REBUILDING THE CITY OF MEDELLIN Up861236- U21330- Dissertation
Contents Abstract Page 1 Introduction Page 2 The growth of the city
Page 3
Introduction to the metrocable Page 4,5 Line systems Page 6 Ticketing system
Page 7
Line connections
Page 8,9
PUI- Urban integral Projects
Page 10
Park Libraries Page 11 San Javier Park Library
Page 12
Espana Park Library
Page 13
Crime rate
Page 14,15
Education and Employment
Page 16
Air quality Page 17,18 Conclusion Page 19,20
Table of Figures Figure 1 Diagramatic section of medellin. Page 1 Author Figure 2 Diagram of Medellin. Page 2 Author Figure 3
Medellin in the 1970 less dense outskirts
Page 3
Universidad nacional de colmbia, 2011
Figure 4
Medellin in 2005 densely populated outskirts Page 3
Universidad nacional de colmbia, 2011
Figure 5
Diagram of acces in Medellin
Page 4
Author
Figure 6
Diagram of connecting transport
Page 5
Author
Figure 7
Diagram of new methods of transport
Page 5
Author
Figure 8
Diagram of line “K” connections
Page 6
Author
Figure 9
Civica card. Page 7 Franz, 2019
Figure 10
Metro Map of all transportations
Page 7
Franz, 2019
Figure 11
Diagram of line “J” connections.
Page 8
Author
Figure 12
Diagram of line “H”, “M” & “P” connections.
Page 9
Author
Figure 13
PUI development of streets.
Page 10
Comuna 13, 2019
Figure 14
PUI, development of escaltors.
Page 10
Comuna 13, 2019
Figure 15
Diagram of Park libraries in Medellin.
Page 11
Author
Table of Figures Figure 16
San Javier Park library.
Page 12
Comuna 13, 2019
Figure 17
Diagram of location of San Javier Park.
Page 12
Author
Figure 18 EspaĂąa Park library. Page 13 Mazzanti, 2008 Figure 19
Diagram of location of EspaĂąa park.
Page 13
Figure 20
Military on streets combating everyday crimes. Page 14
Author Villatorro, 2014
Figure 21 Table of crime rates Page 14 Borraez, 2015 Figure 22
PUI development of play areas in slum districts. Page 15
Villatorro, 2014
Figure 23
Table of homicide rates
Borraez, 2015
Figure 24
Graph showing secondary school enrollment. Page 16
Colombia Reports, 2019
Figure 25
Graph showing university attendance.
Page 16
Colombia Reports, 2019
Figure 26
Graph showing unemployment rates
Page 16
Colombia Reports, 2019
Figure 27
Pollutions affect on visibility.
Page 17
Gill,2016
Figure 28
Comparison of emisions Page 17 Author
Figure 29
GHGs emitted by transport sector in CO.
Page 18
Jaramillo, 2017
Figure 30
Evolution of increase of vehicles in Medellin.
Page 18
Jaramillo, 2017
Page 15
Table of Figures Figure 31
Poster celebrating co2 emissions
Page18
Beyond Carbon, 2012
Figure 32
The view from cable car line “K”
Page 19
Comuna 13, 2019
Figure 33 Tourists in Medellin. Page 19 Walzer, 2019 Figure 34
Future Metro lines (Line “P”)
Page 20
Figure 35
Improved street corners through PUI projects. Page 20
Bello, 2017 Blanco, 2009
Abstract The steep terrain on which the city of Medellín is situated has caused the city centre to become increasingly disconnected from the Barrios1 in which the majority of the population live. (Davila. J. D, 2014) To overcome this, the government built a scheme relying on public transport to join together all social classes. They did this using a metrocable which transports people down the steep mountains of Medellín to the city centre. By providing this link to the less privileged areas of the city, the government was able to allow more people access to better education and jobs. Previous public transport lacked safety and the urban landscape of Medellín made it difficult for buses and even cars to get around due to the narrow and steep roads leading to the city centre. (Davila. J. D, 2014) These roads broke up the path to success which the metro cable stitched back together, giving them back a sense of belonging in the city. The Medellín cable car lift also known as the MetroCable, has improved the quality of life (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016) for a lot of people once living in slums. This study will analyse its effect on air quality, crime levels and conclude if it helped improved the lives of slum citizens. This analysis will be conducted by comparing levels of air pollution and crime rates before and after the cable car was put in place. Medellin’s MetroCable movement has been reinforced by Urban integral projects made to the urban setting. This essay will describe these projects that have rebuilt communities and will determine whether the MetroCable model and its other investment into the Comunas2 have improved the lives and urban environment of Medellín and if it can be applied in other urban scenarios in order to improve the connectivity within the city and improve the lives of its residence.
1. Barrios - informal settlements. 2. Comunas - informal districts on the outskirts of Medellin.
City centre
Informal settlements
Figure1: Diagramatic section of medellin. Author
1.
Introduction Today we see trends of urbanisation across the globe with predictions that by the year 2050 more than two thirds of the world’s population will live in urban areas (Ritchie. H & Roser. M, 2019). This is particularly the case in developing countries such as Colombia and is driven by factors such as increasing economic opportunity, access to healthcare and better education. In 2000 the population of Medellín was 2,733,00 by 2018 it had grown to 3,934,00 an increase of 1.2 million under 20 years. (macrotrends, 2019) This trend is set to continue with projections of 4,488,0000 by the year 2035 (macrotrends, 2019) which will only further increase the pressure to provide sufficient infrastructure to accommodate the population. Located in the Aburra Valley, a central region of the Andes mountains, Medellín is the second largest city in Colombia after Bogota, with nearly 4 million inhabitants. (Population Stat, 2019.) The city is situated in the north of the Los Andes mountain ridge, one of the most topographically broken places in Colombia. The city centre is in the valley, with a number of barrios on the hills that surround it (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016). Medellín is a growing city experiencing rapid urbanization. The huge influx of people meant that the government was not able to create suitable housing for the vast amount of people migrating to the city (Blanco, 2009). This caused people to live in unsuitable housing on the outskirts of Medellín, because they could simply not afford to move to the city centre.
Figure2: Diagram of Medellin. Author.
Informal settlements City centre River (Cauca) Medellin outline 2.
The growth of the city This is evident when comparing historic maps of Medellín to current maps of the city. Figures 3 & 4 depict the evolution of Medellín between the years of 1970 to 2005. The maps describe the growth that the city experienced, and the dense regions formed around the city’s edges due to the swelling population.
Figure3 : Medellin in the 1970 less dense outskirts. (universidad nacional de colmbia, 2011)
Figure4 : Medellin in 2005 densely populated outskirts. (universidad nacional de colmbia, 2011)
The topography of Medellín made it challenging to integrate the new migrants into the thriving city centre, making them increasingly isolated from jobs and educational opportunities. This created wider problems for the city that became ever more violent. The people that once came to Medellín hoping for a better life often found; tight housing with no sanitations, unsafe landscape, no connections to electricity or waste disposals and even less employment and schools nearby (Blanco, 2009). A further issue in Medellín is criminality. Theft, violence, drug trafficking and murder are omnipresent and are especially common in urban areas. Apart from poverty and criminality, Medellín also struggles from major environmental challenges such as air pollution caused by emissions from their current modes of transport for example old cars and buses. The implementation of the MetroCable was the governments solution to the crisis the city was facing. The project phased in new metrocable lines, (Davila. J. D, 2014) followed by the development of park libraries and other local transport systems. The projects were focussed in the outer regions of the city (Davila. J. D, 2014) that had been deprived and left unattended by the government. The most dangerous neighbourhoods have been developed to improve safety and rejuvenate the sense of community. These developments were also directed around the better education and improvement of job opportunities. By implementing such a number of developments around the city, the whole socioeconomic stance of Medellín has improved (Davila. J. D, 2014).
3.
Introduction of the Metrocable In 1991 Medellín was the most dangerous city in the world, with a homicide rate of 381 per 100,000 population (Bea, 2016, p. 90). This was due to the extreme violence caused by the drug trafficking network that operated throughout the city of Medellín and was led by Pablo Escobar, in the 1980’s. After Escobar’s death and the collapse of the Medellín Cartel, Medellín saw a reduction of violence, but was still for a long time the city with the highest homicide rate in south America (Bea,2916, p 90). The highest cases of crime happen in the slum areas of the city, (Borraez, 2015) which are located mainly on the east and western sides of the valley. Given the steep terrain of the Aburra Valley, building a sufficient subway network was too costly for the government’s budget. This meant the railway built in 1995 was only constructed in flat land, serving only the communities in the low-lying areas near the city’s river, making the neighbourhoods in the edges of the valley isolated. During the early 2000s, the only option for local residents of the barrios was to walk or to catch one of the infrequent, unreliable buses to get to the city centre (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016). “‘It was impossible to reach the centre of town; we were stuck here.” (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016). The opportunities the city offered were barricaded by the lack of connections to the centre this grew the disconnection between Medellín and its citizens. However, Medellín today is a growing city thanks to a revitalising transit system that links the city districts together into one interconnected city.
Figure5: Diagram of acces in Medellin. Author
Informal settlements City centre
Metro (railway)
No direct access
River (Cauca) Medellin outline
4.
Introduction of the Metrocable
Figure6: Diagram of connecting transport. Author
In 2001, The city council of Medellín set out its policy objectives to provide a system of public transport that connected the barrios to the city centre, complementing the existing metro and aimed to reduce greenhouse gases. They intended to do this by encouraging Medellin’s citizens to use a cable car instead of the current modes of transport. The project was brought Forward by the public company Metro de Medellin (Bea, 2016, p. 90). In 2001 the municipal election was won by Luis Pérez Gutiérrez, the only mayoral candidate who was dedicated to the MetroCable project and committed the city to providing 55 percent of the first line’s funding cost (Bea, 2016, p. 90). The development plan for the metro cable, called Medellín Competitiva began shortly afterwards in 2001- 2003. The idea of cable cars connecting the hillsides, took inspiration from the Caracas Aerial Tramway in Venezuela (Dale, 2016) also known as Mount Avila Gondola. Which was designed to carry passengers to a luxury hotel in the 1950’s but is now used to carry tourists up to the views of the mountain (El Avila). The MetroCable is a system built around the two original metro lines allowing a seamless travel between the two modes of transport. The MetroCable also has connections to the bus rapid transit system (BRT) and a tram way line that opened in 2016. The MetroCable partly substitutes (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.4) the existing transport systems in a more advanced and welcoming manner and has opened doors into new modern ways of transit.
Medellin outline Metro (railway)
Metro cable lines Informal settlements
Metro (railway)
Informal settlements
Metro (railway)
Figure7: Diagram of new methods of transport. Author
5.
Line Systems The Medellín’s government saw the cable car investment as a risk as it had never been used as a form of public transportation. However, the cable car can be particularly useful for crossing natural obstacles such as rivers and uneven topography making it a perfect match for the city of Medellín. Cable cars are cost effective and can cost half as much as the equivalent distance on a tram line (Landrin, 2012, para. 4) and they are also environmentally friendly. Meaning that the cable car could simultaneously clean the polluted air of Medellín and heal its corrupted communities. The first MetroCable Line “K” finished construction in 2004, in the north east area of the city, it is 2.07km long and connects districts (Comunas) 1 (Popular) and 2 (Santa Cruz) to the city centre via metro line A. Both regions have difficult, steep landscapes that prevent the construction of a railway line or implementation of bus routes, which gives good reason for the installation of an aerial cable-car system to enable access to these areas. Line “K” Has 4 stations and can reach 230,000 inhabitants in 12 different localities (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016). It is used by an estimate of 30,000 people every day (Centre for Public Impact CPI, 2016) and is capable of moving 3,000 (Dávila J.D & Daste. D, 2011, p.4) residents up and down the hills per hour. The Santo Domingo cable line “K” cost $24 million dollars (Dávila J.D & Daste. D, 2011, p.4) to construct and individual trips are cost-effective.
Medellin outline Metro (railway) Line “K”
Figure8: Diagram of line “K” connections. Author
6.
Ticketing system The MetroCable system is very simple to navigate and extremely economical, costing only 2,000 COP (£0.45) for a single MetroCable journey or 2,300 COP (£0.52) (Vides. Y,2019) for an integrated ticket (civica card). The civica card allows holders to use all types of public transport at a cheaper rate (Vides. Y,2019), it is rechargeable with any amount and allows shifting from different modes of transport at no extra cost. This simplifies the use of bus and metro services and is much cheaper than buying multiple tickets and helps avoid unnecessary ques at the ticket office.
Figure9: Civica card. (Franz 2019)
The MetroCable ticketing system being economically friendly is vital to its function and success, as many of its users are under the line of poverty. A cabin attendant, Julian David Correa, mentioned: “I go to work by cable car myself. In the past, I had to change the mode of transport and therefore pay several times. Now, it is cheaper and saves me time that I can spend with my family.” (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.4). Time savings can also be associated to a sustainable, environmentally friendly transport system. As an example, using the line “K” leads to an average of 11 days per year per commuter of time savings. That results in to more than one week that can be spent away from the streets and with family and friends (Seilbahnen, 2019, para.2). The commute to the city’s core has not only been made accessible it has been made safer and has halved the average travel time from the barrios to the centre, from roughly two hours to one (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016). After seeing the success of the first line, four more were added (line “H”, Line “J”, Line “L”, Line “M” and soon to be line “P”).
Figure10: Metro Map of all metro lines, cable car lines, trams and buses. ( Franz, 2019)
7.
Line Connections In 2008, four years after line “K” started operating, the second Line “J” was added. It is 2.7km long and was opened with four stations that cross city districts 7 (Robledo) and 13 (San Javier), in the western central area and joins the city centre through Metro Line B. It serves 315,000 inhabitants in 37 districts (Centre for Public Impact (CPI), 2016). The MetroCable due to its connections to the railway line as seen in line “K” and line “J” allows passengers to go smoothly from one method of transport to another, without having to pay an extra fare, creating a fluid use of mixed modal transport at a low cost. The only route that costs extra is line “L” which is connected to line “K”. Line “L” was opened in 2010, it is 4.8km long and does not serve communal areas, it is a tourist line only to park Arvi and Passengers must pay an extra fare of 5,200 COP (£1.60) (Vides. Y,2019) to ride this line. In 2011, the MetroCable system was complemented by the metro plus, (Bus-Rapid Transit). The bus system is called “integrados” meaning integrated and charges a small fee of 400 COP (£0.13) (Vides. Y,2019) to change from metro or MetroCable. It includes large, energy saving buses which utilise independent bus lanes, similar to a metro or tram and links with stations used by the metrocable. This is beneficial as the MetroCable stations connect to the bus stops allowing people easy access to more parts of the city.
Medellin outline Metro (railway) Line “J”
Figure11: Diagram of line “J” connections. Author
8.
Line Connections Line “H” was the third line to open in 2016, it is 1.4 km long and has three stations. It connects the citizens living in underdeveloped regions in the east of the city (Villa Sierra) to the tramway opened also in 2016, which can then take them to the city centre. The demand is estimated at 1,900 passengers per hour (Gondola Project, 2018). Line “M” opened in late 2018 and is the shortest line measuring 1.0km it serves the eastern side of the city and is the second cable car connected to the tram line. Line “M” was due to be completed in July 2016 however, it had a series of delays caused by the complexity of the neighbouring topography and structural issues. From its bottom station to its top station passengers experience a vertical rise of 275 metres (Gondola Project, 2018). Each cable car line consists of 90-120 mono-cabins with a seating capacity of eight persons and a maximum capacity of ten persons. The total vertical rise of the lines amounts to approximately 300-400 metres (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.4) which shows the severity of Medellín’s topography. Medellin outline Metro (railway) Line “H”
Tramline
Line “M” Line “P”
Figure12: Diagram of line “H”, “M” & “P” connections. Author
Line “P” was expected to be finished by July 2019, but due to delays it has been pushed back to early 2020. The new cable car will be 2.8km (Gondola Project, 2018) in longitude with a capacity of taking 4,000 passenger per hour with its 138 cabins (Osorio, 2019). The line will stretch over Comunas 5 and 6 (Gondola Project, 2018) with four stations integrating the poorest areas. This is estimated to benefit over 49,00 families (Villa, 2017) by cutting down commute times by 75%. People living in the Comunas can now reach the city centre in 15 minutes (Villa, 2017) whereas before it would take up to an hour with bus rides or car journeys.
9.
PUI- Urban integral Projects The city hopes to replicate the success of line “K” and has added more investments into the regions touched by line “P” by adding supplementary social spaces such as 30,000 square meters (Gondola Project, 2018) of new public space. Once line “P” begins operation local residents will be able to transfer between three transport systems: Metro line “A”, Metrocable line “K” and metrocable line “P” (Gondola Project, 2018). With the addition of Line “P” the MetroCable system will be a total of 14.km (Gondola Project, 2018) spread over 20 stations, maximising the coverage over the Comunas and totalling 241 million passengers since 2004. The MetroCable movement was reinforced by integral urban projects (Proyecto urbano integra, PUI) that set out to improve the communities and infrastructures of the Comunas directly. This was done by improving communal areas in the Comunas and creating more open social spaces that avoid overcrowding and promoted community building. The projects involved escalators in dangerously steep regions untouched by public transport that easily connect to the MetroCable, directly improving the living conditions of slum dwellings, making them structurally fit and improving sanitation around the dwellings. In addition, the PUI’s vastly improved the structural integrity of the ground on which the slums are built, this was to prevent landslides which are common in many areas. Parks and social spaces to be used by children and young people aimed to lower the involvement in antisocial behaviours. All of these improvements were undertaken and completed around the already existing buildings and slums, thereby not changing the nature of the area or becoming imposing on the community.Instead the projects actively seek to improve the day to day lives of the people without disturbing the sense of community.
Figure13: PUI development of streets. (Comuna 13, 2019)
Figure14: PUI, development of escaltors. (Comuna 13, 2019)
10.
Park Libraries Juan Alvaro Gonzalez from the planning department mentioned that many inhabitants of the city were surprised about the government’s investment in their district. As a result, the people’s trust in the public sector was reinforced (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.5). Park libraries are one of the main PUI’s that are built in 9 different locations each one strategically located around the city, aiming to cater to the most disadvantaged areas which usually consist of informal settlements. Since barrios are considered areas with greater educational, cultural, public spaces and basic services deficits (Blanco, 2009), the libraries are placed either adjacent to them or in the interior of the informal urban fabric. The interventions are specifically called park libraries because of their aim to achieve an urban transformation mostly through the creation of public spaces. Park libraries promote education, outdoor exercise and well-being by having recreational fields for football and basketball, a theatre, community meeting rooms, meeting rooms for workshops and community skill development, a children’s playroom, public areas (indoor and outdoor), and parks (Comuna 13, 2019, para. 4).
Figure15: Diagram of Park libraries in Medellin. Author
Park libraries
The design for each of the libraries was a winning scheme from a design competition which had a brief for a “building for multi-services, library, classes for adult qualification, exhibition room, administration spaces, and auditorium” (Goodship. P & Capille. C, 2014). The brief also states that the buildings should perform more than just the basic function of a library and encourage the informal social interaction as well as educational advancement. The project directors were keen that these functions be merged with the everyday urban flow of the city. By being located at the cable car stations and becoming the centre of the community, they are constantly a part of the day to day life of the local people. 11.
San Javier Park Library There are a number of basic functions and services that the libraries are required to meet by law such as offering direct access to the external lending of books, education for users, provide access to the internet and education for digital skills. On top of this most also have extra spaces such as cafés, workshops and exhibition spaces. A monitoring person from the computer room said: “Our IT offer in the cable car station Vallejuela benefits the district in many aspects: housewives no longer fear computers and kids learn to take care of objects.” (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.5) The park library has a mission to reform the communities on the outskirts of Medellín and was part of the government’s initiative to invest in a social master plan programme that would give equal opportunities to Medellín’s population. By giving residents of the city a safe place in the community to learn and play, people stop fearing the streets that were once covered in violence and start appreciating them. Thus, improving the overall quality of life of the citizens of Medellín as they no longer resent their neighbourhoods. San Javier (Figure 16) was the first of the nine planned park libraries costing $4.5 million (Comuna 13, 2019, para. 3). This park library structure was designed by architect Javier Vera Londoño to act as a symbol of investment in the poor regions of Medellín (Comuna 13, 2019). San Javier was opened in 2006 just two years after Line “K” was opened. The park library is situated next to the San Javier metro stop (Sertich, 2010) as well as the beginning of line “J”. It is important for park libraries to be connected to transportation systems to reinforce connections and allow more people access around the city. The design of San Javier park library is one large mass (Sertich, 2010) that contains separate rooms to be used for reading, galleries, IT suites and other educational activities.
Figure16: San Javier Park library. (Comuna 13, 2019)
Figure17: Diagram of location of San Javier park library in relation to metrocable. Author
San Javier park library 12.
España Park Library Furthermore, San Javier mainly serves Comuna 13 on the western side of Medellín and has lots of glass facades in order to focus on transparency (Sertich, 2010). Transparency was particularly important so that the people of Medellín felt welcome into the park libraries (Sertich, 2010) allowing acceptance from neighbours. The library and metro cable station are seen as nodes in the city bringing people together with the connection to social spaces such as plazas, walkways and bridges (Comuna 13, 2019).
Figure18: España Park library. (Mazzanti, 2008)
Figure19: Diagram of location of España park library in relation to metrocable. Author
España park library
The España library (figure 18) is an additional park library that was heavily invested in. The project was planned to have a library, training room, auditorium and an administration room. The proposal was to split these functions into individual buildings that were joined with communal platforms allowing connections and meeting points for Medellín’s citizens. The project set out to integrate itself with the mountainous landscapes of the city giving the place and the citizens a sense of belonging in Medellín. The building shape shows irregular slices almost looking like rocks to imitate Medellín’s mountain contours. “A folded building cut like mountains” (Mazzanti, 2008). The Unique shape is very noticeable and has become an icon in the city that people use to gather and create meeting or reference points. Therefore, growing the connection between the city and its people. The España Park library has become an addition to the new skyline of Medellín that indicates a revolution. Park libraries are seen by Medellín’s citizens as an investment into their once isolated slums. Consequently, they have regained trust in the governance, which came from the connections made from the MetroCable to the city centre and the investment of park libraries and other urban projects in their communities. The whole urban planning of the MetroCable and PUI’s decontextualize the individual from the poverty that is experienced in the comunas helping them recover the quality of life.
13.
Crime rate Medellín was once known as the world’s most violent city (Jakobsen, 2016). In the 1990’s, Medellín had the highest murder rate in the world and was known as the murder capital. However, now due to the metrocable and PUI’s, Medellín is adding to more positive recognition. In 2013 it was named the most innovative city in the world by the international urban land institute (Young, 2019) and has come top of the list for most liveable cities in south America (Young, 2019). Crime rate has slowed down considerable due to the positive transformation of the city. Margarita Castaño Echavarría who has lived in Medellín all her life notices the difference made by the metrocable and PUI’s. “Life has improved, both here in this city and in the country generally. In the nineties we were always afraid of walking on the streets, because a bomb could go off at any moment. Almost no foreigners dared visit Colombia either. But now we see more and more tourists, and we also see that more foreign companies invest and set up their offices here in this city,” (Jakobsen, 2016). Figure 21 shows the different districts and their crime levels between 19992008, before and after the MetroCable was implemented. The results from the table show that line “K” had the biggest impact and reduced crime in the areas of Santo Domingo, Popular and Andalucía (where there is a MetroCable station) by an average of 87%. The results also show that line “J” did not have as big of an impact in crime reduction with Belen and Castilla only showing an average of 9.5%. Given that the survey was also conducted in 2008, the impacts of the implementation of line “J” are unlikely to have fully taken effect, thus the reduction in crime appears lower. Despite this, the building of stations itself will have had an impact on the community as it is a tangible improvement and investment from the government.
Figure20: Military on streets combating everyday crimes. (villatorro, 2014)
Line “K”
Line “J”
No Line
Figure21: Table of crime rates before and after the metrocable. (Borraez, 2015) after Author
14.
Crime rate Additionally, the park library San Javier was opened in 2006, therefore the decreasing crime rate might also be due to the growth in community that was occurring because inauguration of the first park library. The districts of Manrique and Robledo do not have a station located within them or any PUI investments made up until the survey was taken and not only fail to see a reduction in crime but actually see an increase of up to 10%.
Figure22: PUI development of play areas in slum districts. (villatorro, 2014)
Before the Metrocable 1993-2003
After the Metrocable 2004-2008
Figure23: Table of homicide rates before and after the metrocable. (Borraez, 2015)
Figure 23 shows the percentage of homicides before and after the metrocable. Between 1993-2003, before the transport system and the integral projects were implemented, there was a 10% homicide rate. Comparing to the period of 2004-2008 this percentage was reduced to 4%, this shows that Medellín saw a reduction of 6% in homicides after the MetroCable and PUI’s were put in place. The graph above reflects that before the MetroCable and PUI’s were initiated there was a total of 798 homicides (Borraez, 2015) in the influenced zones and this number was reduced considerably to 98 (Borraez, 2015). Making the overall reduction of homicides in affected zones 88%. Overall the result of the study shows that the decline of crime rate in the intervention neighbourhoods was 66% times higher (Borraez, 2015) than in neighbourhoods without investment. However, the MetroCable wasn’t the only thing to force this change. It was mainly the overall investment made into the underprivileged districts that helped reduce the violence that the city endured. The investment brought back trust to the public sector and as a result it healed communities and restored its debt to the neglected barrios of Medellín. The investment in public and open spaces allowed places of gathering instead of people fearing streets, and the MetroCable provided the link to a better future and growing opportunities. Beatriz Ortiz, a cleaning lady, affirmed: “I now feel much safer than before the construction of the Metrocable and PUI’s.” (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.3).
15.
Education and Employment Figure 24 represents the rise in secondary school attendance after the metrocable was implemented. This could be due to more access provided by the cable car connections, adding to the decreasing crime rate as the majority of crimes are involving younger generations (Borraez, 2015). The graph in Figure 25shows the correlation between household income and university attendance. Although the upper and middle classes still have a higher attendance, there is a slow increase (Colombia Reports,2019) of poorer and lower-class households attending universities. This increase starts after the year 2003 coinciding with the construction of the MetroCable which allowed access to higher education, therefore keeping young adults of the streets, resulting in a decreasing crime rate.
Figure24: Graph showing secondary school enrollment. (Colombia Reports, 2019)
The overall trend in education shows a greater involvement after the development of the metrocable, the same can be said for unemployment which has continued to decrease. This is expected as the boost in education would likely be followed by better rates of employment. Figure 26 shows the years following the construction of the metrocable in 2004 and the slow decline of unemployment rate since. Figure25: Graph showing correlation between household income and university attendance. (Colombia Reports, 2019)
Figure26: Graph showing unemployment rates in colombia. (Colombia Reports, 2019)
16.
Air Quality Medellín has also traditionally suffered from major environmental problems such as air pollution, (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.4). However, the cable car system intended to reduce emissions by lowering the use of automobiles and other fossil-fuel powered means of transport. (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.2). The MetroCable company report that the air pollution in the city has been reduced however data collected by the worlds health organisation suggests that this is not the case. According to the World Health Organisation’s (WHO’s) Medellín is ranked number 9 out of the most polluted cities and towns in Latin America (Medellín Pollution, 2019). The MetroCable represents an “ecological clean system, environmentally friendly. It makes no noise and no pollution” (Seilbahnen, 2015, para.2). Emissions for a cable car is less than 0,1kW per hour we can compare this to a hair dryer which takes 5 minutes to consume the same amount of energy. One cable car in Medellín has the capacity to carry 10 passengers which is equivalent to 3.3kWh, comparing this to a standard minibus to carry the same number of passengers it takes 157kWh (Seilbahnen, 2015, para 4). However, while the figures may show that the cable car uses comparatively less energy per journey, it does not simply run for one journey, it runs continuously. During periods of the day when there are low numbers of users, the system is still using the same amount of energy. This is something that must be taken into consideration and is not advertised by the company in charge.
Figure27: Pollutions affect on visibility. (Gill,2016)
Chart Title 180 160
Amount of emission (kW)
140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0
cable car
Type of transport
mini bus amount of emissions (kW)
Column1
Column2
Figure28: Comparison of emisions between cable car and mini bus. Author
Medellín reduced air pollution red alert days3 from 30 in 2016 to just one in 2018 (Breathelife, 2018). The metro cables have provided a substitution for the conventional transport system and have reduced emissions per passenger-kilometre, therefore in theory reducing greenhouse gas emissions (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.1). 3. Red air quality alert indicates it is starting to become dangerous for everyone (Breathelife, 2018).
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Air Quality The MetroCable celebrates the reduction of emissions through posters. Figure 31 shows the poster and it reads “we stop 175,000 tonnes of co2 going into the air every year, thanks to you.” What is not advertised is that the system is only used for longer journeys rather than day to day travel within a neighbourhood. In fact, the total number of cars in the city has risen since 2003 (Cantillo &Ortúzar, 2014). This is not surprising when considering that there is always a need to travel either shorter distances than the metrocable allows or for travel to areas in which there are no stations. Over the past decade there are 67 percent more cars in Medellín, 280 percent more motorcycles, 54 percent more taxis and buses, and 50 percent more trucks (Medellín Pollution, 2019). While the mix of fuels has improved in Colombia since 2004, it still does not meet the quality recommended by the World Health Organization (Medellín Pollution, 2019). During the first seven years of operation it was predicted that the reduction in emissions was as much as 121,029 t CO2e (Beyond carbon ,2012, p.2). Cable cars have very low levels of particulate production particularly in comparison to cars and busses (Beyond carbon ,2012). These particulates are what cause the poor air quality and smog that highly populated cities are often synonymous with.
Figure29: GHGs emitted by transport sector in Mton CO2 equivalent. (Jaramillo, 2017)
Figure30: Evolution of increase of vehicles in Medellin. (Jaramillo, 2017)
While the initial impacts of the cable system showed a reduction in emissions, the trends now show an increase once again (Jaramillo, 2017) In order for the system to make a lasting impact on emissions, it would need to be far more comprehensive and reach into more districts with more stations. Even if this was to be realised its ability to completely replace conventional transport is questionable. This is not to say that for longer distance travel around the city it is a good option and does serve its purpose effectively. Figure31: Poster celebrating co2 emissions saved by metrocable. (Beyond Carbon, 2012)
18.
Conclusion Due to the lack of initiative of the government and investment into the city’s extremities, communities resented the government. However, by investing into the new transport system not only did it begin to provide people with the benefits they had initially moved into the city for, it strengthened confidence in the government. This in turn lead to more trust in the police, something that played a strong part in the reduction of crime. The reduction of crime is also attributed to the increase in further education (Colombia reports, 2019) specifically from lower income classes. The MetroCable is responsible for integrating these poor residents with the economic hub of the region and giving access to jobs, education, and more (Beyond carbon,2012). The overall impacts of the MetroCable have seen slow improvements in the way of employment, while there have been high levels of improvement in crime rate. Figure32: The view from cable car line “K� (Comuna 13, 2019)
The reduction in air pollution promised by the MetroCable company has not materialised to the extent in which it was promised. We see that early improvements have given way to further rise in pollution rates, likely to be as a result of the continual need for residents of the city to travel within their neighbourhoods, in a way in which the cable car does not allow. However, the MetroCable was the first step into educating residents of the increasing levels of pollution by encouraging other more sustainable uses of transport. Despite this the cable car has improved the city in other ways. Isolated areas are now much more integrated into the urban context and no longer suffer from the levels of neglect previously seen. This has added to the infrastructure of the city and even promoted tourism in areas which would have otherwise never seen it.
Figure33: Tourists in Medellin. (Walzer, 2019)
19.
Conclusion In conclusion the metrocable has not brought all the benefits that started Medellín’s transformation, it was the urban integral projects and local government investments in public services and social spaces that strengthened the social cohesion in some of the most disregarded areas. By investing in these open plazas, green spaces, play areas and park libraries it rehabilitated the communities of the barrios, because it gave them spaces to come together and grow as a community, resulting in safer, more positive environments. The MetroCable and PUI’s have redefined resident’s conception of Medellín, of who is recognised and who is not, thus integrating the city in more ways than one, contributing to the growth and improvement of the city, without which would be facing many major challenges.
Figure34: Future Metro lines (Line “P”) (Bello, 2017)
“The MetroCable has become a symbol for Medellín,” Tomas Elejalde Escobar, general manager of Metro de Medellín, “a symbol of the transformation, of the equity that has been achieved between the different neighbourhoods.” (Galvin. M &Maassen. A, 2019).
Figure35: improved street corners through PUI projects. (Blanco, 2009)
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