Hugli Heritage Management Strategy

HUGLI HERITAGE MANAGEMENT STRATEGY

Contributors

Prof. Soumyen Bandyopadhyay

Dr. Suranjana Bhadra

Claudia Briguglio

Purba Chatterjee

Ben Conwell

Dr. Urmila Jha-Thakur

Reshma Khatoon

Dr. Ramanuj Konar

Livia Lucilla Luciani

Dr. Ian Magedera

Debanjan Mitra

Dr. Antara Mukherjee

Edited by ArCHIAM Centre

Sketches by Trina Bandyopadhyay

Photographic contributors: Trina Bandyopadhyay, Pinaki De, Srinjoy Hazra, Ramanuj Konar, Debanjan Mitra, Neline Mondal, Saibal Mondal, Patit

Paban

Halder, Subrata Roy Chowdhury

Publication date: July 2020

ISBN: 978-1-910911-17-4

Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION

Scope and Focus - Ian Magedera

Statement of Intent - Ian Magedera

THE HUGLI RIVER CORRIDOR

Introduction

Tangible heritage along the Hugli Purba Chatterjee

European influence on the intangible heritage along the Hugli Purba

Chatterjee

Delivering environmental sustainability in cultural heritage tourism along the Hugli corridor - Urmila Jha-Thakur

Gondolpara - Ramanuj Konar

Jagadhatri Puja: the power of myth and might through intangible heritage - Purba Chatterjee

CASE STUDIES

Introduction

Case Study I. The Gowers Committee (1950) and the saving of the English country house - Ben Conwell

Case Study II. Serampore and all that: creating spaces for intangible cultural heritage beyond Danish-Bengal initiativesSuranjana Bhadra

Case Study III. Critiquing the Restoration Methodologies of Barrackpore Park - Debanjan Mitra

Case Study IV. Half-done Heritage Revitalization of Hooghly riverfront towns: A ray of Hope in Konnagar - Antara Mukherjee

CHANDERNAGORE

Introduction

History of Chandernagore: A Brief Overview - Purba Chatterjee

The Ghats of Chandernagore - Reshma Khatoon

Population and migration - Purba Chatterjee

HERITAGE MENAGEMENT STRATEGY

Introduction

Heritage policies: international and national developments

Hugli Heritage Audit: a case for an integrated river heritage corridor

- Ian Magedera

Principles and approaches to heritage management and development - Soumyen Bandyopadhyay

SUMMARY

Heritage in a box? Assessment of initiatives undertaken through the Hugli River of Cultures project

Key recommendations - Ian Magedera Soumyen Bandyopadhyay

APPENDICES

Bibliography

Drawn documentation

Photographic documenation selection from Chandannagar

HUGLI HERITAGE MANAGEMENT STRATEGY

1.1 SCOPE AND FOCUS

With over 91,276,115 inhabitants as recorded in the 2011 census, West Bengal is the fourth most populous state in India. While cities and districts in other states such as Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, Chanderi, Leh, Champaner, Surat and others have seen the publication of heritage management plans, this document is the first since West Bengal’s foundation on 26 January 1950. This document is called the ‘Hugli Heritage Management Strategy’ (HHMS) because it focuses on the five riverine settlements from Bandel to Barrackpore. While recognizing the distinctiveness of each settlement (not least in administrative terms), the naming convention ‘Hugli’ considers them as one unit for heritage purposes. Indeed, this unitary treatment as a networked and unified cultural landscape is one of the HHMS’s key recommendations for the future. Naming conventions for this part of the river are highly variable and range from the symbolic and spiritual denotation of ‘Ganga’ to the material infrastructure focused term ‘NW-1’, National Waterway One. The justification for considering this riparian area as distinct springs from the globally unique concentration of the traces of five European nations: Portugal, the Netherlands, France, Denmark and the United Kingdom along this 35km stretch of water and the river banks. In the words of the UK historian of heritage Philip Davies, ‘the Hugli is a river does not only belong to India, but to the world’. Furthermore, as in the Hugli River of Cultures Project, the international UK and Indian government funded university research initiative out of which the HHMS grew, it emphasizes the river as a conduit of culture for local inhabitants. In short, the Hugli River allow more local inhabitants to gain a common vision that helps them regain their heritage.

The focus in this HHMS on the Hugli corridor either side of the river is the reason why we write ‘Hugli’ and not ‘Hooghly’. Towns such as Pandua, Arambagh and Tarkeshwar, to name just three, are outside the remit of this riverside HHMS, but they are the backbone of the region’s future heritage

and leisure potential that this HHMS recognizes as vital for the sustainable development of the region as a whole. It should not be forgotten that the population of Hooghly as an administrative and electoral district is 5.52m and, therefore in future state heritage planning beyond this HHMS it will be necessary to consider how to include inland areas as a population counterweight to the megacity of Kolkata (population 16.04m in 2011). This is only one of five or six districts that border Kolkata. The term ‘hinterland’ is deliberately avoided in this HHMS with reference to the inland settlements of Hooghly away from the river because it is a reductive term which reimposes a separation between a ‘Hugli’ centre and a ‘Hooghly hinterland’ that is rejected here. It is separations of this sort that have so often been imposed on the river corridor from Bandel to Barrackpore, the subject of this HHMS. Those separations and the naming of the region as a so-called ‘dormitory’, ‘peripheral’, ‘threshold’ or ‘suburban’ zone, in the shadow of Kolkata has hindered sustainable development in the Hugli Corridor from Bandel to Barrackpore.

First, this present ‘Scope and Focus’ section of the HHMS will situate its object: heritage and quality of life in Bandel, Chunchura, Chandannagar, Srirampur and Barrackpur in both space and time. Second, it places the heritage management strategy itself in a continuum spanning preproject research to the pathways in which it plans to effect change in the Hugli Corridor. Third, by critically comparing itself to previous heritage management strategies in India and in Northern Ireland (taking cultural differences into account), it will set out the innovative new methodology for achieving effectiveness in the future. This will be done by the HHMS including feedback from stakeholder groups on its proposals, a summary of the future initiatives of other cognate projects in the region and, most importantly, a flexible, forward-projecting implementation action plan with funding built in. In this way the first heritage management strategy in West Bengal aspires to be world-leading within its class. It is a report as a key output point in a continuum of research-based new knowledge, set in the context of wider community action and engagement.

1.1.2 Hugli in space and time

Writing about the Mediterranean and Mediterranean World, the French historian Fernand Braudel coined the term ‘geographical time’ to describe

the slow, but cumulatively momentous changes that happen over many centuries. Whereas the Mediterranean is a comparative stable body of water with tidal amplitude of a few centimetres due to the comparatively narrow outlet/inlet with the Atlantic Ocean, the ostensibly slower form of ‘geographical time’ moves comparatively rapidly in the Hugli Corridor. This is confirmed by the fact that during the seventeenth century the silting up of the channel of the Saraswati River at Saptagram about four kilometres from Bandel and the increased flow in the Hugli shaped the distribution of human settlement. This was at the horizon of the period of shared Indian and European history in the region from the mid-sixteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. In the short, medium and long-term future, climate change in this area, where the mean height above sea level is around nine metres, also suggests that settlement patterns and thus built and cultural heritage will be determined by water levels.

During the course of its two-year lifespan, the Hugli River of Cultures Project worked at six historical levels. First, its initial premise was that the region had been undergoing rapid urban change since India’s economic liberalization in the 1990s. That said, West Bengal lagged behind national growth and this and the Hugli Corridor’s peripheral location meant that the pace of change from 1990s to the early 2000s was 10-20% slower than in the metropolitan peripheries around Mumbai and Delhi. Locally however, the evidence of the demolition of residential and commercial heritage properties documented in Petit Paban Halder’s photographic biography of Chandernagore (2004) and his accompanying photographic archive meant that the degradation of built heritage gathered pace, after 2004 forcing the Hugli Corridor to become an ever higher density dormitory settlement for Kolkata.

Second, the project had a major focus on repeated seasonal patterns in the region though its docudrama Samayita (the Healer) that foregrounded the annual galvanising of the community spirit in Chandernagore and its environs during the Jagadhatri Puja each November. In this way, continuity and change in folk traditions that go back around two hundred and fifty years are explored.

Third, the project’s batik banners focus on visual depictions of the five settlements of Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandannagar, Srirampur and Barrackpur from the period from 1396, the construction of the Serampore Roth, to the coming of the Eastern Bengal Railway to the Hugli Corridor

in 1854. This is a focus on hybridity vehiculated by the slower forms of river and road rather than the faster and larger scales that were ushered in by the railways. The suburban railway and how it allows people to be in Kolkata and in Hugli in one day still dominates the pace of live in the region. Even in 2020 the railway covers the same distance approximately three times faster than by road.

Fourth, fifth and sixth, Andrew Davies’s work focused on the struggle for Indian independence from the 1900s to 1947, Ian Magedera’s work on the horizon of living memory of the French in Chandernagore around 1950 and Helle Jorgenson’s on the contemporary understanding of heritage in Hugli. This major contemporary focus was further anchored by the project delivering event-based community stakeholder events and broader public outreach through two Hugli Heritage Days, a HeritageFest a photographic exhibition. To quote the works of the HRCP’s May 2018 Statement of Ethics and Intent, the Project’s events ‘aim to awaken in Hugli [Corridor] citizens, a sense that the river binds them as a conduit of cultures. This Project is future-focused, aware of the past, but not stuck in it’. Moreover, a successor organisation the form of a ‘Hugli River Corridor’ Chapter of the Indian National Trust for Arts and Cultural Heritage (INTACH) furthers these aims from January 2020. This Hugli Heritage Management Strategy uses the six historical perspectives to interrogate buildings, zones, borders and how they contribute to water- and landscapes that interact with their histories while also being the reflection of a particular time of day, asking the question that is the title of Kevin Lynch’s 1978-book What Time is This Place?

1.1.3 HHMS, a point in a continuum of heritage research in the Hugli Corridor

As stated above, this Hugli Heritage Management Strategy situates itself in a continuum of work for heritage done by private citizens of both Indian and European born in the region going back into the period of shared history under limited French sovereignty in the region before 1950 and stretching back into the documents, maps, paintings and archives and records that were created during the period of the Portuguese, Dutch, Danish and British presence (a selection of these documents are listed in the bibliography).

Moving into the contemporary period of researchers who are currently

active, there is the research and writing on history produced by academics such as Biswanath Bandyopadhyay and Subhendu Majumdar outwith the project (see bibliography) and also to the pre-project historical research of local inhabitants, such as Akshay Addya, who are now affiliated to the project and to its successor organization the Hooghly Regional Chapter of the Indian National Trust for Arts and Cultural Heritage. Though the Hugli River of Cultures Project was the first academic project to focus on this region as a whole, irrespective of the project and of the HHMS, the work of these researchers will go on as it is independent, though informed by the Hugli River of Cultures Project. The same applies to the photographic archives of Ramanuj Konar on Jagadhatri Puja and Patit Paban Halder on Chandannagar and its environs that predate the project. These photographers were given a new impetus to photograph for the project and have the AR App juxtapose examples of their work from the early 2000s with that from 2018-2020. Also feeding into the HHMS is the start-of-project Heritage Audit of the most successful heritage projects in West Bengal in the last ten years (not including Kolkata).

1.1.4 Heritage, ‘Otijiyo’ or ‘quality of life’? Is heritage translatable into Bangla?

‘Reverberations, Voices from the Riverfront’, the 2019 film about the impact of the Hugli River of Cultures Project, illustrates the issue clearly: Bengali speaking interlocutors more frequently use the English word ‘heritage’, rather than the word Otijiyo, a synonym. That latter word, though accurate, is precisely that, a translation. That is to say that heritage is an internationalized discourse which came to India via English and international organisations such as UNESCO. ‘Otijiyo’ [BANGLA SCRIPT] does not feature in the public discourse about heritage and in the titles of heritage organisations in West Bengal such as the West Bengal Heritage Commission which is not known by a Bengali title. In etymological terms Otijiyo and ‘Otijiyo’ / Aitihya come from a scholarly didactic and personalized traditions of epistemology relating to traditional teaching vehiculated by individuals and schools via texts and oral legends. The semantic field is therefore quite different from material and intangible cultural heritage. Naturally, the English-language word ‘heritage’ will be continued to be used in West Bengal because of the international dimensions to the origins of the particular types of heritage found here, but in terms of its relevance to wider public good it

is useful to link it in to urban quality of life. As Helle Jorgensen, HRCP CoInvestigator has pointed out and as recorded in the project’s Statement on Ethics and Intent, Urban quality of life is a common general concern at the interface between citizens and the state. ‘Urban quality of life’ should not supplant heritage in the names of outward public-facing initiatives and publications and in terms of research contributions, but there should be flexibility by practitioners and volunteers to choose terms such as ‘history’ and ‘sustainable development’ which better speak the aims and objectives in actions that flow from this Hugli Heritage Management Strategy.

1 PEARL, p. 27

2 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XhLhnshfyX8

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tD-HsIQXlM8 (Hindi)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCRloQLOYNA (English)

3 2005

4 La Méditerranée et le Monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II (Paris: Colin, 1949), p. 14. He would look at similar material from three perspectives: ‘Thus we have arrived at a decomposition of history into three stacked levels. Or, one could say, the distinction in historical time between a geographical time, a social time and an individual time/ ‘Ainsi sommes-nous arrivés à une décomposition de l’histoire en plans étagés. Ou, si l’on veut, à la distinction, dans le temps de l’histoire, d’un temps géographique, d’un temps social, d’un temps individuel.’

5 So in Braudel’s terms, ‘geographical time’ in Hugli moved so quickly that it impacted on Braudel’s next level up ‘social time’ (his third and final level was ‘individual time’ – the time span of a single human life).

6 WB vs National average.

1.2 STATEMENT OF INTENT

1.2.1

The fundamental intention of this development plan is to achieve the sustainable preservation and continued habitation of the settlements within the Hugli River Corridor (HRC) region.

1.2.2

While of course recognizing the crucial contribution of expertise, political representatives and the economies of scale that can be achieved though state and union participation in heritage safeguarding and promotion activities, HRCP members favour an approach which consults and collaborates with local inhabitants as widely as possible, even if this increases the duration of projects. We advocate heritage ‘with’ local people and not heritage ‘for’ them. Such an approach is also aligned with international best practices.

old people and those passing through the region, such as tourists and migrants), it should also be spatially flexible. Naturally, laws, byelaws and protected heritage precincts and their buffer zones have demarcated jurisdictions, but the sentiment that people as belonging to a place such as the Hugli corridor or Hooghly should extend as far as people want it to and should definitely allow for overlap with the spheres of influence of other regional identities. Heritage has no linear borders and is incompatible with strict territoriality. In Hooghly and in West Bengal in particular, it must be generous with overlapping zones and not frontiers.

1.2.5

Heritage needs to generate money and wealth for local inhabitants, heritage practice needs money to function, but there should always be a gifted component in heritage to resist its commodification. These gifts may be a token gift to paying heritage walk participants, but most likely it will be the precious gift of time by heritage volunteers.

1.2.3

Under sustainability we understand not only the ecological and cultural aspects which form the principal appeal of the site/s and must therefore be protected, but also the financial concern of investing in the HRC’s future. Capital for the maintenance and investment in the settlements and sites will necessarily require external (i.e., union, state and international) input to begin with, but the final goal is to reach a level of self-sufficiency where proceeds from locally generated revenue sustain the required heritage management expenditures of the HRC communities, managed through a locally-based collective or cooperative approach. These bodies, comprised by local stakeholders and community members, would be set up to safeguard HRC’s heritage value and ensure that the heritage and developmental needs of HRC inhabitants are met.

1.2.6

The need for heritage management in the Hugli Corridor is not a given in West Bengal, because the region has been administratively fragmented and suffered from its proximity to the built and intangible cultural heritage riches of Calcutta, the capital of British India until 1911. In making the case for safeguarding and adaptively reusing heritage structures in an architecturally and culturally sensitive manner, heritage management in the Hugli Corridor needs to be historically informed, open to global cultural difference and to multiple languages. There are unlikely to be funds for dedicated bricks and mortar institutions in the region in the medium term, so heritage activists and budding heritage practitioners will need to be fleet-of-foot and project-based, forming and disbanding as project income comes and goes. It is for this reason that the engagement of local inhabitants, as detailed in points one to three above, is so important.

1.2.4

In the same way that heritage practice should be as socially inclusive as possible (actively including all minority groups, as well as children,

1.2.7

The ultimate intention of this Heritage Management Strategy is to provide

a road map for the relevant authorities to work together at state and union level to protect heritage from rapid urbanisation and to promote its enjoyment by local inhabitants, and Indian regional and international tourists in a sustainable manner. This is the result of realizing that the Hugli Corridor is either a region in heritage transition or perhaps one in heritage decline, in this way, the broad thrust and methodological key points of sustainable heritage for development will be elaborated, including those which relate to the pressing environmental threat in a region that lies at a mean of nine metres above sea level. The strategy sets out the general direction of travel and the wider intellectual context that is relevant for other peri-urban areas in India and around the world; however, future iterations of a future Hugli Management Plan at five years intervals to 2050 and beyond may include anything from floating buildings of the Dutch architect Koen Olthuis’s Waterstudio, to managed decline and selective abandonment.

1.2.8

HRCP proposes that traditional values such as social and economic selfsufficiency be the guiding principles that lead the future development within HRC, providing a model for sustainable development and ecological responsibility for West Bengal and India.

1.2.9

All measures here proposed are in accordance with international conventions and ICOMOS guidelines and it is expected that all future interventions will continue to uphold these values.

THE HUGLI RIVER CORRIDOR 2

2.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter provides an overview of the heritage significances within the Hugli River Corridor (HRC) region, as well as an assessment of the environmental challenges faced by the heritage landscapes and assets and the tourism industry. The heritage significance is both tangible and intangible with a strong emphasis on the interaction that took place between the European traders and colonial powers and the local communities. The impact of European architectural ideas on the organisation of dwellings and the decorative elements that adorned these, was significant. Domestic spatial order took on a composite form with the juxtaposition of traditional organisation of space around a courtyard and an Europeanised formal arrangement orientated towards the display of wealth or status. Portuguese and other European influences have also permeated the intangible heritage of the region, especially in the preparation of sweet dishes distinctive of this region, which have later received international acclaim. Traditional textile crafts received impetus through the European presence and the opportunities of expanded production and trade it offered. The environmental challenge faced by the HRC, it is argued, should be addressed by combining a bottom-up, stakeholder orientated approach with the extant, more conventional government and institutional initiatives. This potentially provides significant opportunities for sustainable development and growth.

2.2 TANGIBLE HERITAGE ALONG THE HUGLI

In a word, Bengale abounds with every necessary of life; and it is this abundance that has induced so many Portuguese, Half-castes and other Christians to seek an asylum in this fertile kingdom

François Bernier (1660)

2.2.1 Introduction

This section is a short gazetteer of key heritage sites within the Hugli River Corridor (HRC). This gazetteer is not meant to be comprehensive; rather the aim is to establish the broad heritage significance of the HRC, in this case, focusing on its tangible heritage (intangible heritage is discussed in the following section, 2.3). The following description covers, from North to South, the towns of Bandel-Hooghly, Chinsurah and Serampore along the western bank of the river. The case study focus town of this report –Chandernagore – is not discussed here but dealt with in more detail in the subsequent chapter (Chapter 3). The discussion mainly covers buildings erected by the European trading establishments during the height of their activity in the so-called ‘Little Europe’ region (the Hugli River Corridor). However, several buildings and structures erected by the local population were also influenced by Europeans architectural and decorative traditions, having observed at least a sample in close proximity. A few examples of such buildings have been cited here too.

2.2.2 Bandel and Hooghly

2.2.2.1 Basilica of the Holy Rosary or Bandel Church:

The oldest Christian edifice of worship in Bengal. This Portuguese Church was built in 1599. The arrival of the Portuguese in Hooghly coincided with the fall of Saptagram port due to the progressive silting of the once mighty river Saraswati and the Hugli river becoming navigable because of the increased flow of water in it. The Portuguese set up the Hugli port and carried on a flourishing trade through it. Probably they left Saptagram and came to Hooghly in 1580. Hooghly became the most prosperous and most densely populated town among all the ports under the control of the Portuguese in Bengal. In 1588, British traveller and merchant Ralph Fich described Hooghly as the main centre of Portuguese control. But, along with trade, the Portuguese had another chief goal – to spread Christianity. As early as 1498, a merchant of Vasco Da Gama’s ship at Calicut is supposed to have said, “We have come here in search of Christians and spices.”

Very often, the Portuguese used to import missionaries from Goa for the purpose of spreading Christianity. In 1599, two such Augustinian monks came down to the newly built Convent (dedicated to St. Nicholas of Tolentino) and the Church (dedicated to Our Lady of Rosary). This Church

is now commonly known as ‘Bandel Church’. It is thought that the name ‘Bandel’ may have originated from the Bengali word ‘Bandar’ meaning ‘port’. The more than four centuries old Church has been witness to many historical events. There are no ends to legends surrounding the Church –the most remarkable among them being about the statue of Mother Mary and a mast of a ship kept in the churchyard. The mast was seen beside the cemetery until it was damaged by the Aila storm in 2009. Now it is protected inside a glass enclosure. But, people across all religions remain devoted to Mother Mary. Every year in December, people throng to the Bandel Church in hordes, during the Christmas week, to light a candle in front of Mother Mary, who is said to perform miracles in curing people suffering from incurable diseases. Hindus, Muslims, Christians, people of all religions, caste and creed, pay homage to Mother Mary all the year round. She may have originally been a Christian symbol set up by colonial rulers, but now she is a symbol of secularism in a modern free India.

Architecture: Mainly Portuguese style, with fusion of other European elements, not surprising since Portuguese culture is marked by the advent of settlers from various other European countries and also the Arabs. The Bandel Church is small in comparison to other churches. There is a large courtyard, resembling a cave, with a fountain at the centre, where people light candles or toss coins into the fountain, praying for wish fulfilment. The Doric style church comprises of three alters, a shrine to Mary, an organ, beautiful chandeliers, stained glass windows, beautiful paintings on the life of Jesus (remarkable is The Last Supper), a cemetery and a grand clock tower – all reminiscent of the colonial style of architecture.

2.2.2.2 Hooghly Imambara:

It is a Shi’a Muslim congregation hall in Hooghly, built on the estate donated by Haji Md. Mohsin in 1861. Though the architecture is predominantly Persian, there remains the stamp of colonial architecture on it. The Persian influence consists of the huge Zaridalan or prayer hall, whose walls are covered with lines from the Hadish, the maxims of Prophet Mohammad, the seven starred throne of the Imam, Islamic calligraphy on the other walls of the Imambara, different sitting arrangement for the ladies, the rectangular tank in the huge courtyard with beautiful fountains, for washing hands before prayers, the long corridors with numerous rooms housing the classes of the madrasah. But, the colonial influence is also clearly visible in the huge

courtyard in the middle, the black and white chequered marble floors, the lanterns and chandeliers of Belgian glass, the sun dial in the backyard and the grand clock tower which houses a clock in the middle of twin towers erected upon the gateway, with the clock having been manufactured by Black and Hurray Co., Big Ben, London, at the cost of Rs 11,721 in 1852.

2.2.3

Chinsurah

The Clock Tower at Ghorir More: This is the iconic landmark of Chinsurah, instantly recognisable by one and all. It is a Gothic Tower of cast iron, constructed by the British in memory of Edward VII in 1914. This clock tower standing at the intersection of four roads still has the clock in working condition.

engraved near the entrance. It started functioning from about 1896-7, when the headquarters of the Hooghly District was transferred to Chinsurah.

2.2.3.3 Hooghly Mohsin College:

It was established in 1836, with wealth donated by Muhammad Mohsin for charitable purposes before his death in 1812. It was initially called the New Hooghly College. It became associated with Calcutta University since the later’s inception in 1857 and later started functioning as an affiliated college under Burdwan University from 1960. Notable alumni of this college include Bankim Ch Chatterjee, Dwijendralal Roy, Kanailal Dutta, Muzaffar Ahmed, Brahmabandhab Upadhyay, Upendranath Brahmachari. The college building incorporates the octagonal shaped

2.2.3.1 The Dutch cemetery:

This cemetery has not been used for nearly two centuries. It was used during the 18th and 19th centuries and has 45 graves of persons who died between 1743 and 1846. It was built by the Dutch Director, Louis Taillefert in the 1760s, in order to replace an older one close to Fort Gustavus. Many prominent people of the times are buried here. The southern part of the cemetery, measuring about 200 x 100 metres contains 22 Dutch tombs which are of three kinds – pyramids, rectangular sepulchres and plain graves. Though it is no longer in use, it continues to be an active place of interest for researchers and tourists. The cemetery is now protected and maintained by the ASI.

2.2.3.4

Armenian Church:

The construction of the earliest church in Chinsurah was started by an Armenian merchant-diplomat called Margar Avag Sheenentz of Julfa, as early as 1695 and was completed in 1697, after his death, by the members of his family. The church is dedicated to St. John the Baptist. It is the second oldest Christian church in Bengal, after the Bandel Church, and the oldest Armenian Church in India. It has a clock tower, so typical of colonial architecture, erected in 1822 by Mrs. Sophia Bagram of Kolkata, in memory of her husband Simon Phanoos Bagram. The clock has long since vanished.

2.2.3.2 Chinsurah Court:

Just south of the clock tower is the Chinsurah Court, a building said to have the longest corridors in India, a veritable Dickensian ‘Bleak House’, so typical of the 19th Century. It was built in 1829, with materials from the demolished Dutch fort of Gustavus. It was originally used as barracks for British soldiers who arrived at Chinsurah long after the British acquisition in 1825. Hence the endless corridors and never-ending stairways, which seem to lead nowhere. Typical 18th Century details on the woodwork (doors and shutters) and iron locks are still visible. The name of the building is

Each year, the Armenian Christmas is celebrated on 6th January in the Armenian Church at Kolkata. On the next Sunday after this, the entire Armenian community of Calcutta, along with the students of the Armenian College, make an annual pilgrimmage to the church. They carry with them the golden hand of St. John the Baptist, a relic with a piece of bone from the right hand of the saint, who is said to have baptised Christ himself in the waters of the Jordan river. The relic is kept at the Armenian Church of Holy Nazareth in Kolkata and is only taken out during the annual pilgrimmage to Chinsurah. The Armenian Church at Chinsurah remains otherwise closed throughout the year, for, there are no Armenians left in the town anymore. The churchyard contains a cemetery of no more than 100 graves, 28 of them being within the church itself, of notable people who lived and died in Chinsurah.

2.2.3.5 Boro Seal Bari:

The majestic mansion was built in 1763 by Nilambar Seal, a rich and influential merchant of Chinsurah. It is a grand example of the fusion of Indo-Dutch architecture. The house has been planned around multiple courtyards, a typical colonial feature. Imposing Ionic columns support the verandahs. The arches of the thakurdalan are supported by thin fluted columns with Corinthian capitals. The projecting semi-circular balconies are embellished with decorative metal grilles. Some of the intricately carved timber panelled doors still survive.

2.2.3.6 The tomb of Susanne Anna Maria Yeates:

Susanne Anna Maria Yeates (nee Verkerk), died in 1809. She was the widow of Dutch upper – merchant Pieter Brueys and had later remarried Englishman Thomas Yeates. The structure is an 8 metre high domed tomb built of brick with lime plaster in the neo-classical style and set on a high plinth. The square columns rise on the plinth, both truncated at the corners to make them virtually octagonal with Palladian elements like semi-circular archways, short classical columns and pediments, statuette niches, and circular window-like openings on four main and four smaller walls. A lantern was placed on the top of the tomb. The Verkerk family was one of the last families to stay on in Chinsurah.

royal monogram of Christian VII, the King of Denmark when the church was consecrated. Above the portico is a square bell tower which holds a clock. The church bells are no longer in use, but one of them bears the inscription ‘Frederiksvaerk 1804’, which proves it originates from a Danish iron factory. The church has a 25ft high spire.

Though the church has been actively used by the local congregation, it was so severely damaged that it was closed down in 2013, for restoration work. With initiative from the National Museum of Denmark in association with the West Bengal Heritage Commission, it underwent a massive restoration and was finally reopened on April 16th 2016. The conservation project was rewarded by the 2016 Unesco Asia Pacific Heritage Awards.

2.2.4

Serampore

2.2.4.1 St. Olav’s Church:

It remains as one of the most important relics from the times when Serampore was a Danish colony and was known as Frederiksnagore. The construction was initiated in 1800, by Ole Bie, head of the Danish trading post at Serampore and was continued after his death by his successor Captain Krefting. It was completed in 1806, curiously with the help of Englishmen John Chambers and Robert Armstrong, who were hired to look after the practicalities.

The architecture of the church is not characteristically Danish, but bears stamps of British influence, especially of St. Martin–in-the-Fields in London, the standard references for churches in contemporary England. The roof of the church is flat and the front is characterised by an open portico with double columns. The broken cornice on the front is decorated with the

2.2.4.2

Serampore College:

The college, established in 1818, is not only the oldest educational institution in India but one which is still functional. It was established by the famous Serampore Trio: William Carey, Joshua Marshman and William

Ward. The college has two separate entities : the Theological Faculty and the faculty of regular studies in Arts, Science and Commerce, just like any other regular college. The college is affiliated to the Senate of Serampore College (University) and the University of Calcutta. The Senate is associated with the administration of all the theological colleges affiliated with it. The council of Serampore College in fact holds a Danish Charter which could be used for conferring any degree from the college but is now currently used only for conferring the theological degrees. The other degrees are conferred by the University of Calcutta.

The college building is a stately structure, though curiously not listed as ‘heritage’ till now. The majestic main building contains a giant portico of the Ionic order. The ornamental main gate,the cast iron double staircase in the high ceilinged entrance hall were imported from Birmingham as gifts from Danish king Frederick VI. But, as with many other structures, this magnificent structure too is in dire need of massive restoration. Meanwhile it continues to impart education as envisioned by the Trio, to students of every ‘caste, colour or country ‘.

2.2.4.5 The Danish Government House:

It was the centre of the Danish administration from 1755, as well as the private residence of the governor. The Danish Government House is located in a 6.7acre compound. It is not ornate yet has an imposing façade. It is a yellow and white house with an extended porch and six Ionic columns. The Danish Government House continued to be the administrative headquarters even under the British. It was occupied till 1990, until a fire broke out. The campus today houses the Sub-Divisional Magistrate’s house, but is otherwise rundown. A restoration work is underway. The ‘Serampore Initiative’ acts as special consultants to the restoration of the Danish Government House. It is funded and led by the West Bengal Heritage Commission. It contributes with the historical knowledge of the 250 year old buildfing with conservation expertise. The government house from 1771 holds traces of Danish, British and Indian periods respectively, which make the preservation work extremely challenging.

2.2.4.3

The Mission Cemetery:

The cemetery of the Baptist Mission was previously located at the outskirts of Serampore, but now it is in a populated part of the town. The Mission Society paid an annual rent to the Danish government for the use of the land. The ground is now maintained by the Serampore College and houses the tombs of the famous serampore Trio : William Carey, Joshua Marshman and William Ward, which have recently been restored under the supervision of INTACH Kolkata.

2.2.4.6 The Danish Tavern:

2.2.4.4 The Danish Cemetery:

The Danish Cemetery in Serampore was reserved for Protestants, and adjoining it, separated by only by a low wall, was the burial ground of the Roman Catholics. A total of 33 burial places can be presently identified, though only a few gravestones with inscriptions have been preserved. The most notable commemorative epitaphs include the two governors of the Danish possessions in Bengal, Ole Bie and Jacob Krefting. The cemetery is maintained by the ASI.

A restored wonder has been the Danish Tavern of Serampore. The Hugli river flowing past gives it a special ambience of grandeur. The British innkeeper James Parr opened the Denmark Tavern and Hotel in 1786. It boasts of famous inmates like William Carey. The English, the French, the Danes, have all stayed at the tavern for government jobs, for business, as religious missionaries or simply for espionage. But, gradually with time it had decayed beyond recognition and has recently been restored and is back in business by the initiatives of the National Museum of Denmark, along with support from the West Bengal Heritage Commission. After two years of renovation that cost nearly Rs 5 crore, the building has been made ready to host visitors to the historical town of Serampore. It will now serve as a café and lodge for visitors. The 232 year old building has once again come alive with its white colonnaded façade, bright yellow walls and green doors and windows, all reminiscent of an era long gone by.

2.2.4.7 Serampore Court:

A major landmark of Serampore is the court compound. At first, it will look like a bustling bus teminus like any other, but a little probing will lead to

a semi-ruined arched gate. Inside stands the old court house, a building which used to be the major seat of Danish power in Bengal, though now dimmed of its former glorious appearance, bearing the stamp of colonial architecture in its colonnaded arches. The building overlooks a big ground, once probably gardens with pathways and parking spaces for horse carriages of the Danes.

Though the Danish administration in Serampore was limited by staff and finance, the governor had the responsibility to maintain law and order in the town. So, a court house and jail, or catcherie, was therefore a necessary measure for the Danish judicial system. The first jail in Serampore was built in 1800. It was a single building, containing two rooms only with a verandah and a surrounding brick wall. A new plot was bought in 1803 and the Danish engineer and Major, B.A. von Wickede, who subsequently also supervised the construction work at Serampore College and St. Olav’s Church,prepared a plan for a new jail or catcherie.The original plan by Major B.A. von Wickede provided for separate jails to Europeans, women and each of the native communities divided into Christians, Muslims, Bengalis as well as a scratch group referred to as the ‘turbulent or drunken’. A court house with a hall, two rooms and two verandahs was situated at the centre, whereas the guard’s rooms and offices were located on both sides of the main gate. Also, a large tank was situated within the compound to serve the religious demands of the faithful Hindu and Muslim inmates. In 1832, the prison was further extended with a new ward for women and a wall surrounding the adjoining courtyard. Yet another brick building, 9 feet by 60, in which convicts were kept at night, was added later, as it appears from a description from 1845 (Elberling 1845, p. 6). At the time of construction, the jail was considered a modern institution based on both humanistic ideals and experiences of the colonial administration in dealings with the local population. The Danish council of Serampore was definitely proud of its new catcherie which they described as being better and more beautiful than any other found in the surrounding European colonies. The jail still functions today as Serampore Subsidiary Correctional Home under the administration of the Sub-Divisional Officer.

The original courthouse has been demolished in favour of a new administrative building and a new partition wall has been added for security. But, the surrounding wall, the main gate, the tank is preserved and the original jails are still in use. Gone is the Royal Danish Coat of Arms, which originally adorned the pediment of the main gate, as it appears from older

drawings and photographs and only the date and year of construction, i.e. 1803, remains visible on the frieze above the keystone of the arched classical portal.

2.2.4.9 Jagannath Bari:

2.2.4.7

Serampore Rajbari:

The fortunes of the Goswami family of Serampore flourished along with that of the Danes in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. They amassed huge fortune and bought landed properties in Calcutta and in the districts. Radhakanta Goswami first settled in Serampore. His grandson Raghuram Goswami, finding too much fragmentation of his original property of Goswamipara, left to build a house for his own family and thus the giant mansion today known as ‘Serampore Rajbari’ came up sometime between 1815 and 1820.

The house has two separate blocks – north and south. The two storied structure of the south is now used as a residence and also hired out for various social functions. The more magnificent section is on the north, with its cast iron gates, large driveway and Ionic columns. Though it was turned into ‘debottar’ property, it is still used for residential purposes. The most stiking feature inside is the ‘chandni’ or ‘naatmandir’, a covered courtyard like space measuring 120 by 30 feet. It was used for festive occasions, for staging plays and for feeding about 500 people at a time, during the Durga Pujas.

Raghuram’s grandson, Kishorilal, constructed another palatial residence on the banks of the Hugli river at the cost of Rs 1,50,000, to which he moved his branch of the family in 1910. The building exists in a better shape than the original Rajbari and is still in use. The property had a formidable wall, built right from the river bed, which afforded it an attractive river frontage and made it possible to lay out a big garden. It is now occupied by the Vivekananda Nidhi, which is a public charitable trust established in February 1980 by the late Swami Yuktananda, a monk of the Ramakrishna order. Since 1981, when the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi deliivered the keynote address in the first ever national seminar on ‘value orientation in human problem solving’, the organisation has been working in the field of value orientation, environmental education and ecological ethics.

The temple of Lord Jagannath is situated in Mahesh in Sermpore. Mahesh hosts one of the biggest and the second oldest Ratha Yatra festival in India, after Puri. The Ratha Yatra has been taking place since 1396. The 15th century poet Bipradas Piplai, who is known as one of the contributors of the ‘Manasamangal’ genre and for having written many of the stories of Chand Saudagar, first mentioned Mahesh, probably from around 1495. The area was probably under the rule of the Oriya kings and Jagannath may have found acceptance because of being the royal family’s favourite deity. It is not known what happened to the original temple, but, the present temple at Mahesh was built in 1755 with a cost around Rs 20,000, the finance being donated by Nayan Chand Mullick of Pathuriaghata, Calcutta. Once , when the ‘shebaits’ gave shelter to a Nawab of Bengal in a severe storm, the grateful Nawab gave them a piece of revenue free land in Mahesh. The present Ratha had been constructed out of solid iron by Martin Burn, through the financial patronage by a rich landlord of Kolkata,named Sri Krishna Chandra Bose.

2.3 EUROPEAN INFLUENCE ON THE INTANGIBLE HERITAGE ALONG THE HUGLI

2.3.1 Introduction

This section outlines some of the European influences on the intangible heritage and textile craft traditions in the Hugli River Corridor (HRC). Again, the discussion below is not meant to be exhaustive but illustrative of the significant interaction that took place between the European traders and colonial powers and the local population and their culture. The aim is to highlight the intangible heritage significance of HRC by focusing on the interactions mainly along the western bank of the river, including those that look place between local communities within a broad colonial framework.

2.3.2 Portuguese influence:

The Portuguese left behind a legacy of cultural influences in Bengal. They brought the New World crops of potato, tobacco, maize and chillies, along

with cashew nuts, papaya, pineapple, guava and the Alfonso mango to Bengal. The delicious Bandel cheese, both the smoked and unsmoked varieties, is a delicacy from the times of the Portuguese rule. What makes this cheese so special is the fact that almost all of the ‘chhana’ confections (made from splitting milk), such as sandesh or rosogolla in Bengal, owe their origins to the Portuguese and their Bandel cheese. The Krishnakali plant ( mirabalis jalapa ), is a Portuguese gift to Bengal. Many common Bengali words, which we use everyday, have their origin in the Portuguese language – chabi, balti, perek, alpin, toalia . The first printed book in Bengali prose, as well as the first Bengali grammar and dictionary, were printed in Lisbon in 1743. Father Sosa translated a religious tract in Bengali, in 1599, which is no longer extant.

Any history of the Bengal textiles would be incomplete without a reference to the Satgaon quilt, which the Portuguese exported to Europe in large numbers. It was a rare group of embroidered quilts manufactured in Bengal, probably at the initiative of the Portuguese. These exquisite quilts were pictorial in ornamentation and cross cultural in motif, of very large dimensions (often 2.6m x 3.4m) along with smaller pieces, presumably shawls or mantles. The embroidery was done on coarse cotton, jute fabric or on layers of thin cotton which were later wadded and backed. Sometimes backgrounds of silk backed with cotton are found, on muga, tussar or eri , which Bengal was famous for. Some of these characteristics can be found in the later kantha embroideries. Along with Hindu motifs, European themes of Graeco- Roman legends and Biblical stories were also used. The Satgaon quilt is a document of a period, of a culture, signifying the meeting of two vastly different worlds, rich in imagination and experience.

The Christmas week celebrations at the Bandel Church (see Section 2.2) has assumed a secular character. People from far and near flock to the church, for a short trip with their families. Most of them combine this with a visit to the nearby Hooghly Imambara (see Section 2.2). Lighting a large candle in front of Mother Mary or gazing at the inscriptions of the quranic verses on the walls, does not seem out of the ordinary at all. If not on the scale of Bandel, other churches along the Hugli carry on the tradition of celebrating the Christmas week in a similar manner with one and all –Chinsurah, Chandernagore or Serampore – the tradition is similar.

2.3.3 Chinsurah:

There prevails a mixed heritage of the Dutch, Armenian and the British, with the latter prevalent, since they were the last to leave. Chinsurah, which was once described as the most beautiful town along the Hugli, is now similar to any other bustling suburban town, where it is very difficult to distinguish the different phases of history it has been through, in the cultural life of its people.

The Kartick Puja of Chinsurah is a tradition which has been there for several centuries. It is mainly celebrated in the Bansberia region of Chinsurah Municipality. It is celebrated for five days, just like the Durga Pujas or the Jagadhatri Pujas of Chandernagore. The procession of the Kartick Puja had in fact influenced the tradition of the procession of immersion of the Jagadhatri Pujas of Chandernagore.

The bonedi bari Durga Pujas of Chinsurah have dominated its culturescape for more than three centuries. The Durga Puja of Sil Bari hails from the times of the Dutch rule and throughout history, this house has been the centre of many political and cultural activities. Another Durga Puja, nearly 280 years old, is that of the Auddy family. Speaking of religious matters, Shandeswar Shiva temple should also be mentioned. Daniel Overbeck, the last Dutch governor gifted two brass drums to the temple, which are still used during ceremonies. Muslim traditional practices are as predominant, in parts of Chinsurah, with several mosques dotting the town – Dharampur Jame Masjid, Tolafatak Masjid, Phulpukur Masjid etc. So, it comes to the fact that modern Chinsurah is predominantly Indian in essence, as any other place. It is curious that nothing Portuguese remains in Chinsurah, though it was founded by them.

The heritage of Chinsurah reverberates throughout India through the strands of Vande Mataram , which Bankim Chandra composed while sitting on the steps of Jora Ghat at Chinsurah.

2.3.4 Chandernagore:

The greatest intangible heritage of this erstwhile French colony consists of one of the greatest spectacles of the world – the Jagadhatri Pujas. The spectacular procession of immersion is second only to the carnival of Rio de Jeneiro. The involvement of the people of the whole town and its

administration, the job opportunities it generates, the cottage industries is sustains, all go to make it the largest exercise in community work.

Once again speaking of the Portuguese influence, Surya Modak learnt to make ‘chhana’ (curdled milk), from the Dutch cook at the Bandel Church and hence was born all sorts of sandesh and other sweets that Chandernagore is so famous for. His descendants carry on the tradition of making jolbhora , motichur, along with modern additions to their list. Come winter and the sweet shops of Chandernagore are stuffed with rows of sweets made of nolen gur or jaggery. Sandesh, rosogolla, jalbhara or chhana cakes, all contain the delectable taste of gur.

One direct colonial heritage could be said to be the practice of the French language in Chandernagore. It is still taught in schools and colleges and most families consider it an honour to learn the language, not for any professional gains, but just for the sake of it.

2.3.5

Serampore:

Leaving aside the Christmas celebrations at St. Olav’s Church, one heritage that comes to mind while speaking of Serampore, is the Ratha Yatra of Mahesh. It has been there from presumably 1396, and still continues to draw crowds in huge numbers. It can be considered second only to Puri in importance. The present four storied ratha of Lord Jagannath was built

by Martin Burn in 1885 and has a steel framework with wooden scaffolding and iron wheels.

Perhaps the most valuable gift that Serampore has gifted to the world is education coupled with social reform. The Serampore trio – William Carey, Joshua Marshman, William Ward, can be called the real architects of the Serampore renaissance. They established schools, including girls’ and the Serampore College (1818). They dedicated their lives to spreading education and also for social reforms, although they had initially come for spreading Christianity. For the poor, they established more than a hundred ‘monitorial schools’ in the region. Carey founded the Serampore Mission Press in 1800, where wooden Bengali types were installed. Besides publishing quite a few books in Bengali, the first issue of the second Bengali daily Samachar Darpan came out in 1818, edited by Carey. It also brought out A Friend of India , precursor to The Statesman . Their legacy is for all to see in a new world where knowledge reigns supreme. People may or may not know, but they were the first people to initiate changes which gradually opened doors of a conservative society for posterity. The Danes may have had marginal presence in trade in the Indian sub-continent, but their involvement in the religious and the educational life in Bengal was by no means insignificant.

2.4 DELIVERING ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY IN CULTURAL HERITAGE TOURISM ALONG THE HUGLI CORRIDOR.

2.4.1 Introduction

The Hugli River of Cultures Pilot Project, has predominantly used the lens of cultural heritage in upskilling heritage activists along the five former trading posts and garrison settlements located southwards downstream on the river Hugli, from the megacity of Kolkata. These hinterland towns, namely Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandannagar, Serampore and Barrackpore are endowed with a hybrid cultural heritage owing to its European colonial past and indigenous cultural practices. This makes the corridor particularly attractive for generating tourism, especially, considering the recently formulated Tourism Policy by the state of West Bengal (2016), which recognises ‘Bengal heritage’ as one of the six tourism circuits to be developed in the state. However, the evolution of this corridor historically

as well as contemporarily is largely owing to its location along the river Hugli, which is a distributary of the river ‘Ganges’ traditionally known as ‘Ganga’. Unfortunately though, based on a global study conducted by World Wide Fund (WWF), the Ganges has been identified as one of the top ten, most endangered rivers at risk in the world (2007) (Wong et al, 2007). This coupled with the environmental challenges of climate change, industrial pollution and accelerated pace of urbanisation in the region, poses severe environmental threats to the corridor and beyond.

Tourism based on cultural heritage assets will no doubt encourage economic sustainability of the region, while upskilling local people is bound to deliver social sustainability. However, in cases of cultural heritage tourism (CHT), environmental sustainability often is the weakest link (See Jha-Thakur et al, 2019). If the environmental parameters and their influence on heritage assets are not given due consideration then the sector is unlikely to deliver long lasting sustainable yields. Eventually, poorly planned tourism within the context of CHT would lead to the decline of the heritage assets themselves along with the monetary profits (Aas et al, 2005). Therefore, in delivering any meaningful sustainability to cultural heritage or tourism ambitions, incorporating environmental considerations is of paramount importance. Accordingly, this chapter explores sustainability, especially environmental sustainability within CHT in the Hugli corridor region and conducts a SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity and Threat) analysis.

SWOT analysis can play useful role in analysing business prospects, which in this case is within the context of developing cultural heritage tourism (see e.g. Vonk et al., 2007). However, they are not limited for business use and can be applied on a broader scale for assessment studies and policy analysis (See Jha-Thakur and Fischer, 2016; Paliwal 2006). SWOT analysis in this case will be particularly insightful as it allows to take into consideration internal factors which are Strength and Weaknesses, as well as external factors through Opportunities and Threats. A holistic consideration of internal and external factors can help in fine tuning planning for CHT in the Hugli corridor. In doing so, information is gathered through current policies related to tourism and environment in the State of West Bengal, desktop research, literature review, observation carried out by the research team and finally seven semi-structured interviews conducted amongst stakeholders in the region. Interviewees included locals, academics, tourism professionals, heritage activists and media personnel.

In delivering this, the rest of the chapter is organised in five sections. Following the introduction, the concept of CHT is further elaborated in relation to sustainability. The third section briefly outlines the dominant baseline environmental issues likely to impact CHT along the Hugli corridor.

A SWOT analysis in relation to CHT along the Hugli Corridor is presented under the four broad headings of Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threat in the fourth section and finally initial recommendations are provided and conclusions are drawn.

2.4.2 Sustainability in Cultural Heritage Tourism

Tourism is the largest and fastest growing industry in the world (Du et al., 2016; Khosravi and Jha-Thakur, 2018). The sector accounted for 10.4% of global gross domestic product (GDP) in 2017 (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2018). Although growth in tourism can lead to positive impact on economies, mass tourism can also lead to severe degradation of the environment (Michalena et al., 2008). Tourism policies, which are built upon sustainable development principles, can contribute to more inclusive growth through the provision of environmental considerations, employment and economic development opportunities and the promotion of social integration (OECD, 2017). Sustainable tourism attempts to minimize the environmental and cultural impacts and helps maximize the overall socioeconomic benefits for tourist destinations (Sofronov, 2017).

Heritage tourism is a variety of heritage sites, which represent their historical background (Smith, 2009) whilst Cultural tourism is related to cultural aspects that include customs and traditions of people, their heritage, history and way of life (José & Hernández, 2012). Cultural Heritage Tourism is an interface of both cultural and heritage tourism (Sangchumnong & Kozak, 2018). The United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has combined the terminologies of “cultural tourism” and heritage tourism” into the single concept of “Cultural Heritage” in registering World Heritage Sites (Sangchumnong and Kozak, 2018, p.184) and identifies cultural heritage assets as both tangible (e.g., monuments, archaeological remains, artefacts, etc.) and intangible ones (e.g., traditions, social practices, rituals, etc.) (Dragouni, 2017).

Like any type of tourism activity, CHT may have negative impacts on destinations (Wall and Mathieson, 2006). The influx of tourists and

associated economic activities may endanger cultural heritage by affecting both the ancient built environment and the cultural practices associated with it. The New Urban Agenda (NUA) recognizes the need to consider cultural heritage as an important factor for urban sustainable development (Nocca, 2017), especially in urban and semi-urban centres of emerging economies. The speed of development in such contexts often does not give historic built environments the time to adjust to changes in lifestyle and dwelling patterns, thus resulting in being abandoned instead of adapted, or, conversely, tampered with (Quattrone, 2018). This imposes serious threats to cultural heritage and may negatively impact the environment and social fabric of these areas.

Ironically, even with the current global rise of the sustainability agenda, evidence shows that cultural heritage resources are still repeatedly damaged and destroyed. Based on the study conducted by Loulanski and Loulanski (2011), tourism over-development, uneven distribution of tourism costs and benefits in communities, undervaluation and exploitation of cultural heritage by tourism, loss of place character and identity, dominance of economic interests and short-term profits over sustainability, poor impact planning and lack of integrated management on all levels, are the main causes of unsustainability (also see e.g. Richards and Wilson, 2006).

2.4.3 Baseline Environmental Concerns along the Hugli Corridor

The environmental concerns discussed in this section will feature to some extent as threats in our SWOT analysis, nevertheless, due to the fundamental role they play in the region, it is important to appreciate their magnitude and hence develop a sound understanding of the issues. The list discussed below is not exhaustive, but certainly are the overarching concerns, which are likely to breed further sustainability problems if left unchecked.

economic activities such as agriculture, leather tanneries and religious tourism. In its upper reaches in the state of Uttarakhand, the river is also seen as valuable resource in generating hydro power electricity with the potential of 20,000MW against which only 16% is being currently generated. On the basis of this potential, the energy plan of the state of Uttarkhand is proposing to make it the future energy state of India by constructing 70 dams (See Joshi 2007, Rajvanshi et al, 2012). This is expected to impact the flow of the river especially during the lean season when the river will have to maintain a certain flow to enable it to play the socio-religious roles along the plains.

Along with the pressures of economic activity, the Ganges serves as a cultural diaspora for Indian traditions and cultural practices, which further puts the river under immense environmental pressures. For e.g. During the ‘Kumbh Mela’ which is the largest gathering of people on earth, millions of devotees take a dip in the Ganges. This leads to excessive pollution levels. In addition to this, during festivities the idols are also submerged in the river waters. Unfortunately, the Ganges is now one of the top ten threatened rivers of the world at risk (Wong et al, 2007). Hence, if cultural heritage is to be protected or promoted for tourism along the Hugli, the plan has to align itself intrinsically with the protection of the river. In doing so, the cumulative impacts along the Ganges need to be taken into consideration while ensuring that the Hugli stretch in West Bengal is doing everything to limit negative environmental impacts and work on enhancing the health of the sacred river in India.

b) Climate Change

a) Deteriorating Health of the Ganges

As mentioned earlier, the Hugli Corridor’s identity is inseparably linked with its association to the river Ganges. Flowing across the five states of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal in India, the perennial river bank serves many major cities and is central in facilitating

According to the European commission funded project of “Global Climate Change Impact on Built Heritage and Cultural Landscapes” water, in the form of intense rain, flooding and storm or surges has been identified as the greatest threat to heritage (Sabbioni et al, 2008). This is also from the perspective of the material with which the heritage assets are made of and their likely impacts due to the influence of water. In case of the Hugli corridor, this influence of water is compounded owing to the dependence on the river and the close proximity to the sea. The Hugli corridor is located in the lower stretch of the river Ganges, which is in close proximity to the Bay of Bengal. Climate change leading to sea level rise has resulted in submergence and erosion of some islands in the Hugli estuary (Lohachahara, Suparibhanga

and Bedford) and is also leading to an increase in climate refugees in the region (Ghosh et al, 2014). Additionally, this has led to an increase in informal population and makeshift arrangements resulting to an increase in slums in the region. Furthermore, 80% of the annual flow of the Ganges occurs during the Monsoon seasons when widespread flooding can occur (Rajvanshi et al, 2012). Coupled with the impacts of climate change, the region has been witnessing an increase in rainfall and flooding. In addition to this, built up areas are on a rise without proper planning, at the cost of the natural marshy land, back swamps and agricultural land (Dasgupta et al, 2013), which is not allowing excess flood water to be absorbed naturally. During high tide and floods, it is common for flood water to find their ways to lanes and homes further causing drains to overflow. Health problems such as dengue fever are at a rise in such areas (See Sengupta, 2018).

Apart from a rise in excess water related problems, summers are becoming even hotter and due to climate change resulting in receding Gangotri glacier, which is the source of the river Ganges, water levels are going down in the lean season. Climate change has resulted in complex hydrodynamic conditions along the river Hugli and many of the sources of these problems are beyond the reach of the Hugli stretch itself (Ghosh et al, 2014). On the other hand, the impacts of climate change can be mainly predicted for broader regions, and therefore developing detailed strategies on the basis of identifying specific issues along the five towns in the Hugli corridor may not be possible. A holistic understanding of the climate change impacts considering the entire river system is therefore imperative.

c) Rapid urbanisation

India is rapidly transforming from a rural to an urban society and according to Hoelscher (2016, p.28), this is one of the ‘largest and most transformative demographics shifts the world has ever seen’. The urban agglomerations of India such as Bangalore, Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata have seen phenomenal growth and it is projected that India will consist of the largest urban agglomerations seen in the world with Kolkata urban agglomeration already ranking amongst the top ten urban agglomerations in the world (UN, 2011). A recent study on the Kolkata agglomeration by Sahana et al (2018), revealed the alarming rate at which agricultural land and rural landscapes are being transformed to built up areas without planning. The study further concluded that some cities which included Kolkata and Chandannagar

have grown at a higher rate during 1990-2000 than 2000-2015 and have no room left for further expansion. As many of these urbanisation is rather random and unplanned, their socio economic and environmental impacts are not yet fully understood. Population explosion in the region is another unwanted impacts of urbanisation with Kolkata agglomeration having one of the highest density of population in the world. Furthermore, the state of West Bengal has received a record number of tourists in the last few years (Chakraborti, 2019), which though promising in terms of Tourism, poses serious concerns towards the cumulative impact on the environment and the infrastructure of the state.

It should be noted that managing waste, pollution control and infrastructure are already stretched in the state and especially along the Hugli corridor, therefore the influx of additional tourists is only likely to exert even more pressure. Rapid urbanisation, coupled with the increasing impacts of climate change is creating a two edged sword, which bring along with it several types of other socio-economic and environmental complexities that will need to be taken into account if any form of sustainability was to be delivered.

d) Polluting Industries

The Hugli has been a major corridor for industrial growth from precolonial times. Many industries including jute textile, cotton mills as well

as engineering groups such as Braithwaite Company Limited, Hindusthan Motors Limited have been located here. However, Hugli corridor is more famous for its textile industry (Tusser weaving in Chandannagar, silk weaving in Shrirampur) compare to engineering, which is mainly concentrated in Haora (?). During the 1980s, hundreds of polluting industries along this corridor led to severe pollution in the river (Singh et al, 1986). In recent times though, this area has been experiencing a decline in its industries (See Sahana et al, 2018). Many have ceased to exist, however, some are in the state of decline and continue to be sick units with inadequate environmental protection measures. One of the major causes of pollution through these industries is due to the fact that environmental pollution measures through Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) was only made mandatory in 1994 in India (Jha-Thakur et al, 2009). Environmental compliance measures along the Hugli region is poor (See Paliwal and Srivastava, 2012). In addition to this, many of these industrial units are likely to fall below the requirement of an EIA and with lack of any cumulative assessment of these units, the pollution problem continues to be severe.

Environmental apathy as a legacy from the past has been further causing serious environmental threats to the Hugli river, which as we understand from the above paragraphs is deteriorating in health and is impacted by climate change and urban population expansion. Understanding these baseline context condition, which puts pressure not only on the environment but also on wider socio-economical factors are important in conducting a SWOT analysis for environmental sustainability for realising the potential of cultural heritage tourism in the area.

Additionally, exploratory in depth interviews were conducted amongst locals and experts to tease out the contextual factors of the region with respect to CHT and environmental sustainability.

a) Strengths

Within the state of West Bengal, the recently drafted tourism policy (2016) gives special emphasis on promoting ‘Heritage Bengal’ and further the policy emphasises on delivering sustainable development. It takes into account the impacts on the natural environment but also very importantly recognises the need to engage and empower the local community in delivering the tourism objectives. The policy has spelled out many positive initiatives that can strengthen the CHT potential in the Hugli corridor. For e.g. the tourism policy (2016) states that ‘primary Tourism Circuits’ will be developed and linkages with well-known hotspots will be strengthened. This is conducive for the location of this corridor, which is at the hinterland of the Kolkata megacity hotspot. Furthermore, its hybrid mixed European influence (Dutch, French, Danish, English and Portuguese) with the local practices makes it a unique experience, which is not to be found elsewhere. Especially the way all these influences can be spotted across the five towns in close proximity.

2.4.4 SWOT Analyses of Environmental Sustainability in CHT Planning along the Hugli Corridor

In conducting the analysis, related policy documents have been studied at the state level, which are namely the West Bengal Tourism Policy (2016), West Bengal State Action Plan on Climate change (2010). In addition to this, national policies have been referenced where ever felt appropriate. A site visit was conducted of the region (Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandannagar, Serampore and Barrackpore) in 2019 to further appreciate the challenges and strengths of CHT in the area. The site visit was a team effort from inputs of experts in the field of heritage, tourism, independent film makers, academics and researchers who all take an interest in the region.

The Tourism policy encourages ‘Home stays’ to add authenticity to the tourism experience. This is especially good news from the point of environmental sustainability. As we have pointed out due to rapid urbanisation, the population density of this corridor is very high. Building too many new hotels may further stretch the capacity of the regions. Additionally, during site visit, the richness of the heritage assets was obvious. Though facing deterioration, a lot is still out there, which has the potential to be staged to national as well as international, especially European tourists. The area presents innumerable heritage buildings with the potential to be converted to economically viable buildings thereby encouraging tourism, while sustaining local economy and protecting the heritage assets. However, one of the interviewee who is a local heritage enthusiast as well as independent film maker and travel designer commented that apart from certain seasons like during the local ‘Jagaddhatri Pujo’ and the winter months, the uptake of home stays may be limited in the corridor. He suggested that ‘these heritage buildings should be given economic purposes, such as being converted to Government offices to retain their original features while

breathing new life to them’. He further cited examples of such a practice in Darjiling, a popular hill station tourism destination, where several such government offices were residing in heritage buildings.

There is evidence to suggest that the experience of cultural heritage attractions can be heightened with the role of sensory experiences such as sight, taste, smell, hearing and touch (Rahman et al, 2016). The Hugli heritage corridor certainly has the potential in delivering sensory experiences. For example in terms of sight, the region offers the famous lighting during the ‘Jogoddhatri’ and ‘Durga Pujo’, displays huge idols as well as offer beautiful intricate designs found in its heritage buildings. Figure 1 and 2 illustrates the intricate designs, and Belgium chandeliers still being used in Imambara in Hooghly. The region also offers taste and smell through its renowned sweetmeat known as ‘Joynagarer Moya’, a speciality of Chandannagar.

b) Weaknesses

Though its location is its strength in relation to the close proximity of

Kolkata, during the field visit it was felt that not all five hinterland towns could be visited on the same day. Furthermore, the traffic and approach to the heritage sites were cumbersome and not well managed. This would make it very difficult to stage the heritage assets to the tourists. In addition to this, signage was an issue. For e.g. in the Imambara in Hooghly, which is well known for its ‘Vaulted clock’, only one signage written in Bengali (the local language) was displayed. Absence of signage was noted almost in all heritage sites where even if some were present, they didn’t do justice to what the site had to offer. It was further noted that some heritage sites such as the ‘Bandel Church’ had undergone recent transformation and refurbishments. Unfortunately, these were not sensitive to the heritage properties of the buildings. Terracotta temples too were refurbished with tiles and cements destroying the original heritage value of these assets. Therefore lack of heritage awareness and understanding, clearly stands out as one of the weaknesses in the region. This is also observed in other areas of India such as Srirangapatna (See Jha-Thakur et al, 2019).

Though the tourism policy encourages ‘Home stays’, discussions with stakeholders revealed that the owners of these heritage buildings usually have lack of funding. Attaining heritage status does not imply that they

receive any funding support. Furthermore, if tourists do come about, there are no opportunities for any economic incentives to be passed on to these custodians, who as a result are left with no choice but to sell their heritage properties to estate agents. These heritage assets are then pulled down and replaced with new buildings. One of the interviewee suggested that left with no option, even if these buildings are sold out to estate agents, the new buildings can be made keeping certain aspects of the old heritage building intact, while modernising the rest. These can act as ‘heritage marks’.

One of the academic who was interviewed also talked about the infiltration of people from outside who didn’t originally belong to the area. As a result, these new people are less sensitive about the heritage of the place than those who belong to this land. He further cited examples of natural environmental management strategies of the past such as leaving fish in the nallas which fed on mosquito lava, keeping a check on the disease that are caused by it. Based on interviews, field visits and literature review it was further realised that the heritage feeling of these places were lost as they were being bombarded with new construction and population increase due to rapid urbanisation. The interviewees also highlighted how the depleting health of the Ganges was affecting the nature and feel of these heritage places. One of them said he clearly remembers college students sitting and dipping their toes in the Ganges water, now the level of the river has gone down dramatically.

c) Threats

The current trend of tourism in the state is not really geared for the cultural heritage tourism in the Hugli corridor. Though Kolkata is a hot spot, the main tourism destinations are in the extreme North including the Darjiling Hill Railways among other sites and far south in the Sundarban Deltas. Therefore, the external competition acts as a threat in developing CHT in this region. Coupled by the impacts of climate change which is resulting even muggier summers and higher rainfall with the Hugli itself getting leaner, the climatic conditions of this corridor are not working to its advantages. This makes the destinations with cooler climates more attractive for tourists and limits the seasons during which this stretch of the Hugli corridor may be appealing.

As discussed under the baseline environmental threats, urban sprawl and population explosion with unplanned development is causing a lot of harm. Lack of compliance in industries (Paliwal and Srivastava, 2012) with a general apathy towards environmental regulations and heritage assets are all threats in the preservation and promotion of Cultural Heritage Tourism in the region. If the model adapted for encouraging tourism does not engage with the local population, it is bound to fire back. Nevertheless, working with local people and making the sector economically sustainable for them is not as straightforward as it sounds. Already immigrants from other places are flocking in the area of economic opportunities. Distinguishing real heritage enthusiasts’ amongst locals from advantage seeking outsider is also a governance issue, which may make it difficult to deliver real long term sustainability in the region.

Environmental assessments in India are not happening at a regional scale taking cumulative impacts into account. However, dealing with issues in a particular belt in a piecemeal manner along the Hugli corridor cannot yield meaningful sustainability in the long run. Therefore, wide scale assessment studies such as Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), Heritage Impact Assessment (HIA), Cumulative Impact Assessment (CIA), Social Impact Assessment (SIA), Health Impact Assessment (HIA) and even integrated impact assessments such as Sustainability Assessment (SA) needs to be carried out to inform decision making. Such regional level studies will further aid in comparative analysis of the overarching policies to make sure they are aligned with each other.

d) Opportunities

The emphasis on the importance of CHT nationally and within the state is gaining prominence making it a timely study, which can use the momentum created. Tourism in India is growing with an estimation of 10 million visits by the year 2020 (Aggarwal et al, 2008). CHT is a vital component of the tourism industry in the country and has become a popular global leisure activity (Shankar, 2015). The Indian Government has also been paying attention to heritage through its Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana (2015-18), which looked at the holistic development of 12 shortlisted heritage cities through the revitalization of urban infrastructure around heritage assets (MHUA, (2015). Therefore, this seems to be a timely move to make the case of CHT along the Hugli corridor. The recent work done

by this project (Hugli River of Cultures Pilot Project) which has upskilled the heritage understanding and awareness, can stage the corridor better against such opportunities.

Apart from the national and state policies encouraging tourism and sustainability, India also has more than 25 years of experience with Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) (Jha-Thakur et al, 2009). Therefore, though SIA, HIA and other forms of impact assessments are not mandatory and may be resource intensive, these issues may be integrated with the established EIA studies, thereby delivering sustainability. As far as regional assessments such as SEA is concerned, though it has not yet been made mandatory, recently SEA initiatives have been taken up by state governments such as Uttarakhand, Maharashtra (See Rajvanshi et al, 2012, PMC, 2013). This shows a certain trend in appreciating the need for SEA in India and can also help in developing more understanding and expertise for such assessments to be carried out in the future.

2.4.5 Initial Recommendations and Conclusion

The Hugli Heritage Corridor is no doubt blessed with cultural heritage assets. However, the region is facing tremendous pressures from rapid and rampant urbanisation, climate change, pollution, which in turn is affecting the lifeline of this corridor, the river Ganges itself. Therefore, in planning any kind of sustainability, the river has to be kept at the core of the plan. In 2008, the National Ganga River Basin Authority (NGBA) was constituted with the Prime Minister chairing it and the chief Ministers of all the states through which the river flows being its members. This committee also contains six Union Ministers representing ministries of Environment, Forest and Climate Change; Power; Finance; Water resources; Urban Development and Science and Technology. The policy and the initiatives of the NGBA need to be taken into account. However, rather than having just a top down approach, local involvement of stakeholders need to be encouraged in incorporating practices that are sensitive to the ecological health of the river. These may be related directly to heritage issues such as immersion of idols in the river to more commercial issues like enhancing compliance checking amongst industries.

Secondly, since the state of West Bengal is already working towards sustainability in Tourism as well as developing policies for Climate

Change, the state can take up a SEA for tourism in the state, which could incorporate climate change considerations within it. Since SEA also, leads to changing attitudes and enhancing sustainability awareness through stakeholder participation in the long term, it can play a critical role delivering sustainability in the region. There is already a momentum that is gained in incorporating environmental conditions to decision making through EA, West Bengal can lead the way in the field of tourism.

At the local level, heritage protection measures and awareness should be developed as is being done by the ‘River of Culture Project’, but this should be integrated with environmental awareness building as well, since the two aspects are intricately woven. Better environmental practices by local people can go a long way in reducing waste, noise pollution, enhancing natural environmental sensitive practices and increasing urban green spaces, which can uplift the health and well-being of the area.

To conclude, the potential of this heritage corridor is not just limited to the heritage assets it is endowed with, but can lead to overall sustainability delivering environmental protection, economic sustenance along with enhancing social and health well-being. Therefore, in order to facilitate CHT in the area, an integrated, open minded and informative approach needs to be adopted, which though tailored to local needs, should be encompassing regional and broad scale issues to effectively deal with the sustainability challenges.

CHANDERNAGORE

3.1 INTRODUCTION

The town of Chandernagore within the Hugli River Corridor region has been the case study focus for the heritage management strategy. Avoiding treading the conventional history of this important town, extensive research has been undertaken through this project to identify new material and heritage significances. Here, the team has undertaken extensive architectural, urban and ethnographic fieldwork, interviewed academics and historians, and researched archives in Chandernagore, Kolkata as well as in the UK to collate supporting data. The primary data has enhanced extant knowledge of this historic town, as erstwhile French dependency which was eventually incorporated into the newly formed Republic of India in 1952. The research has highlighted strong evidence of ‘composite heritage’ formed through the imbibition of European artistic, architectural and cultural traditions and their incorporation into an evolved vernacular architectural tradition. It is important that the strategy builds on this key significance of a shared cultural heritage and proposes to incorporate this into sustainable regeneration and development. However, research has also highlighted the several distinctive architectural/ urban assemblages that have emerged from the spatial articulation of social-cultural practices within a riverine landscape. One of these is highlighted in this chapter – the ghats of Chandernagore; the ghats variously incorporate settings for ritual bathing, religious observance, funerary rites and social gathering into a river infrastructure that also supported the economy and in more recent times, transport. The evolution of a particularly significant domestic setting – Gondalpara –is discussed in some detail to tease out the character of this neighbourhood at the northern end of the town and the as-yetunacknowledged place it has in India’s struggle for freedom from the colonial rulers. A significant intangible heritage of Chandernagore, which has already received global attention, is the Jagadhatri Puja, a cultural event of enormous import which extends beyond its religious significance. The ‘Hugli River of Cultures’ project has produced a docudrama to

creatively investigate its history, as well as its economic, social and cultural significance.

3.2

3.2.1 Pre-colonial history

The many layered history of Chandernagore has its roots struck deep into a shadowy past, of which there are innumerable uncertainties as to the true turn of events. Long before the advent of the age of colonisation, long before the French actually set up base here in the late 17th century, there was the existence of a pre-colonial community surviving on the banks of the Hugli for centuries. Or, to be more precise, in the land between two rivers-the erstwhile mighty Saraswati on the western part and a thin stream of the Hugli on the eastern part. It comprised the history of the fisherfolk community, whose main livelihood consisted of fishing and trying to find viable customers in the scattered villages around. We come to know of the

HISTORY OF CHANDERNAGORE: A BRIEF OVERVIEW

existence of such villages in the 15th and 16th centuries from the various Mangalkavyas written during the period. We can cite the example of Manasa Mangal of Bipradas Piplai (written either at the end of the 15th century or the beginning of the 16th century), in which such villages are mentioned. But, of course, other villages such as ‘Paikpara’ are also mentioned-where ‘paik’ or guards lived perhaps. So, a mixed layout of population had begun to develop no doubt. However, the banks of the Hugli were a sparsely populated place in that period, because the river had not much to offer. It cannot be said of the banks of river Saraswati though the villages along the Saraswati enjoyed a much more prosperous existence. The village of Khalisani, for instance, had a long and prosperous history. Curiously, the Raja of Khalisani was a dhivara , a fisherman from the local fisherfolk community, as is testified by Kabiram in his Sanskrit text Digvijay Prakash , written about five hundred years ago.

The large village Khalisani was then an ancillary area of the medieval port of Saptagram (now the area known as Tribeni, near Bandel). The history of Khalisani can be traced back to the rule of the Pala Dynasty in Bengal (around 750 - 1160). The famous historian Rakhal Das Bandyopadhyay (more famous for the discovery of Mohenjo-daro), wrote about his findings in the Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal , V,7,1909, in the article titled Saptagrama or Satganw , that he had recovered a lot of artifacts from the times of the Pala Dynasty from the bed of the Saraswati. How exactly did Bandyopadhyay find the Saraswati during the turn of the 20th Century? He writes: ‘A very small stream four to five feet in breadth meanders through its old bed’. With the loss of the waters of the Saraswati, the area of Khalisani faced a reverse trend of de-urbanisation and reverted back to small nondescript villages, with little vestiges of past glory remaining. Such a phenomenon is not uncommon in human settlement history.

3.2.2 The rise of River Hugli

The rise of the Hugli to its new-found glory owed its existence to the great earthquake of 1505, which changed the slope of the Bengal basin and its geological structure too. The main volume of water now changed course to Hugli and the silting up of the Saraswati began. The big ships could not enter the estuary and had to wait for the high tide. The Portuguese left Saptagram and built up the port of Hooghly, which grew rapidly at the cost of Saptagram. The fall of Khalisani was inevitable because it was a

hinterland of the Saptagram port. Frequent floods due to the silting up of the river resulted in people migrating towards the eastern side, towards the Hugli.

With the widening flow of water in the Hugli and changing pattern of the flow of the rivers, land masses began to be exposed from the riverbed wherever the water receded. On the north, rose Boro and on the south rose Gondalpara. Trading vessels began to ply the waters of the Hugli. Gradually from the 16th century onwards, the European traders came along, who developed trading centres along the river. Historians have used the epithet ‘Mini or Little Europe’ to describe the era – the Portuguese in Hooghly, the Dutch in Chinsurah, the French in Chandernagore, the Danes in Serampore - all within a few kilometres of each other. Others came along for business purposes too-the ruined factories and warehouses of the British, German, Danes, Flemish, Armenian, along with those of the Portuguese, Dutch, French companies, bore testimony to the fact long after.

3.2.3

Debate on the origin of the name

There has been an ongoing debate throughout the ages about the origin of the name of Chandernagore. Researchers are of varied opinion regarding whether the name ‘Chandernagore’ existed before the arrival of the French.

Before the arrival of the Europeans, during the era of the Pathans and Mughals, there was an inconsistent political organisation under various

rulers. When ruled by the Mughal Fauzdars in the 16th Century, the land we know today as Chandernagore, was a conglomeration of several villages-Chaknasirabad, Boro, Paikpara, Panchalipara, Garprasadpur, Byajra, Gorji etc. In 1660, the name appeared in a map prepared by VanDen Broek. But, there seems to be little doubt that the name gained wide acceptance with the arrival of the French and the expansion of trade. A proof is a letter written on 21st November,1696, to the French Director by François Martin, André Boureau Deslandes and Pelé of the French East India Company. The Van-Den Broek map was published in 1726, where the place is shown on the other side of the river. Researchers tend to think that the changing course of the Hugli river may have been the cause. Some speak of a place called ‘SANENGAD’ across the river, which may have evolved to ‘Sammukhgadh’, then to ‘Shyamnagar’, which in turn changed to ‘Chandernagore’ across this side of the river. A popular opinion is that the name may have been derived from the crescent shaped land beside the river, on which Chandernagore is situated, since ‘Chandra’ means ‘Moon’ in the Bengali language. Harihar Sett, a famous resident of the town and an art connoisseur was of the opinion that trade in sandalwood, called ‘Chandan’ in Bengali, was the root cause behind such a name.

3.2.4 The advent of the French

The journey of modern Chandernagore can be said to have begun a new chapter in 1696, when the French trader Duplessis obtained permission from the Nawab of Bengal, Shayesta Khan and bought twenty arpents of land (sixty one Bighas) in exchange of four hundred and one rupees, from three zamindars-Rameswar, Sriram and Ramakrishna-in Borokishanpur. Soon, the French East India Company realised the trade potential of the land adjoining Saraswati and Hugli, with Chandernagore as its centre and progressed with their plans of building factories and warehouses. During this period, the French trader Dabisse Anglois tried to build up a trading post (‘kuthi’) with the permission of the administration. The oldest evidence of a French ‘lodge (loges)’ or ‘kuthi’ (a factory building and warehouse), can be found in the memoirs of Captain Strensham Master, dated 13th September 1676, when, while travelling from Chinsurah to Calcutta by the Hugli river, he noticed a French ‘kuthi’. In 1686, the Director of Pondicherry, François Martin, sent a representative named Deltor in a ship, with forty thousand ECU (1 ECU=1/2 CROWN), to purchase trading items from

Chandernagore and export them to France. This clearly establishes the fact that Chandernagore by that time had emerged as an important trading centre. After the defeat of the Fouzdar of Hooghly by the British on 28th October 1686, the French East India Company took advantage of the situation and appealed to the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb for permission to purchase land for building the ‘kuthi’. The Emperor granted them permission and they bought nine hundred and forty two hectares of land with forty thousand rupees. They also gained permission from the Emperor to conduct tariff-free trade in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The French trading ‘kuthis’ of Cossimbazar and Balasore were also built during this period.

In 1691, French Commander André Boureau Deslandes became the Director of the local French Company and accelerated efforts to build up a trading centre at Chandernagore. The famous Jesuit architect Dutchetz arrived that very year in Chandernagore and drew up plans for constructing offices, warehouses, factories, official residences, boundary walls etc. André Boureau Deslandes, therefore, laid the foundation of French administration during this period.

3.2.5 Fort d’Orléons

In 1694, the French gained permission from the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb to lawfully govern Chandernagore. In 1696, Aurangzeb’s grandson, the Subedar of Bengal, Azim-us-shan, granted the French permission to build Fort d’Orléans.

Thus, in 1696, was laid the foundation of French colonial rule in Chandernagore. The fort was square in shape (120 gaj =1,29,600 sq. ft. in length and breadth). There were sixteen cannons in total, four in each of the corners, among which eight cannons faced the Hugli. There were two entry doors in the east and the north. Inside the fort was a veritable township of residences of the Director, high-ranking officials, quarters for employees, barracks for soldiers, church and warehouses. The fort was so well fortified that it managed to withstand the ravages of three attacks by the British in 1757, 1763 and 1783.

3.2.6 Population influx, trade increase and changed town layout

An increased and mixed influx of population continued in Chandernagore

after the completion of the construction of the fort, some arriving for trade, while others as employees of the French Company. From the beginning of the 18th Century, with increased trade impetus, trading ships began to arrive in large numbers and Chandernagore began to import and export goods to and from various parts of the world. The layout of the town began to change-pucca (brick and mortar houses) increased in number, various quarters like Kumorpara, Tantipara, Chhutorpara developed as places where potters, weavers and carpenters lived respectively. The wealthy trading families like Dutt, Rakshit, Dey, Bhar, Sett, Nandi began to thrive.

After 1731, Kulin Brahmin families began to arrive here. Dewan Indranarayan Chowdhury, a courtier of the French Company, is said to have taken the initiative in bringing them here, after marrying off his four daughters to Kulin Brahmin families and setting up two of his sons-in-law in Gondalpara by gifting them land and properties.

3.2.7 The thriving French and the edge of British competition

In 1700, Murshidkuli Khan became the Dewan of Bengal and the French began to receive favours. Till 1730, the town of Chandernagore developed in various ways by the conscious striving of consecutive DirectorsBoureau Deslandes, Pierre Dulivier, Jean Samuel Delbat, F. De Flacourt, Claude Boisvin, D’Hardancourt. Chandernagore witnessed a spate of civil development in the era of Hardancourt, from 1715. In 1731, arrived the most famous of them all, Joseph François Dupleix. From 1731 to 1741 was the era of Dupleix, often called the ‘Golden Age’. Dupleix’s dream for a complete French rule in India is said to have stoked the ambition of Robert Clive, who later became successful in the matter of empire building, whereas Dupleix did not. On 15th March, 1757, Clive attacked Chandernagore, capturing it on 23rd March, effectively looting and ruining it. The end of the Seven Years War in Europe saw the town being returned to the French in 1763, after which they started re-building it with renewed vigour.

Europeans) and VILLE NOIRE (black town for the natives). Civic amenities differed vastly in these areas, with VILLE BLANCHE conspicuously being favoured with concerted efforts to beautify it, especially along the Hugli, with better drainage system, beautiful roads and streetlights. When Chandernagore was returned to the French in 1763, the town had lost its political importance and trading ships no longer came here. But, the tradition of development continued. In 1767-69, during the tenure of Monsieur Chevalier, it was decided to build a deep moat surrounding the town. The efforts at beautification continued throughout the whole of the 19th Century. The Strand (promenade), a prime civic space, was built along a one kilometre stretch of the bank of the river Hugli and many stately buildings were built alongside it-the Dupleix Palace and Museum (the Administrator’s residence named after Dupleix), the Sacred Heart Church, the St. Joseph’s Convent, the Clock Tower, the Court (formerly Thistle Hotel) and the Registry Building, all still surviving in various stages of disrepair. Chandernagore gained fame as a beautiful town, where the rich and famous came along and resided in one of the stately mansions beside the river, whenever they wished to escape the din of life in Calcutta. The vicinity of the Patal Bari (Underground House), at the southern edge of the Strand, boasts of hosting the Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore and the polymath of the Bengal Renaissance of the 19th Century, Iswarchandra Vidyasagar. Along with Pondicherry and Mahé, the town of Chandernagore managed to keep its distinct identity even after the British Empire had extended over nearly the whole of India.

3.2.8 French town planning

The French constructed a huge drainage system under the town in 1766, which exist till today. Keeping the G.T. Road in the middle, the town was separated into two distinct areas- VILLE BLANCHE (white town for the

3.2.9 The metamorphosis of the French

The dawn of the 20th Century saw the French emerging from their chrysalis and trying to penetrate the local society, especially the newly-risen educated middle-class gentry, with French culture. Thus, common people gained entry to the Fête Nationale (the distorted local moniker being Fæsta ) on 14th July, the national day of the French and the trend started of lighting the whole town with lights-a tradition continuing till today, in the lights of Jagadhatri Pujas. The French can also be credited with introducing football to Chandernagore. It was introduced in about 1880 by Naval Commander Rène Lefresher. Chandernagore at that time had become the hotbed of revolutionary activities and this proximity politics may have been one of the tactics employed by the French for survival against the mighty British.

3.2.10 Revolutionary activities

Revolutionaries often escaped to Chandernagore to escape the clutches of the British and gradually Chandernagore became the warehouse for the supply of bombs, revolvers or other ammunitions to revolutionaries all over Bengal. Several revolutionary groups like the ‘Jugantar Dal’ and ‘Anushilan Samiti’ had their branches and supporters in Chandernagore too. But, Chandernagore remained relatively peaceful than the rest of Bengal, except two notable incidents of the murder of revolutionary Makhanlal Ghosal (1930) and the killing of the Police Commissioner Monsieur Quin (1933) in Chandernagore. ‘Juba Samiti’ revolted against the discriminatory double voter lists of Chandernagore. When the Civil Disobedience Movement was started in 1930 by Gandhiji, the ‘Juba Samiti’ sent its volunteers there too. Rashbehari Bose, Kanailal Dutta, Aurobindo Ghosh, Motilal Roy, Srish Chandra Ghosh, Durgadas Sett are some of the famous names associated with the revolutionary activities of Chandernagore.

3.2.11 Liberation and merger

India gained independence from the British on 15th August, 1947, but Chandernagore remained under the French rule, though the Indian National Flag was unfurled here. Complete independence was being demanded by the Leftists who had formed the National Democratic Front (NDF). On 7th November, 1947, the Colonial Secretary of France issued Décret (Decree)

No: 47-21211 which created a Municipal Assembly or Administrative Council and declared Chandernagore as Ville Libre (freetown). The Administrative Council began functioning from 27th November, 1947, helmed by Harihar Sett as President. The first election of the Administrative Council was held on 25th July, 1948. In 1949, the French Commissioner of India had to bow down to public pressure and order a plebiscite on 2nd April, 1949. The referendum was held on 19th June, 1949. Chandernagore strongly voted to join the Republic of India by a margin of 114-7473 votes.

The procedure of transfer of power began thereafter. It was decided in a joint meeting at the Writers’ Building by government representatives on both sides, on 18th April, 1950, that until Chandernagore was fully assimilated into the Indian Union, it would be considered a French colony, in which the administration would be run by the Indian Government. Accordingly, on 2nd May, 1950, Georges Tailleur handed over power to the Administrator appointed by the Indian Government, Basanta Kumar Bandyopadhyay, by signing a Treaty of De Facto Transfer . The national flag was unfurled at all government buildings. The De Jure Transfer Treaty was signed between the Indian and French government on 2nd February, 1951 and was ratified by the French National Council on 11th April, 1952.

The Administrative Council was dismissed by the Indian Government on 2nd May, 1952 and it was decided that Chandernagore would be governed by the Foreign Affairs Ministry through an Administrator. Unlike Pondicherry, the separate existence of Chandernagore, was not to continue for long. The Amarnath Jha Commission was appointed in 1953, to gauge the opinion of the people of Chandernagore, who had raised demands for assimilation with the state of West Bengal.

The Jha Commission submitted its report on 18th December, 1953, which was debated and passed in the Lok Sabha. The Merger Pact was approved on 29th September, 1954, and Chandernagore was assimilated with the state of West Bengal lawfully on 2nd October, 1954. The Chandernagore sub-division was created. The Chandernagore Municipal Act was approved by the West Bengal Vidhan Sabha (Legislature) in 1955, and Chandernagore gained the status of Municipal Corporation from 1st September, 1955. Chandernagore was now considered a part of the Hooghly district and a sub-divisional town in West Bengal.

3.2.12

Modern existence

Chandernagore continues to straddle the contrasting worlds of its past and present with equal elan. The weavers of Farasdanga may have faded with time, but the festival of Jagadhatri Puja and its magnificent lighting, along with the sweets of Surya Modak, continue to draw the attention of the world. The otherwise sleepy suburban ( muffasil ) town, still holds the power of reversal of hierarchy with the megacity Kolkata, at least once a year, during their very own Jagadhatri Pujas, which witness a footfall of nearly twenty lakhs of people during five days and memories of the French are rekindled when the illumined procession of immersion traverses the circular system of roadways which they built. The quaint little town by the river still continues to enthral its visitors with a slice of the past and the grandeur of its modern metamorphosed existence.

3.3

THE GHATS OF CHANDERNAGORE

3.3.1

Introduction

The ghats are mainly a flight of steps that lead down to a river. The primary function of the ghats in South Asian countries is to help people in carrying out their religious and household activities. They share a very strong connection with the river – socio-cultural, as well as spiritual. River Ganga, which flows through India and Bangladesh, is considered a sacred river in India. The Hooghly River or the Bhagirathi Hooghly, the western distributary of the Ganges (the eastern being Padma in Bangladesh), flows past Chandernagore and plays a significant role of the populace here. Chandernagore has several ghats of diverse social, cultural and economic significance, many of which have been associated with its rich history. The notable ghats of Chandernagore include: Tetultolar ghat; Kundu ghat; Goswami ghat; Munshir ghat; Kheya ghat; Boraichondir ghat; Darakanath Sil ghat; Murari tirther ghat; Kanai Sarkar ghat; Bindobasini para ghat; Dhankol ghat; Jagannath basir ghat; Bichali ghat; Chunagoli ghat; Kuthir ghat; Bhattacharjo ghat; Bhubon Chandra Bhor ghat; Hanuman ghat; Rani ghat; Ferry ghat; Ghori ghat; Thana ghat; Joraghat; Jhope ghat; Jagannath ghat; Sarkar ghat; Bhanga ghat; Saheb ghat; Chalke para Boser ghat; Bosak ghat; Notuntili ghat; Shishu babur ghat; Gopal babur shashan ghat; Kachari ghat; Gondalpara ferry ghat; Rashmonir ghat; Moran saheber ghat; Gorerdharer ghat, Chand khansama ghat and Dinemar ghat.

3.3.2 Ghats of north Chandernagore

In the north of Chandernagore the first ghat that one can find is the Tetultolar ghat. It is said that, to increase the height of the brick-built landing stairs, waste and garbage were deposited. This ghat is located just beside a brick factory once owned by Ajit Ganguly, a resident of Buro shibtola. The next ghat south is the Kundu ghat, dedicated to Kashinath Kundu, a businessman of Chawl patty in Laxmigunj Bazar and a resident of Paddopukur. The exact date of the construction of the ghat remains unknown but it is estimated that it might have been built between the 1750s and the 1820s. The condition of the ghat has changed over the years. It was a well-constructed ghat and people used it for bathing but now the entire structure of this ghat has disappeared.

Goswami ghat has a strong connection with Hindu religion. It is believed that a ‘khunti’ (a ‘cooking spud’) emerged out of the river waters, an auspicious symbol of the Vaishnav religion. This act of emerging out of the river was considered to be divine which led to the celebration of Khunti Mela (fair) in the month of Agrayon, the eighth month of the Hindu calendar (mid-November to mid-December). The Ganguly family which resided near this ghat took the responsibility of celebrating the Khunti Mela along with the celebration of the Goddess Radha and the God Govinda (Lord Vishnu/ Krishna) in their nearby ground. This was a kind of joint celebration where the local people participated and paid respect to the deities. In 1891 the Goswami ghat was constructed by Taruni Choron Parui, a resident of Mitrobagan. The ghat has a resting place constructed to provide shelter and the steps leading to the river Ganga are also well-maintained. A Shiva temple is built near the ghat which adds to the religious significance of this site.

In proximity to the Goswami ghat there was another ghat constructed with the money provided by the local people. This small and insignificant ghat failed to withstand the test of time and perished forever. Whether or not this ghat had any connection with the Goswami family remains unknown to us. But it is believed that the ghat might have been named Gosai ghat because it is said to have been used by the people belonging to the neighboring Gosai (Goswami) family. However, before the construction of the Gosai ghat there was a Bhobotarini Kali temple which was built in 1808 by Gourmoni Sarkar also known as ‘Kone bou’ and who was the resident of Sarkar Para. Around this Kali temple there was altogether twelve Shiva

temples, six on both the sides. Among the twelve temples only four of them are without the Shiv idols. The beautiful carvings, the lavish decorations and the entire structure of the Kali temple caught the attention of Rani Rashmoni, the founder of the Dakshineswar Kali Temple in Kolkata. She was so impressed by the artistic beauty of the temple that she intended to construct the Dakshineswar Kali temple in the same style, design and manner in which the Gourmoni’s Kali temple was constructed. Munshir ghat has its own tale to share. Said to have been built by one of the ardent followers of Vishnu, the remnants of this ghat still survives. Though it is an insignificant ghat it once had a well-constructed set of steps going down to the river. After the Munshi ghat, the next ghat that comes on the way is the Kheya ghat. By studying the location of Jagatdal, a locality in North 24 Parganas directly across the river, the Kheya ghat corresponds to the third ghat of that area.

The history behind the construction and the ownership of the Boraichondir ghat also remains a mystery to us. However, the Boraichondi temple, situated near the ghat, is of historic significance. It is the most ancient temple in Chandernagore and is said to have been visited often by Srimanta, the famous quasi-mythic merchant of the mediaeval epic, Chandi Mangal Kavya, for the blessings of goddess Boraichondi. The crematorium that was built near the ghat has been shifted beside another ghat where people only came to take bath. So, the crematorium and the bathing ghat are now located side by side. A new measure has been taken by the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation by introducing an electric furnace to burn the corpses within seconds. Thus, the presence of the ghat, the temple and the crematorium talk about the importance of livelihood, life and death that exist together.

The next ghat that needs to be mentioned is Dwarkanath Sil ghat which is also known as Toru Sil ghat. It was constructed by the Sil family but now the structure of the ghat has weakened. In its place we find an embankment and a Shiva temple which was built by Baishnab Choron, one of the residents of Palpara, Chandernagore. Interestingly, some of the portions of the ghat which have now disappeared was used by the fishermen community who once settled in Bangladesh and are now utilizing the river to meet their ends. They have formed their own community and have developed a mutual relation with the river. The Muraritirtha ghat is maintained by the Probortok committee and is dedicated to one of the freedom fighters, Morarji Bhai Patil. This piece of information is present in Motilal Rai’s

Jibon Shongini . It is also believed that in place of this ghat there was a crematorium which has been shifted to some other location. The process of shifting, inclusion and removal of tangible properties continued and is still continuing which gives rise to many socio-political statements and a collage of small narratives of a region or a locality. This act of remembering the local histories means an attempt is made to preserve them. In case of the Murari ghat too, an attempt is made to recall the existence of this ghat which has now disappeared.

As one moves further, one comes across Kanai Sarkar ghat. As the name suggests it was built by Kanailal Sarkar, a well-to-do businessman and a resident of Bindubasini Para. The ghat was well-maintained and properly built. Unfortunately, there is no longer an existence of this ghat but the local residents utilize the river water by forming a temporary path to carry out their household activities. Moving towards the south of Kanai Sarkar ghat one comes across the Bindubasinipara ghat or Shuri ghat. Now there is no existence of the Shuri ghat but one can find a newly built small ghat near the old one. It is built by the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation to carry out tasks related to river Ganga. Around this ghat there is a monastery named after the great monk, Ramkrishna and so this newly constructed ghat is named as the Ramkrishna ghat. Going more towards the south there existed a seventy years old rice mill owned by the Nandy family. This mill had been owned and disowned by many businessmen such as Kanai Seth, Rameshwar Agarwal. But now the place is deserted and is of no use. It can be said that the mill that was present required water for consumption and other use so the former owner had built a ghat towards the end of the 19th century. This is how the Dhankal ghat was constructed by the Nandy family to facilitate trade and commerce. Hence the ghat is not only used for religious purposes but also for commercial issues.

There is a dispute centering the ownership of Haripal ghat or the Jagannath Basirghat. Some opine that it was Rameshwar Agarwal who built a small ghat to help the local people to utilize the river water. So, the ghat was named after him. Another anecdote is that Jodu Ghosh, a businessman in Laxmigunj Bazar and a resident of Singur had built a wooden chariot and the temple of Jagannath. Along with this he is also given the credit of constructing a ghat known as Haripal ghat. As Jodu Ghosh lived in Singur which is close to Haripal the ghat was known to people by his name. Thus, the two names that come up is the Haripal ghat and the Jagannath ghat. Now the question that arises is whether or not they refer to the same ghat

or to two the different ghats. There is even a controversy regarding the owner of the ghat. This pinpoints the characteristics of the oral narratives which opens up many questions, facts and interpretations. It can also be said that the very act of recalling a local incident is a way of preserving a memory which has no written evidence or document.

The next ghat is Bichali ghat or Nichupatti ghat which is situated in Laxmigunj Bazar at Chandernagore. The term ‘bichali’ means straw and straw, hay and rice were carried to other regions from this ghat. In this way the ghat had helped the local businessmen to import and export goods from one region to another. It is believed that this ghat played a significant role in introducing Jagadhatri Puja which has now become the most popular and celebrated festival of Chandernagore. Not based on any written evidences but orally circulated among the people that it was Dwarkananth Sil who built the Chunagali ghat. It was named so because of the presence of many lime mills around the area. The Kuthirghat or the Pilkhana ghat is located near the Jhawtala road which is in the northern direction. This ghat was built mainly for bathing purpose and was used by the worshippers who offered puja in Niyagi Peer Tala, a very famous local religious site. Going more towards the north the ghat that comes next is the Bhattacharjo ghat. This ghat was constructed by a rich and a wealthy person, Gangadhar Bhattacharya. The ghat was once damaged but now it got repaired which is primarily used for bathing and religious purposes.

The next group of ghats that should be mentioned existed before but now due to some unknown reasons have disappeared include the Bhubon Chandra Bhor ghat or Distillery ghat, Puraton Ferry ghat, Bajranjbali ghat. As the name suggests the Bhubon Chandra Bhor ghat was built by Bhubon Chandra Bhor who was a well-to-do person. The Hanuman or the Bajrangbali ghat is not a very old ghat and is located in the south of Purono Ferry ghat. Beside this ghat there is a Bajrangbali temple which has many ardent worshippers and devotees.

3.3.3 Ghats of central Chandernagore

The Rani ghat or the Dattar ghat is towards the north where the Strand ends. This ghat was constructed by Narsingha Datta and along with it Datta is also credited with the establishment of Narsingha Datta College and Uttarpara Library. It is also important to note that towards the north of

this ghat there was a beautiful Palace of Tarasundori Ghoshal, the Queen of Kailasa mountain. Attached to the Palace there was a small ghat. Now this Palace does not exist. There is a small temple built just beside the small ghat. It was constructed by Tara Sundori Ghoshal in the year 1887 and at present is maintained by the Corporation. Just beside the Rani ghat there is another ghat that helps the passengers to travel from one river bank to another. It is known as Ferry ghat or Pat ghat. On the other side of the river bank there is a locality known as Jagaddal. Now this Ferry ghat has been constructed in a proper fashion so that people can easily use it to reach the other side of the river. The government has also taken the initiative to administer and maintain it. In 1950 for the first time this service was started. At the south of this ghat there is another ghat built to carry out the Bishorjon ritual especially during Jagadhatri Puja. Previously this ghat was used to export Pat which means silk, linen, jute to the other side of the bank. So, it was also named as Pat ghat. But after the closing of the export business the ghat is no more called by that name. Hence it is popularly known as Ferry ghat.

The next ghat is the Puraton Court ghat situated in front of the Chandernagore Civil Court. But now there exists no such ghat as it submerged. The Ghori ghat too, is under water but there are some stairs which have survived. The ghat has its location opposite the Chandernagore Police Station and the famous Clock Tower. In Bengali the word ‘ghori’ means ‘clock’ and as the ghat was situated on the opposite side of the Clock Tower so the

ghat was named as the Ghori ghat. It is also same for the next ghat as well. The Thana ghat which was in the south of the Ghori ghat and in front of the Chandernagore Police Station had a flight of steps leading to the river but unfortunately like the Ghori ghat, it too, was damaged. The word ‘thana’ means ‘police station’ so the ghat was named as the Thana ghat. The naming of the ghats hence depended on the buildings or any famous structure that were present near or adjacent to these ghats.

The ghat that comes next is the Joraghat. The ghat has a strong connection with a famous personality, Indranarayan Chaudhuri, who in 1730 was appointed as the Curator of the French Company. In 1751 he is said to have built the Nandadulal Temple and the Joraghat. Originally known as the Chaudhuri ghat, the name Joraghat appeared once an additional ghat was built alongside it (‘jora’ means joint or paired). The second ghat was constructed by a renowned figure and one of the residents of Barasat locality, Kashinath Shrimani. Talking about the structure of the Joraghat it can be said that it had four pillars which bore the strength of the ceiling making the entire piece a beautiful one. But before Independence the fourth pillar got damaged and due to extreme flood in 1978 the third pillar was also destroyed. It is also significant to note that after 1921 Shyama Choron Rakhit built two resting areas near this ghat and dedicated them to his father, Durga Choron Rakhit. During Kashinath Shrimani’s time the Strand got demolished and so the broad footpath and the Strand were re-built by using belepathor or sandstone. The railings that were used were made of wood to provide security and beauty to people and the place. Hence it can be said that the making and the re-making of the Jora ghat or the Chaudhuri ghat depended on different personalities and till today this ghat stands with pride and dignity. The ghat is now one of the symbols of beauty and has become a part of Chandernagore’s rich culture and heritage.

3.3.4 Ghats of south Chandernagore

Towards the east of Rue de Morrera road there is the famous Patal Bari and towards the south of it there was a nameless ghat which has now disappeared. In the southern portion of this area there is a French hotel known as Wood Lands. To use the water of the river a ghat was built but now it got submerged and lost it’s existence. The next ghat borrows it’s name from a washer man. Jhope was the washer man who used to wash clothes here and so the name of this ghat became the Jhope ghat. The

Jhope ghat is located in the south of Bonard Saheb’s house which got submerged twenty-five years ago. The Sener ghat or the Jagannath ghat or the Shri Aurobindopark ghat was constructed by the Sen family which resided in the Doibok Para. Later it went under the water. In 1960s the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority took the responsibility of this ghat and renovated it by constructing parks for children. There is a Jagannath temple built near the ghat and so it was named Jagannath Ghat. An interesting fact about the next ghat is the manner in which the name of the dedicatee is engraved on one of the steps of this ghat. It is known as the Sarkar ghat or the Club ghat and the dedicatee belongs to the Sarkar family. It is not a well-maintained ghat but people still use it to meet their ends. Towards the south there was a ghat known as Bhanga ghat where a huge tamarind tree stood. But now all these have disappeared and are under the river.

After crossing the Bhanga ghat and then moving towards the southern direction the ghat that once existed but now got submerged was the Saheb ghat. It is important to note that the name ‘saheb’ means an Englishman or a European. It is said that a European and his wife stayed for quite a long time in a building which was near to this ghat. So, the ghat was named as the Saheb ghat. The ghat still exists and if adequate measures are not taken then this may get completely submerged. The Chalke para boser ghat is the oldest and the strongest ghat in Chandernagore. In 1848 Swarup Das Basu, a businessman who built two resting and sitting rooms near the ghat

so that it could give comfort to the people and he could easily carry out his business. From here Basu exported huge quantities of rice to other parts of the region and earned a huge sum of money. In 1931 Swarup Das Basu’s grandson Basanta Das Basu took the initiative to re-construct the ghat but due to natural calamity the two resting rooms got destroyed. Later the local people took the responsibility of this ghat and amended its former structure by giving it an artistic shape and beauty. The Chalke para boser ghat is visited by many people because it is built by terracotta. It gives the place a unique shape by installing the statues of the divine personalities from the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. There is a quadriga stationed to depict one of the scenes from the Mahabharata which makes the place look more elegant. The next ghat is the Bosak ghat or the Sardasadhan School ghat which was constructed by the Bosak family. It was used by the fishermen community who lived in Panjari Para and it was during the 1940s and 50s that this ghat boasted of having a huge number of boats resting close to it. It benefitted the people economically by importing and exporting large quantities of fishes of different types but now the ghat is left abandoned and covered with thick forests. After the establishment of the Sarada Sadhan Balika Bidyalay at Beshohata no one used and took care of the ghat. The ghat was thus left abandoned and graduallylost its existence in the course of time.

Gopal Chand Mukhopadhyay had also built another ghat known as the Gopal babur snaner ghat which was primarily used for bathing purpose at the end of 1800s. This ghat is just beside the crematorium and if proper measures are not taken then it may go under the water. Wild plants have overgrown around the ghat thus making it unusable. The Kachari ghat was also constructed by Gopal Chand Mukhopadhyay. There was a Shiv temple situated around the ghat and in front of it there was an area where discussions related to court and other official matters took place. Towards the south of the Kachari ghat the ghat that existed is the Dhabdhebiya ghat or the Gondalpara ferry ghat. This ghat was mainly used by the enemies to enter the French occupied Chandernagore. To make the French officials aware and alert people used to beat drums. The drums made different kind of sounds so the ghat had an onomatopoeic name. It is needless to say that this ghat was built only after the French settled in Chandernagore and used it to serve their political interests rather than household works.

The next ghat is the Rashmonirghat or the Binodtala ghat which is the oldest ghat in Chandernagore. Probably it was founded on October 12, 1847 which was the day of Mahalaya. As the name suggests it was built by Rashmoni Haldar who stayed in Boubazar at Kolkata. The condition of the ghat is quite better. It has a spacious corridor, two resting rooms and two Shiv temples. In the 1960s and 70s the stairs got damaged which created problem for the people to communicate with the river. When Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority took the responsibility of changing it’s poor structure. It was around 2005 that they repaired and rebuilt both the resting rooms and the corridor. Later the Binod tala temple was constructed just beside the ghat and from then onwards the name of it changed to the Binodtala ghat.

The Moran Saheber bagan barir ghat was located just near the house of Moran Saheb but unfortunately it got completely submerged. In 1953 the house was destroyed and the place is now left abandoned. After the construction of the walls of the Jute mill the local people found it very difficult

Nobokrishna De, a resident of Nichutala and a renowned businessman is credited for the construction of the Notun Tilighat in 1861. He had built two sitting and resting rooms and made it usable for the people. Chandranath De, the son of Nobokrishna De in 1903 re-made it and cleaned the area. Before 1955 the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority installed water pumping machine and renovated the entire ghat. But due to negligence the machine failed to work which caused water pollution. It created problem for the people who deserted it and did not care to amend it. So, they started using the Boserghat about which I have discussed in the preceding paragraph. The Shib babu ghat was built by Shishuram Bandyopadhyay who was one of the residents of Charmondir tala especially for the local women to use it. At present we have the Gondalpara Water Works located just near this ghat which is now in a very poor condition. Apart from this ghat Shishuram Bandhopadhyay was also given the credit of founding Charmondir tala. He was a well-to-do person who was a clerk in an office but later turned out to be a renowned businessman who happened to own many ships. The next ghat is the Gopal babur shoshan ghat which was built by Gopal Chand Mukhopadhyay, a zamindar who also lived at Charmondir tala. Towards the end of 1800s this ghat was constructed by him and in 1958 it was Kanailal Seth who took the responsibility of cleaning and reforming it. The crematorium that is present near the ghat does not have an electric furnace. The dead bodies are still burned with the help of wood.

to use the Gorerdharer ghat. They managed to create a path through which they could use the river. In 2000 the Ganga Action Plan took the charge of reconstructing the ghat by using red stone and other expensive materials. This was then declared as Chandernagore’s pride by the authority. The next ghat is also the oldest ghat but now it has no existence. It is known as the Chand khansama ghat which was constructed by Chand Khansama who happened to live during the reign of Khaja Khan. It is believed that before the foundation of the Jute mill this ghat got completely submerged. The last of the significant ghats is the Dinemarghat. This ghat was founded before the construction of the French protective ditch. This ghat served as the gateway through which they could reach the moat but due to some unknown reasons it went under the river.

3.3.5 Conclusion

A crucial part of human existence, the different ghats of Chandernagore served multiple purposes such as the religious, domestic, trading and political. The construction of the ghats, both minor and major, by the renowned and rich personalities speaks first and foremost about the socioeconomic condition of Chandernagore in the 18th and 19th centuries. These stalwarts invested significant sums of money not only to provide benefit to the people but also to assert their identities and power. The principal objective was to provide local residents access to the river for potable water and for bathing and washing purposes (although for the latter the many ponds across Chandernagore will have been used in the main). Another notable aspect associated with several of these ghats is the existence of temples of varied denominations of Hinduism. Bathing in the Ganga and worshipping thereafter in the nearby temple before returning home, established a spatial network of ritual significance within every neighbourhood. Domestic space, therefore, was no longer contained within the dwelling itself but expanded out on to the network of alleyways and streets that led to the ghats, linking in the temples and the rawak or rwak (from riwaq in Persian; in Bengali these are the neighbourhood benches for resting which were also locations for meeting friends and neighbours) dovetailing rituals, business and leisure.

No doubt the importance of river Ganga is immense for the people living in both the urban and rural areas but one cannot ignore the fact that it has become increasingly polluted through neglect and abuse. For the sake of

certain religious and industrial practices people use it in an improper manner which contaminate the river water thus making it unfit for consumption. It is unfortunate to know that there are many ghats in Chandernagore which were once used but are now left abandoned. No proper measures are taken by the people and the authority to reconstruct or amend them. Apart from these there are some important ghats in Chandernagore which are regularly used by the people but remain unclean. The government, with the help to local people, must take adequate steps to restore the ghats and establish laws and guidelines to keep this civic infrastructure clean, safe and secure.

3.4 KHALISANI: AGRICULTURAL HINTERLAND OF CHANDERNAGORE

3.4.1 A lost river

The tale of Khalisani is intrinsically linked to the tale of the river Saraswati. The Saraswati had sustained it for centuries, until the earthquake of 1505 A.D., which changed the slope of the Bengal basin and the flow of water changed course towards the river Hugli. The silting up of the Saraswati resulted in the closure of the once mighty Saptagram or Satgaon Port and the Portuguese set up a new port at Hooghly. The recurrent floods caused as a result of the silting, forced people to migrate towards the Hugli. The Portuguese were the pioneers of the trend in which, from the 16th Century onwards, the banks of the Hugli consecutively became the colonial base for several European colonial giants and eventually earned the epithet ‘Mini or Little Europe’. Khalisani meanwhile faced a reverse trend of deurbanisation, since it had been a hinterland of the Saptagram Port.

A thin stream of the Saraswati was hardly enough to sustain the once prosperous settlement of Khalisani and it was hardly enough to compete with the new-found prosperity on the banks of the Hugli, directly across at Chandernagore, which was gradually emerging under the aegis of the newly arrived French traders.

3.4.2 Snippets from history

Khalisani is the oldest settlement of the area, with a history dating back to over a thousand years. Historian Rakhal Das Bandyopadhyay (famous for the discovery of Mohenjo-daro), had recovered a lot of artifacts from the times of the Pala Dynasty (around 750 A.D.-1160 A.D.), from the bed of the once mighty Saraswati river. Buddhist influence (the official religion of the Palas) is clearly evident from the Chinese inscriptions on them. Bandyopadhyay mentions about his findings in the Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal , V, 7, 1909, in the article titled Saptagrama or Satganw. Historical evidences suggest that the temples of Vishalakshmi and Charchika might have been built during the reign of the Palas and surprisingly might have had non-Brahmin priests.

After the Sena dynasty (around 1095 A.D.-1202 A.D.) came to power, ritualistic Brahminism was restored to its glory. The five hundred year old Vaishnav Temple of the Halder family at Noapara, bears testimony to the existence of Vaishnavite religion in the area. When the port of Saptagram was at its peak, Khalisani was divided into three regions for administrative purposes-Khalisani, Vishnubati and Nandanbati. After the fall of the Saptagram Port (around 1632), when after defeat by the Mughals at Saptagram, the Portuguese showed more interest in the port of Hooghly, the area fell into severe administrative chaos. The Portuguese

pirates terrorised the region for slave trade, the Bargees (invaders from Maharashtra) plundered the region repeatedly and the region was further isolated by the revolt of Shobha Singh around 1690 A.D. to 1700 A.D. The local economy was endangered and had to survive on whatever little was available. This gave rise to several cottage industries, which found markets in the village fairs. The landlords of Khalisani and the Nawabs of Bilkuli maintained bands of highway men, who worked as farmers during daytime and robbed travellers at night. Chandernagore, on the other side was going through a phase of rapid urbanisation under the French. The French stronghold over the breweries of Khalisani (referred to as Chhitmahal ) continued throughout this turmoil, despite of the fact that Khalisani was never under French rule, but technically belonged to the British. It gained independence from the British, with most of India, on 15th August, 1947, and had to eke out a path for itself to sustain, mainly dependent on the merits of its prevalent agricultural and rural character.

3.4.3 Modern Khalisani

Khalisani was never a part of Chandernagore-not in the pre-colonial era or even during the French rule. When Chandernagore was assimilated into the Indian Union and consequently into the state of West Bengal (1954), Khalisani was already a part of independent India. In the French era, it

was always regarded as a separate settlement, which was situated outside the western part of the Garh or moat (built by Monsieur Chevalier from 1767-1769), in the British area. Chandernagore gained the status of a subdivisional town after its independence and the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation was formed. There was a remarkable development in the civic amenities of the town and its influence was felt in the adjoining Khalisani area too. Dr Dhirendranath Dutta had written in Pragati (1994): When the Community Development Project was started in the whole country after independence, then Khalisani, Bilkuli, Byajra, Nabagram, Altara, Gorji, Swetpur and some parts of the Mankundu Mouza (administrative divisions) areas, were clubbed together to build up the Khalisani Panchayet Area. This area was in the Singur Block, as part of the National Extension Service. According to this description, modern Khalisani is only a part of the previously large area. Dr. Dutta goes on to say that prior to independence, Khalisani and the Bighati area near Bhadreswar had comprised the Khalisani Bighati Union Board.

After the introduction of the three-tiered Panchayet System in 1978, there were concerted efforts to improve the lifestyle of the prevalent agricultural class of people in the area. There was a complete overhaul in the sociopolitical equilibrium in the area. Khalisani was a part of the Singur Panchayet Area and still outside Chandernagore. The development in the Panchayet Area was much less in comparison to the Municipal Corporation Area of Chandernagore. Khalisani was included in the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation Area in 1995, by the creation of Ward numbers from 28 to 33. The Chandernagore Municipal Corporation issued a Gazette Notification on 30th December, 1994, by which Khalisani was to be included in the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation area, by a Municipal Corporation Act, which had been passed and ratified before. Ward No 28 consisted of Altara, Madhabpur and Gorji (Radhe Para, Krishna Para, Jay Para and Gobinda Para). The ancient Vishalakshmi Temple is situated in this area. Ward No 29 consisted of Byajra, Nabagram and Swetpur. Ward No 30 consisted of Bilkuli. Ward No 31 consisted of Brahmin Para, Santra Para, Bou Bazar, Chunari Para. Ward No 32 consisted of Purasree, Patra Para, Nutan Palli, Ashok Palli, Sitalatala, Jugipukur etc. Ward No 33 consisted of the area through which the railway lines run. It is the focal point where Chandernagore and Khalisani meet. Previously it was a wooded area directly surrounding the Saraswati and the bridge on the existing portion of Saraswati still stands to the north. Prior to independence, this area was

dacoit infested and the river had become a dumping yard. In this Ward also falls Subhaspally, built after independence, nearer to the station, as a colony for refugees. The area of Khalisani stretches over five square miles or 12.37 square kilometres and now falls under the jurisdiction of the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation. But, life in general in Khalisani is still vastly different from that of Chandernagore and is mostly rural in character.

3.4.4 Livelihood

Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of this area. Small and marginal farmers, agricultural labourers, small businessmen and a minority of service-holders inhabit the area. And, the area is dotted with large privately owned gardens of mangoes, litchis, bananas, bamboo trees and lots of ponds, many of which are also privately owned. Many people are engaged by the owners in such gardens. Besides these, there are brick kilns, earthen tile making factories, wire factories, factories for making materials for the construction of wells. The labourers here mainly belong to the unorganised sector and their means of livelihood are highly uncertain. The people from the erstwhile fishermen community have mostly been forced to work in brick kilns or engage in other professions because the river can no longer provide them the livelihood which it had provided for their ancestors, who were in fact the rulers of Khalisani several centuries ago. Kabiram in his Digvijay Prakash had mentioned that the Rajas of Khalisani were dhivaras (people from the fisherfolk community) and not the usual upper caste Brahmin or Kshatriya clans.

3.4.5 Civic Amenities

There is a primary health centre managed by the Zilla Parishad. There is also a State run veterinary centre at Byajra. There is a sub-divisional veterinary centre at Gorji Madhabpur. There is also a centre for the breeding of cows. Electricity has arrived since 1980 in Swetpur, Gorji, Subhaspally, Boubazar, Sitalatala, Notunpalli, Nabagram, Bilkuli, Bakubpur areas. Street lamps were installed in Swetpur, Baganbati, Bilkuli, Ashokpalli, Purasree, Brahmin Para. A Sewerage Treatment Plant has been installed by K.M.D.A. on 100 Bighas of land at Santrapara, under the Chandernagore Sewerage Plan. For irrigation purposes, LI Pumps are used , which have been installed

at Katkunti Canal, emerging from the Kunti River, which runs through the area. A dam has also been constructed at Manasatala, over the Saraswati river. Water Supply Projects have been started at Borough No 5, in six K.M.D.A. Wards. Nearly thirty thousand inhabitants are benefitted by this project. One underground reservoir and one overhead reservoir have been installed at the K.M.D.A. Park. An overhead reservoir has also been installed at Nabagram. A deep tubewell was installed at Gorji on 31st March, 2003 and various projects have been made functional for the supply of drinking water in Gorji, Altara, Swetpur. But, people of the area are still being denied drinking water supply systems from the river Hugli. Besides a deep tube well, one hundred and eighty two ordinary tubewells have been installed and under projects like CUDP-III, NREP etc. another eleven tubewells have been installed and are maintained. The CUDP-III project also entailed building toilets by the KMDA. The Lokdeep Project aimed at free supply of electricity. Other government projects like IRDP, DRDA,SHAP, SESRU, SEEUY, FFDA aimed at bringing unemployed persons of the area under its scheme and providing them some means of livelihood, thus making them self-sufficient.

The educational sector in Khalisani seems to be much improved in comparison to the general condition of the area. There are fourteen Primary Schools, among which one is Hindi Medium. There are three Public Libraries, among which one has been approved by the Government. There are three Higher Secondary Schools and one College. For economic purposes, there are two Banks, one Post-Office, three Co-operatives, two Co-operative Credit Societies, a number of kerosene dealers and one main market. For administrative purposes, there is a Block Land and Land Reforms Officer (BLRO) Office and an office for West Bengal State Electricity Board.

3.4.6 Railways rule the roost

The spot where the Chandernagore Station stands today, never actually belonged to French Chandernagore, but to the British and the land was a part of Khalisani. There was in fact a dispute between the British and the French regarding the laying of railway tracks. If the French had agreed, the distance between Howrah and Hooghly would have been shortened to just twenty four kilometres. Since they wouldn’t agree and the railway tracks had to be removed outside the western periphery of the Garh (moat), the

railways emerged as the boundary line between the British and French territories. A treaty was signed in Paris on 31st March, 1853, between Britain and France, deciding the territory of Chandernagore. Thus, the Howrah-Hooghly forty kilometres stretch became the second in India to run passenger trains, after Bombay-Thane. The first such train ran on 15th August, 1854. Leaping forward to modern times, a special mention need to be made of the 2.5 kilometre stretch of flyover over the railway lines, connecting G.T. Road and Delhi Road, with the help of funds allocated by JNNURM in 2007, in the PPP Model. The flyover was inaugurated on 29th September, 2016. Gradually, the railways have gained primary importance over the G.T. Road (NH-6), which has also helped the people of Khalisani to migrate or search for livelihood outside, in order to escape the lack of diversified opportunities outside agriculture.

3.5 GONDALPARA

“A Face on Which Time Makes but Little Impression”: Exploring prospects of tourism in Gondalpara area of Chandernagore

In ‘A Tale of Two Cities under Colonial Rule: Chandernagore and Calcutta (2012)’ Sumanta Banerjee interestingly draws a parallel between Chandernagore and Kolkata as regards the gradual development of the two cities under colonial rule. He observes:

By a curious coincidence, each city was constructed out of three villages. The French colonists built up Chandernagore from three rural settlements — Borkishonpur, Khalisani and Gondalpara. Calcutta was constructed by the British rulers from three villages – Gobindapur, Sutanuti and Kolikata.

Presently located in South-East Chandernagore, Gondalpara area was a distinct rural locale bound by Besohata and Tematha to the west, Hugli River to the east and north and Telinipara in the south. While, on the one hand, its natural beauty attracted travellers since the sixteenth century to bask in its pristine landscape, on the other, its proximity to water facilitated commercial and revolutionary activities till India’s Independence. Moreover, Gondalpara area was one of the virgin landscapes in Hooghly district awaiting to be explored primarily by four European traders – viz the Portuguese, Danes, English and the French. Despite being a rural sub-

region, Gondalpara area was one of the early locales in Chandernagore which saw the development of factories and mills during colonial era. It tasted the fruits of urbanization since the establishment Danish settlements in early eighteenth century. Availability of new employment opportunities, like rope making for the ships in the rope factory of the Danes, gave the native populace alternative prospects of livelihood apart from rowing and fishing. Yet Gondalpara area, has managed to resist rapid urbanization that seem to have enveloped the little town at present. True, the famous garden-house of Moran Sahib was brought down to construct Gondalpara Jute Mill in 1888. This palatial garden-house of Moran Sahib acted as a necessary catalyst for the awakening of Rabindranath Tagore’s poetic sensibilities : “Anonto e akasher kole/ tolomolo megher majhar/ eikhane bandhiachi ghor/ tor twore kobita amar” ( Rabindra Rachanabal i, Vol IX, 489) [‘Here, Wherein the lap of limitless space clouds/lie down to sleep,/ I have built my house for thee, O Poesy’]. When Tagore came back to Chandernagore many years after his stay at Moran Sahib’s, in 1935, his treasured Palace had gone. His lament, recorded in Harihar Sett’s Rabindranath O Chandannagore , is a pertinent observation on the inroads of industrialization. He sighs that his treasured house “louhodantur kabale kabalito”(“crushed and swallowed” by the “iron jaws of the Dundee Mills”).

Again, the house where Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar lived near Natun Tilighat has been demolished to built a huge house named ‘Akash Ganga’ for hosting ceremonies. Yet, in comparison to other prominent places

along the river in Chandernagore, like Bagbazar, Barabazar, Laxmigang etc, Gondalpara area is yet to house multiplexes and high rise. One still finds old houses, ghats, temples, masjids, bastis, schools and libraries in prominent sub-localities like Monsatala, Kachhari Ghat, Satghata, Charmondirtala, Natun Tilighat, Kolo Pukur Dhar, Kadamtala, Moran Road, Binodtala etc. Gondalpara area, therefore, impresses one as a place on “which Time makes but little impression (Thomas Hardy, The Return of the Native )”.

Gondalpara’s early reference dates back to Bipradas Piplai’s Monosamangal (1495) where the poet mentions an area in the western side of river Ganges known as ‘Paikpara’; this ‘Paikpara’ is located within Gondalpara area. This reference is complemented by Mrinal Hoar who in Chandannagorer Addyo Itihas (2009) opines that the name has been originated from the tribe called ‘gond’ who were mostly ‘paiks’ or guards employed to guard the ‘chandollo’ ditch in pre-colonial times. Their habitat, as he claims, came to be known as ‘gondor’ or ‘gondollo Pattoli’ from which the current nomenclature ‘Gondalpara’ could have been derived. In the pre colonial times, majority of the population belonged to the lower rung of the society who depended largely on the Ganges for their livelihood. Accordingly, boatmen, fishermen, washermen, ferrymen, were in galore in Gondalpara area. As the Portuguese invasion and settlement gained ground in Hooghly towards the later part of the sixteenth century, Portuguese pirates, as Bimalendu Bandyopadhay in Gondalparar Otit O Bortoman (2003) notes, referred to the small boats of the fishermen as ‘gondola’. He, therefore, deduced that the name Gondalpara could also have been derived from ‘gondola’ or the land of the poor fisher-folk. In Hooghly Jelar Itihas Sudhir Kumar Mitra opines that Danish settlement grew in the fringe of Gondalpara in 1676. Since the Danes were known as ‘Dinemar’, their settlement here came to be known as ‘Dinemar Danga’ or the land of the Danes. According to the Survey Map of Chandernagore (1870-1871) the place is referred to as ‘Denmaknagore’ . In Chandannagore er Prak Ouponibishek Itihas Biswanath Bandyopadhay opines that the Danes started living here unhindered from 1699. In 1745, they established a factory and for the next ten years, 17451755, they started to export silk and cotton materials, indigo, opium etc through the waterways. Interestingly enough, the Danes in Gondalpara and the French in Chandernagore more or less lived in peace, not only because they were on friendly terms in Europe but also because the Danes were solely interested in trade unlike the French. After the Danes left ‘Dinemar

Danga’ and shifted to Serampore, ‘Dinemar Danga’ came under direct French rule and became a part of ‘Farash Danga’ or the land of the French. Presently, Gondalpara area stretches from the Jute Mill through Tinbazar till what has been once ‘Dinemar Danga’, giving the Gondalpara area the shape of a crescent moon along the river-front.

Most of the native populace who worked in the factories of the Danes belonged to the ‘Nath’ community who were known for their liberal temperament. In fact, till the beginning of nineteenth century, the rural folk in Gondalpara area – fishermen, boat swain, Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims, etc– existed almost peacefully in a multicultural, cosmopolitan ambience. Their simple yet diverse lifestyles, humble professions, various cultural practices and religious beliefs gave rise to an inclusive, accommodative social space in Gondalpara. The celebration of diversity of the locality is beautifully expressed by Rabindranath Thakur in his poem ‘Bhumika’ from Khapchhara (1936): “Dugdugi ta bajiye diye / dhulay ashor sajiye diye / pother dhare boshlo jadukor / elo Upen, elo Rupen, / dekhte elo Nripen, Bhupen / Gondalparay elo madhu kor” [“Sounding the little kettledrum/ Settling down on the dusty path/ The magician sat by the wayside/ Came Upen came Rupen/ Nripen and Bhupen came to see / The honeybee gatherer had arrived at Gondalpara”] ( Rabindra Rachanabali , Vol V, 2012). Since Gondalpara was free from British rule, rural folk practices like kathakata, keertan, baul songs flourished in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In The Parlour and the Streets (1998), Sumanta Banerjee has pointed out two main trends in Bengali culture prior to the advent of the British:

...a host of folk songs, rituals, poetry, verse-play which had developed through social and occupational customs of the labouring classes as well as through popular religious belief; and secondly .... lyrics and songs of a classical nature composed in Sanskrit or highly Sanskritized Bengali, patronised by the royalty.

With the rise of kabiwalas like Rashu (1734–1807), Nirsingha Ray (1738–1809) from Gondalpara, the popularity of Kavigaan as an artistic form soared. In the following century, Nilmani Patni, Paran Chandra Ray and Madhusudan Nath and the famous Antony Firingi of Gourhati, close to Gondalpara, successfuly carried the tradition forward. In Prachin Kobiwalar Gan , Dr. Prafulla Candra Pal notes:

Poschimbonger sthane sthane gongar dui kule Kashimbajar, Hooghly, Chandannagar, Chunchura, Srerampore, Saptagram o Suirite kobider akhra gojiye othe

[On the opposite sides of River Ganges in West Bengal –Kashimbajar, Hooghly, Chandannagar, Chunchura, Srerampore, Saptagram and Suirite – many kabi camps cropped up].

Harihar Sett in his essay ‘Chandannagorer Kothok, Kobiwala O Jatra’ claims that “Kobir dol jokhon edeshe prothom sristo hoi, tokhon e ekhane kotipoy boro kobir udbhob hoiyachilo [Quite in tune with the inauguration of Kabi groups in Bengal, able and efficient kabiyals could be traced in Chandernagore as well].

In Kavigaan one notes an amalgamation of the divine and the human, of the decent and of the indecent, where Hindu Gods and Goddess existed along with their creations in the same cultural space. The heightened pedestals were removed and they were brought down to their earthly homes of the Bengali countryside and appeared in the familiar figures of truant lovers, shrewd housewives or idle husbands. The rich cultural tradition of Gondalpara continues in the present as notable painters, theatre personalities, singers, scholars, poets are found in galore in the area.

This cultural multiplicity of Gondalpara area perhaps challenged the colonial strategy of the French, of dividing the social space into black and white towns. Incidentally, French settlement, mostly on the eastern part of the city, surrounding areas of Fort d’ Orleans (1695), nearly the Hugli river, brought demographic change in Chandernagore. In Chandannagorer Sonkhipto Itihas Biswanath Bandyopadhyay observes the gradual conversion of Chandernagore from a rural to an urban habitat in the colonial times:

Gore uthlo kella, Kaman boslo, Gongar dhare toiri holo Strand, Latsaheber bari.Dole dole sahebra ese baganbari banalo, kuthi gore uthlo. Toiri holo sada elaka, kalo elaka. Sada elakai toiri holo chowra rasta aar nistorongo gram Chandandannagore porinoto hote laglo sohore, ekti ullekh joggyo byabsakendro

[Gradually canons were installed to fortify the fort, Strand was constructed by the side of the Ganges and Governor’s house was built. Frenchmen flocked to Chandernagore and built factory houses and garden houses. The entire area was divided into White and Black localities. Beautiful and broad roads were constructed in the White locality and soon a village

turned into a city, a renowned trading port centre.]

This transformation in central Chandernagore could hardly be felt in Gondalpara area which, contrastively, continued to retain its basic rural characteristics. However, overlooking of the colonial divide by the colonial masters themselves has to be taken with a pinch of salt, for here French colonial rulers actually employed ideological state apparatuses (more than repressive state apparatuses) to dominate the native populace. In other words, they were more interested in exploiting the native resources for their own benefits than in maintaining the colour-coded colonial classification.

In 1777, Louis Bonnard, a Frenchman, established a factory for indigo plantation in Gondalpara where the poor populace were used as cheap labour. In tune with the rise of demand for Jute towards the middle of nineteenth century, a Jute mill in French-ruled Chandernagore was established in Gondalpara. This establishment of ‘Gondalpara Jute Mill’ (1888) was a watershed moment in the colonial history of Gondalpara, for it necessitated the establishment of new shops to meet the requirement for construction materials like brick, sand, wood, lime etc. It also introduced new professions and gave rise to a whole new sect of people - masons, helpers, carpenters, middle men, mill workers etc. Moreover, the prospect of employment drew cheap labour from outside Bengal, particularly from Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Tamil Nadu. While during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, majority of the native populace consists of Brahmins (for instance, ‘Khone para’, named after Brahmins of Khanyan, neighbouring town in Hooghly dist, settled there), the scenario changed in the late nineteenth century. From caste-driven, brahminical social order, Gondalpara area slowly emerged into a class-driven social space as the factories became the centre for commercial activities and gave rise to various professions hitherto unknown. New roads and localities -‘Andhra Bylane’ for mill workers of Andhra Pradesh and Orissa, ‘Dinemar Danga Quater’ for Gondalpara Jute Mill employees – came into existence along with its earlier lanes and localities like ‘Muchipara’, ‘Tinbajar’, ‘Patnipara’etc. Consequently, once a rural village Gondalpara slowly developed into a thriving, promising landscape. Thus European settlements had a great impact on Gondalpara’s socio-economic life, converting a rural village with poor peasants into a linguistic, social and cultural beehive.

One of the interesting aspects of the growing multiplicity of Gondalpara

area is its retention and not erosion of its earlier character. This is reflected especially in socio-cultural practices of Gondalpara area. The flavour of rural Bengal is felt in the continued worship of folk gods and goddesses (‘Baba Binod’, ‘Olabibi’, ‘Manasa’) and practice of folk tradition like ‘Nabanna’ and ‘Harisabha’ in Kolepukur and Hazrapara. While on the one hand local sports like Kabaddi, Sword-fighting, Body-building were practised by locals like Hemendranath Mukhopadhay, Jugal Bandyopadhay and Radhamohon Berel respectively, on the other, local people here were also introduced to European sports like football and golf. Though golf was an elite sport, played by the masters, the Manager of Gondalpara Jute Mill, Harnet Sahib who started football tournaments in the field of the mill, even gave jobs to notable players. Hence one notes a coexistence of the rural and the urban, of industries and temples and masjids, of kabaddi and football in Gondalpara area. Old localities like ‘Binodtala’, ‘Mansatala’, etc did not perish with the development of mills and factories; rather they have accepted outsiders with open arms.

The naming of major roads after notable travellers to Gondalpara, be it European or Indian, like ‘Kabi Bharatchandra road’, ‘Moran road’ also bear out the point. Interestingly enough, certain roads and ghats in the area are named after seminal personalities of the locality. Shishubabu Road, Gopal Chandra Mukhopadhay Road, Radhanath Sikdar lane, Makhanlal Ghosh Sarani, Upen Bandyopadhay sarani, Sishubabur ghat are attempts to preserve their contributions for the posterity.

While Radhanath Sikdar was the first to measure the height of Mount Everest, Gopal Chandra Mukhopadhay, wealthy businessman of the area, was noted for his social, financial and cultural contributions. One notable feature of the road names is that most of them are named after revolutionaries. Incidentally, Gondalpara area played an important role in the India’s freedom movement. Gondalpara has a history of courageous men and women whose resistance to British rule and later, concern for the working class people and their rights can hardly be ignored. French-ruled Chandernagore became a shelter for the anti-British revolutionaries from Bengal. From the early 20th century, Chandernagore became a refuge for Bengali militant nationalists who sought escape from the British police in Calcutta. Basanta Kumar Bandyopadhay played seminal role in sheltering

noted revolutionaries like Suhasini Ganguly, Sasadhar Acharya, Hemanta Sarkar, Ganesh Ghosh, Makhanlal, Ananta Singh, Ananda Gupta, Loknath Bal etc in Gondalpara. Apart from offering assistance to revolutionaries, Gondalpara played significant role in carrying forward Nationalistic clarion calls for Swadeshi and Non Cooperation movements against the British, despite living in a more or less undisturbed French territory. No wonder anti-British sentiments found another way of expression when youths from Gondalpara, Balai Chand Nath and Gobordhon Ghosh, participated in the First World War against the British. Balai Chand Ghosh was awarded ‘War Cross’ by the French Government due to his courageous feat in the war.

Uniting with the rest of India, reeling under the British rule, Frenchruled people in Gondalpara resisted British cultural intervention in their unique way. While chronicling the origin of ‘Kashishawari Pathshala’, first elementary school for girls in Gondalpara, Bimalendu Bandyopadhay in Gondalparar Otit O Bortoman (2003) has mentioned in page 23how the local people resisted the Missionaries from setting up a school for girls and eventually closed it down in 1902. This is because they realized that the main objective of the Missionaries was to convert native students into Christians. Incidentally, Gondalpara area has a huge concentration of Shiva Temples, Nilkantheshwari and Sidheshwari temples to mention two of them, and there has always been an influence of the ‘Shaiva’ community here. Naturally therefore, a predominantly Brahmin landscape would certainly resist conversion. However, it must be noted that Gondalpara area was always an inclusive social territory; this resistance was primarily an offshoot of Nationalistic urge for freedom from colonial dominance in the early twentieth century. Gondalpara’s resistance to exploitation also found an outlet in the rise of Trade Union in pre Independent India (194243). The mill workers successfully resisted the exploitation of the British manager of the mill, Harnet Sahib, and gradually got assistance from the rising Communist Party members to form a union of their own. For the first time ever in Chandernagore, a school for the down trodden children of the area was established in 1929. However, the declining state of Jute Mills all over Bengal has affected Gondalpara Jute Mill workers. At present, the Mill is undergoing a rough phase as over 4000 workers have been rendered jobless(http://www.uniindia.com/Gondalpara-jute-mill-shut-forwant-of-raw-materials-4000-workers-jobless/states/news/1243143.html).

Despite this, tales of Gondalpara’s cultural and historical importance continue to inspire the present generation. This is best reflected in the

local initiative to renovate the four highly revered but almost ruined Shiv temples at Charmandirtala, in October 2018. The manner of restoration has invited both criticism and praise; but what is important to note is the rising consciousness of the local people to preserve their heritage`

As a place that has always sympathetic refuge of people from the lower strata of the society, despite being an attractive landscape to the elites and to the colonisers, Gondalpara area has managed to retain its basic landscape; old temples, ghats, half-ruined houses, schools, libraries have withstood the test of time. It is that part of Chandernagore where one can still smell the flavour of the past. Stand alone apartments or apartment complexes, posh restaurants, brand shops, cafes etc which seem to overhaul the river-front town are conspicuously absent in Gondalpara area. It must be noted that graph of urbanization in Chandernaagore has mostly followed the colonial strategy, of concentrating more in the Strand area and combining it with the most utilitarian locales along the Station Road. Away from both Chandernaagore and Mankundu rail stations, Gondalpara area has not attracted middle class migrants of the town. Hence most of the population consists of old families who have been living here for ages. Moreover, developmental initiatives of State Government in Chandernagore are all centred round the famous Strand area of Chandernagore. Not a single built structure, public or private, or cultural practices have been brought to the forefront for heritage declaration. It is time to undertake a proper reassessment of the contribution of Gondalpara area towards India’s struggle for Freedom. If Government takes initiative to build a Revolutionary Hub here, the house where Suhasini Ganguly and other revolutionaries took shelter and the pond where Makhanlal’s dead body was found still exist, younger generation would revisit hitherto unknown and forgotten historical chapters of their own town. Moreover, it would draw the attention of the tourist towards this not-so-hyped part of the town. Apart from revolutionaries, the contribution of Radhanath Sikdar, Antony Firingi and other notable personalities from Gondalpara demands worldwide attention. Heritage trails along the Ganges, through the alleys where famous revolutionaries had sheltered themselves for a long time, a tour of the famous temples and other religious places could be sketched. Coexistence of temples, masjids and other religious places could be properly explored to sketch a map for Pilgrim Tourism. The beautification of the natural heritage – river front on the north and river side on the west –could increase tourist influx in Gondalpara. The presence of a cluster of ghats in the area could be utilized

to develop river tourism through waterways, especially during Jagadhatri Puja. Incidentally, Gondalpara area is one of the most sought after Puja destination for people living outside Chandernagore and for people living in other parts of Chandernagore. No wonder Gondalpara area deserves immediate heritage management plan so that an alternative social space for tourists could be developed.

3.6 JAGADHATRI PUJA: THE POWER OF MYTH AND MIGHT THROUGH INTANGIBLE HERITAGE

3.6.1 Introduction

It would hardly be an exaggeration to state that the festival of the Jagadhatri Puja consists of the very soul of the people of Chandernagore and have been so for the past centuries. People who were pessimistic about the post-merger scenario after 1952 and the fate of Chandernagore as a minor sub-divisional town in the Republic of India, certainly overlooked the power of human emotion. It is emotion mixed with a strong sense of tradition, which helped Chandernagore avert a possible identity crisis and rise and shine once more. The town took history and the departure of the French in its stride and marched forward wooing the world with two of its most celebrated and iconic legacies – it’s sweets and the resplendent Jagadhatri Pujas, along with it's famed lighting. During the pujas, there is a temporary reversal of the hierarchy between Chandernagore, an otherwise

sleepy muffasil town, versus Kolkata, as the 14 million strong megacity metropolis.

3.6.2 Origins

The origin of the Jagadhatri Puja is shrouded in mystery. There is no reliable documentation in written historical sources.The most common conception is that Raja Krishnachandra Roy of Nadia (1728-1781) started this Puja. There is a legendary tale behind this. It goes back to 1762, when the Raja was imprisoned by Nawab Mir Kasim. He was released in the autumn of the same year and started returning home to Krishnanagar with the intention of celebrating the traditional Durga Puja. But, he could not reach on time and the auspicious moment of worship passed while he was still on his way. When he reached Rukunpur, he had a divine vision in which Jagadhatri appeared to him in all her regalia and asked him to worship her as he had witnessed in the vision. He returned to Krishnanagar, consulted the Pundits and worshipped Jagaddhatri, another form of the goddess Durga, in the Bengali month of Kartick (October-November) in 1762, just a month after Durga was worshipped in the month of Ashwin (September-October). Thus was supposed to have started the trend of worshipping the goddess Jagadhatri. But, this story lacks credence according to the historians, because, there are quite a few evidences of worshipping the goddess much before that. It is mentioned in Hindu and Buddhist scriptures. Temple architecture much before the era of Raja Krishnachandra Roy - in Hetampur and Nanoor in Birbhum, Shantipur in Nadia, Barishal in Bangladesh - bear testimony to the worship of the goddess.

The history surrounding the origin of the Jagadhatri Pujas in Chandernagore does not seem authentic either. It is commonly believed that Dewan Indranarayan Chowdhury, a courtier of the French Government, was inspired by his friend Raja Krishnachandra Roy to start the puja here. But facts point out otherwise - the puja did not start during the days of friendship between the two. When Krishnachandra started the puja, Indranarayan was no longer alive (he had passed away in 1756). Besides, the puja in Krishnanagar is held for a single day only (on Navami-the fourth day), while in Chandernagore, it is held for full five days like the Durga Puja. The name of Dataram Sur, a Dewanof Krishnachandra, rises in this respect. He held the Jagadhatri Puja in 1762 in Gourhati in Chandernagore. In this way, the puja gradually spread from the precincts

of the royal household to that of the aristocrats and eventually into the control of the Babus of Chandernagore. Then the nouveau riche trading class accepted the tradition and the puja increased in glitz and glamour through all the ornaments and chunks of wealth they donated for the worship of the goddess.The first puja is said to have started in ‘Chaulpatti’ (the rice market) at Laxmigunje Bazaar by the traders. Barishal (now in Bangladesh) had a thriving rice trade. Bajras (big launches) of rice came from Barishal to Chaulpatti Ghat (Laxmigunje Bazaar) and Bandha Ghat (beside River Saraswati,) through the River Churni and then through the Ganga, via Shantipur. Thus the wealthy rice traders of Luxmigunje Bazaar had the means and ability to fund the festival in grand scale. This puja is still in existence and has a distinct old-world charm about it.The newly risen middle-class, from the latter part of the nineteenth century, began to participate in the festivities and soon the goddess left the confines of the stately mansions and began to be worshipped in the ‘Barwari’ form(a form of general worship in neighbourhoods, where everyone can participate and the fund is collected by donation from all). Facts state that the age of the Jagadhatri Puja in Chandernagore is hardly 254 years old and not more, as public perception seem to insist.

3.6.3 Visibility and expression

There are several reasons why the Jagadhatri Puja in Chandernagore attained much more of a celebrity status than that of Krishnanagar. The reasons include both its geographical location and its thriving economy.

The River Bhagirathi (alternately called Hugly or Ganga) flows alongside it and also the railways started functioning from 1854. Moreover, it is near Calcutta, which was the British capital till 1911 and was considered the Second City of the British Empire. Even after the Battle of Plassey, when the British began to gain supremacy in India and their later attacks on Chandernagore, the trading class thrived and Chandernagore did not lose its importance so much as a trading centre. The festival of the Jagadhatri Puja was held for full five days like the Durga Puja, with increasing pomp and splendour. Even when the ‘Barwari’ pujas started, the idols were bedecked with precious gold and silver jewellery– a tradition continuing till date. The ‘Daaker Saaj' of the ‘pratimas’ (idols) was an added attraction.The elite of those days introduced this new form of embellishment made from silver foil which were enhanced by silver sequins. These materials were not available

locally and hence were imported from Germany. They arrived by mail or ‘daak’ (in Bengali) and came to be known as ‘Daaker Saaj'. Of course, it cannot be denied that Chandernagore was not the pioneer in importing this type of embellishment. It was first used by Shovabazar Rajbari of Calcutta, for decorating their Durga idol and later Chandernagore adopted it to impart a grandiose look to their Jagadhatri. The large idol with eyes spread wide and the four hands displaying the conch, discus, shaft and bow, never failed to inspire the gaping awe of onlookers. The goddess rode astride on a lion (modelled on the British lion – again a variation from other places) and an elephant (‘Karindrasur’- by elephant demon slayed by Jagadhatri, who is actually the martial form of goddess Durga), lay at her feet. A snake twirling her neck was symbolic of the ‘sacred thread' (‘poitey’ worn by Brahmins). This awe-inspiring goddess was indeed a ‘Jagadhatri’the keeper of the world. The modern idols have retained the tradition and it is not uncommon to see the lion wearing a tiny tiara on its forehead and light emanating from its eyes in shades of red, blue or green to make it seem more fierce– a trick of the famed lighting artistes of Chandernagore surely. Even the procession for the immersion of the goddess attained a legendary status, which people came to witness from far and near. Of course, those were the pre-electricity days (till the opening decades of 20th century) and the procession was somewhat different from what it is today. Flaming torches were used at first and then arrived the gas lamps set in bamboo frames borne by Oriya bearers. These days LED lights are used to light up the town for five days of the festivity and also in the procession of immersion, which carries on throughout the night. In the ninetenth century was adopted from the Kartick Puja of Chinsurah, a type of tableaux called ‘Shong’ in the immersion procession, mainly consisting of mythologycal stories. This attracted more and more people to the procession.

3.6.4 The ‘pandals’

The pandals, the huge bedecked idols (some reaching to a height of almost 25 feet), and the lights have given Chandernagore an everlasting fame. Lakhs of people gather in the small town to witness the splendour of the lights, which can display anything as disparate as the Eiffel Tower, the fire- spitting T-Rex in motion, London Bridge, female foeticide, the incidents of 9/11, Venetion gondolas, fairy tales or the mundane aspects of daily life. The ‘lightmen’ of Chandernagore are truly artistes par excellence. The

fabled lights of Chandernagore now illuminate festivals across and abroad. Bidyalanka, a totally nondescript neighbourhood in Chandernagore, has the distinction of being the headquarters of the lighting artists. Most famous among them is Sridhar Das, who is credited with creating innovative lighting techniques. Besides lighting up the Jagadhatri Pujas of Chandernagore, big budget Durga Pujas of Kolkata, his creations have been displayed at the Thames Festival in London and also in the Festival of India in Moscow, to name a few. Recently light artist Babu Pal was in the news for lighting up the bungalow ‘JALSA’ of the superstar of the millenium, Amitabh Bachchan in Mumbai, for Diwali. Pal also set the proximity sensor lights at the Kolkata Airport recently.

Through the passing decades, the light artistes of Chandernagore have experimented with various sorts of lamps – from torch bulbs to loop lamps to six volts lamps. But they consumed a a lot of power and gradually become unaffordable due to rising cost of electricityin the early 1990s. So arrived the LED lamps. Asim Dey is credited with intoducing LED lamps in Chandannagore, which consumes 15 times less electricity than the 6 volts lamps used then. The LED lamps continue to dazzle the street and pandals of Jagadhatri Pujas in recent times. The spate of ‘Theme’ pujas – you can enter into a pre-historic era with dinasaurs or reptiles gnawing at you, into a village hut or a peaceful temple, travel into space in rockets amidst stars, step into an authentic ‘ Zaminder Bari’ of yore or into the world of Hogwarts Castle of Harry Potter – semblances authenticated by the wizards of lights have justified their wondrous talent. The pandals lights, food joints, ‘mela’ (fairs) where everything is available from scooters to safety-pins - it is hard to imagine the radical transformation this peaceful little town goes through during the period of the Jagadhatri Pujas. A small town and nearly three hundred ‘Barwari’ pujas, within a few square metres of each other –certainly a crowded-logic defying order!

CASE STUDIES

4.1 INTRODUCTION

The aim of the case studies that follow is to provide examples of relevant approaches and practices that could set useful precedents for a viable HHMS. The case studies address both approaches to policy development and implementation. The first of these focuses on the possibility of developing a private-led initiative to conserve domestic properties by looking at the situation that arose with the English country houses in the aftermath of WWII, whose owners could no longer afford to maintain their properties through conventional resources of their own. The 1950 Gowers Committee conclusions have a direct relevance to the scores of high-quality domestic properties within the Hugli River Region which are in desperate need of restoration and maintenance, and are otherwise threatened by demolition and replacement with multi-storeyed apartment buildings. The two subsequent case studies deal with examples from within the Hugli River Region: the Danish enclave in Serampore and the ensemble of buildings and landscape in Barrackpore Park in the town of Barrackpore. Both projects are ongoing and show significant promise; however, given their evolving nature continued evaluation would be necessary. In Serampore the original National Museum of Denmark initiative to restore the collection of Danish colonial buildings has now gathered momentum and made the local municipal body interested in the wider restoration of a significant collection of heritage buildings and landscape at the heart of the town.

The example from Barrackpore, on the other hand, is mainly government institution led; here the presence and ownership of the properties by the state police training institution has shaped the restoration initiative. The project has however drawn the interest and attention of professionals and government policy makers. Finally, the discussion on Konnagar highlights the importance of the role played by the local municipal authority in the regeneration of Abanindranath Tagore’s retreat (garden house) and its immediate environs. It underscores the importance of the local political will in making heritage relevant and visible. The hope is that these case

studies will help shape future policies and implementation options dealing with the complex problem of heritage management within the Hugli River Region. It is quite probable that, given the complex ownership, a range of overlapping approaches involving a spectrum of public, private and other stakeholder involvement would be needed to ensure the safeguarding of heritage sites. A cooperative-led approach should be considered too in the case of complex ownership pattern of large domestic properties where a single owner could not be identified.

4.2 CASE STUDY I

The Gowers Committee (1950) and the saving of the English country house

The Western idea of heritage has its origins in late 19th-century campaigns to ‘save’ the remaining vestiges of the past, whether these were medieval church buildings or open spaces threatened with development and urbanisation. William Morris, who founded the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings (SPAB) in 1877, was moved to do so after visiting Burford Church in Oxfordshire, where a zealous programme of restoration involved the removal of medieval flagstones and original window glass and their replacement with new, modern tiles and panes. The SPAB continues to this day to fight for the preservation where possible of original materials in historic structures, in the interests of prolonging the patina of the past within the fabric of the urban and rural environment. But different categories of heritage asset have risen to attention at different moments in time, whether these have been churches, monuments, industrial buildings, or indeed entire landscapes, such as with the National Trust’s drive in the 1960s to protect threatened coastline (‘Operation Neptune’). The National Trust itself had been established in 1895 primarily to protect landscapes through acquisition ‘for the nation’ and was in the vanguard of early heritage campaigning, whether for enhanced protection for monuments such as Stonehenge or for the preservation of commons and nature reserves.

The techniques of heritage campaigners have often involved an appeal to jeopardy: act now, or else this type of building or scenery will be gone forever. Rousing moral panic about the state of heritage has often been a necessary precursor to action, compelling politicians to pass more stringent legislative protections or make more money available for conservation work. The rise of heritage consciousness has therefore been associated

with increasing involvement of the state in heritage protection, with the key dates being the introduction of the first monuments protection legislation in 1882 and 1913, the extension of protection to the listing of individual buildings in 1947, the creation of Historic Buildings Councils (for England, Scotland and Wales) in 1953 and the introduction of Conservation Areas in 1967.

One of these moral panics arose regarding the future of the English country house in the decades immediately following the Second World War. One spur for the interest of preservationists in the ‘stately homes’ of England was the experience of war itself, since during this time many hundreds of mansion properties were compulsorily seized and put to use for the war effort, as military headquarters, schools or hospitals. With the war over, the houses were returned to their owners. But many of them had suffered damage over the intervening years, and owners in some cases were minded to pull them down rather than go to the trouble (and cost) of restoring them. Rates of house demolition had anyway been on the rise in the 1920s and 30s following a half century of depression in agricultural profits, and after the war they began to inflate once more. The introduction of new powers to ‘list’ historic buildings in the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act may, ironically, have hastened the departure of many of these buildings, as owners sought to extract value from their material components before legal protections could be applied by the Ministry of Works.

The post-War Labour Government under Prime Minister Clement Attlee implemented a radical, progressive programme of reforms, which included the nationalisation of key industries and the creation of a National Health Service. The fate of the country house was not necessarily at the top of the government’s list of concerns, and yet there remained the question of what to do with this important category of heritage. In one or two cases, the government took firm action. Audley End in Essex, for example, was a country house of the highest importance, being a former royal palace of the early 17th century. The house was requisitioned and used as a secret military training camp during the War. Its owner, Lord Braybrooke, knew that he could not afford to keep the house going after it had been returned to him.

He had two sets of death duty to satisfy, and the cost of the house was an unnecessary burden. He opened discussions with the National Trust, but in the end it was the intervention of Attlee’s chancellor, Hugh Dalton, that

enabled Audley End to be acquired by the state. The government offered £30,000 to the trustees of the Braybrooke estate for the house, more than doubling the figure that had been on offer from the National Trust.

Nationalising country houses was perhaps not the priority for others in Attlee’s cabinet. Stafford Cripps succeeded Dalton in November 1947 and was less enamoured of the idea that the state should take on direct responsibility for country houses. An alternative approach was sought. In 1948 Cripps commissioned a committee to investigate what the alternatives might be. The committee was chaired by Sir Ernest Gowers, an experienced civil servant who was tasked with taking a dispassionate look at the problem and its solutions. Gowers assembled a group of experts, who included the art historian Anthony Blunt (later exposed as a Soviet spy), the archaeologist and Director of the National Museum of Wales Sir Cyril Fox, architect William Ansell, Ava Anderson (later Viscountess Waverley) and the trade unionist Jack Little.

The committee’s brief was to report on “what general arrangements might be made by the Government for the preservation, maintenance and use of houses of outstanding historic or architectural interest … including, where desirable, the preservation of a house and its contents as a unity.” Over the course of 1949 it took evidence from multiple organisations and individual witnesses, and visited numerous houses such as Longleat, Knole and Wentworth Woodhouse.

Given the nationalising tendencies of the post-War government, there were concerns among some that the committee would usher in a new era of the state-led nationalisation of country houses and their collections. One major donor to the National Trust was said to be “very worried” at the thought that the Government “would seize his houses on his death and they would never come to the Trust after all.” Such concerns were typical of fears among the wealthier and propertied classes at the increasingly active role of the state when it came to questions of private property.

In fact, the report made by the Gowers committee reached an altogether different conclusion. It was not the role of the state to step in to ‘protect’ heritage in such a direct way, the Committee said. Rather, the best solution for saving country houses was for these buildings to remain in private ownership, albeit with more generous arrangements in place for repair grants and dispensations when it came to personal taxation (in particular, death duties). Leaving a building to survive as a lived-in family home

provided much more security for the longer term than having it fall into state ownership. Historic houses acquired by the state, the committee averred, “are liable to prove white elephants,” requiring significant expenditure on repairs and maintenance. In any case, state ownership often ended up saving the wrong houses, since houses saved in this way were chosen more by “the needs of public service” than by questions of quality or significance. State ownership could lead to a house being adapted instead to some form of institutional use, which would invariably “deprive them of their intrinsic character and rob them of their ‘soul’”.

If owners had no choice but to divest themselves of their properties then the committee recommended that the National Trust’s Country Houses Scheme was the best mechanism, with the owner ideally remaining in residence. The Scheme had been set up in 1937, at a point when the future of the country house was becoming a The Trust, it was felt, “has a character of its own, and represents an element of freedom and individuality which it would be lamentable to lose.” There was unanimity on one point: “that the owner of a house is usually (though not of course invariably) the right person to preserve it, especially if it has long been in his family”. The primary need was therefore, in the words of one witness, “for owners to be given help instead of being, as at present, discouraged to the point of despair.” This help was recommended to come through grants and loans from a new Historic Buildings Council, and, crucially, through fiscal means such as exemptions from income tax and death duty and the establishment of individual maintenance funds for private properties.

The Gowers committee’s conclusions proved to be an epochal moment in the relationship between country house collections and the state. It was accepted as better for houses to remain in private hands, albeit assisted by advantageous tax rules and by maintenance grants. Outright acquisition of houses was now to be considered only as a last resort and was ideally to be achieved through transfer to the National Trust rather than by state purchase. This became the abiding policy of successive post-war Governments, and remains the approach of Government today.

However, the committee’s report remained just that – a set of recommendations, rather than a statement of government policy. Nevertheless, its findings carried sufficient support for the next government to introduce several of the report’s recommendations, namely the establishment of a Historic Buildings Council and the gradual introduction

of fiscal concessions for owners of historically significant buildings and collections.

Despite this, country houses continued to face all sorts of threats. Country house demolitions continued apace in the 1950s: more houses were demolished in this decade than in any other decade of the twentieth century, as landed estates readjusted to the realities of post-War Britain.

The famous V&A exhibition, ‘The Destruction of the Country House’, which opened in October 1974 and which documented over a thousand houses that had been lost since 1875, was principally an act of heritage lobbying and provocation, since it was highlighting a problem which had in some ways already been addressed (in particular with the introduction of new controls on listed building alteration or demolition in the 1960s).

Nevertheless the V&A exhibition roused great concern over the fate of the country house. How could so many mansion properties have been lost to the wrecking ball without murmur or dissent? How could the country tolerate this erasure of its past?

The Historic Houses Association, founded in 1973, was established as a pressure group to lobby for the interests of private owners, whose position remained somewhat at the whim of government. Given the finely balanced finances of many estates, a sudden change in tax policy could have significant repercussions for the owners of historic mansion properties.

The Association’s value was tested early on with the Labour administration that formed at around the time the V&A’s exhibition opened in late 1974. The avowedly more left-wing attitudes of many ministers posed the threat of higher rates of taxation. A Wealth Tax was proposed for example, while Denis Healey (as Chancellor of the Exchequer) proceeded with his plans for replacing estate duty with a Capital Transfer Tax, applicable on any transfer of capital assets whether on death or during the owner’s lifetime. The message was clear: a more redistributive tax policy would be in place, to address inequalities of income and ownership in British society.

Fierce rear-guard action ensued, as the custodians of listed buildings pointed out that this sort of taxation could have devastating impacts on the built heritage of the nation. For most houses, the full payment of Capital Transfer Tax would presage sales, either of the building, the land surrounding it, or the contents. Each of these options would have a material and detrimental impact on the integrity of the heritage asset: the traditional English country house, set within landscaped grounds.

Eventually, Healey compromised. The idea of a Wealth Tax was dropped. Owners of historic properties were able to take advantage of new powers of exemption under the capital taxation system. Provided their houses were well maintained, and were open to public visiting for a minimum number of days each year (for some reason, the figure was 28), such properties could be exempted from Capital Transfer Tax altogether. Moreover, Healey introduced the mechanism of a Heritage Maintenance Fund, whereby owners of significant historic properties could apportion part of their assets into a discrete trust fund, the proceeds of which had to be applied to the maintenance of the historic property (most often, a grade I or II* listed country house).

Since the mid-1970s, the fortunes of the country house in England have noticeably improved. More than 300 houses have chosen the route of exemption against capital taxation. Others have found the means to protect themselves through economic diversification, branching out into businesses such as tourism, hospitality, weddings and film and TV production. More than 33,700 people are now employed in privately owned historic houses, helping to generate more than £1 billion each year for the national economy. Taxation remains an existential issue for the custodian of any heritage asset, but there is now a greater recognition of the public value of saving significant historic buildings for future generations. Country house demolitions are now few and far between, a significant change from 70 years earlier when hundreds were lost annually.

What lessons for other heritage efforts can be learned from the case of the English Country House? Perhaps the principal one is that heritage is an inherently political issue. This should not surprise us. Heritage is, after all, an act of valorisation – a declaration that this building, by virtue of age or appearance, is more worthy of protection than the building next to it. ‘Protection’ itself is often bound up with legalistic definitions, defined by government policy and implemented by politicians. What gets saved or protected is therefore a political act. Country houses are perhaps second only to churches in terms of their ubiquity as well as antiquity in the landscape, but the attention they have received may well be considered disproportionate compared to other aspects of the built environment, such as civic buildings, village halls or industrial buildings. The rise of the country house as a political issue therefore has much to do with the way its adherents were able to organise and make their arguments, and to influence those in positions of power and authority. Much of the argument

involved the appeal to jeopardy: the sense that something special and unique was about to pass away and that action was therefore needed to halt the destruction. The fact that the Gowers committee argued for private action to take priority over state intervention should not detract from the recasting of the country house as a public asset. The identification of the privately-owned country house with the national interest was a key part of winning the argument for its longer-term protection.

1 H.M. Treasury, Report of the Committee on Houses of Outstanding Historic or Architectural Interest (London: HMSO, 1950), 1. Hereafter Gowers Report.

2 James Lees-Milne, Midway on the Waves, 136-137.

3 Gowers Report, 16, 42-48, 30.

4 Gowers Report, 27.

5 Gowers Report, 42.

6 Gowers Report, 49, 50.

7 Peter Mandler, Fall and Rise of the Stately Home (1997), p.344.

8 HM Revenue and Customs, Capital Taxation and the National Heritage (assets. publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/ file/728893/Capital_taxation_and_the_national_heritage.pdf, 2017)

9 See Ruth Adams, “The V&A, the Destruction of the Country House, and the Creation of ‘English Heritage’”, Museum and Society, 11 (1) 2013, 1-18.

4.3 CASE STUDY II

SERAMPORE AND ALL THAT: CREATING SPACES FOR INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE BEYOND DANISH-BENGAL INITIATIVES

4.3.1 Introduction

‘Europe on the Ganges’, sealed with the stories of being and belonging, conflict-repression-reconciliation, still continues to be the incessant fulcrum of convergence between Europe and India. Being a significant component of ‘Little Europe’, the town of Serampore amalgamates multifarious, complex networks of historical, social, cultural, political and economic contexts at once localized and mediated by colonial agencies. Serampore permeates with a rich cultural heritage that reflects and shapes overlapping territories and intertwined histories. The combined effects of rapid urbanization, neglect and natural decay have resulted in the damage and disappearance of both tangible and intangible heritage of the town. In recent years ‘Little Europe’ has attracted Europeans with an erstwhile colonial connection, as well as natives of the Hugli River Region, bringing a growing interest in promoting awareness of these somewhat forgotten territories and in restoring sites within the heritage zones, thereby establishing potential for sustainable development and economic growth. As we will find, the threats posed on architectural heritage by uncontrolled urban sprawl have been tactfully channeled into opportunities for tourism and preservation projects. Collaborative and co-funded projects launched by the Government of India and the National Museum of Denmark have successfully contributed towards restoring ruined heritage buildings.

4.3.2 Early settlement

Situated about 25km north of the Howrah/Kolkata conurbation, Serampore was once one of the prominent trading towns along the Hooghly River. With the intention of extending commercial relations with Bengal, in 1698, the Danish East India Company established Dannemarksnagore , a small trading post on the Hooghly riverbank. But expansion plans failed resulting in the dissolution and the subsequent abandonment of the trading post in 1714. By 1732 the Danish Asiatic Company was reorganized. I.C. Soetmann, a member of the Danish council in Tranquebar (now Tharangambadi in Tamilnadu), was successful in securing a permit from Nawab ‘Ali Verdi Khan, for establishing a new trading post. In 1755, the Danes obtained

the official permit to acquire land in Serampore and conduct free trade in Bengal, Bihar and Odisha, against a payment of 2.5 per cent duty. With the official name of Fredericknagore , in honour of the Danish King Frederick V, Serampore became a Danish colony. The Battle of Plassey of 1757 and the Anglo-French Wars marked the advent of British imperialism in India under the dominance of the Governor General, Robert Clive. Consequently, Danish administration had limited scope under British dominance and could only thrive with the consent of the British administration, and also local Indian businessmen. The British Government granted absolute Danish jurisdiction at Fredericksnagore as the two nations shared a relationship of mutual dependence. Such a political stance tactfully sheltered the British convicts, who escaped punishment and carried out trade at Serampore without British intervention. Illegal trade flourished as goods were smuggled to Europe for British customers. They traded with products like cotton, silk, sugar, saltpetre and other luxury goods. Being safe in the Danish custody the criminals amassed huge wealth and managed to construct palatial buildings. For the execution of administrative duties, a Danish Government House with a hall and four adjoining rooms, bridges across two small streams, a stone platform for the canons, a guardhouse were constructed. Settlement developed as people were provided with more private business opportunities, especially for textile artisans. The rise of the affluent middle class paved way for the gradual urbanization of the settlement. Danish overseas trade was boosted by public and private investments. The founder of the Goswami family, Ramagovinda, laid the foundation of the aristocratic colony in Serampore. Their wealth and landed property made them the most influential family in Serampore.

4.3.3 Gradual development and education

In 1777 Serampore was transferred from the Asiatic Company to the direct administration of the Danish crown. Under the leadership of Ole Bie (1776-1805) the Danish colony became more prosperous resulting in the construction of administrative buildings. The Danish compound was secured with a new high brick wall and the Government House was enlarged and renovated. Elegant brick villas were erected along with a cemetery surrounded by a stone wall, a prison house and godowns. “Colonel Bie, the Chief of the little town of Serampore, who in resolute determination, bold independence and unflinching spirit was quite a match foe even the

great English Governor Warren Hastings…” (Mitra 1951: 36). Serampore has been described by a British author as “the best built and best kept European town in India with its river front lined by European luxury villas, lush gardens, and palatial houses of wealthy Indian traders. She could not imagine a more beautiful sight than evening time with European ladies and gentlemen promenading in full attire on the river esplanade, and groups of conversing Indian babus , clad in the purest white muslin.” (Bente 2018) Ole Bie’s efficiency is foregrounded in this initiative to construct a Protestant church by public subscription, which was inaugurated in the name of St. Olav, a Norwegian saint. The British Baptist Mission led by William Carey in 1799 brought about educational and cultural reformation in Serampore. With the ambition of propagating Christianity and providing education to impoverished children, Carey provided immense service in unraveling the wealth of Indian literature before the West. He opened schools and protested against the practices of sati and child marriage. The printing press was introduced that facilitated the printing of books. The Bible was translated into Bengali and other vernacular languages. In 1818 Serampore College was founded to provide education in the arts and sciences to anyone irrespective of their caste or nationality. The King of Denmark, Frederick VI approved the college as a degree-awarding institution. Serampore and the entire ‘Little Europe’ remained the focus of modern education and social reform, even after the cessation of Danish rule in Bengal. Education inspired local reform movements that culminated in the rise of nationalism and India’s struggle for independence.

4.3.4 End of Danish rule

The peaceful relation between Denmark and Britain lasted until 1801. Denmark’s forced alliance with Napoleon adversely affected their political coordination with the British. In 1807 British navy ships expropriated the Danish fleet in Copenhagen. As a consequence the British took possession over Serampore for a short period of time. Though Serampore was restored to Denmark in 1813 the affluent trade failed to regain its momentum. The hand spun cotton textiles suffered a great setback as machine made finished British products made its way. Moreover silting and the formation of sandbanks on the river aggravated the situation hampering navigation. The Europeans gradually preferred Kolkata to Serampore and many buildings were neglected and emptied within a few years. Consequently

in 1845 Serampore ceased to be under Danish governance and became a British colony.

4.3.5 The present time

In the present time Serampore exists as an important metropolitan area, pulsating with a busy railway station, bus terminus, shopping malls, schools, colleges, restaurants and apartment buildings. Undoubtedly, the rich heritage is still evident in the town planning, streets and renovated buildings. Its historicity remains in the town’s government buildings that make it a vital administrative and judicial centre dating from the Danish and British colonial period. However, it must be admitted that numerous buildings are in ruins and many have disappeared altogether erasing significant aspects of the town’s history. There is a loss of heritage values as the rich heritage is under threat due to lack of maintenance and the pressure of urbanization. As evident even today, the townscape during the Danish period may be sketched as follows:

a. The Centre that comprises Danish compound, St. Olav’s Church and Danish canal.

b. The East includes Serampore College, academic and religious activities, jute and cotton mills.

c. The West exhibiting 19th century Euro-Indian architectural pattern of buildings including the palatial Goswami family residence. (Fleming and Rasten in press )

The introduction of railways promoted a shift of commercial activities towards area surrounding the railway station. Industrialization led to the establishment of the first jute mill in 1866. This paved the way for more cotton and jute factories and concentration of industrial labourers in Serampore. The migration of factory workers demanded better housing facilities and living conditions. Manish Chakraborti, the conservation architect explains that, “Tranquebar and Serampore were different kinds of outposts. The former was a port town; the sea gave it a carefree atmosphere. Serampore was a commercial and educational-missionary hub, and more urban. So its heritage has had to grapple with the challenges of an expanding town and burgeoning population” (Dasgupta 2017). The Bengal Municipal Act 1998 and the Draft Development Plan (DDP) for Serampore from 2005 provide

guidelines for future development of the town so that it can cater to the demands of the increasing population. In addition to the issues regarding betterment of basic amenities, strategies for conservation and restoration of architectural heritage were addressed in the plan. Organizations like Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH) and West Bengal Tourist Development Corporation have taken significant initiative in planning and developing cultural heritage tourism.

4.3.6 Heritage management strategy

Conservation of heritage and Tourism development plan are integral to the improvement of aesthetic and recreational aspects of the town. Revival of the history of Serampore creates awareness about the rich heritage by reviving lost cultural roots, thereby leading to the enhancement of local identity. The Draft Development Plan and several other heritage proposals identify three zones of heritage resources. These zones are:

a. The administrative core area around the Danish Government House

b. Academic and religious segment surrounding Serampore College

c. The palatial residences of the Indian landlords

The West Bengal Heritage Commission Act was established in 2001 for the purpose of conservation of heritage buildings in Kolkata. Such extensive measures for heritage planning along with development of social and economic resources are also necessary for a town like Serampore where most of the buildings were almost in ruins due to neglect and urbanization. The Indo-Danish legacy has been markedly revived by the Serampore Initiative in 2008 at the ethnographic department of the National Museum of Denmark (NMD), Copenhagen. Funded by the Danish Realdania Foundation, the team initiated archival work and extensive field studies. From November 2008 to April 2009 the restoration architect, Flemming Aalund, and the historian Simon Rastén carried out their survey of Serampore. Dr Bente Wolff, project leader, Serampore Initiative, NMD asserts “Initially, I was skeptical about restoring heritage buildings outside Denmark, but after we began researching for the project, we realised that locals also have a great appreciation for these old buildings and want them to be restored”. “Our historian, Simon Rasten, accessed 20,000 pages of Danish documents from the West Bengal State Archives and found

information about the town and the architectural plans of the building” (Dasgupta, 2017). Their interactions and cooperation with local residents and government officials promoted collaborative measures that devised improvement strategies. The major sites that have been renovated and preserved are the 12,000-square feet Danish Government House (DGH) and its two gates; Red Building (a British-era structure located inside the DGH campus), and the cast iron gate, fence and staircase of the Serampore College, which completes 200 years in 2018. The restoration of 210-year-old Lutheran St Olav’s Church’s was completed in 2015. Finally the wonderful Danish Tavern was restored to its lost glory in 2018. It is worth mentioning that a local organization, SHRI (Shrirampur Heritage Restoration Initiative) formed in November 2013 began their campaign in raising consciousness about heritage preservation at Serampore being inspired by the architects of NMD. With the objective of restoring the past glory of Serampore, the members of SHRI aimed at constructing a theatre hall at Serampore, the Okhhor Town (the town of the alphabet) in memory of Panchanan Karmakar, the inventor of the Bengali font (Ranadeep 2014). In order to make the Government and local people aware about the rich cultural heritage of the town, SHRI published two journals in 2014 and 2015, respectively. Unfortunately, due to lack of Government initiative and funding, SHRI has ceased to carry out its venture.

4.3.7 The Danish government compound

The Danish trading post, which included a Government House established in 1755 and further extended with rooms, gates and a brick wall by Ole Bie in 1780, has been restored retaining many of the original architectural features. Even today it is the administrative centre of Serampore; the compound, bustling with people, is being extensively used by Hooghly District Sub Divisional Offices, the police and the law courts (in 2009 a new law court building was constructed). The main gate constructed in 1772 and renovated during British occupation continues to functions as the main entrance, although the original ornamentation in missing from the upper part of the structure. The compound wall initially constructed with mud and straw was replaced with a more durable brick wall in 1780. Some portions of the wall are obscured. The water tank was dug by Gotting in 1786. This reservoir had brick steps leading down to the water. It has been repaired and the original form has been retained, though the size is not discernible.

At present the tank is overgrown and provides an aura of greenery in the compound. The southern gateway building constructed after the British occupation, functioned as a detention and a safe-keeping for the stolen goods under police custody. After 1854 the gateway became the chosen entrance to the Government House. Later it was reconstructed and another structure was added to it which functioned as the law court. The Danish Government House was the administrative headquarters that also included the private residence of the Danish Governors. It was the official residence of Ole Bie from 1771. It is the oldest building of Serampore that reflects the historical journey through Danish, British and Indian periods of administration. The Government House is located at one end of its 6.7-acre compound. It is an imposing colonial-style building, devoid of decoration. The middle part of the yellow and white house projects out with an extended porch and six Ionic columns. A flight of steps lead to the rooms. It continued as an administrative building under the British and also for the Bengal government post-independence. It was abandoned in 1999 after the collapse of the roof. The restoration project launched in 2008 in collaboration with Serampore Sub-Divisional Offices, Serampore Municipality and the West Bengal Heritage Commission executed renovation programmes for reconstruction of the Red House (DGH and the British structure behind it). Funds were allocated for the repair of the structure, doors and windows. The Government House restored by State Government of West Bengal was reopened in 2019. At present it is designated as Culture and Information Centre that includes Government offices, seminar halls and other public rooms. The Jail and Court Building inaugurated in 1803 still operates as Serampore Subsidiary Correctional Home under Administration of the Sub Division Officer. The original Court was demolished and replaced by a new building and a partition wall. The restored main gate of Serampore Court compound provides a view of the dignified DGH. It is the major administrative building with much common space in between, a popular Bengali restaurant (Bheto) and parking zone. The streets and the strand by the Ganges have been upgraded with parks and trees. In order to provide communication facilities to the people and to reduce traffic congestion from the old town, a new bus terminus has been built outside the administrative centre.

4.3.8 Academic and religious buildings

The Lutheran Church of St. Olav, a major landmark of Serampore even today was constructed in 1800 by the initiative of Ole Bie. After the completion of the church in 1821, Serampore was perceived as a Danish colony though the English Baptist Mission performed the services. The church was closed when the roof collapsed in 2010. By the efforts of NMD and INTACH renovation work began and it was restored to its previous glory on April 16, 2016. The wooden beams of the roof were replaced with that of iron. Sandstone from Rajasthan was used for recasting the floor. In the same year the project was awarded the UNESCO Asia-Pacific Distinction for Cultural Heritage Conservation. The oldest church in Serampore is the Roman Catholic Church/ Immaculate Conception Church constructed in 1776. The church has housed a Cheshire Home / Shantiram Home for physically and mentally challenged people run by Catholic sisters. Serampore College, one of the oldest colleges in India was established in 1818. The missionaries promoted education among the common people irrespective of caste, class or gender. The Royal Charter of 23rd February 1827 officially granted rights to the college to award degrees as enjoyed by the Danish universities. The missionaries--- William Ward, William Carey and Joshua Marshman laid the foundation of Serampore College. From 1883 the college functioned only as a Christian Training Institution and a theological institute for the Baptist churches. Again in 1911 the College was again affiliated to the Calcutta University. The cast iron gate, the fence and the staircase are the major renovated areas of the college. Within the college campus was established the Carey Library and Resource Centre in 1993 jointly by the Danish and Norwegian government. The Resource Centre includes a library, seminar hall and a museum. The museum is the reservoir of Danish official documents, paintings, the Royal Charter and other antiques of the Baptist missionaries. Carey’s interest in the study of natural science is evident in his initiative in establishing the Serampore Botanical Garden. Under the leadership of Carey, the British Baptist mission inaugurated the Serampore Press. The press remarkably printed books in 40 Indian and other Asian languages. Translation of the Bible in vernacular, school books, religious books, newspapers, magazines,Sanskrit and Indian texts were printed that paved the way for development of education. Ramram Basu, the renowned scholar was associated with Carey and served as a connector between the two cultures. He introduced foreign scholars to the rich culture of India on one hand, while on the other hand

carried out his translation works for acquainting the Indians with western culture and Christianity. His Christabibaranamritam, a retelling of the Bible, is the best example of the cultural fusion of the east and the west. (Bosu 2015) Two archaeological sites that should be mentioned are the Mission Cemetery and the Danish Cemetery. The Mission Cemetery at present is under the supervision of the Serampore College. Three monuments have been restored by the initiative taken by INTACH. The Danish Cemetery that includes monuments separately for the Catholics and Protestants is listed as a Protected Monument under the Ancient Monuments Archaeological Sites and Remains Act of 1958 and is supervised by the Archaeological Survey of India. Serampore is also a town of temples and mosques. The Radha Ballav Temple of Ballavpur (18th century), Madanmohan Temple, Gauranga Bati at Chatra (16th century) Jagannath Temple of Mahesh (1755), Buro Bibi Mazar at Buro Bibi lane are figments of Indian cultural heristage. These temples have been conserved and still gathers people from all parts of Bengal.

4.3.9 Private buildings

When trade flourished during the Danish colonial period, the Indian traders also amassed huge wealth and constructed palatial buildings. The Goswami family was the richest of the Indian landlords and constructed magnificent residences along the T.C. Goswami Street. Some of these houses are still inhabitated though most of them have been ruined. The Goswami palaces or Serampore Rajbari are of 19th century epoch. The lofty thakurdalan and naatmandir having 24 Corinthian columns add much to its rich architectural style. This palace serves as the location for the popular Bengali film “Bhooter Bhobishyot”. The Goswami palaces exhibiting a wonderful fusion of Indian and western architecture was designated as a heritage building in 2008. Parts of the houses have been rented out for celebrations, while some other parts are used as primary schools, computer centre and Child care centre. The Kishorilal Rajbari, overlooking the Ganges, at present functions as Vivekananda Nidhi Centre. Most of the villas which were the residence of the European merchants were demolished over the years. The residences of the De family along the De Street of the present time, the Seal Mansion are partly renovated buildings of the colonial period. Most of the crumbling private houses failed to get financial aid from Government or other organizations and as a result they are demolished.

4.3.10 Other heritage sites in Serampore

Among the many ghats on the river bank, the Nishan Ghat was of great significance during the Danish period. It was the primary landing zone of the goods and merchandise. The Nishan Ghat had a ceremonial battery of cannons, a flagstaff and a guard house. The ghat still remains but the other accessories are absent. The original cannons are preserved in the church compound. The ghat is provided with seats and surrounded by trees which create a pleasant environment for the tourists and local people. The town has been ornamented by stately pillars or gateways at the entrances of many buildings. These pillars were constructed during the Danish and British period and some of them are preserved at the present time.

4.3.11 The Danish Tavern

The restoration of the Danish Tavern is a significant part of the larger heritage preservation project that involved in the task of preserving other Danish buildings of Serampore. The Calcutta Gazette of March 16, 1786 reported that Mr. Parr, the owner of the London Tavern has taken up the proprietorship of the Denmark Tavern at Serampore. This inn on the bank of the river was a recreational site for the voyagers. After the colonial period the tavern was totally in ruins. Simon Rasten, the historian and Flemming Aalund, the restoration architect, engaged themselves in archival research and discovered the ruined building which was the Danish Tavern where the Danes kept their flagstaff and salutation cannons. Manish Chakraborti, the conservation architect extensively worked on the restoration project since 2015. This project is also financed by Realdania, Denmark’s Ministry of Culture, NDM, WBHC and The Association to Preserve Serampore’s Heritage jointly. (Sarkar 2017) Finally on 28th February 2018 Denmark tavern was reopened as a lodge, restaurant and café and its lost glory was restored. Along with the tavern, an old British official building has been restored and it has been turned to a heritage canteen within the court compound. The tavern is provided with five rooms for night stay. It is indeed a remarkable strategy to run a restaurant at a heritage site. It has attracted the attention of the local people as well as the visitors. The high ceilings, huge pillars, lofty chambers and calm ambience have made it a lovely resort for the guests. Such a conservation plan is beneficial not only for the preservation of the old building but also encourages tourism and serves as a good source of economic growth.

Revival of heritage buildings and culture creates new knowledge and promotes awareness among the future generation. Being congenial to the environment, conservation policies have promoted tourism thereby leading to economic growth and sustainable development. Much conservation work yet remains undone due to lack of proper planning and funding. Serampore is in need of collaborative heritage projects so that it can regain its lost glory and create new histories.

4.3.11 Notable aspects of local culture

What strikes most is the fact that much of the conservation strategies that functioned at Serampore for the last ten years performed remarkable tasks in restoring the tangible heritage of the place. Apart from archaeological structures, Serampore and the adjoining areas of the river belt pulsates with intangible cultural tradition. However, what has gone unnoticed is the preservation of unique intangible heritages in Serampore. For example, Serampore has a rich heritage of Indian classical music. Musical concerts were regularly held at ‘Golok dham’ and Serampore Talkies. Inspired by All Bengal Music Conference, Indubhusan Pal organized a musical conference in 1934. In 1976, Nikhil Goswami, Gopal Lahiri, Omprakash Mishra, Sunil Ray constituted the Serampore Musical Society. Ghatakbari at Sirishtala was the centre of Drupad music. The concerts gathered renowned personalities like Pandit Rabisankar, Parveen Sultana, Bhimsen Joshi and so on. Pramith Ganguly, a local musician reports that at present Serampore has lost most of the resources. The Sipra Bose Foundation established by the renowned table player, Pandit Gobinda Bose is an organization that carries forward the tradition of Indian classical music. A museum preserving documents and paintings and other paraphernalia has been maintained by Kumar Bose. Proper publicity of such musical heritage is required. Moreover, no Government or public initiatives have been taken to raise consciousness among the people about the lost heritage of music. The most important aspect of Serampore’s heritage is the Rathayatra at Mahesh. It has been celebrated since 1396 and is considered as one of the oldest festival in Bengal. Dhrubanand Brahmachari established the Jangannath Temple at Mahesh in the 14th century. Sri Chaitanya named the place a ‘Naba Nilachal’or New Puri, a holy abode of the Hindus. Kamalkar Piplai inaugurated the famous chariot festival held for almost eight days every year. Even at the present time people gather from different places of

Bengal to participate in the procession. The present Rath is four storied, 50 ft in height and 125 tones in weight. It has a steel framework and two copper horses attached to the front. In 2019 the Rathayatra festival was ornamented with a cultural programme. In spite of its popularity, Rathayatra at Serampore fails to get the dignity of Jagadhatri puja of Chandannagore. Government funding and collaborative strategies can uphold the heritage of Rathayatra with further innovations. Lacks of publicity and Government initiative have confined Rathayatra festival within the local boundary. Though Rathayatra at Serampore is the second oldest chariot festival in the world, it fails to achieve worldwide recognition. Serampore would miss its flavor without the mention of its delicacy the ‘Monohara’. The ‘Monohara’, a sweet prepared from milk is the speciality of Serampore’s Mahesh

Chandra Dutta Mistanna. Though Monohora fails to achieve the status of ‘Jalbhara’ of Chandannagar, it still remains a favourite of the local people. The indigenous cultural heritage of Serampore has been neglected and is almost on the verge of extinction. Initiatives from the Government as well as from the local people can only restore its lost glory.

4.4 CASE STUDY III

CRITIQUING THE RESTORATION METHODOLOGIES

OF BARRACKPORE

4.4.1 Introduction

Urban/ sub-urban heritage is often misunderstood as individual and isolated historical structures and the stakeholders largely tend to define urban restoration process only with the structural preservation of the heritage buildings. The idea of urban/ sub-urban heritage is largely misunderstood by excluding the idea of ‘contextual space' or ‘heritage ecosystem’ which encompass the holistic identity-behaviour of the heritage complex, i.e., structural, intangible, vegetation cover and the continuity of mass cognitive relationship with the overall complex. Urban/ semi-urban spaces of developing countries facing incessant challenges of funding, administrative support and low public awareness for the lesser-known heritage sites experience an inherent conundrum of restoration methodology - whether to adopt a long-term actualistic restoration methodology or to adopt proxy methodologies to create an immediate impact on stakeholders which may have stronger ripple effect on the attitude, response and participation in long term. The following case study examines the adoption of proxy methodologies to achieve a holistic restoration of ‘heritage ecosystem’ under challenging contexts in developing countries, as well as to initiate a dialectic platform to formulate alternate policies of restoration methodologies which may be pragmatically feasible to similar sociopolitico-economic contexts.

The restoration project of Barrackpore Park is a pertinent case to scrutinize the bottlenecks and solutions of sub-urban restoration. The following study scans and examines the processes, methodologies and policies adopted in the restoration of Barrackpore Park, with major emphasis on understanding the practicality, feasibility and impact of adopting proxy methodologies of restoration.

The restoration endeavours of sub-urban local historical structures are critically far more challenging than its' urban/ metropolis counterparts in terms of funding, lesser heritage awareness and absence of proper space planning policies. Under such challenging contexts in developing countries, alternative restoration models needed to be designed and adopted to counter the administrative and funding bottlenecks and to pragmatically

materialise the idea of restoring and promoting local heritage by creating an inclusive ecosystem to preserve a heritage complex in as much holistic manner as possible. The following case study covers a preliminary study of restoration attempt of some sections of Barrackpore Park, which may be considered as a functionally pragmatic model of public-private inclusive restoration model and may be adopted in similar other contexts to restore historical structures through symbiotic processes of inclusive restoration methodology.

4.4.2 Historic setting (anamnesis)

The English East India Company established its first cantonment in India on the old settlement of Achanok, presently Barrackpore, which gradually had become a prominent Company establishment by the middle of the 18th century. The initial non-military structures were two simple thatched bungalows erected for the use of Captain John Macintyre. The bungalows and the adjacent land changed hands in 1785 and became the property of Sir John Macpherson, the then acting Governor General. The purchase of the entire land of seventy acres was meant for the use of the Governor General but it was only under Richard Wellesley that the complex came under prominence and occupied a page in the history of the British Raj.

The process of establishing the British hegemony resorted to the instrument of brutal force and illegal acts not only for acquisition of land but to serve a heavy blow on the cognition and psyche of the natives. The latter found its way through the construction of pompous and grandiose architecture and elaborate British gardens, although some might argue that it was simply a phenomenological replication process of their natural environment and habitat in England. However, the reason for placing this argument is to hint upon the approach of Wellesley towards the subsequent development and planning for Barrackpore Park which has a strong undertone of Le Corbuiser’s hypothesis of metamorphosing a controlled and planned space to a ‘beast’. The coexistence of the importance of Barrackpore Park in the colonial life of Calcutta and the spurs of dissonance that it triggered, evidently reflect that.

In 1800, Wellesley took over the property with a plan to develop a garden house for the personal use of the Governor Generals. Within a short span of five years the space was intended to be given a completely different

character which would become synchronous with the British sense of space and landscape. An elaborate Government House was sanctioned and several other structures and landscape elements (English-styled park, semaphores, serpentine lake and bridge, etc.) were built with special attention to the environment; hence a menagerie was set up and several botanical specimens were planted. In the meantime, a make-shift accommodation was also constructed to accommodate the Governor General. But due to an abrupt summoning back of Wellesley the plans remained incomplete and the project was scrapped by the subsequent Governor Generals under the charges of mismanagement of company funds by Wellesley. Finally, in 1807, Sir George Barlow modified the makeshift structure and made it functional as the official Government House. Subsequently, as the space became a part of British lifestyle in colonial Calcutta, several structures were added and modified. For over a century, several Governor Generals – Lord Minto, Hastings, Amherst, Auckland, Hardinge, Dalhousie, Curzon and also Lady Canning – had contributed towards increasing the beauty and grandiose nature of the site, a development thoroughly documented by Monabi Mitra and Soumen Mitra in Under the Banyan Tree : The Forgotten Story of Barrackpore Park (2019). Thus, in summary, not just the Government House but the entire complex is a crucial part of colonial heritage and demands a holistic preservation and conservation policy.

ferric elements causing adverse micro-corrosion and structural component degeneration. The structure was facing a major problem of subterranean termite attacks causing a critical damage to the wooden structures of the building (floors, window panels, doors and ceiling beams). Abundancy of rodents and uncontrolled foliage and creeper growth had also affected the structure by developing micro-cracks. The pre-restoration assessment indicated a significant role of physical, chemical and biological weathering on the structures. These degenerating elements had resulted in the collapse of the northern portico, the west section of the structure and left a grave effect on the condition of the standing structure. The other structures of the complex, e.g., West Gate, North Gate, Moti Jheel, Lady Harding Bridge, Nissen Huts, Lady Canning Tomb, Minto Fountain, and Lotus Fountain, were also facing similarly critical conditions. Uncontrolled foliage growth and several factors of corrosion and weathering had brought them almost at the brink of collapse. An immediate restoration endeavour was crucial to save the structures and the heritage of the entire complex.

4.4.4 Project overview

4.4.3

Pre-restoration context

After the shift of British India Government’s capital from Calcutta to Delhi in 1911, the space also lost its significance and was somewhat forgotten. After independence, the entire complex was handed over to three separate organisations: the Government House Estate, Calcutta, the Armed Police Department and the Police Training Department. The Government House structure in the Barrackpore Park was functional as the Brigade Police hospital until 2012 under the Armed Police Department but was already in quite a dilapidated condition. The pre-restoration assessment has shown typical signs of detrimental effects of the tropical climate on the structures. The structures retained high latent moisture and capillary seepage problems causing a critical level of damage to the bricks and particularly to the mortar. The latent moisture and the atmospheric humidity, particularly due to its proximity to the river, had accelerated the oxidation process of the

The entire heritage complex was left in utter neglect and desolation over decades until it was taken up by the personal endeavour and vision of Soumen Mitra, ADG, Police Training, West Bengal. The genesis of the restoration project was the personal inquisitiveness of Mitra to locate Shah Jahan’s famous marble Lotus Fountain which was shifted by Marquess of Hastings or Wellesley from Agra to Barrackpore following a series of historical events in the early 19th century. The identification of the locus of the Lotus Fountain and the subsequent restoration of it triggered the stimulus to launch a full-scale plan to restore the entire complex of Barrackpore Park. The initial structured attempts started with the administrative steps of transferring the custody of the Government House from the Armed Police to the Police Training Department, a step which emphasise the importance of the role of administrative cooperation for success of urban restoration projects. Subsequently, the immediate idea was to proceed on short-term goal basis and the restoration project of West Gate was facilitated by the inter-departmental funding of the Training Police Department, as was the previous project of the restoration of the Lotus Fountain.

Public awareness and inclusiveness are always considered as one of the most crucial indicators for the success of restoration of public heritage

spaces. It was such a movement which triggered the restoration project of Barrackpore Park to the next level. An open letter of a local resident, Amitabha Karkun, to the then Governor of West Bengal, H.E. M.K. Narayanan requesting him to initiate necessary steps to restore the crumbling structure of the Government House of Barrackpore Park was a crucial event in the project. The public motivation to preserve local heritage was considered by the Governor of West Bengal and the matter was forwarded to the Heritage Commission of West Bengal. A government fund was released under the aegis of Heritage Commission of West Bengal and PWD was assigned with the responsibility of supervising the restoration project under the consultation of architect Manish Chakraborti. The project commenced in 2015-16 and is still going on with multiple dimensions of heritage preservation and awareness

4.4.5 Project goals

The restoration project of Barrackpore Park was attempted with short- and long-term goals in mind. The short-term goals were:

• To urgently restore and preserve the dilapidating structures of the Barrackpore Park complex.

• To adopt pragmatic and feasible restoration policies and methodologies in tandem with the funding scope.

• To create signage and curate information to make public aware of the history

• To introduce and nurture a participative process among the stakeholders and thereby creating an overarching impact on the quality of life and perception

• To make an immediate impact on the administrative and public stakeholders to instil interest and create channels for long-term funding and administrative-public engagement/ cooperation.

• To expand the scope of restoration project and adopt several other structures of the Barrackpore Park.

• To develop the 'heritage ecosystem' as a 'dynamic complex' through interactive and participatory processes of heritage awareness.

• To create an inclusive environment by increasing the participation and engagements of the local residents and children.

• To address urban and environmental issues by promoting the idea of heritage ecosystem and public inclusiveness into it.

• To encourage exchange of dialogues between different levels of stakeholders in an attempt to transgress the idea of preservation of heritage spaces beyond the direct scope of the concerned restoration project.

4.4.6 Stakeholders

The longer-term goals were identified with an ambitious vision guided by the practicality and feasibility of the scope of the project in terms of funding, temporal limitations and accessibility. These were:

The project was successful in bringing together different government agencies, conservation experts and local residents to fulfil its objectives. The key role was played by the Police Training Department under the leadership of Soumen Mitra. Police Training Department has been holistically involved and has played the pivotal role of project management and curating information. West Bengal Heritage Commission acted as the main funding agency for the restoration project of the Government House in Barrackpore Park. The Police Training Department has also played the role of funding agency for the restoration of other sectors of the Barrackpore Park which helped to establish the idea of a holistic ‘heritage ecosystem’ restoration. Public Work Department (PWD) is entrusted with the job of executing the restoration project and has designed methodologies and strategies in consultation with Mr. Manish Chakraborti, Director of Continuity, and conservation consultant of the West Bengal Heritage Commission. Several foreign institutions i.e. The Trustees of the Bowood Collection, Houghton Library, Harvard University, British Library, and Sydney Living Museums have also collaborated in archival researches and licensing of the photographs and documents which are used to develop the West Side Exhibition Gallery. Raj Bhawan, Kolkata; Department of Information and Cultural Affairs, West Bengal; Victoria Memorial, Kolkata; Asiatic Society, Kolkata; National Library, Kolkata have also played important role in supplementing archival materials. The Kolkata Chapter of Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural

Heritage has extended significant support by recognising and awarding the restoration project.

4.4.7 Funding

The funding of the first phase of the project was released by West Bengal Heritage Commission under the project title of “Restoration & Conservation of Old Governor General’s House at Barrackpore, West Bengal” and the work order was issued on 24th February 2015. An initial fund of INR 1,22,13181 was sanctioned for executing the first phase of the restoration work of the Government House. The fund was estimated to execute the restoration job of only one-third segment of the entire structure. i.e. the West section of the structure. On successful completion of the first phase, restoration work of the remaining section of the structure was assessed and a project cost of approximately INR 4 crores has been estimated. West Bengal Heritage Commission has sanctioned the second phase of the project and taken up the role of funding agency in an AGILE format.

4.4.8 Restoration designing and authenticity: restoration methodology

Adopting and framing the restoration methodology was a challenging task for the project team. The restoration policy and methodology were underlaid by a pragmatic interpretation of ICOMOS Charter-Principles for the Analysis, Conservation and Structural Restoration of Architectural Heritage (2003), ratified by the ICOMOS 14th General Assembly in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe. The major constraint for the direct adoption of the charter was the limited scope of funding and the scope of time for the project. Achieving the short-term goals and an immediate impact on the behavioural response of the local residents towards local heritage was more crucial than anything else. These challenges are the common picture for majority of structural heritage restoration in the Indian context. The crucial articles of the charter, i.e., 3.12 , 3.10 and 3.9 has not been adopted literally which may invite criticisms from conservationist ;but the freedom of scope allowed in the Charter under article 3.7 and adopting the spirit of the article 3.11, overtly modern methods, materials and techniques have been used to preserve the structure.

Due to multifarious constraints of preservation of heritage structures in a

developing nation, the success of a restoration project and consequent impact on public sentiment and awareness may not always be achieved by upholding the spirit of ‘preventive maintenance’ as proposed in the ICOMOS charter. There shall have an alternative and improvised provision which may be congruent more with the notion of ‘proxy-disaster prevention’. The framework of proposed ‘proxy-disaster prevention’ may be conceptually adopted from article 2.9, 2.10, 2.11 of Annex to Recommendation No. R (93) 9 of Module BI-4/C - Protection of Cultural Heritage (Handbook) of EUR-OPA and IOM-OIM. The pragmatic, economical and impact-oriented approach of the project team of Barrackpore Park advocate the importance and necessity of localised improvisation of preservation techniques and conservation methodologies of structural heritage in a comparable socioeconomic-administrative context of developing nations. The approach of the Barrackpore Park restoration team sought a dialectical platform where the concerned organisations may discourse the plausibility of amending and introducing new articles in the Charters to recognise and acknowledge the ‘proxy-disaster prevention’ approach. Formulations of regulations, controlled approach and defining locally improvised techniques can accentuate the scale and speed of restoration projects in developing nations.

4.4.9 Structural modernisation

Primarily, the project has been designed to restore the authenticity of the super-structures only. To achieve that, intensive documentation of the actual architecture was done through archival study of Indian, international and private archives using paintings, photographs and textual documents. The post-independence structural additions to the Government House were pulled down and steps were taken to restore the actual architecture with as much authenticity as possible. The southern extension was pulled down and the winged staircase was opened up. The portico in the norther side which had collapsed has been rebuilt. However, the exact form of Palladian architecture has not been able to be restored till now and the restoration of the western wing of the Government House has been pushed to the next phase of the restoration project. Similar attempts have been made to restore the exact and authentic superstructure of the other structures of the Barrackpore Park. Contradictorily, the structural restoration techniques adopted for the restoration has been absolutely modern which has been

justified on the project framework, primarily as a countering instrument of fund management. Major modernisation is getting implemented in the landscape designing which may alter the authentic context of the complex.

4.4.10 Authentic restoration: critical assessment

An absolute modern implementation of the structural restoration will be strongly debated till the proxy methodologies are accepted and recognised. From the perspective of standard methodology of conservation, the present restoration project which even though has been able to accomplish the basic goals of restoration of the superstructure, have undoubtedly caused a massive irreversible loss of historical data. Several parameters of fundamental pre-restoration assessment which is mandatory prior to initiation of a restoration project, e.g., Stimulated Infrared Thermography, Stability Test, Strength Test, Soil Analysis, Load Analysis, Foundation Analysis, Capillary Analysis etc. has not been undertaken. Restoration techniques following the standard norms and methods of gap filing, plastering, mortar use, paint pigment provenance, phytolith provenance, etc has also been flouted which have compromised the archaeological data of the historical sequences of the construction of the complex. However, complete replacement of the woodworks of the Government House shall be considered appropriate according to the norms and standards of Restoration as the conditions of those got aggravated beyond ‘preventive maintenance’.

A serious concern has been given on the restoration of the landscape in the heritage ecosystem. The historic Banyan Tree has been properly dressed and maintained, but the modern pavement building failed to comply with the standard restoration norms. However, this approach makes a case for allowing more scope of improvisational techniques in restoration to counter multifarious local environmental constraints and land usage. The restoration of the gates has been executed with quite good level of design authenticity. Exact designs of the gates have been restored. Though archival documents have been referred to maintain a historical congruency in fencing and gardening; however, the replication may not be the exact same, which is though acceptable. In certain case, e.g. the Minto Fountain, the garden layout has got no resemblance with an English garden form. Even though the major section of the actual Rose-Garden is lost the small patch of the greens may be optimally used to create a

fragmentary impression. Otherwise, intrusion of completely alien elements adversely effects the sense of heritage among the mass.

As the heritage ecosystem is within a Government office complex, it was more critical to create a buffer zone for the structure. It can be clearly noticed that proper plans have been adopted to create a buffer zone for the Government House and the Banyan Tree complex; but it is not logistically possible to make buffer-zones for the other structures. The project team has paid close attention on the micro-structures of the heritage complex e.g. the sun-clock in front of the Lotus Fountain. The structure was completely demolished beyond any repair and has been replaced with almost an exact modern replica of the original one through proper methods

of visual humanities. This has helped to restore the spatial continuity of the historical context by the application of modern methods when restoration of the actual artefact is not possible by any means.

The initiative of the project team to restore the Moti Jheel, Serpentine Lake, Aviary Pond and Horse-Shoe Lake is a commendable endeavour. The dredging and cleaning of the waterbodies have been done properly. It not only enhances the beautification of the complex but avoids the adverse micro-climatic and biological impacts on the structures to its proximity. It is evident that how the Lady Hardinge Bridge and the West Gate were effected by the poor condition of the Moti Jheel prior to the restoration. Moreover, this approach reinstates that the project team had a clear sense of the holistic ‘heritage ecosystem’ restoration and were not narrowed by isolated ‘structural restoration’.

However, the significant impact of implementation of modern techniques in structural restoration and modernisation of the historical ecosystem to a noticeable degree, may leave us with some pertinent questions for neglecting the standard norms of heritage conservation and an equally relevant metaphysical debate of the validity of (heritage) identity in the public sphere drawing a classical argument from the philosophical dilemma of Ship of Theseus.

4.4.11 Outreach and dissemination

a) Information system

In restored heritage complexes, decluttered forms of presentation of historical information in a systematic manner is absolutely mandatory. The Barrackpore Park restoration project team has curated relevant historical information regarding all the restored structures and natural objects. The information display boards are strategically placed at the entrance points and relevant locations of the restored structures. This is a significant step to impart basic information to the public regarding the history and heritage of the complex.

Having long-term goals of public awareness and dissemination of knowledge, the project team has formed a museum and an audio-visual interaction room named, Wellesley and Buchanan, respectively. The museum floor-planning and the display system have been designed at par

with the international standards. The information is presented with a perfect amalgamation of text - visual ratio and a lucid sequential progression of the historical events and anecdotes which grabs the attention of different section of the audience. Alongside the historical narratives, emphasis is also laid to showcase the endeavours of conservation and thereby promote the idea and necessity of heritage conservation among the attending audience. Presently, a short documentary on the history and heritage of the Barrackpore Park is screened in the audio-visual room. Though it is still not running as a regular programme but the audio-visual interaction aims to increase the interest and inquisitiveness of the general mass visiting the heritage park.

A small permanent exhibition displaying the old weapons seized by the

Police before 1947 has also been set up in the Westside Gallery complex. This Arms Gallery is an on-going project and would be completed soon with proper documentation and labelling.

Signage is also a part of information system that must be developed and installed in a systematic manner for the convenience of the visitors. But, a good signage system has not been installed in the Barrackpore Park complex, yet, and it is imperative even though only regulated guided tours are conducted.

b) Merchandising:

Restoration of a heritage structure/ complex is incomplete and unsuccessful unless the local residents and general public are engaged to it across

several verticals. One of the most successful and tangible ways of measuring the impact factor is to set up a proper memorabilia shop and analyse sales behaviour of it. The positive graph of the sales behaviour of a souvenir counter of a heritage complex is almost directly equivalent to the connectedness of the public with the heritage structure/ complex. The Barrackpore Park Restoration team has taken the initial step to set up an attractive memorabilia counter and have positioned it strategically. An array of varied stationery and functional gift products related to the history and heritage of Barrackpore Park will be available with the completion of the project. Even several publications related to the matter will be available for purchase.

4.4.12 Impact evaluation

a) Impact on public attitude:

Assessing the impact of heritage conservation on the public sentiment and psyche requires a complex methodology. Several parameters and verticals needed to be considered to derive a methodologically proper qualitative and quantitative analysis on the impact factor. In the following case, simple qualitative analysis has been done through structural interviews of different stakeholders.

b) Impact on residents and staff:

The direct and most immediate impact is made on the residents living inside the complex of Barrackpore Park and the personnel working in the compound. It was one of the key points of the short-term goals to cause an immediate positive impact on the behaviour and response of the local residents and the staffs in order to receive more active participation of them in the project. Superficial restoration and painting of the outer walls was strategically done to create such an impression and it has been massively successful for the project stakeholders. Because of such an unorthodox and improvised approach, inquisitiveness towards heritage and a sense of pride has been successfully instilled among all the stakeholders. The inclusivity of different stakeholders achieved through this process osmosed beyond the levels of curiosity and awareness. This was well translated by the project team and inspired all the public stakeholders to make the entire complex a ‘Green Campus’. It makes the case strong and evident that the approaches of inclusiveness of the project has made a positive

impact on a focused demography regarding natural and structural heritage conservation.

c) Impact on students: Lot of schools and academic institutions are located at the outer periphery of the Barrackpore Park complex. The restoration of the gates of the Barrackpore Park have been crucial to make the initial impact on the young minds. A sudden diagrammatical change in the condition of the gates, the Moti Jheel and the Lady Hardinge Bridge has caught the attention of the students and also the adults. Consequently, the Barrackpore Park authorities are receiving frequent applications from the schools for day visits. This indicates that the restoration project of Barrackpore Park has been able to provide a platform for the younger generations to be inquisitive and concerned about the local heritage and value the importance of the conservation and preservation of heritage.

• Policies and strategies are to be developed to increase the participation of students in the dynamic heritage interpretation program. Special policies and adjustments have to be instrumented to provide a participatory and inclusive environment for the students and surge their footfalls. The stakeholders are planning to maintain a large record of mailing lists of the schools, where they will be regularly updated about the programmes and regular invitations will be sent. A concept of "Friends of Barrackpore Park” may be initiated to form a heritage club/ community exclusively for the students. This will allow them to imbibe the consciousness of heritage conservation and protection in a more organic manner.

• Restricted and regulated guided tours will be planned for the visitors of the Barrackpore Park. Schemes may be designed to engage specially trained guides to conduct such walks. This may be a public and open scheme which will help creating employment generation for the local potentials.

4.4.13 Future goals and policy development:

The long-term goals of the project have already been discussed above. However, at this concluding section the idea of 'heritage interpretation in a dynamic mode’ can be re-emphasised. The main stakeholders of the project are developing policies and framing strategies to materialise the idea of 'dynamic interpretation' and based on that the following structural nodes are presently at dialectical level. These will be reviewed and reexamined over time in tandem with the AGILE mode of restoration to pragmatically judge the feasibility and justification.

• The foremost idea is to develop the Government House and the annex structures as a 'LEGACY CENTRE’ for the residents of Barrackpore. It will be made functional as the town-hall of Barrackpore, where the local residents may congregate for social events.

• The heritage structure being located in close proximity to the Flagstaff House and Police Training Academy may have pertinent restrictions and limitations on the visitor traffic. However, even after unavoidable logistical limitations, policies shall be designed to make the place more publicinclusive by organising frequent social events like, temporary exhibitions on the heritage of Barrackpore Park, temporary exhibitions on the local history of Barrackpore, participatory exhibitions by the local residents, etc. The venue may even be opened for more casual social events like, booklaunch session, reading sessions, photography exhibitions, etc.

• A small section may be dedicated for archiving and displaying the history and heritage of police. It will encourage an inclusive sentiment through the perspective of legacy and pride sharing. This approach will strengthen the cooperative and cohesiveness of the department as a whole, which is fundamental for the successful preservation and maintenance of the complex.

• In future policies will be designed to make the entire complex conveniently accessible to the senior citizens and disabled people to give a proper justification to the spirit of inclusiveness and understand different dimensions of interpretative heritage.

Conclusion:

The stakeholders of the project with special mention of the Police training Department, has demonstrated how public organisations can establish an effective framework to restore and preserve a semi-urban and lesser known heritage, countering the pertinent challenges and bottlenecks of restoration policies. The highlights of the project framework are:

• Successful administrative collaboration between multiple public organisations and departments

• Initiate and execute a massive project with minimal available funds and resources

• Elicit support of architects, conservationists, professionals and local residents

• To create an optimal and effective team from the Police Training Department to supervise and manage the project

• Identify implement-able projects to make AGILE project management successful

• To recognise and cooperate with international organisations and institutions

• To give equal importance on the restoration of natural and structural heritage restoration of the complex

• Implement quite successfully the idea of ‘heritage ecosystem’ through a holistic approach of restoration of the contextual space’

Though there are some valid questions regarding the prominent deviation from the standard norms and ethics of restoration techniques and conservation policies; but the successful osmosis and gradual

• To create systematic documentation of the history of the complex and disseminate it lucidly among general mass through interesting and easy display systems

sensitisation of heritage awareness among the general mass will strongly advocate the case of ‘proxy-disaster preventive’ methodology to arrest the inevitable collapse of many such structural heritage in similar sociopolitico-economic contexts. The restoration project of Barrackpore Park definitely poses valid arguments to re-think, debate and if possible, reframe the charters of restoration and conservation to make such processes sustainable and feasible under specific contexts.

4.5 Half-done Heritage Revitalization of Hooghly river-front towns: A ray of Hope in Konnagar

4.5.1 Introduction

While throwing light on the political and social condition of English in India, W.S. Seton-Karr, C.S., President of the Record Commission, in Selections from Calcutta Gazetters of the year 1784,1785,1786,1787 and 1788, records a poem, entitled ‘Bandel’ (1784) which describes Bandel as a coveted land:

Come listen to me whilst I tell,

The charms I found at fair Bandel.

In pleasing lines the objects fell,

In prospect view’d from high Bandel.

There’s Houghly mounted on a swell,

To improve the scenery round Bandel.

Here the bank rises, there’s a dell

A change peculiar to Bandel.

Water you’ll find in many a well

That’s clear and sweet about Bandel.

No dirty road, or stinking smell, Will e’er offend you at Bandel.

All bilious gloom you’d soon dispel

By a short sejour at Bandel.

And nowhere meet with the pareil,

Of healthy air that’s at Bandel.

’Tis fine to hear the Padre’s Bell

Summon to Vespers at Bandel.

Would you be known to many a Belle

Whose beauty charms you at Bandel,

Ask, who loves to dwell,

And scribble verses at Bandel.

Lives like a Hermit in his cell,

Scarce ever seen but at Bandel.

I thought t’have found there Madame Pelle,

But she, alas has left Bandel.

Each other place is hot as h—ll,

When breezes fan you at Bandel.

I’m sure no argument can quell,

My furious penchant for Bandel.

Had I Ten houses- all I’d sell

And live entirely at Bandel.

Come let’s away there. (22)

One invariably understands that this ‘penchant’ for Bandel in the late eighteenth century is largely for the immaculate advancement of the region, owing to its proximity to Saptagram port, as well as for the fascination to reside amidst pristine natural landscape. Incidentally, from sixteenth century onwards, the gradual settlements of various European powers along the western bank of river Hugli led to the advancement of trade and commerce, which in turn, necessitated the intersection of diverse life styles and construction of public and domestic buildings of diverse architectural pattern. Even seventy-two years after India’s Independence, one can still notice several remnants of the time gone by in the beautiful structures that silently speak of Hooghly’s chequered past. Interestingly enough, in the last eight to nine years, the importance of revitalization of colonial structures as a means of preservation of their heritage values as well as

their activation in the context of sustainable development has gained ground in Hooghly. With the Dutch, French and Danes coming forward to conserve chunks of heritage structures in Chinsurah, Chandernagore and Serampore respectively, the western bank of river Hugli seems all set for Heritage revitalization. Added to these European interventions in conserving remnants of European insignia in Hooghly, Konnagar Municipality’s sole endeavour to restore the heritage house of Abanindranath Tagore at Konnagar is a classic example of attempt at Heritage restoration without foreign initiative in the same district. But while ‘Serampore Initiative (2008-2020)’ has been successful in restoring 7 heritage structures with a collaborative endeavour of West Bengal Heritage Commission, INTACH Kolkata and National Museum of Denmark, Chinsurah and Chandernagore still wait to taste fruits of restoration.

However, Peter has carefully touched upon one of the basic requirements of a tourist hub in Hooghly – building smooth roadways from Kolkata to these towns. He opines that unless the condition of road improves, day trips from Kolkata to Hooghly would not become popular: “The roads out of Kolkata are in terrible condition and it can take hours to get there and back. Affordable boat tours would be a solution but the river traffic is a challenge as well. There are no jetties, so any boat travelling up-river needs to anchor and transfer passengers to shore on a smaller boat. The West Bengal government has sanctioned the funds for road connectivity but the money has not been properly allocated yet” (https://asia.nikkei.com/LifeArts/Life/India-s-decaying-Little-Europe-gets-a-facelift2).

4.5.2 Tourism in Hooghly: problems and prospects

Strewn with multiple heritage structures, the twin town of Chinsurah and Chandernagore have immense possibility of tourism which could be the vantage point for heritage revitalization. Vishal Tupper, owner of travel company ‘CrossIndia’, has been running weekly tours into ‘Little Europe’ (as the region is popularly known) since 2015. He feels that heritage structures in this stretch should be preserved and promoted as a tourist destination: "The trade on the Hooghly by all these nationalities was a significant historic event in India. This is where it all started for South and Southeast Asia, ... there is so much of culture and heritage left behind” (https://asia.nikkei. com/Life-Arts/Life/India-s-decaying-Little-Europe-gets-a-facelift2). Peter DeVries, a Dutch historian who has studied Little Europe for more than a decade and guides tours there for ‘CrossIndia’ pertinently points out that "Mamata Banerjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal wants to develop the region's heritage and there have been significant achievements". Incidentally, in November 2013, the state tourism department published a new master plan, detailing how the state government plans to design a circuit along the Hooghly. This master plan, prepared by Jones Lang Lasale, a British real estate consultant, focussed on the development of each of the cities in the circuit – Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandernagore and Serampore - especially with a motive of converting heritage buildings into luxurious hotels. It was proposed that State Convener of INTACH, Mr G.M. Kapur, would be associated with the project in an advisory capacity.

Notwithstanding the condition of roads, in recent times, tourists are coming to explore Hooghly region, mostly through roadways. A non-governmental organisation called ‘Chandennagore Sanskriti’ brought few foreign tourists by car in the beginning of December, 2018 to explore Chandernagore (Tour de Chandernagore); on 25th December, 2018, Kolkata based NGO, ‘Know Your Neighbour’, in collaboration with ‘The Hugli River of Cultures’, brought 25 tourists from Kolkata for the same purpose ; ‘Chandernagore Sanskriti’ organized a three day event (30th, 31st May and 1st June 2019) where apart from heritage walks, sessions with conservation architect , Mr Debasish Nayek, were arranged so that local people could get an idea how heritages in Ahmedabad (Heritage city) have been restored; another organization called ‘Hooghly Heritage’ collaborated with Tourism dept. of Govt. Of West Bengal and organized day trips to renowned Houses in Hooghly where Durga Pujas are held; Dr. Tathagata Neogi of ‘Heritage Walk Kolkata’, hosted a tour on Nov 16, 2019 called ‘The Other Colonies Day Tour’. They brought tourists from Kolkata by AC bus and visited Bandel, Chinsurah and Chandernagore. All these trips and walk point to the prospect for tourism in Hooghly.

4.5.3 Bandel and Hooghly: private-public endeavour

Without waiting for the government to sanction funds, notable heritage site in Bandel, Bandel Church, has been restored, thanks to private donations, assistance from foreign organizations like the Salesians of Don Bosco and from the sale of souvenirs in the church’s souvenir shop. Another heritage structure is the Hooghly Imambara, built in 1861 by a prominent philanthropist, Haji Mohmmad Mohsin (1732-1812), from the local Shia

Muslim community. This sprawling Islamic congregation hall and mosque is now looked after by the Archaeological Survey of India. The Dutch buildings at Chinsurah, for the most part, have been re-appropriated for local needs. For example, remnants of Fort Gustavus serves as an Islamic boy's school, the Hooghly Madrassa, erstwhile Governor's House is used as the District Magistrate's office etc.

4.5.4 Dutch in Chinsurah Project

In 2013, the Dutch Embassy came forward to collaborate with the state government over the restoration of heritage structures at Chinsurah. An architect was employed by the Embassy of Netherlands to conduct a detailed survey of the heritage structures belonging to the Dutch during the colonial era. Thus since 2014, the "Dutch in Chinsurah" project, initiated by the Dutch government, Presidency University Kolkata and Aishwarya Tipnis Architects, has been mapping the remaining historical buildings in Chinsurah to find ways to enhance the heritage value of Chinsurah in order to prepare a viable tourism package for the state. Namit Shah, the then honorary Dutch consul, explained that apart from funding a state government project, they are looking forward to recreating a civilization that once thrived at Chinsurah, to stop the ravages of time and to develop the zone as a popular tourist destination. Ambassador of Netherlands in India, Alphonsus Stoelinga who had come to Kolkata in 2014 to explore business opportunities with state agricultural and food processing departments and who also attended a meeting in Indian Chamber of Commerce, informed that along with Aishwariya Tipnis, two architects were expected to fly here from Delft University to help to find out ways to enhance the heritage value of Chinsurah and prepare a viable tourism package for the State. At the end of this, a multi-disciplinary project was launched (http://dutchcemeterybengal. com/), focussing on creating a digital archive for shared cultural heritage of the erstwhile Dutch Chinsurah. In October 17, 2016, Arnab Dutta writes in his article “Little Europe in Bengal: Contemporary trends in conservation”:

These initiatives involved the physical mapping of remaining tombstones in the historic Dutch cemetery, and digitally showcasing the mapping on a digital platform wherein the visitor can actually click on the location of a single tombstone and be redirected to a lot of stories for that era of Dutch rule. A lot of students from the Presidency University, under the leadership of Souvik Mukherjee, a professor of English literature and one

of the key figures interested in digital humanities in India, worked day in and day out deciphering the almost washed out Dutch inscriptions on the tombstones. They simultaneously spent time in the archives, going back to the historical narratives around those people whose tombstones they were trying to read. All these findings came together to form a single online platform. By clicking on a location in today’s Chinsurah, one could navigate from one temporal frame to another, from an inscription on a dilapidated tombstone of an erstwhile Dutch governor to a digitally organised visual representation of the lifestyle he could have led in eighteenth century Dutch Chinsurah. One mouse click after another can now lead us to endless possibilities for knitting together a number of otherwise disconnected tales from the Dutch past”. (https:// euroculturer.eu /2016/10/17/little-europe-in-bengal-contemporarytrends-in-conservation/)

This endeavour occurred hand in hand with other Dutch initiatives, such as the publication of a book, De VOC in India: Nederlands erfgoed in Gujarat, Malabar, Coromandel en Bengalen (2012) written by Baule van der Pol, a Dutch anthropologist, about the history of the Dutch East India Company in this region, and a collaboration with the tourism board of the Government of West Bengal to facilitate attracting foreign tourists to these small towns of ‘Little Europe’. Thus in Chinsurah, one notes, restoration was largely based on digital humanities and not on physical restoration. Though achieving Dutch past of Chinsurah has been a scholarly contribution, it hardly mattered to the common people who are mostly unaware of such methodologies of preservation.

4.5.5 ‘Heritage and the people of Chandernagore’

One notes a shift from digital humanities towards attempts at physical restoration in Chandernagore. Since 2010 conservation architect Aishwariya Tipnis has been working with the French Consulate for generating awareness about French heritage in Chandernagore. Actively involved in listing Indo- French architectures in Chandernagore, Tipnis, along with Neline Mondal, a local heritage activist, Tipnis has listed 99 buildings in town. ATA organised workshops with children to encourage them draw comic strips about the French past, and hosted a French cookery show. Shiv Sahay Singh reports in The Hindu, dated February 22, 2016:

All the work done on restoring the heritage of the town has been digitised and memories documented online. A website, heritagechandernagore. com was inaugurated early this month to mark the 65th anniversary of the Treaty of Cession on February 2, 1951. The treaty officially gave control of Chandernagore to the Indian government from the French. (https://www. thehindu.com/news/cities/kolkata/restoring-the-forgotten-heritage-ofchandernagore/article8264745.ece)

In January 2018 she conducted a five-day co-creation workshop, “Know Your French Heritage”, under the realm of Bonjour India where students from Confluence Institute for Innovation and Creative Strategies, Lyon, France participated with students of Chandernagore College, Jadavpur University and IIM, Kanpur. Though she rues about the gradual demolition of buildings in Chandernagore, she has been instrumental in drawing attention of the government, with the help of students and local volunteers, on the relevance of the town. In recognition of her commitment to the preservation of French heritage in India, she has been conferred the title Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres by the Ambasador of France to India in Jan 2018. However, her endeavours have always remained confined to only a section of the local community and the website badly requires authentic information on the history and culture of the place. Nonetheless, in 2017, Government of West Bengal realized the heritage value of this town, resulting in the declaration of 11 Buildings as Heritage structures by West Bengal Heritage Commission. These include Chandernagore College, Sacred Heart Church, Registry Office Building, House of Harihar Sett, Rakshit Bhawan, Liberty gate, English and French Sections Kanailal Vidyamandir, Clock Tower, Chapel of St. Joseph’s Convent, French Cemetery. In 2019, West Bengal Heritage Commission declared 3 more buildings in Chandernagore as Heritage - Prabartak Sangha, Krishna Bhabini Nari Sikkha Mandir and House of Nandalal Bhar.

4.5.6 House of the Moon / ‘Chander Bari’

On 6th February 2019, a Plaque unveiling ceremony of buildings declared as Heritage by West Bengal Heritage Commission was held at Institute de Chandernagor where along with the Chairman, West Bengal Heritage Commission, Sri Suvaprassanna, and Consul General of France in Kolkata, Mrs. Virginie Corteval, Ambassador of France to India, Mr. Alexandre Ziegler unveiled Plaques of three select Heritage buildings

- Chandernagore College, Sacred Heart Church and Registry Office Building. Incidentally, Ambassador of France to India was on an official visit as a Partner Country at Bengal Global Business Summit to intensify French cooperation in the state on heritage conservation and economic affairs. Later in the evening, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed between Government of West Bengal and the Embassy of France to India for Heritage Precinct Revitalisation in Chandernagore. The MoU was signed by Mr. Atri Bhattacharya, Principal Secretary, Tourism, Home and Hill Affairs, Government of West Bengal and Mr. Alexandre Ziegler in the presence of Mrs. Virginie Corteval. According to Mr. Bhattacharya, this joint initiative is set to start with restoration and reuse of ‘Chander Badi (House of the Moon)’ or the ‘Registry Office Building’ on the Strand and then would move to other heritage buildings. The plan submitted to the Bengal Government proposes to turn the structure into a multi-functional space with hospitality and community uses. Sudeshna Banerjee, in The Telegraph, dated 8th June 2019, reports that “while the heritage part will be used for a library and a cafe, a block will be built at the back with rooms for tourists” (https://www.telegraphindia.com/states/west-bengal/ french-restoration-mission-makes-a-start-in-chandernagore/cid/1691992). For this renovation and reuse of the building, French experts’ team would “provide the Government with technical advice on heritage management, urban planning, tourism development, design, branding, marketing, architecture, etc” (http://in.ambafrance.org/Ambassador-Ziegler-paysfourth-visit-to-Bengal). But as Shiv Sahay Singh’s report in The Hindu (Feb 7, 2019) – “Unsure about funds, officials are hoping for French assistance to restore 14 heritage structures to their former glory” – crucially points out that there has been no commitment about funds from the French government. The report in the esteemed Daily quotes Chairman of West Bengal Heritage Commission in this context: “It is our goal to restore and conserve the glorious past of this historic town. You can all understand that an undertaking of this nature cannot be served by the limited funds of the West Bengal Heritage Commission alone. We need all the support and help from the French government, if they come forward (Suvaprasanna, The Hindu, 7th Feb, 2019)”. It must be mentioned that in 2018, an initiative was taken to restore the same building through crowd funding, following the co-creation workshop, “Know Your French Heritage” but that did not work out. However, on 5th June, 2019, French technical expert team, led by secretary-general of the French ministry of culture, Herve Barbaret, visited Chandernagore on a fact-finding mission. Addressing the present structural

situation of the Registry Office Building, Raphael Gastebois, who has been working for three years as an adviser to the government of Puducherry, and Aishwariya Tipnis are expected to prepare a report and submit it to the State Government. Commenting on the study of the experts on the promenade, Mr. Atri Bhattacharya categorically mentions that “the government can spell out the cost of the project only after the experts submit their report to us (Financial Express July 21, 2019)”. It is only after the submission of the report that the expenditure would be sanctioned. Despite measures taken, the fate of the Registry Office Building is still doubtful. The only ray of hope in this uncertain ambience is Priti Paul, owner of Oxford Bookstore Kolkata and owner of Apeejay Surendra Group, who in an interview with Shrestha Saha, expresses her excitement about her next project at Chandernagore. She plans to build a library with Bengali and French books in the Registry building: “I think it is a great way to bring together architecture, which is my field, and urban regenerations and literature. All little dreams come together in that one building” (http://www.apeejaygroup.com/in_the_news/ T2-18022019.pdf).

B_8PBVwY7NCBlMi5k4uwRS-OCEum4Qn1joCsYj2UhWi1tbfF16I62dL8#. XbDyzLsH3wc.facebook). Dr. Debasish Sarkar, Principal, Chandernagore College, and Debabrata Sarkar, Executive Engineer, PWD, Hooghly (Social Sector) however, have negated the claim of lack of expertise intervention and have assured to restore the Heritage building to its former glory within six months. Thus both the Registry Office Building and Chandernagore College’s Heritage Buildings in the Heritage Precinct wait for facelifts as we begin another year with hope for heritage revitalization in Chandernagore.

4.5.8 Laldighi project

4.5.7 ‘Chandernagore Heritage’

While the people of Chandernagore eagerly wait for such a landmark in their town, one must not forget the dismal history of restoration of two Heritage structures of the town - Liberty Gate and Chandi Ghat. Secretary, ‘Chandernagore Heritage’, Sri Kalyan Chakraborty has expressed his disgust with the restoration work (October 2019) of Heritage Building at Chandernagore College. He feels that the contractors of Public Works Department, government department in India which is responsible for construction and maintenance of public infrastructure like public government building, roads, bridges, public transport, drinking water systems and much more, are completely unaware of the scientific knowledge of proper restoration, for in the past, two heritage sites have been completely demolished and have been remodelled anew. Ranjan Chatterjee, exDirector General of Kolkata Municipal Development Corporation, a resident of the town, strongly feels that before demolishing almost 70% of the heritage building, college authorities should have consulted conservation architects or experts in this field to supervise the restoration work (https:// www.anandabazar.com/district/howrah-hoogly/question-raised-about-therenovation-process-of-chandannagar-college-1.1062226?fbclid=IwAR1

Away from the heritage precinct, near G.T. Road in Chandernagore, lies Gala Kuthi, a building which now houses Ruplal Nundy Memorial Cancer Research Centre. Originally a gala or shellac warehouse owned by a Portuguese trader, the site was bought by Ruplal Nundy, one of the prominent Industrialists of Chandernagore, whose son, Shiv Sankar Nundy, donated it to the Indian government in 1965 for building up a Cancer Research Centre. In 2017, it was restored by National Projects Construction Corporation Limited, a government of India enterprise. Though the building got a fresh coat of yellow and red paint, the original pillar of the gate seems to have gone missing. A field extension centre of Chittaranjan Cancer Hospital, Kolkata (https://www.cnci.org.in/rnmrc.php), this 12 bedded hospital is yet to function properly despite having salaried staff and devices for functioning. Efforts are being taken by local enthusiasts, especially by Mr Biswajit Mukherjee, to reopen the hospital. Conscious citizens are knocking relevant doors – Chandernagore Municipality, District Magistrate Hooghly and Central Government – with hope of finding solution to the deadlock situation.

In close proximity to Ruplal Nundy Memorial Cancer Research Centre, lies Laldighi, a water tank constructed by the French rulers. Environmental Planner and Architect, Mr. Parasar Basu, submitted a Detailed Project Report to West Bengal Heritage Commission for beautification of the Laldighi, around 2013. His idea was to construct a beautiful floating promenade on the Laldighi. With the help of iron constructions from eastern and western side of the Laldighi, Mr. Basu proposed to construct a central civic space with scope for underwater vegetation. On the basis of this report, State Heritage Commission sanctioned more than 1 crore rupees and gave the disbursing authority of the allocated fund to Chandernagore Corporation.

However, the project got unnecessarily delayed due to several reasons. The main problem was no suitable contender for Tender of the said project was found to carry out the task. In the meanwhile, turmoil within the corporation, resignation of the erstwhile Chairman in 2018 further delayed the project. With the re-stalling of the Corporation with Commissioner as the chief, the project has once again gained ground. In 2019, State Heritage Commission has rethought the plan and has decided to drop the floating promenade concept. In its place, focus will be on renovating the wavy walls of the Laldighi (towards Krishna Bhabini Nari Sikkha Mandir) and constructing embankments, pathways and railings, along with installing beautiful lights to beautify the place. Along with a team of expert engineer from CMDA, Dr Basudev Malik, Officer on Special Duty, West Bengal Heritage Commission, visited Chandernagore on October 2019 to inspect the ongoing work and gave valuable advice on the restoration process. Once the project is complete, Laldighi will gain a grandeur which it lost in due course of time. However, since its three sides – south, west and east- are now occupied by a chunk of working class people and shanties, local administration would have to take measures to vacate the land and rehabilitate the populace for a proper implementation of the Project.

4.5.9 ‘Heritage, Politics and Space’

In the various approaches to conservation - be it the successful physical restoration conducted by the ‘Serampore Initiative’ or the digital restoration of Chinsurah or the half done attempts at Chandernagore - history seems to repeat itself in the region where different national communities from Europe are again chiselling in its physical territory, not as the colonial intruder but as heritage conservationists. Moreover, insistence on Dutch or French heritages in the twin towns of Chinsurah and Chandernagore, one fears, could be interpreted as exclusivist approach towards conservation, for conservation of one form or era of heritage inevitably mean the brushing away of another layer of colonial deposit. On December 10, 2014 Chandernagore College collaborated with Centre for Social Science for an ICHR- sponsored Conference, “Heritage Politics and Space”, where multiple stakeholders and academics were engaged to discuss the renewed European interests in the Hooghly region. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak from Columbia University critiqued the ways in which ‘heritage’ is being invoked as a furry comfort against an otherwise atrocious narrative

of the colonial presence in these settlements. She categorically pointed out that if ‘heritage’ means only certain artefacts and architectural remains from the European past in the region, what about the restoration of indigenous heritages of the region? Spivak’s critique could be taken as a clarion call to the local inhabitants of the region to engage with their own Bengali past.

4.5.10 On our own: role of Konnagar Municipality

Perhaps Spivak’s concern is addressed by the efforts taken by Konnagar, a neighbouring town along the banks of Hooghly, Municipality to restore the garden house of Abanindranath Tagore (1871-1951), nephew of Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore, at 2, Mirpara Lane, Konnagar. Spread around an area of more or less12 bighas, this house came into attention when it’s erstwhile owner, Satish Lakhotiya, proposed to develop apartments and shopping mall in the precinct. Satish Lakhotiya opines that they “purchased this house 15 years ago from Pradip Kumar Roy. The Tagore family wasn’t the owner of this house. But Abanindranath Tagore used to visit this property” (https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ kolkata/highrise-hammer-spares-aban-thakur-villa/articleshow/64489588. cms). This claim, however, is not true. In his book Jorasankor Dhare [Around Jorasanko], 1944, Abanindranath has mentioned about his dreamy childhood days spent in this sprawling house which was also as a favourite haunt of his uncle, Rabindranath Tagore. After the sudden death of Abanindranath’s father, Gunendranath Tagore, the family shifted to Kolkata from Konnagar. In course of time the entire property, house and the surrounding garden area, was handed over to the Roy family of Kolkata. Later on, they sold the property to the Lakhotias for Rs. 1 crore and 10 lakhs. On 28th May 2007, West Bengal Heritage Commission declared the house as Heritage but lack of proper maintenance had completely ruined the place. Some of the wooden furniture have been infested with termite while the terrace suffered from water leakage. Without bothering about proper restoration of the house, the Lakhotias planned to convert the house and the garden area into apartments and shopping arcade. So in 2007, Satish Lakhotia applied for Mutation of the property to Konnagar Municipality. Mr Bappaditya Chatterjee, erstwhile Counsellor, Ward no 8 of Konnagar Municipality, pointed out a gross mistake in their deed – they did not mention that the house is a heritage property – and, therefore, requested erstwhile Chairman of Konnagar Municipality, Mr. Samir Kumar

Bandopadhay, to reject the appeal for mutation. For more than three years, 2007-2010, the Lakhotias did not get permission from Konnagar Municipality. In 2010, when Bappaditya Chatterjee became the Chairman of Konnagar Municipality, he proposed to buy the entire property from the Lakhotias, for he was aware of the heritage value of the property and so wanted to save the house from complete demolition: “We had a meeting in the presence of the local MLA and other dignitaries. We requested the current owner to respect people’s sentiments. We have to save this house that has seen such historic relevance. We have assured cooperation from our side if he develops another plot adjoining 2 Mirapara Lane” (https:// timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/ highrise-hammer-spares-abanthakurvilla/articleshow/64489588.cms). When the Lakhotias refused, Chairman of the West Bengal Heritage Commission, Sri Suvaprasanna, attempted to solve the conflict by proposing to build a museum in the house of Abanindranath Tagore and by suggesting to the Lakhotias to develop residential apartments and shopping arcade in the garden area. Though the Lakhotiyas readily agreed but the Municipal authorities refused to agree with the proposal. They feared that a glorious chapter of Bengal’s past may be overlooked by the Lakhotias’s plan and, therefore, the Municipality resisted the Lakhotias. They formed a special heritage committee within the Municipality, formed a collective of conscious people to save the heritage of the town, organised protest march in Kolkata, distributed leaflets and wherever possible, they discussed about the unmistakable heritage value of the property, stressing on the need to conserve it.

Undaunted by Konnagar Municipality’s awareness attempts, Lakhotias filed a case in High Court, Kolkata, against Konnagar Municipality in 2011. Honourable High Court advised the Lakhotia to settle the issue with Konnagar Municipality. But they once again brought a building plan which was subsequently rejected by the Municipality. Finally, on 6th June 2018, the issue was resolved in a meeting at Konnagar Municipality. In the presence of Chaiman, Mr. Chatterjee and MLA, Mr. Probir Ghosal, Lakhotia was told to develop in an adjoining land as per govt. rules and subjected to govt. approval. But he refused to give up. After almost 8 months, in Feb 2019, Satish Lakhotia called up the Chairman for a meeting to which the Chairman agreed on condition that heritage property and the surrounding garden area would remain as it is. Finally, on 5th March 2019, Konnagar Municipality succeeded in procuring the property from the Lakhotias.

Since March 2019, Chairman of Konnagar Municipality, Bappaditya

Chatterjee, along with his team of Civil Engineer, Mr. Manoj Saha, Finance Officer, Mr. Barun Samanta and Executive Office, Mr Banerjee, is trying to restore the heritage house to its former glory. Without demolishing the house, the terrace has been repaired, wooden furniture have been made free of termites; the original flooring of the house, a combination of diamond shaped white marble and granites, have been retained; the wooden beams in the ceiling are kept intact; the ramshackle condition of the window panes has been restored by using teak wood; steps to the house have been repaired; an old jackfruit tree (under whose shade Abanindranath Tagore wrote his first creative piece) has been properly restored without uprooting it; half bust statue of Abanindranath Tagore is an addition to the garden area; though the old iron ghat has been eroded away in the water, a new ghat in front of the house has been being constructed using porcupine system; this would serve as an embankment as well as would function as a proper jetty to tourists coming through water way; new trees have been planted along with the old trees; a small pool which was once used as a swimming pool by Cowper Sahib is now been used as Sreepadma Plantation; the pool is also used for pond frog cultivation; a great many varieties of rare trees in the garden are properly maintained to attract butterflies and fireflies; garden is lit up with low lights, close to the ground level, for strong lights cause pain to the eyes of the birds; here and there wooden seats are being built for visitors to enjoy the tranquillity of the pristine nature; white railings leading up the house add beauty to the restored property; a small dais for open air performance has been constructed; there is also a proposal for designing the platform of the ghat as a multifunctional space for children; toilet facilities, beside the enquirycum-office building, have already been constructed.

In an informal conversation with the author, Chairman revealed his future plans: “The house and its garden would be available for tourists from ten in the morning till five in the evening. The entire zone would be plastic free, for food would not be allowed inside the property. We would welcome heritage enthusiasts, study groups and common public but we would not allow any picnic parties to spend time in the garden” (4th November, 2019).

On further enquiry, he added that his dream is to establish an Art College, commemorating the great artist, Abanindranath. Moreover, he expressed his desire to patronage local artists and to encourage Abanindranath’s typical way of sculpting figures from wood known as ‘katum-kutum’. He also has a plan to open a library or a reading room in the house which

would function like an archive for Abanindranath Studies. He intends to collect copies of doctoral dissertations on Abanindranath, so that future research could be carried out from here. The library or reading room would also offer free reading of magazines, journals and newspaper to visitors. A separate complex, outside the property, would be constructed to provide lodging facilities for the tourists.

With a tremendous passion for restoration, Mr Chatterjee is relentlessly working to complete the task at hand. There has hardly been any proper publicity of the restoration work at Konnagar. It is quite amusing that without the availability of foreign funds and guidance of any conservation architect (like in ‘Serampore Initiative’), Mr Chatterjee is solely banking upon Municipality funds and in his team in carrying out this mammoth task. Day in and day out he is personally supervising the entire work and is just a call away in case there is any trouble. When enquired about the knowledge of authentic restoration of wooden windows and wooden beams in the house, Mr Chatterjee told the author that he has been voraciously reading books from the era, collecting old photographs for years, listening to the stories of the place from senior citizens of the towns and consulting acclaimed personalities from diverse fields. Only time will bear testimony to the quality of restoration work at Konnagar. However, one cannot help but appreciate Mr Chairman’s vision which is not only restricted to restoring the house but in understanding the importance of ecology in restoration. In his thrust for recreating the hydrosocial space, empathy for biodiversity and consciousness for reuse of heritage, Mr Chatterjee is a pioneer in Hooghly of what Gayatri Spivak wanted Bengalis to do – to engage with their indigenous past.

4.5.11 Conclusion

Heritage is not just preserving a site, but also cultural practices, traditional knowledge, social values and economic principles. Safeguarding cultural heritage is one of 17 sustainable development goals adopted by U.N. member nations to tackle issues like hunger, gender equality and climate change by 2030 (https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdgs). It is also a part of the so called New Urban Agenda, a 20 year road map for sustainable cities adopted in 2016 (http://habitat3.org/wp-content/uploads/NUAEnglish.pdf). In their bid to conserve, both digitally and physically, utilizing either foreign funds or local power, conservationist, both from home and

from abroad, have failed to preserve the unique cultural heritages of these waterfront towns. Gone is the art of making Hooghly biscuit; only few houses are clinging to art of manufacturing the loom of Farashdanga; the smoky Bandel cheese is no longer found in Bandel; French loaves are seldom bought except for heritage enthusiasts; nobody knows how to make the local rum ‘bosa’; ‘monohara’ sweet of Serampore has not been properly branded; poor Muslim silk-weavers of Seal bagan, behind Walsh Hospital, Serampore, are facing extreme situations due to lack of financial help either from bank or from government (http://www.epaper.eisamay.com/Details. aspx?id=52978andboxid=37500); in the meta glitz of ‘Jalbhara’ sandesh, Jagadhatri Puja and Rath of Mahesh, we risk losing the preservation of mini traditional knowledge that is crucial for sustainability of cultural heritage in these river front towns. Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, is meditating upon funding a ‘Silk Hub’ in Serampore. If this materialises, then the poor silk weavers would be benefitted. One step ahead in materialising another plan of conserving cultural heritage is West Bengal government’s initiative (2018) in sanctioning fund (Rs.11.5 crore) for ‘Light Hub’ in Chandernagore. However, Hooghly needs more such endeavours in recent future to preserve the intangible cultural heritages in Hooghly. Upskilling local talents, documenting oral narratives, utilizing and disseminating local resources can contribute both to the safeguarding of cultural heritages as well as in generating employment in Hooghly. For the last six to seven years, Konnagar Municipality has been promoting a local delicacy called ‘Tilkut’ during the Book Fair. Incidentally, the fame of ‘Tilkut’ dates back to 1885 when great mystic Sri Ramkrishna Paramhangsha tasted it on his visit to Konnagar. Sujit Kar, an employee of Tax Department in the Municipality, opines that due to this endeavour people have not only come to know about this delicacy but the local sweet shop, New Mallick Sweets, does brisk business during the Fair, selling up to six hundred pieces per day. Thus, identification of sick areas and formulating plans to address them could be one of the impactful ways for preservation of cultural heritages. Rapid disappearance of foreign language skills in Hooghly, for people cannot speak Danish or Portuguese and few can speak French, is an example of how one of the cultural heritages in Hooghly, multi-lingual ambience, is fast waning away. In the long run, it is the empowering of the native communities to face the challenges of globalization while taking advantage of new opportunities for strategic partnership for economic development that would ultimately contribute to heritage sustainability in Hooghly. And for this, future conservationist must look ahead towards a more holistic way

CASE STUDIES

5.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter outlines the approaches to a sustainable heritage management strategy. Section 5.2 discusses the evolution of international, as well as, national and regional heritage policies in India, providing a contextual understanding for the Hugli River Corridor heritage management strategy development. A case is thereafter made for the creation of an integrated river corridor heritage and tourism management approach. Argument is put forward for a river-based (as opposed to land-based) network. This approach will shift focus towards the river, the raison d’être for the existence of this constellation of heritage sites. By drawing on examples of heritage clusters across West Bengal, the section develops a networked regional heritage approach. Such an approach is crucial in ensuring a state-wide optimised network of heritage sites and visitor experiences. Section 5.3 deals with a detailed principles and approaches to heritage management at the level of towns and heritage precincts. Key principles are established, and detailed approaches developed, covering all potential site development options. This section constitutes a live document which needs refining as the strategy is progressed towards a master plan. It is crucial that a community-based approach is integrated with the more conventional, top-down institutional and governmental measures. A key component of the strategy is to address the future of the several hundred fine domestic heritage sites within the Hugli River Corridor. The combination of approaches should include: providing financial assistance in the form of tax rebate, restoration grants and other forms of financial support (either as grants or soft-interest loans) for owner stakeholders to open their sites and buildings for tourism and to encourage restoration and upkeep. A cooperative based approach should be adopted and possibly enforced on high-value heritage sites to ensure that the sites are maintained and not lost to speculative development. A creative approach to programming heritage sites needs to be considered, involving cross-programming, to ensure that the sites are financially viable. Attention has been given to the nature

of desired physical development should a rebuilding or redevelopment opportunity arise. This is particularly relevant in the case of speculative development undertaken on available sites.

5.2 HERITAGE POLICIES: INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTS

5.2.1 Evolution of international heritage guidelines

Heritage is generally defined ‘as valued thing’. In contemporary literature heritage studies looks at the relationship between the people and tangible and intangible heritage through the use of social science research methods. The year 1660 was a watershed period because just after the English Civil War the first glimmerings of a new sensitivity about historic architecture detected. John Aubrey’s Chronologia Architectonica of the 1670’s was one of the first works of architectural history in the English language that attempted to establish some sort of progress in the development of English medieval architecture. Anthony Woods Antiquities of Oxford of 1674 (Clark ed 1889: 18) was in much the same vein as the A Survey of the Cathedrals of York, Durham, Carlisle, Chester, Man, Lichfield, Hereford, Worcester, Gloucester and Bristol (1727) by Brownie Wills. For the first time, the perception of heritage went beyond places and cultural events and found a new construct in the Gothic style of architecture. Previous to the year 1870, not many implementations of conservation projects for buildings associated with socio- cultural heritage could be witnessed. This process began with the foundation of the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings (SPAB) in 1877 founded by William Morris, a socialist whose art forms are admired by generation even today. The society intended not just to preserve ancient buildings but to ensure their fabric was restored in keeping with the original, using possible traditional methods and materials. Apart from all voluntary efforts the Ancient Monuments Protection Act was passed in 1882 was the first official state initiative for protection of ancient monuments and structures.

A voluntary organization named National Trust for Places of Historic Interest, founded in 1895 by Octavia Hill, is perhaps the most successful voluntary society to be established in the area of conservation practices. The trust was given the right to hold land inalienably so that no one can

acquire it without the leave of the Parliament. The task of the organization was to promote permanent preservation, for the benefit of the nation, of land and buildings of beauty or historic interest (M.Ross 1996:14). Perhaps the biggest landmark of the time came in 1908 with the foundation of the Royal Commission on the Historical Monuments of England (RCHM) which was founded with the aim of keeping:

an inventory of the Ancient and Historical Monuments and constructions connected with or illustrative of the contemporary culture, civilization and conditions of life of people of England, excluding Monmouthshire, from the earliest times to the year 1700 and to specify those which seem most worthy of preservation.

Followed by this came The Ancient Monuments Consolidation and Amendment Act of 1913, which was a milestone in conservation legislation. This act aimed to protect the ancient monuments of Britain that were important to the nation’s history by providing unobstructed security.

5.2.2 Post-war developments

After wars the emphasis was still on monuments and on the other side the social and economic pressure that emerged in the countries all around after the First World War put new strains on the whole built heritage. Both the First and Second World Wars damaged the art, architecture and antiquities which were responsible in posing a threat to people’s cultural existence, of which the built heritage held an important part. The Bombed Buildings of Britain by Summerson and J.M Richards published in the year 1943 highlighted the effect of the wars on the national buildings in Britain. The books portrayed a complete photographic survey of all the historic buildings devastated by air raids and those that survived the war in ruinous conditions. In 1944 the Town and Country Planning Act in Wales was introduced that gave power to the Minister of the Town and Country planning to prepare lists of buildings of special architectural or historic interest for the guidance of the local planning authorities.

Since 1960s there was a new trend noticed in the conservation and preservation strategies on both national and international forum on where writing down the principles and practices of preservation gained importance. The Venice Charter of 1964 has been regarded as the benchmark for principles governing architectural conservation and restoration for over 40

years. It is a remarkable document that sets outs to define the common responsibility of nations to safeguard cultural heritage for future generation. The Charter has helped to broaden the concept of historic buildings, the application of modern technology in conservation works, international cooperation and, most important of all, has provided a set of principles for the protection of architectural heritage and sites. Since its adoption internationally in 1964, the Venice Charter has been used as a reference point for the development of a number of other conservation documents around the world. The World Heritage Convention of 1972 held in Paris where an international agreement was signed, through which nations joined together to conserve a collection of the world’s timeless treasures.

Each country or State Party which were part of the Convention recognized their primary duty to ensure the identification, protection, conservation and transmission of the cultural and natural heritage situated on its territory for their future generations.

The main aim of Washington Charter of 1987 better known as the Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas was to conserve urban centers of historic importance and to integrate the conservation planning into overall urban and regional policies. The World Heritage Center established in 1992 with its headquarter in Paris had the main objective of ‘Disaster Reduction Goal’ and to promote positive contribution to the well protection of the World Heritage Site.

The Charter for the Protection and Management of the Archeological Heritage prepared by the International Committee for the Management of Archaeological Heritage (ICAHM) in 1990 stated that archaeological heritage constitutes the basic record of past human activities. Its protection and proper management is therefore essential to enable archaeologists and other scholars to study and interpret it on behalf of and for the benefit of present and future generations. Operational Guidelines for the implementation for the World Heritage Convention by UNESCO in 2008 adopted general policies that provided the idea of heritage to function in the life of the community and incorporate integrated heritage protection frameworks into comprehensive policy planning programmes.

World Heritage Committee formed in the year 1997 has four essential functions:

• To identify, on the basis of nominations submitted by States Parties, cultural and natural properties of outstanding universal value which are

to be protected under the Convention and to list those properties on the "World Heritage List”.

• Monitor the state of conservation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List, in liaison with the States Parties.

• To decide in case of urgent need which properties included in the World Heritage List are to be inscribed on the "List of World Heritage in Danger" (only properties which require for their conservation major operations and for which assistance has been requested under the Convention can be considered).

• To determine in what way and under what conditions the resources in the World Heritage Fund can most advantageously be used to assist States Parties, as far as possible, in the Protection of their properties of outstanding universal value.(UNESCO, 2002). Operational Guidelines for the implementation for the World Heritage Convention by UNESCO of 2002 for the very first time included cultural landscape in the world heritage list.

Cultural landscapes fall into three main categories, namely;

a) The most easily identifiable is the clearly defined landscape designed and created intentionally by man. This embraces garden and parkland landscapes constructed for aesthetic reasons which are often (but not always) associated with religious or other monumental buildings and ensembles.

b) The second category is the organically evolved landscape. This results from an initial social, economic, administrative, and/or religious imperative and has developed its present form by association with and in response to its natural environment. Such landscapes reflect that process of evolution in their form and component features. They fall into two subcategories:

- A relict (or fossil) landscape is one in which an evolutionary process came to an end at some time in the past, either abruptly or over a period. Its significant distinguishing features are, however, still visible in material form.

- A continuing landscape is one which retains an active social role in contemporary society closely associated with the traditional way of life, and in which the evolutionary process is still in progress. At the same time, it exhibits significant material evidence of its evolution over time.

c) To date, no fewer than 40 such documents exist both at international and national level; these have been initiated mainly by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). At least 27 had wider international focus and 17 had a more national or regional bias. Among those that are promulgated for international reference are the:

- International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (the Venice Charter), CATHM,1964.

- Recommendation Concerning the Preservation of Cultural Property Endangered by Public or Private Works, UNESCO,1968.

- Resolution of the Symposium on the Introduction of Contemporary Architecture into Ancient Groups of Buildings, ICOMOS,1972.

- Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, UNESCO,1972.

- Recommendation Concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role of Historic Areas, UNESCO,1976.

- Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas, ICOMOS,1987.

- Charter on the Preservation of Historic Gardens, ICOMOS,1982.

- Guidelines for Education and Training in the Conservation of Monuments, Ensembles and Sites, ICOMOS,1993.

- Nara Document on Authenticity, Japan and UNESCO,1994.

- Charter on the Protection and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage, ICOMOS,1996.

- Principles for the Recording of Monuments, Groups of Buildings and Sites, ICOMOS, 1996.

- Principles for the Preservation of Historic Timber Buildings, ICOMOS,1999.

- Charter on the Built Vernacular Heritage, ICOMOS,2000.

- Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage,UNESCO, 2001.

In 1972, different terminology, and the scope of architectural heritage, was reconciled at the UNESCO Convention Concerning the Protection of

the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, otherwise known as the World Heritage Convention 1972. The UNESCO Convention regarded heritage as both cultural heritage as well as natural heritage, and UNESCO’s earlier definition of movable and immovable cultural property was dropped. The definition of monuments and sites as mentioned in the ICOMOS statutes adopted in 1965 was rephrased and a third category—groups of buildings— was introduced. Cultural heritage was now defined to include monuments, groups of buildings and sites. This was seen as a clear move to ensure that groups of buildings and urban settings were being protected. Cultural heritage was defined by UNESCO in 1972 (Article 1:1) as :

a) Monuments: architectural works, works of monumental sculpture and painting, elements or structures of an archaeological nature, inscriptions, cave dwellings and combinations of features, which are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science.

b) Groups of buildings: groups of separate or connected buildings which, because of their architecture, their homogeneity or their place in the landscape, are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science.

c) Sites: works of man or the combined works of nature and of man, and areas including archaeological sites which are of outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological points of view.

In New Zealand, the New Zealand National Committee of the ICOMOS drafted and adopted a specific conservation charter for New Zealand, known as the Charter for the Conservation of Places of Cultural Heritage Value, at its annual meeting on 4 October 1992. The Charter adopted the terminology of ‘place’ as introduced by the Burra Charter but broadened its scope to include ‘land covered by water, and the airspace forming the spatial context to such land’ and ‘any body of water, whether fresh or seawater, that forms part of the historical and cultural heritage of New Zealand’ (Article 22:5).

In the countries of Southeast Asia, to date there have been no charters, guidelines or recommendations developed and adopted either by ICOMOS or UNESCO. However, the Foreign Ministers of these countries, who met on 25 July 2000, adopted the ASEAN Declaration on Cultural Heritage that defines cultural heritage as ‘structures and artefacts, sites and human

habitats, oral or folk heritage, written heritage, and popular cultural heritage’. Similar to other countries, the scope of heritage in Southeast Asia, in general, now covers both tangible and intangible heritage, but the broader definitions are very different from those used by UNESCO or ICOMOS, which adopted the terms monument, group of buildings and site or with neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region that define ‘place’ as their heritage. The degree of refinement of the scope and definitions at national levels in Southeast Asia varies. In Vietnam, for example, heritage is defined as tangible and intangible cultural heritages, and in the Philippines, heritage is now defined as cultural properties, both movable and immovable

During the post war era sentiments developed among the people to save heritage from its demolition. From the second half of the 20th century architects started focusing on historic buildings and adaptive reuse became a key issue at that time. The first publication on adaptive reuse New uses for old buildings by Sherban Cantacuzino (Anderson 1977:136), the introductory essay of the book explain the history of adaptive reuse and its role in current conservation practices and is followed by a selection of examples from all over the world, which were organized according to their building type before conversion. Recently in the year 2015 an article published in the Journal of Heritage Tourism entitled Climate change and cultural heritage: conservation and heritage tourism in the Anthropocene by C.Michael Hall et.al this paper highlight some of the potential effects of climate change on cultural heritage and management with its special reference to heritage tourism. The article in its first part examines four specific areas of potential and observed threats from climate change on cultural heritage (cultural landscape, built environment, buried archeology and parks and gardens). This is followed by strategies for adapting cultural heritage to climate change as well as effective policy making. He argues that cultural heritage carries human values so long term vision is required for the development of appropriate strategies to save the rich heritage of the nation.

1810, and the Madras Regulation (VII) was passed in 1817 that vested the government with the power to intervene whenever the public buildings were under threat of misuse. Then in 1863, Act XX was passed which authorized the government to prevent injury to and preserve buildings remarkable for their antiquity or for their historical or architectural value. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) was established in 1861 to initiate legal provision to protect the historical structures all over India.

The Preservation of National Heritage is a duty imposed by the Constitution of India under Article 51 A, Fundamental Duties, - Article 51 A (f) - ‘It shall be the duty of every citizen of India to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture’. The Constitution has also provided for the protection of monuments under Article 49 of the Constitution, Directive Principle of State Policy, wherein - Protection of Monuments and Places and Objects of National Importance – ‘It shall be the obligation of the State to protect every monument or place or object of artistic or historic interests, declared by or under law made by Parliament to be of national importance, from spoliation, disfigurement, destruction, removal, disposal or export, as the case may be’.

Between 1850 and 1947 several monuments and sites in India were declared as protected. In 1878 The Indian Treasure Trove Act was passed, it was the first act passed by ASI to protect and preserve treasure found accidentally beneath the surface of the earth . Ancient Monument Preservation Act passed in 1904, an act that aim to provide preservation of Ancient Monuments and objects of archaeological, historical, or artistic interest. In the post independence era, The Ancient and Historical Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains (Declaration of National Importance) Act, 1951 (No LXXI of 1951) was enacted in 1951 (AMASR) to protect the ancient and historical monuments and archeological sites. In 1958

5.2.3 Focus on National, Regional and Local level heritage policies and guidelines

In India the first instance of conservation can be found when Emperor Ashoka ordered to conserve wildlife in the 3rd century BC. Then in the 14th century AD, Firoz Shah Tughlaq ordered to protect ancient buildings. Later, during the British Rule, the Bengal Regulation Act (XIX) was passed in

The Ancient Monuments and Archeological Sites and Remains Act was enacted that provides preservation of ancient historical monuments and archeological sites and remains of national importance for the regulation of archaeological excavations and for the protection of sculptures, carvings and other like objects. The Act was followed by AMASR Rules, 1959. Section 14 mandates the Central Government to maintain every monument acquired under the Act and every monument where guardianship is acquired.Ministry of Urban Development Government of India published Model Heritage Regulations in 2011 talked about Historic Urban Landscape that need proper maintenance and care. The report also graded heritage

building in the urban areas in Grade I, II and III according to their present condition and also talked about Heritage Precincts as an area of heritage value. It may consists of a number of building and spaces, such as streets with cultural or heritage significance, worth recognition and conservation, or it may be an area where the relationship between various elements creates a special sense of place like mass, scale, building material typology, roof profile and shapes or containing architectural style or elements. Precincts areas deserve appropriate repair and maintenance because it is an area of sensitive development. Urban design guidelines should be prepared separately for each of the listed heritage precincts and the construction must adhere by the said guidelines.

India at present has more than 3,650 heritage monuments and sites of national importance. The settings of these are widely varying and have different challenges and issues, including encroachment, severe environmental and visual pollution, and insensitive development in the immediate vicinity of monuments. The situation is worsened due to apathy, ad-hocism, lack of awareness and absence of appropriate legal and implementation strategies, leading to interventions that defy the concept of setting.Indian monuments, precincts and artefacts of national importance are protected and maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) under the AMSAR Act. In order to prevent encroachment and new construction they set up ‘Prohibited area’ of hundred meters and ‘Regulated area’ of two hundred meters and no new construction is permitted both in the regulated area and in the prohibited area.(Basu et.al, 2017).

Today the heritage sites are facing common challenges primarily related to the creation and operations and maintenance of the various infrastructural as well as service assets. There is a need to develop a robust mechanism for the provision of basic amenities on an immediate basis and advanced amenities on a long-term basis. In India Ministry of Tourism, Ministry of Culture along with Archeological Survey of India (ASI) working altogether to save India’s rich cultural heritage from demolition. The urban development pressure, coupled with the lack of an appropriate conservation framework, is a threat to the cultural heritage in India. In 2015 the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, Government of India, launched the National Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana (HRIDAY), with a focus on the holistic development of heritage cities. The scheme aims to preserve and revitalize soul of the heritage city to reflect the city’s unique character by encouraging aesthetically appealing, accessible, informative & secured

environment. The program also focuses on local capacity-building to promote inclusive heritage led activities and economic activities aimed at enhancing the livelihoods and cultural identities of cities. In particular, public private partnerships for adaptive reuse and urban regeneration have been promoted through this scheme. In India INTACH (Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage) founded in the year 1984 aimed at stimulating awareness for conservation of cultural heritage among the people. In 2004, INTACH adopted a Charter for the conservation of the unprotected architectural heritage sites in India.

Focusing on the regional level many heritage activities are going on in different regions of India. Every metropolis state in India has its own Heritage Commission or Committee that ensures complete protection of its rich heritage and cultural properties. West Bengal Heritage Commission was formed in 2001, Tamil Nadu Heritage Commission in 2012, Delhi Heritage Conservation Committee in 2012, Mumbai Metropolitan Region Heritage Conservation Society (MMR-HCS) of 1994 formed by the Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority (MMRDA) the objective of all conservation committee and commission at regional level to promote preservation, conservation, protection, development and improvement of natural, built and related cultural heritage within its precincts.

India has attempted to improve system of sustainable planning and governance through JnNURM (Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission 2005-2014) which along with the urban renewal and improved infrastructure focused on development of heritage areas and precincts as one of its components. The Ministry of Urban Development circulated toolkits under this mission for the making of city development plans by the municipal bodies with the focus on the heritage. Of all Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) is the first local Government body in India to establish a dedicated Heritage cell with adequate staff and budgetary allocation (INTACH,2015).

West Bengal is the only State which has a statutory body exclusively to protect its built heritage. In 1997 the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA) established an expert committee to prepare a list of heritage building of the metropolitan city of Kolkata. The committee also recommended setting up State Heritage Commission for enlisting heritage sites situated in both urban and rural areas of West Bengal. In 2001 West Bengal Heritage Commission was formed, now working in full swing

headed by Shri Shuvaprasanna (WBHC 2018).

5.2.4

Conclusion

Today due to rapid urbanization Kolkata is losing its heritage structures. Activists such as, Amit Chaudhuri (author and founder of Calcutta Architecture Legacies, CAL), filmmaker Aparna Sen, G.M Kapur (Convener INTACH, Kolkata), and conservationist architect Manish Chakrabarti, were among the people who have many a times protested and demanded better heritage legislation for preserving the historic fabric of the city of Kolkata. The activists group time and again highlighted the threat that city’s cultural heritage is facing from the onslaught of modernity. Several walks and marches were conducted at regular intervals by CAL, INTACH for protecting the environment of the city that constitutes both natural and built, and demanded for the creation of heritage precincts so that Calcutta’s (now Kolkata) unique neighborhood does not disappear in the name of the development. Many voluntary organizations like Purono Kolkatar Golpo (a facebook group with more than 40,000 followers) are working at local level to make people aware about the history of city’s rich heritage. A Bengali girl and a famous entrepreneur of the city of Kolkata Malavika Banerjee (who call herself as ‘urban nostalgists’) had turned an 80 year old residence into chic cultural precincts with café, boutiques and galleries. One thing is there in the minds of commons that they have no clear idea of why buildings need to be conserved and what needs to be conserved.

In today’s world urban development become synonymous with planned interventions and policy frameworks designed to tackle urban growth and cities are seen as engines of economic growth as people migrate in and out for better livelihood options. For sustainable development it is very important for every country to engage stakeholders especially the local community. The resident community is not simply a resident, but also a key stakeholder in shaping the future of a place. For instance Nizamuddin Urban Renewal Initiative actively involved local stakeholders in many projects. Many NGO’s and Government activities are taking place recently to promote awareness INTACH established Heritage Education and Communication Services (HECS), especially for the school children as they are considered to have a great influence on parents and community and also have the potential to spearhead a heritage movement. Similarly the Jaipur Virasat Foundation in Rajasthan has given opportunity to the local community to be in the part of heritage movement and take pride in their

heritage.

Finally, public awareness is very crucial to protect and preserve our heritage and environment. Citizens often get accustomed with their environment and gradually become less concerned about it. There is the need to make the citizens aware of the importance of their built and natural environment and to help them develop a harmonious relationship with it. The constitution of India describes it as the fundamental duty of every citizen ‘to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture’.

1 UNESCO, the World Heritage Convention, 1972.

2 ICOMOS New Zealand, New Zealand Charter 1992

3 ASEAN, ASEAN Declaration, 2000.

4 The renovation and reuse of pre-existing structures (eg. Buildings) for new purposes.

5 Conservation of Heritage Buildings-A Guide, published by Directorate General, Central Public Works Department, New Delhi, 2013. P.3

6 Ibid p.4

7 P.M Bakshi (2019). The Constitution of India. Agarwal House New Delhi. 8 Ibid.

9 Indian Treasure Trove Act , 1878, http://hp.gov.in/LAC/Archaeology/Art%20Treasure%20%20Trove%20Act%20and%20Rules/ACT.pdf

10 The Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958, http:// asi.nic.in/minutes/AMASR_Act2010_Gazette_Notification.pdf, http://asichennai.gov. in/downloads/amasr_act_1958.pdf,

11 Historic Urban Landscape means ensembles of any group of buildings, structures and open spaces, in their natural and ecological context, including archaeological and paleontological sites, constituting human settlements in an urban environment over a relevant period of time, the cohesion and value of which are recognized from the archaeological, architectural, prehistoric, historic, scientific, aesthetic, socio-cultural or ecological point of view.( Model Heritage Regulation p.22)

5.3 HUGLI HERITAGE AUDIT: A CASE FOR AN INTEGRATED RIVER HERITAGE CORRIDOR

5.3.1 Rationale

What are the most successful heritage projects in West Bengal from around 2008 to 2018? This audit springs from that simple question, as put to the participants of the April 2018 Round Table for divisional and municipal urban planners held at the British Council, Kolkata under the auspices of the Hugli River of Cultures Project (referred to henceforth as ‘the Project’).

The Project is funded by the UK’s Department of Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy’s Newton Fund with additional funding from the Indian Council for Historical Research. The money supporting this project from 2018 to 2020 is delivered under the Global Challenges Research Fund in the stream Cultural Heritage and Rapid Urban Change and administered by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council. Within that stream the Project is classed under the ‘Questioning Centre and Periphery’ thematic area. A non-metropolitan focus is a hallmark of the project, and, as a direct consequence of this, this audit will concentrate on sites in West Bengal outside the core of the megacity of Kolkata. It will deliberately, therefore, bracket out world-class heritage sites such as the Victoria Memorial and its Hall and Museum. While it is true that Kolkata, via its nomination of its Durga Puja for UNESCO’s list of intangible cultural heritage, is the central focus of the vast majority of the heritage studies, architecture and built environment academic scholarship (see bibliography) as well as much significant campaigning and public debate about the loss of heritage as reported online and in print media, the five cities bordering the Hugli River, Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandernagore, Serampore and Barrackpore and their population of 5.52 million people (Census of India 2011), should themselves form an appreciable counterweight to Kolkata in the heritage discourse of West Bengal.

As Indrajit Mondal and others have pointed out, however, the heritage capital of these five cities have been neglected in favour of the ‘hill station architecture’ and mountain railways of Darjeeling in the northern part of the state and, to a lesser extent environmental ‘tourism in the Sundarbans’ to the south. While not wanting to undervalue the heritage riches of Darjeeling for example, the present audit highlights the imbalance between Kolkata, Darjeeling and the Sundarbans on one side and the Hugli five cities on the other, which have not yet been the subject of co-ordinated heritage

initiatives. The reason for this side-lining could well be the proximity of these five cities to Kolkata and the unfortunate fact that, although they share a five faceted Portuguese, Dutch, French, Danish and British European heritage, unique in the world, these settlements are not considered as a unit in heritage terms, although the UK historian of heritage Philip Davies suggested in 2015 that ‘the Hugli isn’t just an Indian river but belongs to the world’ (The Times of India, ‘Historian tips for Hooghly heritage’, 5 October 2015). The proximity of the Hugli five cities to Kolkata and the good transport connections between them should actually be seen as a great positive attribute in the development of sustainable heritage tourism in this area.

Both the concentration on Darjeeling and the comparative neglect of the Hugli five cities area is a legacy of how in 1947 and beyond independent India understandably sought to take over existing urban infrastructure which was fully developed by the British in 1947, rather than by realising the potential of a mixed Indian and European heritage landscapes by the Hugli that were more invisible because the built environment legacy of diverse non-British European colonisers such as Portugal, the Netherlands (Holland), France and Denmark was less visible, discontinuous and more miscegenated with Indian traditions than was the case in Darjeeling for example. Put simply, the pre-eminence of Darjeeling reflects a case of selecting only the low hanging fruit. Nearly three quarters of a century after independence, twenty years after the Darjeeling Hill Railway joined the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage List and in the same year that Kolkata’s Durga Puja was nominated for the Intangible Cultural Heritage List, the time has now come to construct the narrative of a riverine connected urban landscape which has the potential to show the interaction between European and Indian cultures over 400 years since the Portuguese traders established a presence in 1579. There are small signs of progress such as the ten settlement Hugli focus of the Silk River Project which saw 10 metre decorated scrolls representing some of the five Hugli cities journey to the Thames. Yet the cultural hegemony of Kolkata was asserted once again in the predominance of Durga and Kolkata in West Bengal’s official contribution to the Totally Thames Festival. Once again, there should be no criticism of Durga or Kolkata, but a realisation that West Bengal and the River Hugli has strength in depth (and length upstream).

The large-scale, systematic and scientific valorisation of both intangible (Jagadhatri Puja) and built heritage (mainly domestic with some public

via cultural landscapes) in the Hugli five cities area is the prime aim of the Project. This task, however, is to be pursued in the Hugli Heritage Management Strategy only when the best practice from both other parts in India (via INTACH Pondicherry / Puducherry) and other heritage sites in West Bengal has been audited. This is the rationale for this audit.

5.3.2 Scope and Methodology

As mentioned above this audit will focus on heritage sites outside Kolkata, as the respondents and contributors to the Round Table were mainly planners, the initial content was primarily based around built structures. This will be supplemented, however, using an understanding of heritage as cultural landscape following UNESCO’s ‘adoption of the 2005 Vienna Memorandum on historic urban landscapes at a general session at the organisation’s headquarters in Paris in 2011’. According to this framework, buildings are seen as ensembles used by visitors and residents and as part of the natural landscape beside, around, above, between and under them (Aysegul Tanriverdi Kaya, ‘Cultural Landscapes as Heritage: A LandscapeBased Approach to Conservation’ in Recep Efe, Isa Cürebal, Abdalla Gad, Brigitta Toth (eds), Environmental Sustainability and Landscape Management (Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, 2016), pp.205222, p. 214). As a logical consequence of this, heritage management practices are included here.

Although heritage tourism initiatives that draw their rationale from the Hugli River are considered below, it remains beyond the scope of this audit to evaluate larger scale ritual practices that cover large areas and long distances via uncertain routes. One such ritual is the annual 43-kilometre pilgrimage from Kolkata to the Marian shrine in Bandel Basilica that takes place since 1954 on the anniversary of Christ’s Baptism in the second week of January. The same applies to more diverse and even larger scale ritual such as the Chaitra (Spring) and Sraban (Monsoon) season rituals where people carry Ganges water barefoot to bathe the Lord Shiva idol at the Tarakeshwar Temple (I am grateful to Antara Mukherjee for responding to my enquiry in this matter). The Jagadhatri and Durga Pujas of Chandannagar and Kolkata (among other places) are also outside the scope of this audit (though Jagadhatri is part of the Project). Due to the particular challenges and early stage of sustainable heritage development in Hugli addressed in the aims of the Hugli Heritage Management Strategy, this audit will give

precedence to heritage properties which are well maintained with input from civil society groups and/or commercial ventures. Sustainability, community engagement and a positive contribution to the economy are the prime criteria that define a successful heritage site.

Although they are all well-informed professionals in the field, due to the limited size of the twenty-person sample, this audit cannot be considered exhaustive. Furthermore, it will be put at the service of the Hugli Heritage Management Strategy responding to the particular circumstances of the five Hugli cities in their current state of underdevelopment as far as coordination in policy and joined up sustainable heritage tourism is concerned, and therefore, the audit will be presented in order of their relevance for the Hugli five cities with the most relevant sites coming first.

5.3.3 Serampore Heritage Precinct

This cruciform area covering about a hectare includes the Danish Tavern on the banks of the Hugli River, heading away from the river at a right angle the visitor can walk 200 metres though the gate and into the Governor’s house compound; perpendicular to this axis on which these structures lie is St Olaf’s Church. This x y axis dominates the structure of the settlement of trading post and was not significantly altered by the British when the Danes sold them Serampore (then called Frederiksnagore in 1845, it having be in Danish hands since 1755) . While there are number of heritage structures in the settlement, the most significant among them being Goswami Bari and Dey Bari, the Danish Heritage Precinct and the co-ordinated way in which the State government, the municipality and the Danish government have all worked together over nearly two decades has been exemplary for West Bengal. The quality of the restoration, carried out by skilled stonemasons from Murshidabad under supervision of professional conservation architects from Kolkata has been a great success and could be a model for Bandel, Chuchura, Chandannagar and Barrackpur. It is important to note that although this brief account has highlighted the Danish buildings because of the financial support of the Danish Bestseller Foundation and the National Museum of Denmark, the renovation and restoration work has not been limited to Danish buildings. This is illustrated in the way that the former Land Registry Building a less prestigious British-era building has undergone adaptive reuse and been transformed into the ‘Vheto’ restaurant (I am grateful to Peter de Vries for responding to my enquiry in this matter).

5.3.4 Patal Bari and the core of Chandannagar’s potential heritage precinct

This ‘underground house’ is a unique building on account of its historical associations with Rabindranath Tagore, paired with its riverine building technology that boasts climate control by allowing the ingress of water into the basement during the hot rainy season. This property is also unique for three further reasons: it is private ownership, it has been renovated in a historical faithful manner and it is in a location that is both in the centre of the urban area and right beside the Hugli River. The property is opened at the discretion of the Khan family and yet there is no published procedure for gaining access. It is of profound importance that this building is preserved and maintained, but regrettable that access is so limited. Patal Bari is at the southermost limit of a potential heritage precinct that is a counterpart to the cruciform axes of Srirampur. Chandannagar’s intersection is the inverse of Srirampur’s because the majority of the heritage structures are on the long x axis along the Strand. From South to North they are Patal Bari, St Joseph’s Convent School, Institut de Chandernagor (also known as the so-called Dupleix palace); it is at this point that the y-axis intersects the x-axis. Along this there is Jora Ghat, an ornamental canopy forming an entrance arch to the settlement from the former landing stage just by the river and Eglise du Sacré cœur/ Sacred Heart Church two hundred metres from the shore (approximately the same distance that the Governor’s house is from the Danish Tavern in Srirampur). Returning to the x-axis and moving north, we have Chandernagore College and Rabindra Bhavan. These seven structures are potential heritage core for Chandannagar, however the challenges are numerous, not least because there are as many stakeholder organisations involved as there are sites: the Roman Catholic Church in India, the Archaeological Survey of India, The Ministry of Education, the Chandernagore Municipal Corporation, the West Bengal Education Service, the West Bengal State government and the Khan family. To make this heritage precinct a reality, an overarching co-ordinating entity, trust and a masterplan would be necessary with agreements between federal, state, municipal and private actors.

As stated above, Patal Bari’s climate control system is unique and in still functional, however, the use of river water for climate control in buildings also appears to have been a feature of other buildings on Chandannagar’s riverside Strand. There is a folk memory among senior staff at Chandernagore College such as Professor Basabi Pal, about 350 metres north of Patal Bari, that there was a pipe that allowed river water to ingress to the parts of

the basement of the college to cool the building during the hot season. It would appear that this system is either no longer functioning or that it has been intentionally disabled during maintenance works.

5.3.5 Itachuna Rajbari

Located 8.6 kilometres from Pandua and 3.3 kilometres from Khanyan station served by the Sealdah-Bardhaman and Howrah-Burdwan (Main) local trains, this one hectare, eighteenth-century, palatial compound in rural West Bengal is the one of the very few privately owned functioning heritage enterprises in the state. As well as being used as a location for feature films such as Lootera (2013), caters both to the wedding and conference trade and for overnight stays and, crucially, it has a functioning dalaan devotional space at its centre with regular ceremonies. It is different from the vast majority of the owner managed and run heritage properties in India in that it is managed and staffed by a dedicated team of salaried professional staff as the commercial enterprise: ‘Mylestones and Journeys’ [sic].It is further marked out by its significant and sophisticated web presence itachunarajbari.com/ and a business model that privileges, not only a visit, but superior quality catering and/or an overnight stay in a period setting to maximise revenue. The offering is therefore in the luxury bracket for the vast majority of Indians, but, as a consequence it attracts people travelling from overseas and from out of state. Finally, Itachuna Raj Bari offers highend souvenirs such as coasters, handicrafts, jewellery and greeting cards for sale (all made by local villagers). Though this is standard practice in heritage properties across the world, this entrepreneurial innovation is rare in West Bengal outside Kolkata.

The initiative to start and build this enterprise has its origins with a key single member in the ancestral family who owns the palace, this individual gained commercial expertise in the US and then built up this hospitality enterprise in the former family seat. Although the family do have apartments in Itachuna, they generally reside in Kolkata or abroad. Full disclosure: the Project visited Itachuna as paying guests in 2018. The Project team found the place well-maintained and well-run by professional staff, senior members had good knowledge of English. Team members found the views across the green and prosperous agricultural land from the roof with the rituals ringing out below was very impressive as the evening drew in. It is clear that a great deal of thought has been given to the delivery of the

food and beverage offering that had elements of luxury built into it. It is clear that the venue positions itself as giving day visitors and overnight guests a taste of the luxury enjoyed by the Rajbari’s Maratha owners since Shri Safalllya Narayan Kundu began its construction in 1766. The majority of feedback found on standard visitor websites generally rate Itachuna Rajbari as ‘Excellent’ or ‘Very Good’.

As an architectural form the Rajbari is a crucial form for the state of West Bengal, reaching from Cooch Behar in the north, Murshidabad in the centre, to Kolkata in the South. As Joanne Taylor and Jon Lang note at the start of their study of the remarkable collection of ‘Great Houses’ in North Kolkata, ‘[u]ntil recently the Great Houses were referred to only in passing in books on the architecture of India and even then attention was usually drawn only to one example: the Mullick mansion (1835) better known as the Marble Palace. The houses of the wealthy Indian elite […] could not be held in as high esteem as those buildings that followed a single, unified design paradigm. In addition, the families who owned them […] galled Indian nationalist sentiment […] their mansions were and remain symbols of their owners’ earlier elite position in Calcutta’s indigenous, colonial society. Both the people and their buildings are considered by many to be best forgotten’ (p. 10). It is this ambivalent position which has lead to so many palatial homes to be in such a degraded material condition in Hugli and in Kolkata. And yet, as Aishwarya Tipnis et al. note in 2012, the selective purveying of a luxury ‘Live like a zamindar for one night’ (Identification of Shared Cultural Heritage: French Heritage in India Chandernagore(New Delhi: ATA, 2012), p. 78) experience is a way of monetising heritage in a sustainable way and generating funds for conservation. Itachuna Rajbari has been achieving this since 2012.

5.3.6 Hindu Temple complexes in Antpur, Dakshineswar, Bansberia, Bankura, Tarakeswar, Bishnupur, Sukharia, Azimganj and Belur Math

As is patently obvious from the number of sites listed above, from their antiquity and from the federal, State and civil society groupings that are mobilised for their preservation and day-to-day running, sacred Hindu temple heritage sites, taken together, are in a class of their own in West Bengal. Their value comes from the aesthetic quality their curved roof shapes (many in terracotta) and external decoration and, in many cases from their good state of preservation and numbers of people at all levels of

society who are engaged in their upkeep. Many of them are sites scheduled as monuments by the Archaeological Survey of India, as such they will have a sign informing the public of this fact. More often than not the supervisory staff employed to guard the site do not have the capacity to enhance it as a visitor attraction for the large numbers of visitors who could be attracted to these site. This ‘lone watchman’ phenomenon leads us to foreground another temple complex site.

The Lahiri Baba’s Mandir and Ashram at Rajhat near Bandel are also significant from a heritage management point of view. This is because these types of temple complexes are in private ownership and attract no state subsidy or control. These sites are fleet-of-foot and have been able to use private capital and visitor generated income to renovate older structures with integrated decorative pools and coloured LED light strips on the upper building structure of the main temple that exude a modern aesthetic. Clearly, there what was there might have had the potential to be ASI scheduled, but it has been renovated away under concrete and white plaster. While there are categorical objections to be made about the integrity of this approach, the resulting complex and the way that it is run clearly appeals to large numbers of younger middle class Indians who patronise the temple and its facilities such its well maintained extensive flower-filled gardens, its shop and on site guest house. One of the most frequent comments about the site on social media is that it is ‘clean and clear’. The perimeter is fenced, there is a gated access point so that visitor flow can be regulated and there are staff to direct visitors and to clean and maintain the site. The modern feel of this place and its smooth white plaster aesthetic with multiple shrines linked by block paving and signage, has little of the architectural pedigree of the sites mentioned above, but it has been consciously created in order to focus on the quality of the visitor experience and to act as a calming spiritual haven within a controlled environment.

Clearly, the lessons from this spiritual visitor attraction would have to be adapted in targeted precincts in the five Hugli cities which must remain a thoroughfare and transit route and an open public spaces, but the lessons from the Lahiri Baba’s Mandir is that the focus must be in on the wellbeing of the individual on foot: cleanliness needs to be increased (all report published thus far mention that first), but there a raft of measures that must consider and plan for the full sensory experience of the individual moving around the precinct on foot. This can include noise abatement

measures, shade, planting, clear pathways, boundary markers and staff providing advice and guidance and actively addressing any agreed public order bylaws agreed at a municipal level. It is clear from the entry sign at the Mandir that entry is subject to agreeing to a covenant on behaviour and respect for others. In the case of Chandannagar’s Strand, a key example could be taken from Pondicherry’s Promenade, the one place in India that most closely resembles it. Between the hours of 6pm and 6ameach day the promenade is entirely traffic-free and this doubles vastly increases the well being benefit to the population.

Stepping back from this individual case and from Chandannagar, it is important to consider the structural differences between the temple complexes in the title of this section and the Hugli five cities. Immediately differences become clear the temple complexes mentioned above large scale, generally covering a large area and comprising several structures. They are generally found outside the directly riverside environment further inland (with Azimganj being the closest to the Hugli) and while many important individual Hindu temples are are found within the urban areas of Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandannagar, Srirampur and Barackpur such as the Nandadulal and Nilkantheswari Temples in Chandannagar and the Jagannath Temple in Srirampur. These and several other temples are profoundly important for local devotional practice and for local history, but all are undoubtedly on a smaller scale than the complexes mentioned at the head of this section. An essential additional factor when considering both the unique nature of the five cities and why they have been comparatively neglected in heritage terms up to this point, is that lack of a large scale national and international scale Hindu temple complex, allied to the fact that the devotional structures of national importance because of their scale and age are part of the Christian and Moslem faiths. They are the Sacred Heart Church already mentioned, Bandel Basilica, St John the Baptist Armenian Church in Chinsurah and the Imambara in Hooghly. The reason for the siting of these buildings in these settlements was because of their mixed populations which themselves were a result of these areas being open to Europe and to other parts of the world via the Hugli River via trade and conquest for at least five hundred years. The concentration and scale of these devotional structures and their solid functioning condition is another marker of the unique status of the five Hugli cities in West Bengal, in India and in the world.

5.3.7 Kharagpur and Santiniketan integrated educational and heritage sites

IIT KGP Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur needs no introduction as the first for four pioneer higher technical institutions that were planned in 1946 by a committee set up by Sir Jogendra Singh and continued by Sri N. R. Sarkar. These aimed to emulate US centres of undergraduate and postgraduate research and learning in the vein of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology founded in 1861.The site and buildings of this institution were constructed by the British in sometime between 1915 and 1923 as a district headquarters that was never used; however, they would be remembered as the site of an eponymous colonial era detention camp at which two detainees, Santosh Kumar Mitra and Tarakeswar Sengupta, were killed in an unprovoked shooting by police in 1931. It is this act, rather than the architectural quality of the building that gives the site meaning. Addressing the 1956 IIT KGP convocation Jawaharlal Nehru dwelt upon the symbolism of the choice of this place as part of national narrative of transformation: ‘[h]ere in the place of that Hijli Detention Camp stands the fine monument of India, representing India’s urges, India’s future in the making. This picture seems to me symbolic of the changes that are coming to India’. While the narrative is key it is important to consider it as that, although it is factually possible to say that the first academic building of IIT KGP was a former detention centre, it was not its primary, nor was it the last use before it became an education institution. It was an US Air Force base from 1942 to 1945. The building was a ready-made edifice of sufficient scale surrounded by enough unbuilt land to warrant the siting of a key institution in post-Independence India. It was clear from the start that the institution would be far greater in scope than its former point of origin. A new main building was already under construction when Nehru spoke the words above.

In an ongoing process of adaptive reuse the former district headquarters and detention camp was renamed Shaheed Bhawan and was partially converted in 1990 to be the Nehru Museum of Science and Technology with indoor and outdoor exhibits for school age children and above. As a consequence, the challenge for the campus and for the building in terms of heritage management is one of accessibility. The narrative of this building belongs to the nation and yet is found at the heart of an elite educational institution with highly controlled admissions policy. The building aims to teach and reteach every day a lesson about national rebirth, but the buildings around it cannot be open in the same way to the

same demographic who will come to visit the Hijli Jail-Shaheed BhawanNehru Museum of Science and Technology and so, from a heritage point of view, routes and staff guiding and regulating access becomes an issue. The wider campus is familiar with these issues in relation to pedestrian and vehicular access, the construction of a perimeter walls in 2005 and access to the Rural Development Centre.

In a positive sense though, despite access issues, maintenance costs, IIT KGP has a heritage building at its very core and this is an anchor point in the narrative of the nation. Returning to the Hugli five cities context, one of the key ways in which a heritage building or site can be preserved from haphazard development and erasure is by donating it to educational use. This has been the case with the riverside frontage of Hooghly Mohsin College between Bandel and Chinsurah (I am grateful for the input of Neline Mondal in this enquiry). At present the establishment is not regulating access and giving visitors a better experience by allowing them guided internal access to the site at suitable times of the day when there is not a conflict with the primarily purpose of the building as an educational establishment. The opposite applies in the case of the Chapel of St Joseph’s Convent School which is not readily accessible to the public. Clearly given the young age of the children there and the fact that it is a devotional space access must be controlled, but once again heritage management needs to proceed by consensus.

5.3.8 Konnagar, Debanandapur and Howrah, in the footsteps of eminent persons

Konnagar, approximately 21 kilometres by road from Kolkata along the western bank of the Hugli is one of the few municipalities where there is a great deal of political commitment to develop heritage. Those responsible for it in the municipal administration are proceeding in a careful and systematic manner by acquiring heritage structures such as Baganbari, the riverside villa of the painter Abanindranath Tagore (the nephew of Rabindranath). The purchase of sites at market rates is a considerable investment by the municipality, but it gives it the freedom to be the major stakeholder in the development and subsequent use of the site. Although the development of the site has not started yet, in order to be more than a haven by the Ganga that is of benefit to the local community, there is co-ordination necessary to realise the heritage value of this property in terms of the history of art institutions in India. The marketing of the property

needs to be considered as more than a one-off and associations be made between it and other Tagore family properties in Kolkata and in Santiniketan.

This potential for thematisation can be seen in the way that both the birthplace and the hub of the independent-related activism of Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay in Debanandapur and Howrah are heritage sites, though they are not officially linked to each other and to the sites of others active in the struggle for freedom in India. Returning to the Hugli five cities, the associations between the Chandannagar and both Aurobindo Ghosh (Sri Aurobindo) and Rash Bihari Bose need developing as part of Freedom Struggle related sustainable tourism in conjunction with itineraries which include the pathways of Sister Nivedita and including less prominent (though no less eminent) figures with a connection to Chandannagar such as Radhanath Sikdar.

Austrian and the Australians take in terms of visitor registration, induction briefings, safety equipment and visitors not being allowed to carry anything with them on their bridge walk.

5.3.9 Farakka, Durgapur, Randiha and Jubilee and Howrah Bridges, out-of-bounds industrial and transport heritage

Even more than the Victoria Memorial, with its handsome standard dome shape, it is the steel latticework of the main span of Howrah Bridge that features as the ‘Eiffel Tower’ style icon of Kolkata in online branding of many heritage businesses based in the city. It is somewhat of a paradox, therefore, that photography is banned on the bridge and in its immediate vicinity. Given the reduced opportunities to perpetuate photographic images of the structure, the visual persistence of this landmark that opened in 1943 is all the more remarkable. When will there be a modern building in Kolkata striking enough to replace it in the imagination? The attraction of key industrial and transport infrastructure channelled in a very controlled way in cities such as Vienna and Sydney. In the first visitors could sign up for an official tour lead by city sewerage workers of the city’s MA 30 who would visit the locations shown in the 1949 film starring Orson Welles (now the tour is run by full-time professional guides from the Third Man Museum. In Australia thrill-seeking tourists can book a tour in which they walk in harnesses over the top of the upper curved span of the bridge. This tour is consistently rated as one of the best experiences In Australia. Durgapur Barrage has a well-liked park and picnic area close by, but the national security logic prevalent in India and the sensitivity relating to any industrial or transport infrastructure means that such initiatives are currently impossible in West Bengal and in India, despite the precautions that the

In the Hugli five cities area, the Jubilee Bridge is probably the most impressive location, but the logic of safety and culture of control renders inaccessible for the foreseeable future. This is only going to increase in the future because the federal government has declared the Hugli as NW1, National Waterway number one. The first container ship from Kolkata to Varanasi completed the passage in November 2018. It was welcomed at its destination port by the current Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It is, however, the river Hugli itself is the huge undiscovered resource in West Bengal. In a way equal to the perspective change associated with high mountains, the river offers Bengalis and others precious vistas of the urban landscape with a separation through the relatively depopulated space of the river. Where else can one gain the space to view one’s cities and the riverscape between them? The current ferries across the Hugli are a prime transport location which give people a glimpse of their own urban area for a very nominal fee. The river can be crossed in a smoother experiences such as that from Chandannagar’s Rani Ghat to Jagaddal and the rather hair-raising boarding of the ferry at the unstable bamboo Ballavpur jetty in Serampore (now closed). The most spectacular views are those gained by along the river; they were enjoyed by the European and few Indian traders and fisher folk since at least the sixteenth century and in limited numbers in the present, but those are not afforded to large numbers of Indians from this locality, particularly for leisure purposes and so that they get a better appreciation of the heritage riches that exist so close to their homes. It cannot be correct that the only tourists on the river are non-Bengalis. This situation is explored in the next section.

5.3.10 Current functioning multi-site transverse heritage initiatives that use the River Hugli as a conduit of culture

The analysis begins with initiatives whose longevity and external tourist industry accreditation and awards suggest excellence and profitability. Following that speculative initiatives involving rivercraft funded by the West

Bengal state government are discussed.

Martin Randall Travel is a UK-based cultural tour operator founded in 1988. The company specialises in small group organised travel led by specialist academic lecturers; in 2018 they ran over three hundred different tours in over fifty different countries covering music, architecture and history. This British company is discussed here although it is only a purchaser in India because it illustrates a proof of concept as far as the Project’s aim of travelling along the river and using the Hugli as a conduit of culture. Once a year, in November, Martin Randall run the Bengal by River tour, billed as ‘Calcutta and a week’s cruise along the Hooghly’. An ‘exclusively chartered cruiser’ is used to travel from Kolkata, all the way upriver to Murshidabad and Gaur most probably taking in the Jagadhatri Puja from the river around Chandannagar. The total cost of the twelve-day stay not including flights is Rs 478,660.

The West Bengal State government has invested in cruise boats which sleep around thirty plus people, but these boats depart from Kolkata and not from the Hugli five cities. These long distance residential boats sometime moor in the centre of the river outside Chandannagar for a night and the tourist come ashore for a few hours via small boats from the Rani Ghat ferry terminal. Since 2019 West Bengal Tourism runs a classic house boat that then be hired in Kolkata for corporate events for up to thirty people. There is also a West Bengal Tourism owned boat which can be hired from Chandannagar. The issue with the first is accessibility, with the second it is capacity and starting point and the issue with the third is lack of a regular, hop-on, hop-off service. These services are also supplemented by the hire of private vessels from Kolkata such as those run by Vivada Cruises, however, the situation with these providers is identical.

In Melaka Malaysia, the establishment of a regular heritage cruise on a thirty minute defined circuit has been the catalyst for grass roots urban regeneration on the river front because the boat stops to allow people to hop on and hop off and engage in commercial activity at the various places. In 2017-18, there were 1.03 million visitor journeys. Night cruises complete the heritage circuit which includes bridges and other structures from the 1500s and Portuguese rule to Malaysian high-tech modernity of 2008.

5.3.11 Preliminary concluding remarks

In terms of periodisation, it is clear that limiting the time frame of the original question to 2008 was an arbitrary figure, despite the size and population of West Bengal, development in the field of heritage, tend to be extremely slow because of the conflicting influences of different stakeholder whenever change in land use is mooted. States such a Gujarat suggest that this is not a pan-Indian phenomenon or attributable to stasis within the judiciary for example. The need to build consensus and the existence of checks and balances and the residual power of people’s protest means that, as in the case of Hijli and IIT Kharagpur, it is necessary to go further back than 1947 to see the roots of the current situation in heritage management in West Bengal.

1 Zeeshan Javed, ‘India nominates Durga Puja for UNESCO Tag’, Times of India, 2 April, 2019. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/india-nominates-durga-puja-for-unesco-tag/articleshow/68679027.cms (accessed 18 April 2019)

2 Indrajit Mondal, ‘Heritage Site Conservation and Further Prospect on Tourism with special reference to French heritage sites of Chandannagore, West Bengal, India’, unpublished MA dissertation in the Department of Geography, Rabindra Bharati University, p. 23.

3 The Darjeeling Hill Railway joined the UNESCO list of World Heritage Sites with the Nilgiri and Kalka Simla Railways in 1999: https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/944

4 The locations represented by scrolls are: Botanic Gardents, Shibpur, Burrabazar, Barrackpore/Serampore, Murshidabad, Chandernagore, Jorasanko, Howrah, Kidderpore, Batanagar and Krishnanagar: http://www.silkriver.co.uk/

5 https://totallythames.org/event/durga-puja

5.4 PRINCIPLES AND APPROACHES TO HERITAGE MANAGEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT

5.4.1 Introduction

The following discussion proposes principles and approaches for safeguarding heritage within the Hugli River Corridor (HRC) with a view to deploying heritage as an economic and social development asset. Heritage is of little significance if it was no longer relevant to the future generation. Equally, it is important that heritage assets are not trivialised or mimicked in the present context, retaining its integrity and relevance. Upholding the UNESCO’s Sustainable Development Goals (SGGs) is of crucial concern.

In accordance with the Venice Charter on Conservation (1964) and the ICOMOS Conservation Charter (2004) this chapter sets out the ways in which the significant values of the towns within the Hugli River Corridor (HRC, their integrity, and the heritage and material culture are to be safeguarded within a context of sympathetic development.

Following the establishment of a broad philosophy, a set of general policies for development and conservation are discussed. This is followed by a set of detailed guidelines for restoration, consolidation, rebuilding and redevelopment measures (cf. definitions below).

5.4.3 Approaches to development and conservation

5.4.3.1 THAT ALL SIGNIFICANT ASPECTS OF SETTLEMENT MORPHOLOGY, TOWNSCAPE, STRUCTURES (INSTITUTIONAL AND RESIDENTIAL), AGRICULTURE AND IRRIGATION BE RETAINED, SAFEGUARDED, CONSOLIDATED, RESTORED AND WHEREVER APPROPRIATE REBUILT, TO PRESERVE THE IDENTITY, INTEGRITY AND AUTHENTICITY OF THE SITE.

The identity of the town depends on the retention of all significant material, socio-cultural and historic characteristics amidst development that is both necessary and inevitable. Development should not overwhelm the past; rather, development needs to be carefully managed and integrated with heritage to retain the identity of HRC and towns such as Chandernagore. The significant aspects of their tangible and intangible heritage have been identified in earlier chapters (chapters 2 & 3). However, further issues are expected to emerge from more detailed studies and analysis necessary to extend our knowledge of the infrastructural and socio-cultural aspects.

5.4.2 Philosophy of development and conservation: principles

The following are 10 key principles which are intended to be embraced and developed further in the Heritage Management Strategy with special reference to the Hugli River Corridor (HRC) and Chandernagore (Table 5.1):

5.4.3.2 THAT ALL NEW DEVELOPMENT SHOULD BE SYMPATHETIC TO THE CULTURAL AND MATERIAL HERITAGE OF THE SETTLEMENT.

All development should respect and remain subservient to the rich cultural and material heritage of the HRC area, the specific towns and the heritage precincts under consideration. Development – a key concern and challenge within the HRC, given the rapid population growth and urbanisation it is experiencing – should not in any way become overbearing – urbanistically, architecturally and otherwise visually. This will demand a knowledgebased yet creative approach to establishing policies, strategies, master plan and all interventions. An experienced multi-disciplinary team, which will draw from latest methodology and techniques, should be entrusted with addressing all aspects of development, conservation and heritage management.

5.4.3.3 ALL NEW-BUILD AND EXTENSION SHOULD BE CLEARLY DISTINGUISHABLE FROM EXISTING AND ‘AUTHENTIC’ BUILDING AND URBAN FABRIC.

All alterations and additions should reflect the culture of its time and

therefore should employ materials and construction systems relevant to the present. Hybrid systems engaging traditional materials and methods may be introduced to allude to the complex, dynamic culture of today. The materials and construction methods chosen for new-builds and extensions should explore the full range of opportunities presented by the juxtaposition of traditional and modern contexts, as long as it does not compromise the essential integrity of the traditional settlement and its fabric.

5.4.3.4 THE USE AND APPLICATION OF TRADITIONAL METHODS AND TECHNIQUES OF CONSTRUCTION AND USE OF MATERIALS AND BUILDING COMPONENTS ARE TO BE ENCOURAGED.

This should especially be the case where a ‘significant’ component or fragment is required to be rebuilt or where the character and integrity of the structure would be lost through the use of new materials and/ or construction systems. It would also be possible to employ new techniques of construction to traditional materials or, in some cases, employing traditional construction methods to modern materials. Salvaged building materials and architectural components, wherever possible and relevant, should be reused. Such hybrid construction would still allow for making the clear distinction required under 5.4.3.3.

economic methods should be safeguarded (e.g., agriculture, crafts, textile, infrastructure and tertiary sectors dependent on traditional economics and modes of production). The nature and scale of new programmes to be introduced should be considered carefully – what size of production, its appropriateness, and so on. Large-scale ‘modern’ industrial production is likely to be inappropriate for heritage precincts or domestic or civic nature or semi-rural locations. However, a scaled down, disaggregated, modified or partial production operation might work, with a larger industrial component situated outside the heritage environment. Disaggregation of industrial production that gives careful consideration to the impact of specific process components on heritage precincts, could present a creative way forward to integration of contemporary industry or production centres.

Cross programming (mixed-use) should be considered to avoid zoned restrictions.

5.4.3.5 A LINK NEEDS TO BE ESTABLISHED BETWEEN MODERNDAY ASPIRATIONS AND CONTINUATION OF AGE-OLD METHODS OF LIVELIHOOD AND CULTURE.

New programmes (use) would need to establish the fine balance between the continued and very welcome existence of traditional life and those demanded by the globalised environment and societal change. Continued sustenance of aspects of the traditional ways of life gives the HRC and its constituent towns its character and identity and is clearly an important socio-cultural and economic resource. Requirements emerging from societal changes driven by shifts in the globalised culture and economy, on the other hand, demands careful attention from the developmental perspective.

Economics, employment, education, cultural and social development should be considered. Wherever feasible, traditional industry and

5.4.3.6 A HOLISTIC APPROACH TO DEVELOPMENT SHOULD BE ADOPTED TO ACHIEVE A BALANCED AND SUSTAINABLE FUTURE WHICH IS IN SYMPATHY WITH THE PAST.

Heritage management strategy should take an entire heritage ensemble such as the HRC into account. Development needs, therefore, would have to be established for the entire HRC and not for a constituent town in isolation. In the light of the research being currently conducted, the present report thus calls for a revision of existing regional planning strategies and policies to integrate heritage management as a crucial component of development.

A regional approach should be adopted for the establishment of use patterns for towns and settlements. It stands to reason that a HRCwide plan, giving due consideration to all its constituent towns, villages and agricultural regions, is needed to consider the range and hierarchy of settlements for reuse. The strategy should be drawn up keeping significance and aspirations in mind. A regional significance hierarchy should be established to ascertain the importance of settlements and should be aligned with national and state development policy and growth plans. Regional spatial development plans, therefore, should include a comprehensive understanding of the extant historical settlements and

fabric. The region-wide strategy will help avoid duplication and repetition of provisions (e.g., too many museums or tourist sites replicating visitor experiences). It will avoid stresses and strains on limited infrastructure and resources.

5.4.3.7 A FULL EVALUATION OF ALL CONVENTIONALLY AVAILABLE AND STANDARDISED STRATEGIES SHOULD BE UNDERTAKEN BEFORE EMBRACING ANY OF THOSE AS ACCEPTABLE APPROACHES.

An example of this would be the often uncritical adoption of tourism as a universal panacea for heritage sites. While this sector is certainly to play an important role, on its own it will fail to ensure sustainable heritage management. Less direct tourism might be worth considering – resulting in more ecologically and socially appropriate tourism. Tourism need to be also considered in terms of its very local nature – not just as international or regional inter-state tourism; this is often overlooked. Increasing sensitive and sustainable local tourism would introduce a rich palette of experiences across visitor groups.

5.4.4.2 PRIORITISE ACTION ON ZONES AND STRUCTURES ACCORDING TO HISTORICAL AND STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE TO SETTLEMENT.

Settlement analysis and the Statement of Significance have identified important phases of settlement development and examples of structures that are historically important. Such high-value structures and zones indicative of key phases of development need to be given action priority. Approaches to conservation and development have to be established in accordance with the priority list and the value assigned to structures.

5.4.4.3 ESTABLISH A PHASING PLAN FOR THE DEVELOPMENT AND CONSERVATION OF STRUCTURES. THE PHASING PLAN WILL TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE PHYSICAL STATE OF STRUCTURES, PRIORITIES, APPROACH AND AVAILABLE RESOURCES.

The phasing plan needs to take into account the established priority zones and structures. However, a key issue is the physical state of individual structures and their ownership, and approaches to conservation and development those would therefore demand. Together, the phasing plan, required approaches and available resources would provide the premises of the Heritage Management Master Plan.

5.4.4 GENERAL POLICIES FOR DEVELOPMENT AND CONSERVATION

The following general policies are envisaged to form the basic framework for development planning and conservation initiatives in the HRC and Chandernagore.

5.4.4.1 ESTABLISHMENT OF A BUFFER ZONE TO SAFEGUARD THE SETTLEMENT, ITS INTEGRITY AND ITS VISUAL APPEARANCE.

Establishment of Buffer Zone would ensure that the HRC and towns such as Chadernagore retain their traditional context or limits/ prevents any further damage to it. Additionally, all significant visual corridors need to be conserved, retained and/ or opened up to optimise the significant character of the settlement. A detailed survey needs to be undertaken to identify all significant structures (religious, civic, dwellings, water and agricultural infrastructure, etc.) located within the Buffer Zone. Conservation and developmental policies and guidelines established for the town and Corridor will apply to the Buffer Zone to retain integrity.

5.4.4.4 ESTABLISH SPECIFIC GUIDELINES FOR CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT WITHIN SETTLEMENT GIVING CONSIDERATION TO OWNERSHIP.

Detailed conservation and development guidelines will have to take into account the ownership and nature of occupation of all structures concerned. A few important issues of ownership and occupation may be highlighted here.

Religious structures such as temples or mosques usually are overseen by Hindu (often community-based) temple trusts or Islamic endowment (waqf) trusts. Thus there may be complex arrangements regarding the day-to-day running of these sites and their maintenance and resourcing.

Residential properties within the HRC are usually under multiple ownership, at times untraceable. While there is often a high occupancy of

these properties, there is also absentee ownership. Combination of overoccupancy of parts of residential buildings and absenteeism and thus under-occupancy in others creates a complex problem from a heritage management perspective, especially is new programmes are being considered for such structures.

5.4.4.5 GOVERNMENT AND CIVIC INSTITUTIONS TO ESTABLISH POLICY AND STRATEGY FOR THE ACQUISITION OF HERITAGE SITES AND PROPERTIES OFHIGH SIGNIFICANCE CURRENTLY UNDER PRIVATE OWNERSHIP. ACQUISITION COULD WORK IN TANDEM WITH A STRATEGY TO INVOLVE THE PRIVATE SECTOR.

Acquisition of important properties is critical to the successful application of the Master Plan and phasing programme. All possible strategies and approaches related to acquisition, including a range of incentive measures, need to be given consideration. While acquisition is important for the early phase of the project, it should form part of a broader policy that incorporates the involvement of the private sector, the community and individual residents.

supporting material to retain the architectonic, visual and structural stability of the ensemble. It will also involve the removal of all debris and organic and inorganic waste deposited on site. Usable and significant architectural and constructional components will be salvaged and treated for reuse.

5.4.4.6 THE CONSERVATION APPROACH SHOULD BE CONSISTENT WITH INTERNATIONAL APPROACHES AND GUIDELINES AND WITH THE PHILOSOPHY OF DEVELOPMENT AND CONSERVATION ESTABLISHED FOR HRC.

Consistent with international guidelines and definitions for conservation and development within historic contexts, the conservation and development proposal will adopt the following distinction in approaches:

c) Rebuilding: considerable reconstruction based on available documentation and conjecture to give the structure its earlier and more authentic appearance.

a) Restoration: those structures or components of structures that will need careful attention to return to their original condition and appearance. In HRC this approach will need to be revised as substantial parts of the Corridor, its civic structures and private dwellings, have already undergone intervention and significant change prior to documentation.

d) Redevelopment: new build with an established and restricted context of architectural operation. In the HRC this should be directed towards either, i) sites presently lying empty and earmarked for development or, ii) properties in such a state of severe dereliction so as to demand immediate clearance and redevelopment. However, developmental and speculative demands are extremely high on such properties and sites and thus constitute the most politically complex condition.

5.4.5 GUIDELINES FOR DEVELOPMENT AND CONSERVATION

All guidelines for development and conservation have been developed consistent with the development and conservation philosophy and policies established above. The settlement has not been treated as a mere assemblage of built structures and artefacts, but specific attention has been given to the present state of life and future aspirations of the inhabitants, ownership status of structures and the opportunity for publicprivate partnership. The guidelines are put forward with a view that the private sector, owner-occupiers and individuals with ownership of properties within the HRC and Chandernagore as a Case Study area will take active interest and part in the development and conservation initiative to move towards the holistic goal. A set of general guidelines for development and conservation is followed by a set of more specific developmental/ design guidelines applicable to specific sites, buildings and structures to be redeveloped or rebuilt. The dwellings are given special attention in the light of their numerical dominance, the opportunities they present, the concerning state of preservation, and their development and conservation potential. It is envisaged that the guidelines will be held under regular

b) Consolidation: physical addition and the application of adhesive or

review and refinement as the project progresses.

5.4.5.1

General guidelines

The following general guidelines will be applicable to all development and conservation measures:

• The morphology of the original phase of the features, or the phases deemed to be of most significance, will be safeguarded and/ or highlighted to preserve the identity, integrity and authenticity of the site.

• All reasonable attempts will be made to ensure the appropriate, and if possible, authentic reuse for any redundant components and features. It will be ensured that the new or continued inauthentic use of features does not distort or distract from the identified significance of older features or the wider traditional assemblage.

• Traditional materials will be used wherever and whenever practicable during construction works within the settlement, whether the aim is to consolidate and/or to rebuild existing traditionally constructed buildings or in the construction of new buildings for domestic or commercial purposes.

• Where rebuilding is required to preserve a building or structure of significance, all attempts will be made to clearly distinguish those reconstructed elements which are based on accurate archaeological and architectural documentation and those which are merely founded on conjecture.

• Maximum understanding of the architectural features and social values will be achieved prior to any intervention – whether the aim is to consolidate, rebuild or redevelop – and this intervention will always be reserved to the minimum required to achieve those aims. Where analysis dictates that preservation in situ of a traditionally constructed building is unwarranted, then it will be preserved by record. This documentation will be approached as though one was recording an archaeological monument.

• All measures will be taken to remove debris, hazardous construction, organic and inorganic waste from site. Adequate measures will be taken to prevent any future disposal of such waste on site and to manage and safely dispose of all household and commercial waste in future.

• All reusable building material and architectural components will be

salvaged, catalogued and stored for reuse.

• Any development in the area shall be according to the approved Master Plan.

5.4.5.2 Design guidelines for redevelopment

The following general Design Guidelines will be adopted for all redevelopment within HRC:

• All efforts will be undertaken to ensure that existing vistas are retained and not blocked with any new construction.

• Any new development should respect and respond to the topographic conditions. Inappropriate cut and fill of the site shall not be allowed.

• All defensive features and traditional open spaces next to defensive features shall be retained.

• All existing dead-end alleys and internal courtyards shall be retained, and no encroachments will be allowed.

• The traditional sinuous building line shall be maintained wherever possible.

• No development shall be higher than the property it is attached to or a height appropriate for the heritage precinct.

• The height, scale and composition of any new construction should be in conformity with the compositional order and rhythm of the adjoining buildings, unless photographic and other forms of documentation suggest otherwise.

The traditional palette of materials and construction systems will be restricted to those found within the HRC and heritage towns and modern material used judiciously:

• Modern materials such as steel/aluminium/glass, etc., may be judiciously and appropriately used along with traditional materials in the development of proposed facility buildings. However, such design shall in no way distort the traditional setting, and the identity, integrity and authenticity of the area.

• For all buildings chosen for restoration, consolidation or rebuilding, care should be taken while positioning the doors and windows. In dwellings facing each other across narrow lanes windows should be staggered so that no window opens facing another window. Similar principle may be adopted for the relative positioning of doors to ensure that no doors are directly facing each other, and views in from one dwelling to another is restricted.

• Traditional arched recess or arched opening employing traditional decorative elements may be adopted in traditional dwellings. Timber doors and windows of appropriate traditional design and construction may be used.

• Any ventilation and/or air conditioning equipment should not in any way impinge upon the visual integrity of the dwellings. Air-conditioning and ventilation equipment should be suitably obscured.

• All communal facilities within Misfat will be covered in Phase-1 of the HMP proposal and will

have elaborate guidelines and constructional directives through the Tender Documents.

5.4.5.3 Design guidelines for communal facilities

The general approach to all extant communal buildings and structures or for which some physical evidence (e.g., foundation, ruins, etc.) exists will be as follows:

• All extant significant components and elements which have suffered deterioration are to be restored and/ or consolidated.

• All significant components and elements which have suffered significant damage or have disappeared but for which documentary evidence exists, are to be rebuilt.

• All other components are to be rebuilt using either traditional materials or making clear their conjectural nature through the use of adapted traditional/modern materials/constructional systems, as deemed appropriate.

All communal structures for which some physical evidence exists will be retained and consolidated.

• All communal buildings and structures are to be reused for communal or touristic purposes with appropriate programmatic strategy for adaptive reuse.

5.4.5.4 Design guidelines for dwellings

The following approach is to be adopted for the various categories of dwellings. Clear guidelines will be established for all dwelling types.

a) Traditional construction (vacant and/or derelict).

The local government or civic institutions should establish policy and strategy for acquisition or ownership of all relevant properties under this category for consolidation and adaptive reuse. Phasing will be taken into account to establish whether the structures are to be demolished, receive façade treatment or have internal restoration and rebuilding.

b) Traditional construction (owner-occupied)

An incentive-based approach (see Gowers Committee discussion, 4.2) has to be adopted to deal with and encourage maintenance and appropriate extension and rebuilding of the small number of traditional properties under continued ownership (owner-occupied/ absentee landlord). However, extension or rebuilding should be of traditional construction and guided by the following set of criteria. In the case of properties under multiple ownership, a co-operative based approach could be encouraged or even imposed.

c) Traditional construction (rented)

An incentive-based approach has to be adopted to deal with and encourage maintenance and appropriate extension and rebuilding of traditional properties under ownership. This approach will have to take into account and offset the discouraging effect of the present poor level of rent.

5.4.6 Condition studies

Case Study A: Guidelines for vacant sites

• The conservation measures to be adopted for such buildings shall be determined on the basis of the extent of dereliction. If the building is of low heritage value and of high dereliction, it may be demolished and the land subjected to redevelopment. Otherwise the building may be consolidated or rebuilt.

• Structural Members: Structural elements employed for the consolidation of the building should be judiciously used so as not to impinge upon the visual integrity and authenticity of the building and the area.

Case Study B: Vacant/ Derelict identified for rebuilding

• Footprint: The footprint of the building shall follow the existing plot boundary and shall not exceed the area of the existing dwelling.

• Façade: The façade of the dwelling shall follow the line of the adjacent structure on the main street frontage.

• Internal spatial configuration: The internal spatial configuration should be sympathetically retained wherever possible. For buildings subjected to adaptive re-use an indication of the original spatial configuration should be maintained with appropriate architectural treatment.

• Material of construction: Modern materials such as steel/ aluminium/glass etc. may be judiciously and appropriately used along with traditional materials. However, such design shall in no way disturb the traditional setting and the identity, the integrity and the authenticity of the area.

• Height: The height of the new building shall not be greater than the height of the original structure and, if appropriate, consistent with the height of the neighbouring dwellings.

• Architectural elements: All individual architectural elements, such as carved doors, surface decoration, decorative motifs – internal and external – need to be carefully noted and restored/ retained.

Case Study D: Modification and extension of traditional structures

Proposals for the modification or improvement of traditional buildings through extension or enlargement shall be permitted if the plans do not detract from the character of the heritage precinct and strictly adhere to the following design criteria:

• General: The proposed extension should not lead to net loss of open/ civic space nor should it lead to the demolition and/or damage of any adjoining traditional structure.

• Location: The proposed extension shall be located at the rear or side of the dwelling, distinguishing itself from the main structure.

• Height: The proposed extension should not be higher than any of the neighbouring buildings or the prevailing height for the number of floors in the heritage precinct.

• Floor Space: For single storey extensions, the additional floor space to be created shall not be more than 50% of the existing ground floor area. However, for two-storey extensions, the floor area shall represent not more than 50% of the net area of the upper and lower floors.

• Façade Treatment: The position and form of external features and openings within the proposed extension including the façade, walls, doorways, windows, floors and roofs shall be of a similar design and finish to the existing structure to limit visual intrusion. Any ventilation and/or air conditioning equipment should not in any way impinge upon the visual integrity of the dwellings.

• Building Permits: In considering building permits for extension to existing dwellings the policies under Case B shall apply.

Case Study C: Vacant/ Derelict identified for consolidation

• Footprint: The footprint of the building shall follow the existing plot boundary and shall not exceed the area of the existing building.

Case Study E: Redevelopment

Building activity will only be permitted within defined areas and under strict

development guidance. Defined areas shall be identified through study of available/ cleared property (existing) and the ones thought to be beyond repair and of low heritage value. Any new building shall be constructed as per the following rules:

• Footprint: The footprint of the dwelling shall follow the existing plot boundary.

• Height: The new building shall not be higher than the property it is attached to or prevailing height for the number of floors in the heritage precinct.

• Material of construction: Modern materials such as steel/aluminium/ glass etc. may be judiciously and appropriately used along with traditional materials in the development of proposed facility buildings. However, such design shall in no way disturb the traditional setting and the identity, integrity and authenticity of the area.

SUMMARY

6.1 HERITAGE IN A BOX?

ASSESSMENT OF INITIATIVES UNDERTAKEN THROUGH THE HUGHLI RIVER OF CULTURES PROJECT

6.1.1 Introduction

Projects originating from the University and Museums sectors such as the Hugli River of Cultures Project and the National Museum of Denmarkfunded Serampore Initiative, per force have a research focus as, given limited and finite funds, it is crucial to assure that any intervention occurs on the basis of empirically demonstrable need. Thus both projects have had a documentation component.

In the Hugli River of Cultures Project, this has been over twenty interviews and several thousand photographs and a total of 70-minutes of professionally produced film documentation as well as an academic article on heritage policy (Magedera, 2019) and over 25 essays in on the region’s heritage assets (Mukherjee and twenty-five contributors, 2018). The crucial characteristic of research methodology enabled by the funding under the UK Global Challenges Research Fund and the Newton Fund, is that this research can be applied as it is created and also disseminated to nonacademic audiences as project impact.

The basic test of the success of the various elements in the HRCP is how much impact and follow-on activity they have had. Let us measure up, therefore in this current section, all the eleven non-academic project outputs against these criteria. Those outputs are the Hugli Heritage Audit, the two visual exhibitions, the 50-minute docudrama about Jagadhatri Puja, the postcard book, the five silk banners depicting the cities, the two Hugli Heritage Days, the foundation of a Hooghly chapter of the Indian National Trust for Arts and Cultural Heritage, the AR App and the architectural drawings and the present Hugli Heritage Management Strategy.

6.1.2 Hugli Heritage Audit

This was serialized and disseminated though the Project’s Facebook page where, according to that site’s rather questionable measures it is said to have ‘reached’ a total of approximately three thousand people, received scores of ‘likes’ and a few comments. The comments, though all positive, were general in nature and related to opening up one of the most important and most prominently located sites – Patal Bari – the underground house, with its basement open to the river, to groups of heritage enthusiasts. The Audit, therefore, had important implications for the wider framing of heritage in the Hugli Corridor. Its peripheral status has been discussed in the Scope and Framing section of this Heritage Management Strategy. Moreover, the Audit had a focus on the whole of West Bengal and not on only the Hugli Corridor or the Hooghly Heartlands, its inclusion contributes to the inclusivity within specific parameter of the present Heritage Management Strategy, because it has taken in to account the West Bengal situation state-wide.

In terms of examples of best practice in terms of heritage enterprises there are four examples, each outstanding in their own ways. Itachuna Rajbari, is a private sector stately home and conference and wedding venue, located 8.6 kilometres from Pandua. It has been included here because there are no comparable examples in the Hugli Corridor strictly speaking and because this Management Strategy will not systematically exclude sites from the Hooghly Heartlands (commonly known as the ‘interior’ of the district), although space and grant framing constraints prevent their detailed treatment in this document. Next, as an exclusively public sector project, is the renovation by the West Bengal Police Training College of the Governor’s House and the parkland which surrounds it. The third example is an exclusively third sector project, Lahiri Baba’s Mandir and Ashram at Rajhat near Bandel which is a modern late twentieth and early twentyfirst century building constructed on an older devotional site. The Mandir is a resounding success as a mass visitor attraction. Standing alone in the Hugli Corridor, in Hooghly district and possibly also in West Bengal is the ensemble of seven buildings renovated by the Danish Serampore Initiative and the West Bengal state government, though the West Bengal Heritage Commission. This multi-agency project, that partnered with HRCP in the former’s last year, was active for twelve years (2008-2020) and the

restoration was done directed by conservation architects, executed by master masons from Murshidabad using traditional materials. It sets the bar in terms of quality and complexity, as well as in duration and cost.

The Hugli Heritage Audit also identified many potential sites and just as importantly rational and pragmatic thematic connections between those sites for the purposes of promoting sustainable tourism. These potential ensembles included a heritage precinct in Chandernagore, education heritage in Kharagpur and Santiniketan and industrial heritage in Farakka, Durgapur, Randiha and Jubilee and Howrah Bridges. In sum, the intrinsic impact of the Hugli Heritage Audit was almost negligible, but it has been invaluable for the present Strategy, because it has shown how sustainable heritage development in the Hugli Corridor following the macro-level considering of the wider picture in West Bengal, can and indeed, must be reapplied beyond the Corridor, first to the whole of Hooghly making no distinction between riverside and heartlands and then to West Bengal as a whole.

interiors with researcher/owner-custodian interaction and then a typology of architectural details of arches, windows and embellishments. To preserve anonymity the images did not carry captions. It will be this thematic typological organisation that will be adopted for the postcard book.

6.1.3 Postcard book

6.1.3 The two visual exhibitions

The first took place at the start of the project in February 2018. A strategic decision was made to use the French Institute and Museum, as an established venue in Strand linear heritage area to lend imprimatur and to ensure maximum exposure when the project was unknown. As is common practice, the exhibition opening was phased with a private opening for the owner custodians who had allowed their residences to be photographed. The exhibition ran over two days and became a project head quarters where we had our first meetings of the elders’ council and had a town hall style meeting with INTACH Pondicherry.

The focus on photographs of the exteriors, interiors and architectural details of the grand houses of Chandernagore, that are mostly situated in Gondolpara and North Chandannagar, outside the central riverside linear precinct and which by their very nature are domestic space, was unknown to the vast majority of the exhibition goers. Feedback captured how the exhibition made local visitors see their town anew and made them realise further the architectural capital of their home town. The curation of the images deliberately did not give any itinerary or location details, but attempted to present the material thematically in terms of facades,

A thematic approach brings out the various forms of hybridity that are the key to the unique spatial-architectural nature of the settlements of the Hugli Corridor. It is not a unitary ensemble, but a hybrid one that needs deliberate framing to come into view. The hybridity can be figured in terms of Indian and colonial, but also in terms of the riparian dimension that is a particular expression of the border zone between the river and the land (exemplified by the ghats discussed in other contributions to this Strategy). The postcard book, therefore, eschews the classic order of these towns either downriver (Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandernagore, Serampore, Barrackpore) or upriver (Barrakpur, Srirampur, Chandannagar, Chunchura, Bandel) in favour of photographs grouped around the themes of the ghats, food, houses, graves and funerial monuments, gates, towers, bridges, places of worship, windows, ponds, arches, playgrounds and parks. There will be no obligation to feature an equal number of items from each locality in each category as the decisions, as inclusion will be based on intrinsic aesthetic grounds.

6.1.4 Symposium on Jagadhatri Puja as a form of cultural expression at the ICCR

The second visual exhibition, complemented the still image photograph focus of the first event with the moving images of the HRCP’s key output of film. The Indian Centre for Cultural Relations is a key national institution in Kolkata and holding the workshop showcasing the trailer of Samayita / The Healer, there was useful from a strategic point of view as it brought an output of the project to the hegemonic space of the state capital. Though the valorisation of the peripheral space (also called the threshold, suburban) is part of the deepest rationale of the Hugli River of Cultures Project, it is equally crucial to repeatedly engage with the centres of political and administrative power. The project proves its credentials by gaining entry to these national centres. The advantage of bringing an internationally supported documentary on intangible cultural heritage to

Kolkata, asserts the value of the Jagadhatri Puja because it might otherwise might be perceived as a local subsidiary expression given the prominence in Kolkata of Durga Puja and the way that the status of Calcutta as the former capital of British India still enables it to make privileged cultural tie ups. The presence of Durga Puja idols at the Totally Thames Festival in 2018. Furthermore, a Indian nomination has already been submitted for Durga Puja to be inscribed in UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2020 on account of its ‘conglomeration of different cultures’, according to the nomination.

Jagadhatri Puja developed from the mid-eighteenth century onward in Chandernagore that was under French control at a time in which Britain was exerting an ever more complete hegemony over Bengal and over India as a whole. Therefore, in terms of European cultures, there is a plurality of representations of Jagadhatri Puja in both French and English-language texts. The cultural traces of the Chandernagore variant of the puja is just as diverse as that of its Calcuttan/Kolkatan sister.

6.1.5 Samayita / the Healer

Originally conceived as a 60-minute documentary, this film has kept is factual and empirical content, but has brought in a narrative around two sisters travelling in spirit to the puja of Chandernagore as it is a living connection with their deceased mother. This element of drama has widened the impact and potential audience of the film. This has been paired with a production that prefers showing over telling and focuses on the material cultures, economic relations, cultural exchange that accompanies the symbolic and devotional aspects.

There has been a conscious decision by the Director and production team to avoid a focus on the folkloric the depictions of carnivalesque excess that have been a part of previous representations of puja in film. Samayita does not concentrate on the procession and the immersion, but gives priority to the dignified activity of preparation across the year, showing that these well organised third-sector entities are active all-year round and a key part of voluntary work and civil society exchange between various groups in the society of Chandannagar and its environs.

6.1.6 The two Huglir Otijiyo Dibos (Hugli Heritage Days)

Of all the project activity, the public facing heritage days have perhaps had the most impact in changing the perception of the value of built and intangible cultural heritage in the Hugli settlements. The project teams not been able to grow our teams and give them enough experience to hold Hugli Heritage days in all five cities at the end of the two-year project, because we have stressed quality over quantity and because it became clear that we needed separate outreach activity for researcher peers and for young people and students. This led to the highly successful spin-off HeritageFest for 150 school students and their teachers who were gifted with a source book about Chandannagar heritage authored by the researchers, project volunteers and local historians, teachers and activists. This was a highly impactful activity as illustrated in Reverberations, Voices from the Riverfront, the 20-minute University of Liverpool funded documentary film about the Hugli River of Cultures Project. In a consolidating activity that accompanied the Hugli Heritage Days, the HRCP inaugurated its Hooghly INTACH chapter though a dedicated workshop on heritage education for teachers delivered by specialist from INTACH Delhi in January 2020.

The first Hugli Heritage Day was held in Goswami Bari, one of the premier heritage grand houses in Chandernagore. The programme was careful to include cultural presentations such as a dance presentation representing the Mother Ganges as well as interventions from outside the strict chronological timeframe and the geographical area of the project. In this way, the day steered clear of parochialism, while maintaining a focus on Chandernagore. Faithful to the bid documentation the second Hugli Heritage Day took place in the newly renovated former Danish Governor’s House in Serampore, involved both the National Museum of Denmark’s Serampore Initiative and West Bengal Heritage Commission, the future partners in the successful Follow-On Funding bid.

6.1.7 Foundation of INTACH Hooghly

Crucially and as suggested by the Kolkata Regional Chapter, the geographical range of the Hooghly denomination includes both so-called interior and riverine areas of the district. This is very important for inclusivity and for developing a democratic understanding of heritage as the equally related to personal or family cultural practice as to the public and grand

domestic building influenced by architectural styles from Europe and other continents. The core of the group that have become INTACH Hooghly are also members of the original project team, but crucially it has also drawn to it new members committed enough to pay the subscription fee and take an active part in organizing events such at the teachers’ training workshop and giving useful counsel regarding the seven project streams of the Follow-On Funded Implementation Action Team. Fortunately, the vehicle of overseas membership also allows UK and Denmark-based researchers to continue their personal association with heritage activism in Hooghly, whether or not they are actively involved in a funded project.

in the region. The artist, however, reserves the right to include elements outside this timeframe on account of their aesthetic and emotional charge.

Parameters

6.1.8 Antique Hooghly 1396-1854, before the railways came five silk banners depicting life in the five settlements from Bandel to Barrackpore

the project bid documents identified a need for a portable display medium illustrating the diversity of these five individual settlements and at the same time as showcasing local arts and crafts using authentic materials from the region. Put simply, the project would use both heritage practices (batik) and heritage materials (Murshidabad silk) to disseminate awareness about Hugli heritage in a hyperplural multilingual space through only visual means, without the use of language. Once complete, these banners will be deployed for visual impact at meetings with West Bengal State and national and international organisations and at also for Hugli-based events such as schools outreach events, Hugli Heritage Days and Heritage Walks.

Due to her experience with the UK-India Silk River Project (see biographical note below), the Hugli River of Cultures Project commissioned Neline Mondal to deliver five 10 foot by 3.5 foot silk banners, depicting clusters of building and high points in cultural history in each of the five Hugli cities: Bandel, Chinsurah, Chandernagore, Serampore and Barrackpore. In harmony with the project which focuses on the river as a conduit of culture and not to clutter the banners, a deliberate choice was made to focus on the period between the construction of the Serampore Roth – 1396 - to the coming of the railway in 1854 (the Eastern Bengal Railway was established in 1857), that is, on a period before major European influence in the Hooghly region running to before the railways increased the pace of life increased and the speed of extractive colonialism. This period was also one when the some of the minor non-British colonisers such as Netherlands (1825) Denmark (till 1845), France (uninterrupted from 1815 to 1954) still had a foothold

Silk banners move and are also large-scaled works that rise high above the viewer. In this way, the strategies of visual communication that that employ have the kinetic variability of the mobile (in a reduced form) as well as the potential for grand didactic narratives that are present in the art of temple facades in India and in European tapestries. Key elements are therefore placed in the more static left-hand side of the banner where the fixing pole is found and within that left-hand portion, the more recognizable elements about each city are placed towards to the top. In the same way the name of each city, written in Bengali, where there is more orthographic stability than in English draws the readers’ eyes down the left-hand part of the banner. The broad blue band of the Hugli River is the connective flow between all five banners. The Ganga is always present, but always different. The river fills between a fifth and a quarter of the depth of each banner, this is to reproduce something of the scale of a person’s field of vision when standing at the river bank. The Ganga was the route that allowed European, travellers, traders and then soldiers to penetrate inland from the oceans from whence they came and the banners also show this ingress. The goods that they extracted left by the same route.

In order to work as effective visual communication in West Bengal, Delhi and in London and New York, the banners use the bold language of batik to make a powerful statement about the built environment and cultural diversity of the cities. The banners need to be familiar to residents of Hooghly and group their content into clusters that can be easily read as the banners move in the breeze from the river. These banners, however, are also ambitious in that they do not only reproduced the familiar, but present the less familiar with dates. They will also interface with an online textual key in multiple languages explaining the legends depicted.

6.1.9 The AR App and the Architectural Drawings

The first of these strands ran into problems due to factors outside HRCP’s control. Without warning the platform on which the functioning prototype was based became defunct and it ceased functioning; however, not without a video capture being made. The photographic data and the

descriptions are safe; a request has been made to the App Development Team at the University of Liverpool, to design a customized platform. A handful of architectural drawings were made and they are included, but it was not possible to recruit architectural students with the required skills and the free time to come from Kolkata to Chandannagar and to other four cities to draw the domestic buildings. This is perhaps symptomatic of the lower value accorded to structures in the riverside cities because of their generalized state of poor repair.

6.1.10 The Hugli Heritage Management Strategy and additional project outputs

The rationale and scope of is outlines at the start of this publication, but it is important to note the additional separate funding that was gained through the GCRF’s Global Impact Accelerator Fund which funded a fully equipped exhibition trailer to be shipped from the UK to Kolkata. Familiar to UK citizens from village fêtes, fairs, roadshows and festivals, the history of mobile cultural hubs, delivered via mobile libraries and other platforms, stretches back to the 1850s. While India does have tens of thousands of converted light vans functioning as mobile advertising hoardings and a Citibank-sponsored converted coach providing a ‘museum on wheels’ at a key site in Mumbai, to the best of our knowledge, trailers deployed for cultural impact are an entirely unknown phenomena in India. That fact alone, quite apart from the rich project visual content that is ready to be displayed in the trailer, guarantees an extraordinarily high level of public interest and impact in Hugli, a comparatively underdeveloped region in India. Hence the choice of the highest affordable quality from a UK-leading supplier with a background in agricultural trailers and a bi-axle model to survive India’s punishing roads.

All in all, with the exception of the AR App and the architectural drawings the Hugli River of Cultures Project has been extremely successful in outperforming its own highly ambitious target of eleven non-academic outputs.

Key recommendations

The following key recommendations are an initial set of suggestions based on the analysis undertaken and strategy developed for heritage management.

1. Integrated heritage corridor: This is not necessarily to designate or fix, but, at a state level and in WBHDCL branding and marketing, to consider the Hugli River Corridor, loosely defined as Bandel to Barrackpore, but expandable, as a heritage corridor. Such branding and marketing strategies could then be implemented through networked tourist experiences, religious tourism, visit to elite domestic buildings based on their style, experience, popular urban events and pujas (such as Durga Puja or a selection of larger than life worship events – Chinsurah, Chandernagore, Krishnanagar, etc.).

2. Enhance visibility and access to content: To enhance visibility through various means. For example, to start a boat tour with the state government boat that already exists. This will enhance the visibility of the interconnected nature of these sites/ towns along the river. Signage could be revamped in a trilingual format in Chandernagore to enhance access to heritage content. Extant documentation could be used to create and distribute free tourist maps at railway stations, ferry and bus terminals. It is also proposed that a mobile tourist information centre be established in Chandernagore and the other 3 cities using the Hugli Heritage Hub.

3. Branding and classification: The West Bengal Heritage Commission develops a branding and classification strategy to categorise different heritage sites and rate their offering and facilities. It is suggested that these categories map onto definitions in international English in order to be easily interpretable by overseas travellers but also retaining transcriptions of the original Bengali terms to keep the untranslatable authenticity of the sites.

4. Owner-custodian collectives: Collectives of owner custodians to be developed, which could be a combination of voluntary and paid initiatives involving cross-generation participation. The owner custodians and neighbourhood clusters could become repositories of tourist information and specialist knowledge regarding local heritage. This collective could manage opening up of dwellings to visitors for visits and perhaps stays, with an authentic experience of riverine Bengali life. These could be chaired by project members in an unpaid role acting initially in a liaison (resource person) role, but eventually these collectives could become a selfgoverning associations or societies, before establishing their trading arm. This trading arm could establish a table of materials, materials purchasing consortia as well as overseeing interactions with the municipal authorities and the marketing platforms for homestay activities. The development of

these collectives will give the thousands of private owners who live close to the future heritage precincts more of unified voice. In this way tourists and other visitor will be able to stay overnight closer to places of interest and amenities and the pressure to build new concrete block hotels and guesthouses might be mitigated in favour of the authentic experience of staying with a local family a heritage building.

5. Financial model: Provide financial assistance in the form of tax rebate, restoration grants and other forms of financial support (either as grants or soft-interest loans) for owner stakeholders to open their sites and buildings for tourism and to encourage restoration and upkeep.

6. A cooperative based approach to complex ownership: A cooperative based approach should be adopted and possibly enforced on high-value heritage sites with complex ownership to ensure that the sites are maintained and not lost to speculative development.

7. Creative and flexible cross-programming: A creative and flexible approach to programming heritage sites needs to be considered, involving cross-programming, to ensure that the sites are financially viable.

8. Attention has been given to the nature of desired physical development should a rebuilding or redevelopment opportunity arise. This is particularly relevant in the case of speculative development undertaken on available sites.

1 The Howrah Bridge is celebrated in INTACH book for Children, Off we go! To Kolkata, to Kolkata (2018)

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