide self-sufficient homes for 1.8 million people,9 in which more than half of the houses were to be provided in the new towns, as there was limited land available for development in the already densely populated urban areas.10 The idea of developing the rural New Territories also provides a decentralized alternative to urban development: stopping the overcrowding of the urban areas, alleviating urban congestion as there will be less need to travel to the urban centres, and providing a more livable and pleasant living environment.11 Accompanying the launch of the housing programme, Sha Tin, Tuen Mun and Tsuen Wan were designated as the first generation new towns. Goals for the Sha Tin new town The new town aims to provide housing and employment opportunities for 500,000 people by 1985.12 However, the government’s ambition for Sha Tin was beyond the mere
number of housing units it can provide. To make a new town, the government envisions a “balanced”, “self-contained” community where “people who live in it must have balanced opportunities for work, play and education”.13 Sha Tin will become a linear city along Shing Mun River, where the town centre is located and transportation infrastructure converges.14 Similar to the garden city idea, industrial zones will be situated on the outskirts (Figure 2.1).15 Places for work, shopping and recreation should be easily accessible.16 The idea of “self-contained” communities will be achieved on various scales, which will then interweave into the larger city community.17
Figure 2.1: Land use zoning plan (Source: Lands Department. Town Planning, Town planning in Hong Kong. 1984.)
Building the new town To acquire sufficient land for implementing the development scheme,18 the government made use of the geographical constraints of ridges and valleys: part of land was to be reclaimed from Tide Cove using excavated materials from the mountains, whilst the excavated hillsides were to serve as additional developable land.19 Land acquisition and formation works commenced in stages, starting with the “growing nuclei of existing villages” as the centre (Figure 2.2), such that the new town extends from the traditional village development.20
Figure 2.2: Land formation programme (Source: Lands Department. Town Planning, Town planning in Hong Kong. 1984.)
Public housing estate Development of these sites are separated into two phases, starting with the centrally located reclaimed areas.21 To create a socially balanced community, the government incorporated different housing typologies catering the needs of people from different social classes. Public housing estates are built on the reclaimed land along Shing Mun River, while low-density private housing for the middle-income class is placed uphill (Figure 2.1).22 Lek Yuen Estate (瀝源邨) (1975) was the first public housing estate built in Sha Tin.23 The design of the public housing estates also reflects the government’s ambition of making small self-containing residential complexes within the town. The individual residential slab blocks are arranged in a windmill manner such that they share a central plaza, where restaurants, wet market, and shops can be accessed. Each estate were to have their own recreational facilities,24 such as the Lek Yuen Estate’s large water fountain (Figure 2.3).25 At the same time,
these individual communities are connected together with walkways, such as the walkway to Wo Che Estate at Lek Yuen Estate.26
Figure 2.3 Lek Yuen Water Fountain (Source: 李, 健信. 漫遊新界東屋邨. 2010.)
The New Town Plaza Besides the place for living, places for collective consumption such as markets have been a significant tool to establishing a sense of community. Following the decline and demolition of the old market in 1979,27 The New Town Plaza was built on the former site in 1984 by Sun Hung Kei Properties (SHKP),28 as a new gathering spot for the new community. As Sha Tin was still under development during the time, the idea of a one-million-square-feet plaza was a gamble, as its
success was dependent on the maturity of Sha Tin as a new town. As a remedy, SHKP proposed attracting out-of-town shoppers by incorporating a large underground car park, which contradicted the idea of a locally-focused development.29 After negotiations with the government, the government allowed the carpark to be built only under the circumstances of SHKP incorporating more communal facilities within the plaza, including the skating rink, bowling arena, and roof garden. The architectural design of the mall also captured the local character of Sha Tin community, with the modest language of the traditional red bricks which was also used in other infrastructure like the Sha Tin Marriage Registry and the Sha Tin Town Hall before renovation. Inside the mall, considering the abundance of middle-class families within the community, the plaza incorporated local tenants like “Park’n Shop” and “Maxim Palace”,30 and mid-end retailers like the Commercial Press to further cater the mall to the new town families
for affordable consumption.31 Other than the facilities and shops, the plaza provides large spaces for gathering, such as the large central atrium with glazed skylights (Figure 2.4).32
Circulation networks To ensure the connectivity of the self-contained residential communities to the district facilities like the plaza, circulation networks were comprehensively developed. Extensive pedestrian networks have been established to allow residents to reach different parts of the town by walking (Figure 2.5).34
Figure 2.4 Sectional perspective of the New Town Plaza (Source: 新沙田月刊, April 10, 1984)
Figure 2.5: Pedestrian network of Sha Tin New Town (in red) (Source: Tan and Q.L. Xue, Walking as a Planned Activity. 2014.)
With its vicinity to other infrastructure like the Town Hall and MTR station, the New Town Plaza became a famous meeting spot for residents.33 Just like the old market, the mall is not just a place for consumption, but also a place for entertainment and communal gathering, contributing significantly to the communal development of Sha Tin.
Although the importance of water transport has declined for the new town, Shing Mun River remained to be an important transportation hub for the local community due to the various bridges constructed: the vehicle-cycling-pedestrian friendly Sand Martin Bridge(1980), the Lek Yuen pedestrian bridge(1987), and vehicular bridges such as
the Lion Rock Tunnel road which was widened in 1978 in anticipation of increasing traffic.35 New bridges are constructed to the northeast to improve the cross-river transportation to ease the flow of people in case of overpopulation on either side of the Shing Mun River.36 Conclusion The development of Sha Tin into a new town is directed to their objectives of creating a “balanced” and “self-contained” community, which is ideologically influenced by the British colony and driven by housing shortages. Public space designs of residential complexes like Lek Yuen Estate, the New Town Plaza and circulation networks reflect a strong intention to create intimate local communities that can unify into a larger city community that is socially diverse, local in character and geographically mobile. The implementation of the scheme is also influenced by the idea of time, as the government anticipated for contingencies, especially in the case of transport. But what actually happened after the imple-
mentation phase? Did the expected happen? How does the context of time interact with and affect the functioning of the new town? The following essay will examine how the New Town reacts and progresses with the changing contexts.
Notes
1. The Government’s plan was to provide accommodation and employment opportunities for 500,000 people by 1985. See Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 12. 2. Lands Department. Town Planning, Town planning in Hong Kong [electronic resource] (Hong Kong: the Division, 1984), 12. 3. Xue, Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From Colonial to Global (Singapore: Singapore: Springer Singapore Pte. Limited, 2016), 3-19. 4. Ibid. 5. Ward, Howard, Ebenezer (Oxford, UK: Oxford, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2017), 1-4. 6. Ibid. 7. Xue, Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From Colonial to Global (Singapore: Singapore: Springer Singapore Pte. Limited, 2016), 3-19. 8. Ibid. 9. Sha Tin: Planning for Livable New Towns (Hong Kong: 2019), 4. 10. Lands Department. Town Planning, Town planning in Hong Kong [electronic resource] (Hong Kong: the Division, 1984), 26. 11. Lands Department. Town Planning, Town planning in Hong Kong [electronic resource] (Hong Kong: the Division, 1984), 26. 12. Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha
Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 12. 13. Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 12. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. According to the Outline Development Plan, total developable area of the new town is 2694 hectares. See Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), , 24. 19. Hills and Yeh, New Town Developments in Hong Kong (London: London: Alexandrine Press, 1983), 272. 20. Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 12. 21. Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 24. 22. Hills and Yeh, New Town Developments in Hong Kong (London: London: Alexandrine Press, 1983), 273. 23. 爾東, 漫遊新界東屋邨 (香港: 明報出版社有限公司, 2010), 8. 24. Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 14. 25. 爾東, 漫遊新界東屋邨 (香港: 明報出版社有限公司, 2010), 13. 26. 陳達材, 沙田新市鎮規劃故事 (香港: 星島出版有限公司, 2008), 136-137.
27. Hong Kong. Sha Tin District and 香港, 沙田古今風貌 (香 港: 該會, 1997), 28. 香港地方 | 地方 | 新市鎮(二)沙田. December 21, 2021. https://www.hk-place.com/view.php?id=106. 29. Al, Mall city : Hong Kong’s dreamworlds of consumption (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2016), 83-90. 30. Lai, Wai-kwan. “Shopping mall repositioning : a case study of New Town Plaza.” 2013. HKU Theses Online (HKUTO), The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong). http://hub.hku.hk/bitstream/10722/194922/1/ FullText.pdf. 31. Al, Mall city : Hong Kong’s dreamworlds of consumption (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2016), 83-90. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. Tan and Q.L. Xue, Walking as a Planned Activity: Elevated Pedestrian Network and Urban Design Regulation in Hong Kong (Routledge, 2014), 734. 35. Hong Kong. New Territories Development, Hong Kong’s new towns [electronic resource] : Sha Tin (Hong Kong: Public Works Dept., 1978), 20. 36. Ibid.
The Progression of Shatin New Town Development along Shing Mun River: from 1997 till now Hiu Lam, Leung
In this essay, I would like to investigate the progression of Shatin New Town, especially from the start of New Town Development to the new town after the handover of Hong Kong to China in 1997, to see how much progression has Shatin gone through during the New Town Development Programme. Moreover, to investigate the changes that could have been brought by new government policies, development directions, etc. Whether the development has followed the blueprint or come up with successful results in recent
years, and the impacts brought by the progression will be my two main focuses.
Figure 3.1 Shatin Planning (source: researchgate. Generating Urban Lifestyle: The Case of Hong Kong New-Town Design and Local Travel Behaviour)
Shing Mun River When it comes to the concept of the Shatin New Town, it is based on a typology called ribbon development. The central axis of a ribbon development programme is very important because the cities’ development all started from the central axis. All the planning and development started and expanded from the Shing Mun River, as the reclamation and construction work. Due to the lack of consideration of residents’ employment in the same district, the earliest development during the
1970s solely focused on residential and industrial use.1 As more land was required for the comprehensive community development, instead of expanding from the Shing Mun River, the River was narrowed through reclamation. The reclamation can be better defined into three stages, the reclamation of Shatin Racecourse and Siu Lek Yuen during 1977, the reclamation of areas along the MTR stations and To Lo road during 1984, and the postponed proposal Ma Liu Shui reclamation project in 2011 that was revived recently in 2021.2
year’s Hong Kong. The revival of the Ma Liu Shui reclamation project in 2021 therefore creates land for innovation and technology development by providing land for many start-ups to expand. Furthermore, the land can support the expansion of Science Park and Cyberport to further boost technological development.3 This can show a shift in the emphasis of government policies, from a more resident-oriented policy, that stressed on improving livelihood, to a more technology-oriented policy, that emphasizes overall benefit more than solely Shatin residents or the district in general.
Figure 3.2 Land in 19th century and Reclaimed land (source: researchgate. Generating Urban Lifestyle: The Case of Hong Kong New-Town Design and Local Travel Behaviour) Figure 3.3 Shatin water reclamation (source: Electircal and mechanical projects division, Water reclamation facilities in shatin sewage treatent works stage 3 extension)
Coastline in the 1900s Reclaimed Land Reclamation
Water pollution
Innovation and technology development is one of the most valued sectors in the last 20
Being the central axis of all development, construction and reclamation work, the water
pollution problem in the Shing Mun River has caught the government’s attention. Unfortunately, since the New Town Development project that involved a lot of reclamation work and industrialization has been implemented, Shing Mun River has suffered from serious water pollution problems. This issue has become too serious that the water transportation and water activities were severely disrupted.4
Figure 3.4 Dredging (source: Environmental protection department, Shing Mun River improvemnts)
To ease the pollution problem and improve water quality, the authorities have promoted a two-year Shing Mun River Dredging Project in 1979 to revive it and turn it into a water activity center.5 The government has tried several ways to improve the condition of the Shing Mun River, including improving the
soil of the riverbed and trying to correct the shape of the river.
Figure 3.5 Dredging (source: Environmental protection department, Shing Mun River improvemnts)
However, the effectiveness was not satisfactory. This is because the root of the problem was not tackled – the source of pollution still exists. The major sources of pollutants that contaminate Shing Mun River comes from the nearby industrial and domestic waste. On top of that, the sludge that was discharged into Shing Mun river from the Shatin Water Treatment Plant has added further burden to the already polluted river.6 Therefore, if these three sources of pollutants are not removed from the flow, no matter how much effort they put in cleaning the soil, the upcoming waste will contaminate the river again.
Therefore, to overcome the problem, the government has carried out the Shing Mun River Improvement Works between 2001 and 2005. The project successfully improved the water quality by settling the sewer network issue in villages, and tackling the problems caused by the very weak flow in the main channel,7 with an applaudable improvement in statistics – the overall “WQO compliance of the Shing Mun River improved from 42% in 1987 to around 87% in 2005”.8 Such improvement has finally allowed a revival in water activities in the Shing Mun River including boating, strolling, cycling, and fishing along the banks of the river. The repetitively conducted water improvement works could clearly show that environmental protection has also become an important development concern in the past 20 years.
Balanced development and self-containment Nevertheless, were the goals set by the urban planners successfully achieved?
Figure 3.6 Sand Martin Bridge (source: MetroResidences)
In terms of transport, the government has achieved a certain extent of “self-containment” and also “balanced development”.9 In general, there are three ways to travel all around Shatin, by foot, by bike, and by vehicle. Due to the rapid new town development, the demand for transportation in Shatin has increased drastically, which led to a severely heavy burden to the road and tunnels. The bicycle track in Shatin was one of the first solutions taken in place. The government has observed the possibility of building bicycle
tracks alongside pedestrian and car roads and taking advantage of the beautiful scenery on the two sides of the Shing Mun River. Therefore, they have developed the bicycle tracks into a complete network to support the use of bicycles as an auxiliary transportation facility for residents. Besides, they have also set up a variety of footbridge systems to facilitate pedestrians and bicycle users to travel in the district. The development of one transportation did not overshadow the other one, they coexist in Shatin.
planners hoped to expand the transportation to provide more options for reaching destinations inside and outside Shatin. In March 2008, the MTR Corporation and the government worked together to come up with the Shatin to Central Link (SCL) Railway, where it connects the district with the center of Hong Kong and further ease the heavy traffic in the Shatin district.10 This shows that the aim has no longer stayed on the “self-contained” level, but to achieve long term development of the district, the connection between the district and other parts of Hong Kong has been considered.
Figure 3.7 Shatin to Central Link (source: SCMP, MTR Sha Tin to Central rail link: a time to count the costs and settle accounts)
Since the 2000s, the planning’s emphasis has shifted to a wider picture. The in-district transportation in Shatin is indeed quite thoughtful and effective as it has successfully diverged the flow of people and alleviated the congested vehicle road traffic. However, the urban
Figure 3.8 Lek Yuen Estate (source: Mapcarta, Lek Yuen Community Hall Map)
In terms of residency, the government has again partially succeeded in achieving “self-containment” but is questionable if a “balanced development” is achieved. The
earliest one, Lek Yuen Estate, is one of the examples of how the government planned to achieve “self-containment”. The estate, built in 1975, was developed into an area in which residents can have all their daily necessities satisfied without the need of stepping outside the Lek Yuen Estate area, including facilities like car park, fresh market, dining, and shopping areas.11 Moreover, the estate’s plaza has also successfully preserved the social activities in the old ShaTin Market, by providing relocation for the merchants. Therefore, although the original architecture could not be preserved, at least the activities inside can be preserved, leading to a partial achievement in “balanced development”.
tive, the government seems to be ignorant to the possible improvements that can be made but wait for the time when the estate reaches the lifespan for demolition and directly build newer estate afterwards. The idealized “self-contained” estate planning has come up to be not responding to the actual needs of residents due to the lack of choices post a controversy in whether self-containment is a suitable residential concept, or the newer concept of expansion and connection could better suit their needs.
According to the interviews conducted in Lek Yuen Estate in 2021, the residents were generally not satisfied with the planning as it is outdated and not satisfying their needs. The estate was left the way it has been since Colonial times and only minimal revitalization work was done.12 In the residents’ perspec-
Figure 3.9 New Town Plaza (source: Lai Wai Kwan, Shopping Mall Reposistioning: A Case Study of New Town Plaza)
Lastly, in terms of economy, the New Town Plaza has undergone a lot of revitalization to achieve its new objectives. The plaza’s revitalization stages have always been on the same track with the new town development. The 3rd large scale refurbishment work from
2003-2007 was done to “upgrade the mall image and provide a dynamic and user-friendly shopping environment to the shoppers”13 to prolong the shopping mall’s life cycle. In order to upgrade the mall image, the plaza has replaced a lot of traditional, local branded shops with famous international anchor tenants, such as replacing “Park’n Shop” with high-end department store “CitySuper”. Nowadays, the plaza no longer only serves for the residents but would like to attract more high-ended customers. This has proved that livelihood is no longer the only concern, but a rapid economic development in the district has placed a more and more important position. Moreover, the developers have also paid attention to promoting the new image and revitalizing the interior and exterior to provide a “luxury and grand shopping experience”.14 This can show the desire of the developers to expand the business because they are no longer satisfied with only earning from cheaper and local district business, which is in line with the government policies.
Figure 3.10 Changes of New Town Plaza Before & After Refurbishment Work (source: Lai Wai Kwan, Shopping Mall Repositioning: A Case Study of New Town Plaza)
Conclusion To conclude, the Shatin New Town development has been changing in objectives in the past 20 years to fit into the new generation’s development needs. The district Shatin, was first developed as an agricultural area, has become more organized and comprehensive with the help of the new Town Development Programme. However, the programme could not be used throughout the years but requires refinements, or even change in objectives as time goes by. Therefore, the objectives have also gradually progressed from “self-containment” to creating connections and opening up to different districts. The “balanced development” has also evolved to an economic and technology-oriented development.
Notes 1.
2. 3. 4. 5.
6. 7.
8. 9. 10.
歐陽, 皓江. 2018. 大隧同源:大老山隧道與瀝源發 展歷程. Hong Kong: Tate’s Cairn Tunnel Co Ltd. ”Panel On Environmental Affairs (Papers) 26 Mar 98”. 2021. Legco.Gov.Hk. https://www.legco.gov. hk/yr97-98/english/panels/ea/papers/ea2603-4.htm. “Ma Liu Shui Reclamation Seen Boosting HK’s I&T Development”. 2021. Chinadailyhk. h t t p s : / / w w w. c h i n a d a i l y h k . c o m / a r t i c l e / 2 4 2 0 6 0 . 歐陽, 皓江. 2018. 大隧同源:大老山隧道與瀝源發 展歷程. Hong Kong: Tate’s Cairn Tunnel Co Ltd. “Mass Fish Deaths Reported Again At Shing Mun River EJINSIGHT - Ejinsight.Com”. 2021. EJINSIGHT. https:// www.ejinsight.com/eji/article/id/1233923/20160201Mass-fish-deaths-reported-again-at-Shing-Mun-River. “Panel On Environmental Affairs (Papers) 26 Mar 98”. 2021. Legco.Gov.Hk. https://www.legco.gov. hk/yr97-98/english/panels/ea/papers/ea2603-4.htm. “Shing Mun River Improvements | Environmental Protection Department”. 2021. Epd.Gov. Hk. https://www.epd.gov.hk/epd/english/ news_events/current_issue/shingmunriver.html. “EPD - River Water Quality In Hong Kong”. 2021. Epd.Gov.Hk. https://www.epd.gov.hk/epd/misc/ river_quality/1986-2005/eng/4_eas_nt_content.htm. The Hong Kong Concil of Social Service. 1976. Symposium On “Social Planning In A New Town”. Hong Kong: ICSW, Hong Kong Committee. “Shatin To Central Link”. 2010. MtrShatincentrallink.Hk. https://www.mtr-
11. 12. 13. 14.
shatincentrallink.hk/pdf/en/multimedia-gallery/ publication/leaflet/pamphlet_101122.pdf. “Lek Yuen Plaza”. 2021. LINK. https:// w w w. l i n k h k . c o m / e n / s h o p C e n t re / l y x x c 2 . “Lek Yuen & Wo Che - The Twin Tower Of Public Housing In Sha Tin”. 2021. Hong Kong Free Tours. https://hongkongfreetours.com/lek-yuen-and-wo-che/. Lai, Wai-kwan. 2013. Shopping Mall Repositioning. Lai, Wai-kwan. 2013. Shopping Mall Repositioning.
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