Arms Cavalcade 2013 Edition

May 2013 ISSN 1325-779X

Contents Silver Mounted Duelling Pistols by Westley Richards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Imperial Challenge Shield and Colonel Raymond ffennell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

On Being a Collector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

An Interpretation of the Pre-Islamic Javanese Keris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Javanese Keris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Slaver’s Sword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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EDITORIAL In the 1998 edition of Arms Cavalcade , AG Maisey wrote an article, Origin of the Keris, and in the December 2000 edition, The Keris and the Naga.

Mr Maisey has been a student of the Javanese Keris and the history of this area for many years.

His knowledge is respected at an international level.

The society has pleasure in publishing in this edition the article developed over many years by AG Maisey, An Interpretation of the Pre-Islamic Javanese Keris.

The articles by the other authors make excellent reading as well, Duelling Pistols by Bill Taylor, Collecting English Pistols by Geoff Pogson, A Slavers Sword by Tony Wood, and The Imperial Challenge Shield from John Newton. W Johnston has also sent in photos of interesting keris from his collection.

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OFFICE BEARERS

REGISTERED OFFICE

COMMITTEE

PHOTOGRAPHY

President Paul Duffy Past President George Psychas Secretary Terry Hartmann Treasurer Ron Cook

C/- Hartmann & Associates 135 Macquarie St Sydney NSW 2000

Mitch Frost Bill Newbold Harvey Facer Ian Anderson Dominic Hassett Glen Thompson Peter Cameron Gary Locke

Ivan Fitz-Gerald

EDITORS Paul Duffy John Newton

DESIGN MeldCreative

ISSN 1325-779X

Visit our website at: www.antiquearmssociety.org.au

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Silver mount pistols by We

BY BILL TAYLOR

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n my early collecting days I often used to drop into country gun dealers’ shops to ask whether they had any old guns.

The response was usually not very exciting, the most common offerings were clapped out Winchesters or rusty percussion miners’ pistols. One day however I was offered a Westley Richards top lever double rifle in .500BP Express, with the firm’s name in gold on the locks. It had seen a lot of use but was tight and the bores were good, so a deal was done and I took it home. Its

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appearance improved considerably after the grime was cleaned off and for several years I had a lot of fun firing it.

That rifle introduced me to this famous gun maker, which is the longest operating firearms maker in the United Kingdom. The firm was established in 1812 and continues to build high quality firearms two hundred years later. For the last one hundred and fifty years its name has been synonymous with rifles for hunting dangerous game in Africa and India. It still hand builds fine shotguns and double rifles up to .600 nitro

ed duelling stley Richards

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Silver mounted duelling pistols by Westley Richards express (in 2012 a new standard sidelock without extras will cost you £65,000).

William Westley Richards started his firm in Birmingham when he was just twenty two years old. There were many gun makers called Richards in Birmingham at that time, including his famous father Theophilus Richards, but William clearly intended to make his mark early, and he did. In 1815 he appointed William Bishop - a high profile London dealer – as his agent at 170 New Bond Street, and soon made a name for himself in that highly competitive market. The most influential shooting personality of his day, Colonel Peter Hawker, subsequently rated Westley Richards up with his all time favourite Joseph Manton.

For five decades Westley Richards made a general range of longarms and pistols before specializing in shotguns and rifles. William Westley

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Richards’ son, who was simply known as Westley Richards, took over in 1865 on his father’s death.

He was innovative and astute, pushing the firm to world recognition not only in sporting firearms but in military firearm inventions.

These high quality duelling pistols were made relatively early in the percussion era. They can be dated with some accuracy because their furniture is made from sterling silver, Birmingham hallmarked for 1830, by silver makers Freeth and Jones. This does not mean that the pistols were necessarily made in that same year, but if not 1830, then it was probably the following year. They are not serial numbered as the firm did not adopt serial numbers until 1839.

Well before the end of the 18th century the fashion for mounting pistols in silver

had waned considerably, so it is very unusual to see silver mounts on duellers as late as 1830. I have seen only one other percussion pair of duellers with silver mounts (a different gun maker, but the same Birmingham silver makers and hallmarked for 1829). Perhaps this indicates a brief resurgent demand for silver mounts amongst the young bloods who fancied themselves as duellists.

Whatever the reason, the inclusion of silver mounts on these high quality pistols is a nice point of distinction.

The mahogany case is lined with red velvet, with the Westley Richards trade label in the lid.

The label shows that the pistols were sold through Westley Richards’ London retail premises at 170 New Bond Street. The inclusion of the Royal Coat of Arms on the label implies that the firm held a Royal Warrant. Although the first Warrant on the firm’s records is from Prince

Albert in 1840, I do not believe that any firm at that time could have the Royal coat of arms on their label without having a Royal patron.

The pistols are half stocked with heavy octagonal 32 bore damascus twist 9� barrels which are lightly etched to highlight the attractive twist pattern. They have case hardened breeches with double platinum lines and pierced platinum breech plugs. The silver foresights are dovetailed to allow lateral adjustment.

Westley Richards is engraved in Gothic script on the top flats of the barrels and on the safety bolted and detented locks. Set triggers are adjustable with a capstan on the triggerplate. The well figured stocks are mounted with silver trigger guards, fore-end caps and ramrod pipes, all fully hallmarked, plus silver escutcheons and barrel bolt plates. The brass-tipped ramrods are original, one bearing a capped ball extractor.

The case accessories include a three way powder flask, bullet mould, brush, steel oil bottle, cleaning rod, spring clamp, percussion caps and a number of balls.

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Silver mounted duelling pistols by Westley Richards

These pistols were built towards the end of the duelling era. Duelling in England was not only illegal by 1830 but was no longer regarded as acceptable behaviour. Nonetheless, high quality English gun makers continued to offer duelling pistols, perhaps because there was a residual desire by young gentlemen to own a pair of duellers, even if they were highly unlikely to be involved in a duel.

For that reason, many cased percussion duelling pistols of that era are still in almost unused condition today, although the signs of use on this pair indicate an owner who practiced with them regularly.

From the 1790s there had been keen interest amongst young gentlemen in target practice at shooting ranges provided by a number of London gun makers, and by the 1830s specialised target pistols had emerged. They differed from duellers in two ways: their bores were rifled for greater accuracy, and they

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often did not have an attached ramrod, because they were loaded at the shooting range using the loading rod and mallet provided in the case.

The duelling code decreed that rifled pistols could not be used for duels. Nonetheless, one can find some duelling pistols by famous makers that are ostensibly smooth bore, but on close examination reveal a system of fine scratch rifling.

I once owned a pair of John Manton flintlock duellers with this scratch rifling, and recently was shown a pair of scratch rifled percussion duellers

by John Manton and Son, dated to 1837 by their serial numbers. I wonder how this was reconciled with the duelling code – presumably people did not regard the scratch rifling as sufficiently effective to offer an unfair advantage. In any event, my Westley Richards pistols are resolutely smooth bore.

Westley Richards’ catalogue entry for the 1851 Great Exhibition includes a set of duelling pistols, indicating that there was some demand even then.

An interesting Australian example from the period is a cased pair of Westley Richards percussion pistols I photographed in the History and Technology Collection of Museum Victoria in the 1970s. The case is supplied with two sets of barrels: the first a blued pair of European rifled barrels 8.25” long of .469” calibre, and the second a shorter pair of browned damascus smoothbore barrels 5” long of .659” calibre. They are catalogued as duelling pistols,

but are in fact a combination of target pistols and travelling pistols.

Collecting cased percussion duelling and target pistols used to be an affordable way of acquiring good examples of high quality English gunmaking, but in recent years their auction prices have increased significantly. Nonetheless, they can be found and are worth consideration.

References 1. Westley Richards & Co: In Pursuit of the Best Gun 18121012, Jeremy Musson, 2012, publisher Westley Richards & Co, Birmingham 2. Westley Richards 1812-1912 Catalogues, 1988 consolidated reprint, Armory Publications, USA 3. Early Firearms of Great Britain and Ireland, from the Collection of Clay P Bedford, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYC, 1971 4. The Mantons: Gunmakers, W Keith Neal and DHL Back, Herbert Jenkins, 1967 5. The Manton Supplement, W Keith Neal and DHL Back, Compton Press, 1978 6. The Mantons 1782 – 1878, DHL Back, Historical Firearms, 1993.

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The Imperial Cha and Colonel Ray

BY JOHN NEWTON “Let us admit it fairly As a business people should.

We have had no end of a lesson It will do us no end of good.

Not on a single issue Or in one direction or ‘twain But conclusively, comprehensively, And several times and again Were all our most holy illusions Knocked higher than Gilroy’s kite.

We have had a jolly good lesson, And it serves us jolly well right.” his excerpt from Rudyard Kipling’s poem - “The Lesson” - referencing the Anglo-Boer campaign, 1899 - 1902, echoed the general sentiment of the military hierarchy, politicians and the British public regarding many aspects of the war. If, as quoted by Churchill (and others), “history is written by the victors” then, like Kipling, the many orators and authors of the millions of words spoken and written about the South African conflict were not going to let truth be the last casualty.

Never again would the military of the British Empire fight a campaign using principles relatively unchanged since the Napoleonic battles almost 100 years earlier.

One issue which was perceived as requiring attention and improvement was the standard of marksmanship - ‘musketry’ in many documents exhibited by the British forces.

Senior military personnel and politicians such as Lord Roberts of Kandahar and Lord Salisbury were prime instigators in encouraging a national movement to develop competency in rifle shooting from an early age - “every boy is to be given the opportunity of learning how to use a rifle under the direction of skilled instructors.”

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The Societies of Working Men’s Rifle Clubs, which had begun in 1901, developed into the first National Small Bore Association which had its initial meeting at Crystal Palace in 1903 incorporating the existing ‘British Rifle League.’

The 1904 meeting, held at Olympia, came under the auspices of the Society of Miniature Rifle Clubs. These founding organisations later were absorbed into the National Rifle Association . The N.R.A. U.K. was founded in 1859 (12 years before the American N.R.A.) and had its inaugural competition at Wimbledon Common in 1860. Queen Victoria

allenge Shield ymond ffennell Winners Senior Div. Naval Cadets.

Largs Bay, 1913

Above: Queen Victoria opens the shooting competition at Wimbledon in 1860 Right: Colonel Raymond ffenell Below: Church Lads Brigade, est 1891

fired the first shot - with a Whitworth target rifle clamped on a rest and fired with a silk lanyard.

Enter Colonel Raymond William Schumacherr (later ffennell.) In official documents, and by the Colonel himself, the name ‘ffennell’ is always written in lower case letters.

Raymond Schumacher was born in London in 1871, educated at Harrow, and went on to study Banking and Finance.

In 1894 he joined the Johannesburg mining finance house of H. Eckstein & Co. By the age of 41 he was a senior director and oversaw the absorbing ng ARMS AR ARM A RM R MS C CAVALCADE AVA A AV V LCA LCAD DE 2 DE 20 201 2013 0113

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The Imperial Challenge Shield and Colonel Raymond ffennell Winners Imperial Challenge Shield. Unley, 1922, Junior Div

into his organisation of many other mining companies, particularly gold mines, resulting in his company becoming the largest mining structure in South Africa - and making him an extremely wealthy man.

Schumacher served as a Captain in the Witwatersrand Rifles during the Boer War. His task was to protect the mines from the guerilla forces and in particular to ensure that mining explosives did not fall into enemy hands. He was later a Major in the Transvaal Light Infantry. He was given the honorary peacetime rank of Colonel in the “Wit Rifles” and later the South African Defence Force.

In 1910, using his own money as funding, Colonel Schumacher, then Vice-President of the N.R.A., founded an annual shooting competition known as The Imperial Cadets’ Challenge Cup - to be shot on Empire Day (unless this was a Sunday, and if so, shot on the following Saturday).

The War Office and N.R.A. gave full approval for this innovation as the push for all boys throughout the Empire to be trained in marksmanship continued apace.

This inaugural competition was discontinued in 1911 and reconstituted as ‘The Imperial Challenge Shield Competition‘, again funded by Schumacher.

This could be shot on any day (except Sunday) between 1st and 24th May. There were two divisions - Junior (under 15 years) and Senior (under 18 years).

Any shooting range in any part of the British Empire could be utilised and the Competition was open to cadets of any rank with teams of no less

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than eight competitors. Units of Boy Scouts, Boys’ Brigades, Church Lads’ Brigades, Rifle Clubs etc could also participate.

Rifles used were to be single loading and taking .22 or Morris tube ammunition. Sights were to be an open front sight (solid bead or blade with no protecting ring) and an open military backsight. Bisley targets were used - reduced in size for 25 yards. Competitors could fire from a standing, kneeling, sitting or prone position.

A strict handicapping system was used to cater for the great variance in the number and size of teams from the many Empire country entrants. Photos exist of notable able English schools preparing scores ores of boys for the th competition while in New Zealand aland some districts disttricts presented one team of 8 boys..

In 1916 five thousand boys competed.

Two years later, in 1918, 1463 teams eams comprising fifteen thousand boys participated. These numbers grew considerably over the period prior to the Second World War. Colonel Schumacher, in corresponding with Mr Andrew Fisher, Australian High Commissioner to the U.K. on 15th February, 1917 wrote - “I beg to hand you enclosed the 1916 results, just published by the N.R.A., of

the Imperial Challenge Shield Competition, Senior and Junior, for boys over fifteen years of age and under fifteen, shooting with small bore rifles on their own range in all parts of the Empire. Australia did extremely well, more especially the R.A.N.R. cadets in the senior competition. These particular cadets have done better than any others, either in Australia, or elsewhere.”

From the records it can be discerned that Australian Naval Reservists won the Shield on eight occasions up to 1927.

In the 1920 competition Australian Naval and Military cadets won more than 50% of the prizes.

It can be seen from the photographs accompanying this text that on the two Shield prize medals, the sponsor’s name changes from Schumacher to ffennell (in 1916). The 1910 date indicates the inaugural cadet competition.

The reverse of both senior and junior medals depicts an archer and a military volunteer with the dates 1300 - 1500 (being the era in history of the archer) and 1860 (being the date of the inaugural N.R.A. comp.) The N.R.A. motto - “Sit Perpetuum” translates “Let it be forever.”

Colonel Schumacher had returned to England in 1915 and quickly, by Royal Licence, adopted his mother’ moth s maiden name - ffennell. This was to avoid the hostility at this time directed at those who had ho German Germ sounding names.

The Th Imperial Challenge Shield became fragmented after the Second World War with many fragm countries instituting their own national, state or count divisional shooting competitions. divisi However, the military orders for the Shield Ho Competition were still in force in 1967. In fact Com a ffennell Shooting Competition was still in e existence in the U.K. in 2010. exi Colonel Raymond ffennell was an outstanding philanthropist. Before leaving ou South Africa to return to England he donated So his hi substantial Johannesburg home to the city to house sick children. h Back in England he used his vast wealth B to purchase the extensive Wytham Estate in pu Oxfordshire from the Earl of Abingdon. This estate Oxfor off 3,000 3,00 3 00 00 acres ac included a Village, Wytham Abbey and M Mill and an large tracts of virgin forest.

Sections Se ection of this woodland, where Kings and knights knigh hts had ha hunted deer centuries before, were gradually gift g ed to organisations who would “leave the historic histori parks and the floodplain unblemished with crass cra and thoughtless development.”

In 11930 Colonel ffennell authored a book titled - “Oxford As It Was, Now Is, and Never Should Shou Be.“ In 1939 Colonel ffennell’s much loved and highly talented daughter Hazel (described by ‘The Times’ as a girl of rare (de promise) died very unexpectedly at an pro early ear age.

Heartbroken, Colonel ffennell and his wife, wife Hope, with no other heirs, deeded almost almo 1,000 acres of the magnificent

Wytham Wood and the Abbey to Oxford University. y.

There had been no comparable endowment to the University since the middle ages.

The ffennels only caveat at with this gift was that part off the estate was to be denoted ass “The Woods of Hazel” in homage e to his only child - an exceptional painter and sculptor of wild woodland animals.

Much of Wytham Wood d remains pristine to this day and can be visited in small groups, groups by appointment. Much environmental research work is carried out there by Oxford University and Governmental Agencies.

Colonel Raymond William ffennell died in 1944 leaving a meritorious legacy. Not even his detractors who claimed that his wealth “opened d doors” for him could deny his commitment and d generosity. Correspondence from the highest echelons of Government, and Buckingham Palace, ace, attest to the recognition of his achievements.

Northern Advocate NZ article, 3 September 1925

References State Library of South Australia Mr John O’Connor F.A.I.H.A. Author “Shooting Awards & Prize Medals to Australian Military Forces” Mr Roger Nash - Rudgwick Preservation Society Priscilla Waugh David Haywood

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On being a

BY GEOFF POGSON

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ay back in November 1937, the collector and author, John Nigel George, could not possibly have imagined the influence that his book, “English Pistols & Revolvers” would have on a three year old lad who lived only a mile or so from where he sat in his study, though that was the purpose of the book in the first place, to illustrate and illuminate the pleasures of collecting fine, and not so fine, old firearms.

I had not imagined it either, for I was the three year old who, later, as a man of thirty years or so, picked a beaten up and battered old copy of this book, not even an original, but a Samworth Reprint, obviously hard used by its probably late owner. I dug deep for the eighty cents it cost me at the “White Elephant” shop in Chatswood, close to the station.

Nigel, as he preferred to be known, must have accumulated an impressive collection of English Pistols and Revolvers, the title and subject matter

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collector of his book, as he managed to get an immense amount of information and history of the subjects into it, although the quality of the photographs of the day left much to be desired. Nevertheless, it is one of the first and the most comprehensive of all the tomes written on English handguns and acknowledged as such by Taylerson and Chamberlain, and others, a generation or two later.

Nigel George was, I understand, a casualty of the war. Sadly, we were not to see any further efforts of this important Author/Collector.

I had started to collect a few odd pieces a couple of years before acquiring the book, mostly long arms, till my first Adams Percussion revolver made it necessary to take out a Pistol Collectors’ Licence, as it was in those good old days.

Gradually and as I could afford it, my collection began to accrue and I consulted Nigel George more often, and found I was trending towards English revolvers as my specialised field. The thought occurred that to secure a sample of all the specimens pictured

in his book would prove to be a very interesting project, fulfilling too, except in the wallet region.

I soon gave that idea a miss – talk about champagne taste on a beer income. What was I thinking?

Years went by and with the usual scraping and saving, I gradually picked up some of the easier and cheaper English pistols, usually pretty run down, but I was able to set them working again without trying to conceal the hard lives most of them had been through. While others had guns with fine finish and rare past use, mine had “character” and showed they had been places. I think the idea was still there, to complete a collection, but dimly, till a Webley Fosberry came within touching distance. I had heard how few and far they were between and was honoured to even see it. The owner needed money, quickly, about half of what I would have thought it’s worth, and I told him so. Still more than I had, but only by a fingernail. This was a chance I had to take, I borrowed a couple of hundred and the Fosberry was mine.

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On being a collector It’s nice but not easy being a collector. It’s hard when you have family responsibilities, but dangerous to be on your own and uncontrolled. The earlier thought returned. Now I have a Fosberry, maybe there were others if I looked around a bit. As time went by I did get luckier and started to get one or two of the rarer items listed in Nigel’s book.

One of the earlier models shown in the photographs is the Thomas Simultaneous Extracting Revolver, of 1869, the first patent on this development taken out by a British Maker in the UK, though Galland of Belgium had taken out a similar patent in 1868.

In my collecting career of over forty years I have only come close to even seeing one before on two occasions, each time they had been sold before I rang the owners, I didn’t think I would ever own one myself.

Then came THE DAY I was wandering round the

Thomas Self Extracting Revolver patented 1868

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tables at the last Penrith arms fair of 2012 not seeing much that I couldn’t live without, when I spotted a nice looking English Revolver in a clean and tidy wooden case, and moved closer to for a better view. I was taken quite aback when I noticed the characteristic shape of the Thomas revolver, and asked to have a closer look at it I knew immediately what I was looking at but could hardly believe that one was now within my reach, straight away asking if the dealer might take my deposit while I moved mountains to get the rest of the price. He agreed The Thomas has a very prominent round ball of steel placed on the bottom flat of the octagon barrel, very close to the front of the frame. A small button on the frame allows the barrel to be rotated by 180 degrees, using the knob to apply the force to turn and draw the barrel forwards about half an inch, or

Hills patent self extracting revolver, of about 1870, derived from the Galland revolver

a little more than the length of the empty cartridge case. Drawing the barrel and cylinder forwards is supposed to allow the empty cases to drop clear, retaining any still having seated bullets therein, hanging in the fixed star extractor. When empties are cleared the barrel is returned to its normal position and new rounds put in through the now opened gate.

This is a clumsy and soon obsolete system, replaced by better and simpler methods almost within months, borne out by the fact that only some 1500 were made before they were to disappear forever, but it was an evolutionary first step in revolver development. My reading suggests that Tipping and Lawden were the actual makers of the Thomas Revolver and the fact that T&L were shortly after taken over by Webley & Son could be another reason for the short lifespan.

Virtually the same system was employed by

Enfield Lock when they produced the 1880 & 82 models of the Enfield revolvers used to replace the Robert Adams Revolvers, and which were then superseded themselves by the Webley line of revolvers in British Military Service from about 1883.

The revolver itself still has copious, unmarked blue on most of the frame, faded to brown on the lower buttstrap, while there is still a lot of original blue on the barrel though marred by small but very noticeable scratch marks, as though cleaned of slight rust using a pot scourer, but this hardly detracts from the 145 year old revolver which has an unblemished bore and chambers, and is still one of only fifteen hundred or thereabouts.

The wooden case seemed complete with slight wear to the “touching places� no broken or cracked partitions and the set is complete with an oil bottle, brass cleaning rod, slotted to take a patch, and a ARMS CAVALCADE 2013

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On being a collector bore brush which screws onto the rod. There is also a key that fits the still working lock on the case. This outfit has done very little work, I’m happy to say. There are no .450 Calibre rounds, or Label. Can’t have everything.

The seller was happy to take my deposit and leave the gun with a Sydney dealer, also a mutual friend, the deal being that when I had paid the full price I could recover the pistol from the Sydney dealer after the appropriate formal paper work palaver had been performed. And so it was that on the Monday of the week before Christmas 2012 I went to pick up this new addition to my furnishings Oh What Feeling! Not a Toyota, a Thomas S E Revolver.

I have another revolver which uses a quite similar extractor system to the Thomas, inscribed with a statement of “The Hills Patent Self Extracting Revolver”, with what

The Enfield 1880 model revolver designed in the late 1870s, the action is opened by tipping the barrel downwards

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looks like a loading lever lying forwards beneath the bottom flat of the octagon barrel, held by a catch at the front end of the lever, a la the percussion Colt and others. Pulling the lever down draws the barrel and cylinder forwards while the star extractor stays put, as in the Thomas, new cartridges are loaded through a gate as before. It is not known where or by whom this pistol was actually made but it does bear the British proof marks.

Another of the English pistols featured in Mr George’s book, and many others, is the better known of the Hills Patent revolvers, the multi jointed reticulated version with the prominent “horns” on the barrel. As far as simultaneous extraction and fast reloading, this one probably steals the show, as it must be almost as fast in operation as the Mk VI Webley, were both to be used with a speed loader.

A small catch at the lower front corner of the frame is activated which allows the barrel

The more familiar form of the Hill’s patent revolver, though awkward in appearance, the extraction is very fast and a quick loader could be used to good effect

to be lifted upwards, taking the cylinder with it. As the barrel approaches the vertical, with reference to the frame, the horns on the barrel come in contact with a small sliding transverse pin which is connected to the extractor spindle rod.

As the barrel movement is continued in the same direction as before, the horns push the sliding pin which pushes the rod and causes the extractor to withdraw all the cases from the cylinder. The cylinder may now be reloaded and the pistol closed up to its original configuration, all in a very short time in practiced hands.

As with all things there are weaknesses in the system, due mainly to the numerous swivelling joints required, any one of which, when worn will make the pistol rattly and probably unsafe to shoot. But, as most of the wear would be incurred by constant opening and closing, often with too

little attention to proper operation of the weapon, sufficient care, or better materials, might have increased the useful life of the pistol. All these types soon gave way to Webleys. This, again, is another step in the evolution of the revolver, and another idea first developed in Belgium and then patented by some of the English gun-makers who simply claimed these ideas as their own. The 1860’s-70’s seem to have been a time when Rafferty’s rules were the norm in this area of enterprise, with lawsuits and scandal abounding and involving many prominent makers and others.

I still need a few more of the pistols shown in Nigel George’s book. Hopefully there might still be time, I just have to find the items and the money, but win or lose I have had a lifetime of enjoyment scrounging together my bits and pieces, and being a Collector.

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An Interpretation of the Pre-Islamic Javanese Keris

by A.G. MAISEY

Preface This paper has been a very long time in production. Parts of it were written more than thirty years ago, but other parts of it only became clear to me after I began the research necessary to bring together the various elements I have attempted to address. The work that has produced this paper is still incomplete. Much more research needs to be carried out in order to provide an adequate understanding of the pre-Islamic Javanese keris. My hope is that what I have presented here may generate further research in this neglected subject.

There is very little in this paper that is not already in the public domain; I have not revealed any hidden knowledge, nor produced any startling revelations. Almost everything I have presented has been known for a considerable period of time, however, the clues to understanding are spread over a wide area of published material. What I have attempted to do is to link this existing information together and to consider it in the light of 14th. Century Javanese society.

In this paper I have attempted to present a plausible hypothesis that will help to explain much of the existing confusion relating to the early development of the keris.

I have not presented incontrovertible fact, I have not presented a theory, what I have presented is hypothesis, accordingly I will welcome the introduction of any evidence that can either prove or disprove what I have presented.

THE KERIS

[1] Ganesha, the Disturber of Disturbances; a deity who had an important role in the formation of the Modern Keris

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The keris is a South East Asian dagger that in most of its forms is asymmetric, with the blade base wider on one side than on the other. It can be either straight or waved and in its modern form has very diverse variety. It is intended to be used as a thrusting weapon, and both edges are sharpened.

The blade surface usually bears a pattern that is known as pamor, which is produced during the forging process, and made visible by etching.

It is widely distributed throughout South East Asia, the locations where it is found approximating the areas of

influence of the Javanese kingdom of Majapahit at the peak of its power during the mid-14th century. It is a dagger that has become a cultural icon in the country of its origin, Java.

The Modern Keris was preceded by and developed from the Keris Buda, a short straight form of keris with minimal variation. By the beginning of the 14th century in East Java the Keris Buda was understood as a symbol of the male principle and had an association with the Javanese-Hindu belief system. When Islam became the dominant faith of Java, the keris was accepted as a cultural symbol and the understanding of the Javanese keris today is in large part an understanding that has been generated by more than 400 years of Islamic influence being brought to bear upon the culture and society of Java. An understanding that has been influenced so greatly, and for so long, by Islam cannot possibly be the same, or even similar, to the understanding that applied to the keris when it first appeared in its modern form during the Hindu-Buddhist Kingdom of Majapahit.

This discussion relates to only the blade of the keris. This approach has been adopted because although the hilt, and also the scabbard of the keris present their own iconography, these two elements are regarded within Javanese keris culture as items of dress that are subject to change according to the prevailing conditions. Only the blade remains a cultural constant, and only the blade is regarded as having a spiritual element.

The discussion which follows is an attempt to provide an understanding of the keris as it might have been understood during the Majapahit era.

DIVISIONS OF THE PAPER Part 1 of this paper is a concise explanation of symbolism in Javanese society.

Part 2 provides a brief outline of Java between 1300 and 1600, with focus on the Javanese Kingdom of Majapahit during the 14th century.

Part 3 traces the development of the Modern Keris from the beginning of the 14th century to the collapse of the last Javanese-Hindu kingdom, Majapahit, in 1478.

Part 4 proposes an interpretation of the Modern Keris as it may have been understood at the time it began to appear in Javanese society.

Part 1 JAVANESE SYMBOLISM Prior to the introduction of the Hindu and Buddhist belief systems to Java, the indigenous Javanese belief system was a combination of animism and ancestor worship. In animism as it was practiced in Java, the belief was that all living things had a life energy or soul, which was the same for all, but stronger in some things than in others, and that many natural objects also possessed a life force or energy.

All manifestations of nature were the result of the work of unseen forces, usually evil, that needed to be avoided and appeased with offerings. The life energy or soul of a human being did not disappear immediately after death but

[2] A Modern Keris in the formal dress used in the Karaton Surakarta Hadiningrat, Central Java

remained for some time in the places where the dead person lived. This idea is a major concept of Javanese ancestor worship:- if the spirits of the departed saw that the living were not practicing traditions correctly they could be angered and cause misfortune (1).

The Javanese tradition of ancestor worship placed the ancestors on mountains, which were symbolic of the Cosmic Mountain. In the Javanese creation myth the Universe begins with three beings that emerge from the Cosmic Egg and immediately see the Cosmic Mountain, so in Javanese belief, the Cosmic Mountain symbolises the Universe and has been in existence since before time began. It represents both the seen and the unseen worlds (2).

The symbolism of the Cosmic Mountain is a basic element of Javanese culture. It can be represented in many ways, both natural and man-made; it is a recurring motif

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found in the fabric of Javanese culture, moreover, it is a symbol that is a part of the indigenous culture of Java. In ancient times the idea of regulation of the world from a mountain seems to have been almost universal, and the Javanese version of this belief seems to have existed before Indian contact brought the Indian version of the idea, with Mt. Meru as the sacred mountain, which in Java merged with the Javanese Cosmic Mountain.

Mountains, especially volcanic mountains, can be understood as symbolic of the Cosmic Mountain; upwards pointing triangular shapes can be understood as symbolic of the Cosmic Mountain; manmade shapes such as the tumpal motif in art, the Gunungan of rice at slametans, the Gunungan puppet in the wayang are things that are symbolic of the Cosmic Mountain (2).

When Hindu culture entered Javanese society it brought with it the Hindu belief system and some other elements of the Hindu culture. Symbolism that is now a part of Javanese culture, but which entered Java with Hindu contact includes amongst other things the lingga which is symbolic of Siwa, Mt. Meru (3), the dwelling place of the gods, and the Tree of Life, the Tree that contains all living things on earth.

Interpretation of Javanese symbols can depend upon the circumstance under which the symbol is found:- one symbol can be interpreted in different ways and have different meanings, the meaning given to a symbol is not necessarily limited to a single interpretation.

Similarly, two or more symbols can fuse, and the symbol that is the result of the fusion may be able to be interpreted in different ways, depending upon the circumstances in which that symbol is encountered. This may seem to be a complex concept with which to come to terms, but it is no more difficult to understand than the way in which different words can have different meanings dependent upon the context in which they are used.

This tendency towards polysymbolism is demonstrated in the Gunungan, perhaps the most prevalent symbol in Javanese culture. The Gunungan is a Javanese indigenous symbol, which after the introduction of Hindu culture and belief systems fused with Mt. Meru and the Tree of Life.

The triangular form of the Gunungan is coincident with the upwards pointing triangle that is an icon of Siwa, and Mt. Meru is a symbol of Siwa. When these symbols fused, the way in which the Gunungan form was to be understood depended upon the circumstance in which it was presented.

The Javanese people use symbolism as a means of communication and social regulation. Symbols can provide a message that relates to the natural (visible) world, or the supernatural (hidden) world, or to an individual. Java in the past was a society that was dependent to a high degree upon symbolism for its regulation. Continuing until the present time symbolism can still be used rather than words to convey meaning.

One of the major symbols in Javanese society is the keris. It is a symbol in and of itself, and it also contains symbols that provide an iconographic message, if these symbols can be understood. In the very early kerislike daggers to be found in the bas reliefs of the Candi Prambanan Temple Complex the form given to the single

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depiction of the dagger identified as Prambanan I, and to the other daggers identified as Prambanan II (4) is a clear representation of the Gunungan form.

During the Early Classical Period in Central Java, Hindu values and forms were much more prominent than was the case in the Late Classical Period in East Java, when there seems to have been a return to more indigenous Javanese forms in art and architecture. In Hindu symbolism the upwards pointing triangle can be understood as symbolic of Siwa, so when we see triangular daggers in the bas reliefs of Candi Siwa the probability is that these triangular daggers can be understood as symbolic of Siwa, even though some are not pointing upwards (5). The possible ambiguity of interpretation of the Prambanan I and II daggers was effectively settled when the Keris Buda blade form gained the sogokan, which is a clear representation of the lingga of Siwa.

By the beginning of the 14th century in East Java lingga symbolism and Gunungan symbolism was already present in the keris, and the keris was regarded as symbolic of the male principle. As the 14th Century progressed and the

[3] This is an example of the Gunungan form. This form occurs in many different applications, perhaps the most well known being the shadow puppet used to open and close Wayang Kulit performances. The essential characteristics are the broad, leaflike form and the low-set narrow waist; sometimes the form will spread to the base, sometimes merely fall to the base, as in the example shown.

When we compare this indigenous Javanese icon with the leaf shaped blades of India that were the inspirational form for the ancestor of the keris, it is very easy to understand how this weapon form became endowed with religious symbolism in Java from the very beginning

Kingdom of Majapahit bloomed, changes took place in the keris which resulted in the addition of more symbolism to the keris, making of it an icon of Javanese culture. The purpose of this paper is to provide an explanation for the iconography of the keris as it may have been understood in the Javanese Kingdom of Majapahit during the 14th century.

Part 2 JAVA BETWEEN 1300 AND 1600 Prior to 1300 all available evidence indicates that the keris was still in the form now known as the Keris Buda, by 1600 we can be certain that the Modern Keris already existed, because of physical examples of the fully developed Modern Keris that are present in European collections and with dates of entry to these collections documented (6).

At the end of the 12th century the dominant faith in Indonesia was a syncretic form of Hindu-Buddhist belief that incorporated elements of the indigenous animist and ancestor worship beliefs. At the bottom of society the weighting was towards the animist and ancestor worship beliefs, at the top of society there was a more formal observation of Hindu-Buddhist beliefs. This faith is usually referred to as Javanese-Hindu, and within the Hindu thread it was Shivaistic, that is, the God Shiva (Javanese:- Siwa) was recognised as the supreme deity.

During the 14th century another faith came to Java. This was Islam, probably brought by traders from Gujerat. These traders established small enclaves along the north coast of Java, they would come with the trade-winds from the west, carry on trade in Java, and when the trade-winds came from the east, they would sail home again. They married into the local society, and as they grew wealthy and their influence increased they drew local people from the bottom layers of Javanese society into their circle of influence, giving them jobs, or land to work, on the proviso that they accepted Islam as their faith.

This acceptance of the new faith was not a problem for Javanese people, as their view of faith, religion, and systems of worship was an inclusive view, not an exclusive view.

Their attitude was that to adopt a new faith did not mean casting off the old beliefs; they simply adopted the new faith alongside the existing faith. One more God was obviously better and provided additional spiritual capital. It was a matter of “in addition to”, not “instead of”.

At this early time, the penetration of Islam to Java was a social penetration, which grew through trade links, marriage with local women, and the absorption into Muslim society of local people who depended upon the Muslim traders for land and sustenance. The marriage of wealthy traders to daughters of the ruling elite ensured that Islam not only penetrated at a grass roots level, but also became accepted at the highest levels of society. The princes of Majapahit who were in control of the North Coast trade converted to Islam and took Muslim wives, thus becoming a part of the Islamic

trade cartels rather than remaining in opposition to these trade cartels (7). Islam entered Java gradually and softly.

This situation changed in 1478 when the last ruler of the Kingdom of Majapahit converted to Islam. Bhrekertabumi (Brawijaya V), the last ruler of Majapahit, was converted to Islam by his son, Raden Patah, who had established the Islamic Kingdom of Demak, and the Golden Age of Majapahit came to an end. With the conversion of Brawijaya V to Islam, Islam became a political force in Java, rather than a social force, and conversion to Islam thereafter was pursued aggressively by the use of military means.

By the end of the 16th century Islam had established itself as a strong political element in Javanese society. From this time the dominant religious and political force in Java was Islam. Islam in Java began as a new religious belief system that amalgamated the indigenous Javanese beliefs and the previous Hindu-Buddhist beliefs with the core beliefs of Islam; the old ways were tolerated provided the core values and beliefs of Islam were propagated throughout the land.

Importantly, palace culture had become strongly influenced

by Islamic culture.

To recap:- at the beginning of the 14th century, Java was ruled by an elite that observed a Javanese form of the Hindu-Buddhist faith, a form usually referred to as JavaneseHindu. Three hundred years later at the beginning of the 17th century, Islam had come to Java and was aggressively pursuing the spread of its beliefs.

The time during which Islam began to establish itself in Java was also the time when the dominant kingdom in Java was the Kingdom of Majapahit, now regarded as Java’s “Golden Age” and the time when Java held the position of the dominant culture in South East Asia. The two major sources that provide information on the Kingdom of Majapahit are the Pararaton (8) and the Nagara Kertagama (9). There are areas of disagreement between these two works, but the disagreement is in the detail, not in the overall flow of the narrative.

The Kingdom of Majapahit was established in 1293, not far from present day Surabaya. It was the last of a series of Javanese-Hindu kingdoms that had arisen and then disappeared in East Java following the shift of political power from Central Java at the end of the 10th century. The early years of the Majapahit Kingdom were troubled by rebellion and dissatisfaction with its first two rulers, and it was not until after the warrior mahapatih (prime minister) Gajahmada came to power in 1334 that order was established and Majapahit began to expand its influence to other areas in South East Asia.

Gajahmada died in 1364, and Hayam Wuruk, who had been the ruler of Majapahit during the final 14 years that Gajahmada held the position of mahapatih, died in 1389.

After the death of Hayam Wuruk, internal conflict and increasing pressure from the Islamic settlements on the North Coast of Java saw the steady decline and eventual collapse of the Kingdom of Majapahit.

The last ruler of Majapahit, Brawijaya V, converted to Islam in 1478, the remaining members of the Majapahit line established a new kraton at Daha near Kediri, which was conquered by Sultan Trenggana of Demak in 1527.

From this point Islam was the dominant religious force in Javanese society.

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MAJAPAHIT SOCIETY The society of Majapahit was hierarchical. At its apex was the ruler, who occupied a place in his kingdom that was a reflection of God’s place in the cosmos. The ruler as god was at the center of the kingdom, and the stability of the court depended upon the ruler’s ability to manage the small group of relatives and advisors who formed his inner court. This group was his greatest source of power and also his greatest threat, as any ambition for the throne was most likely to be found amongst the members of this group.

The society was structured into a hierarchical system based on inherited titles that identified the segment of society that one belonged to, and one’s place within that segment.

The segments can be thought of in terms of castes, but the Javanese-Hindu caste system was not inherited from the Indian caste system even though the divisions within the title system parallel the Indian caste system. In this paper, for ease of understanding, the societal divisions will be treated as castes. There were four castes:- Brahmin (religious leaders), Ksatriya (warriors, nobility), Wesia (merchants, landowners), and Sudra (farmers, craftsmen, manual labourers) (10). Unlike the caste system of India, there were no untouchables, but below the Sudra there were three other classifications of people:- candela, m’lesa, tuca (NB:-spellings vary).

In addition to the societal divisions mentioned above, there was a large population of bondsmen, men and most often their families, held in bond because of (principally) debt. Their status was that of slavery.

The highest ranking caste was the Brahmins (clergy), but a Brahmin could not be king; the king had to come from the Ksatriya caste. Although the Wesia were officially one of the ranking castes, in fact, they were marginalized and had no share of the power and authority held by the Brahmins and the Ksatriya. The Sudra were perhaps better off than the bondsmen, but in reality were also little more than slaves.

For any society that is based on a hierarchal structure to function in an orderly fashion, that hierarchy must be observed by all within the society. During the first 35 years or so after the Kingdom of Majapahit was established, some members of the Ksatriya Caste were not satisfied with their positions in the hierarchy and this contributed to the rebellion and dissatisfaction that defined the rules of the first two rulers. In 1328 Gajahmada was instrumental in replacing the second ruler with this ruler’s eldest sister. Six years later in 1334 Gajahmada was made mahapatih, and from the time when he had effective control of Majapahit order appears to have taken root in the Kingdom. This could only have occurred because of the actions of Gajahmada.

At this lengthy remove from the events which took place in Majapahit society during the first half of the 14th century, we can only theorise on the actions that Gajahmada might have employed to bring order to Majapahit society. Some of these actions are obvious, and have been recorded in the literary sources. It is well known that Gajahmada united the people of Majapahit, or probably more correctly the Ksatriya Caste of Majapahit, in the pursuit of influence over a wide area of South East Asia. This technique for the management of a group of people is well known and has been used by leaders from ancient times until the present day:- the group becomes unified in pursuit of an external enemy, or a common goal.

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But before the Ksatriya of Majapahit could be convinced to unite in order to spread the influence of Majapahit, the members of that Ksatriya Caste first needed to be clearly structured so that each person’s correct place within the hierarchy was known and observed. Unless this hierarchical order was clearly established there was always the danger that competition for power could again erupt in the ruling class of Majapahit society.

To gain an understanding of how this necessary structuring of the elite segment of Majapahit society might have been put into effect it may be useful to look at the way in which status within Balinese society is shown. Balinese society is the acknowledged continuation of Majapahit society, and within Balinese society status is marked in a number of ways. The most obvious way is in the level of language used between people of varying status levels, and the relevant status level depends upon the inherited title that a person has the right to use. But status is also shown in physical ways as well, for example, by the designation of a higher or more prominent position in any gathering.

In palaces, meeting places, upper class houses, and the pavilions where gatherings are held, seating is tiered to permit people to sit in accordance with their status, with people of higher status sitting at a higher tier. Cremation towers (bade) are tiered in accordance with status, with the number of tiers in the roof of the tower reflecting the status of the person being cremated. The maximum number of tiers in a cremation tower is limited to 11 which is the entitlement of rulers and a limited number of other very high ranking people. The principles of status identification that apply in Balinese society are based upon height, size, number, prominence.

It is probable that Gajahmada employed these same principles to provide the Ksatriya of Majapahit with a system that would constantly make all members of that caste aware of their position within the caste, both to themselves, and relevant to all others.

We know that tiered roofs were used on shrines, and possibly on some candis during Majapahit times (11). We know that during the Majapahit reign, approval was granted to Balinese subjects of Majapahit to use tiered roofs as status indicators on their cremation towers (bade). When a tiered roof is used, inherent in its use is the concept that the number of tiers in the roof indicates the applicable status. It would have been a very useful application of this system of status identification if had been possible to provide a status indicator that was ever present with the members of the Ksatriya Caste, in order that each member of the caste not forget his place in society.

As it happens, there was one item that was always present, every day, with every man who was entitled to wear it. This item was the keris, and each member of the Ksatriya Caste would have worn his keris every day (12). In its original form as a Keris Buda, it was already an icon with religious associations, by making of it an indicator of status that was with every Ksatriya every day, its constant presence would have reinforced the stability of the Majapahit societal hierarchy. It would probably have been only one of the initiatives taken to reinforce the hierarchical principles of society, but if the keris did become a means of social

[4] The shrines in the temple complex at Mengwi in Bali. The tiered roofs indicate by the number of tiers the status of the deity to whom the shrine is dedicated

regulation, this would provide a plausible explanation for some of the changes that took place in the form of the keris during the Majapahit era.

GAJAHMADA Gajahmada was the Mahapatih of Majapahit, this is most often translated as “prime minister”, but perhaps a more accurate translation would be “chief advisor”. The mahapatih did not have any ministerial department backing him as a modern prime minister does, his function was to ensure that the kingdom was kept functioning in an orderly fashion, so although the ruler may have issued the orders, those orders would only have been issued following advice from or consultation with his chief advisor. In the case of Gajahmada, this chief advisor was also the leader in times of war.

Gajahmada was born a commoner with the birth name of Mada. Later in life, perhaps when he was raised to the level of mahapatih, he took the name “Gajah”, meaning “elephant”, and became Gajahmada. In battle his standard bore the gold embroidered figure of an elephant with raised trunk, and in

death he may have been deified as Ganesha (13).

In view of the existence of a well established Ganesha sect in Jawa during and prior to the 14th century, there can be no doubt that Gajahmada was an adherent of this sect.

The way in which Ganesha was thought of in early Java varied depending upon the beliefs of the people concerned.

In court circles Ganesha was valued for his prowess as a military leader and destroyer of enemies, but for the common people he was valued as a deity who removed obstacles and provided wealth and good fortune.

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[5] Diagram showing the names of features in the physical composition of the keris

Part 3 THE MODERN KERIS I have coined the term “Modern Keris” to refer to the keris in its current physical form, that is, as an elongated dagger used in the fashion of a rapier. This current physical form has at least two variations in character:- the Modern Keris as it was understood in Pre-Islamic Java, and the Modern Keris as it is understood in Islamic Java. This is a broad division and further sub-divisions can be identified.

EMERGENCE The available evidence indicates that prior to 1300 the keris in Java was the form which is now known as the “Keris Buda”, a short, broad, asymmetric dagger (4). This dagger was designed to be held and used with an overhand grip, resulting in a downwards stabbing action. It is possible that the keris may have begun to evolve into a longer form prior to 1300, however, there is no evidence currently available that can support this proposition.

There does seem to have been a transitional form, where keris that bore some of the characteristics of a Keris Buda acquired waves and a slimmer profile, but we have no way of knowing with any certainty whether this transitional period preceded the Modern Keris, or whether it was an attempted fusion of styles that followed the emergence of the Modern

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Keris. My opinion is that this transitional form probably preceded the Modern Keris, as examples of keris do exist with some features of the Keris Buda and with a slimmer blade, or a blade with waves, whereas I am unaware of the existence of any keris that bear a Keris Buda-like form and that also have the distinctive ricikan of the Modern Keris.

The earliest known monumental representation of a keris being used in the way that the Modern Keris is used, that is, as a rapier, is found at Candi Panataran (pre-dates 1454), in East Java, near Blitar. By 1437 the Modern Keris had appeared in monumental works at Candi Sukuh, and before the year 1600 the keris in Java had developed into a number of highly elaborate forms, some with a waved blade, and many with ornamental features that are virtually impossible to explain as having any practical function. These features must by their very nature, be viewed as iconographic.

We are able to fix the parameters of this period of change, as monumental depictions of the keris prior to 1300 show the Keris Buda form, and monumental depictions after 1300 begin to show the elongated form of the keris, which I refer to as the Modern Keris. The probability that the Modern Keris first appeared between 1300 and 1600 is further reinforced by the existence of a number of keris which entered Europe in the early years of the 17th century. In the Bargello Museum in Florence, Italy are three keris which entered Europe prior to 1631. These keris were once in the possession of the Medici Family, and their entry to Europe can be accurately dated.

Other keris which entered Europe prior to 1700 can be found

[6A & 6B] A Modern Keris. This keris has been made in the Surakarta style, and the pamor is from meteoritic material

[7A & 7B] A typical Keris Buda

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[8A & 8B] Another Keris Buda, this one showing pamor construction

[9] A Keris Buda with clear Gunungan form

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[10] A straight transitional keris

[11] A waved transitional keris

from a literary work and one from a monumental source serve as examples:From the Nawanatya: - “The criss, a token of manfulness, has its place at the front” (15) An inscription on a lingga, in company with a carving of a keris, found at Candi Sukuh (1437) and translated by Martha Muusses:“Consecration of the Holy Gangga Sudhi --- the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world” (16) This Sukuh lingga is massive, it is over six feet long and over five feet in circumference, it was clearly a focal point at this religious site. (Image 14)

[12] Typical Keris Buda ganja from above.

[13] Typical Modern Keris ganja from above.

in several other museums in Europe, and a few of these predate 1600 (14). Many of these keris have been published (6), and in all cases these keris display a highly developed form that is very little different to the form of the Javanese keris in later periods, right through to today. Such sophisticated development in a comparatively short space of time, and from a very basic beginning does not occur without deliberate action to generate the development.

THE NATURE OF A SYMBOL Gradual development occurs as a natural product of ongoing alteration to improve function. Most of the features to be found in the Modern Keris are difficult, if not impossible to explain in functional terms. The only reasonable explanation for their existence is that these features are symbolic. This explanation of the features of the Modern Keris as symbols becomes even more difficult to refute when the heavy emphasis that is placed on symbolism in Javanese culture is taken into consideration.

During the Majapahit period, the keris was not something that was found with the common people, it was a prerogative of the elites. Iron was neither a cheap nor an easily obtainable material in 14th century Java, and to turn iron into a weapon was an expensive process, so cost alone precluded anyone who was not an elite from having possession of a keris.

To these elites the keris was a symbol of the masculine, and there is ample evidence to substantiate the nature of the keris during the Majapahit era. These two quotations, one

[14] The lingga discovered at Candi Sukuh on the slopes of Mt. Luwu in Central Java and now in the National Museum in Jakarta; note the keris. This naturalistic interpretation of the lingga is typical of the more indigenous forms of Javanese art in the Late Classical Period. (c.j.van der Vlis report of 1843).

SOCIETY AND STATUS As an iconic representation of the masculine, the keris was also an iconic representation of its owner. At some point during the expansion of the Kingdom of Majapahit, the keris, a dagger that all warriors carried, and that was recognized as a symbol of the warrior who carried it, was made a symbol of the status of that individual warrior. The most likely time during which this occurred was during the period that Gajahmada was a dominant force in shaping the Kingdom of Majapahit.

The transformation of the keris to a societal status indicator could have been done by fixing the status of the warrior according to his line of descent, in much the same way that the Balinese cremation tower, the bade, reflects the inherited status of the person being cremated. In Bali members of the royal family are entitled to an 11 tier bade, nobles 7 or 9 tiers, lesser nobles 3 or 5 tiers, and commoners no tiers, only a single roof (17). Each person who is a member of the elite castes has an inherited status title, which determines his relevant place within his caste, and within society as a whole. Balinese society is the cultural heir of Majapahit society.

In later days, in all places where it was worn, the keris reflected the status of the wearer and his position in society.

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[15A & 15B] A Javanese Modern Keris ornamented with gold encrustation (kinatah) and showing a carving of a naga, and of a deer (the tiny ďŹ gure directly in line with the tang)

Evidence of the use of the keris to receive honours bestowed on the owner of the keris can be found in the actions of Sultan Agung of Mataram (1614-1645), when he granted various levels of his commanders the right to use various forms of kinatah work to adorn their kerises, following the victory of his forces in the Pati campaign. So in this usage, there is evidence that the keris was regarded as representative of its owner.

THE BALINESE CONNECTION There is a broad and undeniable link between the old HinduJavanese Kingdom of Majapahit, and the kingdoms of the Balinese-Hindu island of Bali. The erosion and final collapse of the Kingdom of Majapahit certainly was responsible for the influx of Majapahit nobles and their retinues into Bali, a movement of people that reached its peak in 1512, but there had been ongoing contact from probably the turn of the millennium between Majapahit and the East Javanese kingdoms that had existed prior to Majapahit. East Java and Bali should best be thought of as a nexus, with influences flowing both ways, but weighted in favour of East Java.

Bali must not be seen as a mirror image of Majapahit.

Although the settlers from Majapahit brought their culture with them, that culture fused with the indigenous Balinese Hindu culture and the result is what we see in Bali today, after a 400 year period of development. The roots of Balinese culture after Majapahit are planted firmly in the soil of Majapahit.

When the settlers from Majapahit came to Bali, they

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brought their culture with them; and they also brought their keris with them. The keris of Majapahit was the template for the keris of Bali. At this point in history, the keris had already become an important cultural icon, so it is unthinkable that the inheritors of Majapahit culture could function as a society in the absence of this important cultural icon. Evidence of the powerful iconic role of the keris in Majapahit is to be found in the Babad Dalem (18), where the gift by Gajahmada of his keris, Ki Lobar (known in Bali as I Durga Dingkul), to Sri Kresna Kapakisan and its effect upon the populace, is recorded (19).

Balinese society is now, and has been throughout its history, a society that is heavily imbued with ritual and tradition. Such societies do not welcome change and tend to preserve the traditions and values of their ancestors.

This being so, it is reasonable to assume that the features to be found in the Balinese keris of the 19th and early 20th centuries are features that have been preserved from the Javanese keris of Majapahit. There is no possibility that a Balinese cultural symbol, and a cultural icon that is central to much of Balinese tradition and religion, could be altered by the addition of features from the keris of the Javanese Islamic culture that followed the demise of Majapahit. Both the Javanese keris and the Balinese keris contain the same characteristic ricikan, or features, proof positive that both keris came from the same cultural root:- Majapahit.

I do not propose that the keris of 19th century Bali is identical to the keris of 14th century Majapahit, but I do

propose that the iconographic content of this later Balinese keris is the same as the iconographic content of the keris of Majapahit. This is borne out by the fact that the major features of both the Javanese keris, and the Balinese keris are the same. The foundation form of the keris was the Keris Buda, which existed prior to Majapahit; the major symbolic features of the Modern Keris were incorporated into the keris during the Majapahit era and these major symbolic features exist today in both its Javanese and its Balinese forms. It is beyond doubt that the Modern Javanese keris and the Modern Balinese Keris both originated in the same place:- Majapahit.

We can be reasonably certain that the time during which the Modern Keris gained its form was between 1293 when Majapahit came into existence, and 1478 when Brawijaya V converted to Islam. The year 1512 marked the high point of the exodus of people from Majapahit to the Island of Bali, so any features which appear in both the Balinese keris and the Javanese keris must have already existed in the keris prior to this year.

During the early years of the period from 1293 to 1512, the kingdom of Majapahit was in an unsettled state due to the continuing attempts to overthrow the first two rulers.

When a society is in an unsettled state, it is unlikely that major alterations will be made to one of the society’s most important symbols. Literary sources indicate that the keris was already an important societal symbol at this time, so it is not likely that any major alterations were made to the keris

during the first 35 years of the Kingdom of Majapahit.

Following the death of Hayam Wuruk in 1389 there was a succession of rulers and periods of war and conflict, and the kingdom entered its time of gradual decline. It seems likely that during this period when the structure of Majapahit society was weakening there would have been no motivation, and little capacity to effect major innovative alteration to the cultural icon that was the keris.

Only during the period in which Gajahmada was the driving force of Majapahit (1328 to 1364) was there both the reason, and the capacity to alter the nature of the cultural icon that was the keris.

The monumental evidence to be found at Candi Sukuh (1437) (20), and Candi Panataran (latest date 1454) demonstrate that the Modern Keris had already emerged much earlier than 1512, the high point of migration to Bali.

In Bali, the existence of the Modern Keris is datable at the latest from the end of the Hindu-Javanese Kingdom of Majapahit, and this permits the Balinese keris to be used as currently existing physical evidence of the iconographic content of the Javanese keris during the Majapahit period.

The monumental evidence, together with social conditions during the period beginning in 1293 and continuing to 1512, the year after which immigration from Majapahit to Bali had virtually ended, demonstrate that there can be no doubt that the Modern Keris was created in the Kingdom of Majapahit, during the middle years of the 14th century.

[16] The Candi Sukuh forge scene, with Bhima as smith and Ganesha as the striker (panjak), and with products of the forge , including a keris, shown on the wall behind the smith

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[17A & 17B] A Javanese Modern Keris attributable to circa 1600. (courtesy of Mr. Erik Fahnoe of Florida, U.S.A.)

[18A & 18B] A Javanese Modern Keris attributable to the 19th century

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[19A & 19B] A Javanese Modern Keris attributable to the 18th century

[20A & 20B] A Balinese Modern Keris probably attributable to the 19th century

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[21A & 21B] A Balinese Modern Keris probably attributable to the 19th century

[22] Above Ricikan present in a 19th century Balinese Modern Keris

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THE KERIS IN BALI The culture and society of Bali, is a continuation of the culture and society of the Kingdom of Majapahit. The keris of Bali displays all the features and iconography of the keris of Java, something that could not possibly be the case if the Javanese keris had gained these iconographic features after Islam dominated Javanese society, or if the Balinese keris had gained its features after the influx of people from Majapahit to Bali.

The Balinese keris reflects the keris of Majapahit.

This is not to say that the Balinese keris is exactly the same as the keris of Majapahit:- obviously it cannot be, development would have occurred in the Balinese keris, just as development has occurred in Balinese society when compared to Majapahit society. But the Balinese keris does contain the icons of the keris of Majapahit, and these icons are still found in the Javanese keris.

In 1478 Brawijaya V, the last ruler of Majapahit, abandoned his throne and converted to Islam. Thus any features which appear in the Javanese keris, but do not appear in the Balinese keris can be regarded as features that were incorporated under the influence of Islam. Where a feature of a keris is found in a Balinese keris, as well as in a Javanese keris, this feature must have been incorporated into keris design prior to 1478. Because the salient features of the Javanese keris can also be found in the Balinese keris, we can now narrow the parameters during which the Modern Keris appeared to between 1293 and 1478.

Part 4 THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE KERIS The various symbols to be found in the keris can be understood individually, but it is only when all those symbols are treated as related parts of the entire keris that we can begin to understand the keris in a way that may be in some agreement with the way in which the keris was understood by those who were entitled to wear it in the Kingdom of Majapahit.

SYMBOLISM RELATING TO THE KERIS BUDA By the 10th century when the Keris Buda form first appeared in Javanese temple bas reliefs, there had been Javanese contact with Indian culture for about 800 years.

Both the Hindu faith and the Buddhist faith had a place in Javanese society, and flourished alongside the indigenous belief system. A major characteristic of Javanese society is its tendency to fuse elements from outside Javanese society with existing elements within Javanese society and create new ideas which accommodate all elements in a harmonious way. This process of fusion of religious ideas had begun to occur in 10th century Central Java, and although at this time the Hindu belief system was still strongly orientated towards a mainstream interpretation of the Siwa tradition of the Hindu faith, indigenous

representations in monumental works, and indigenous ideas had already begun to be absorbed into the Javanese way in which the Hindu faith was practiced.

The Javanese creation myth tells that the universe began when three beings hatched from the Cosmic Egg, but at that time, the Cosmic Mountain already existed, because it was the first thing that was seen by these three beings.

Thus, the Cosmic Mountain is one of the basic ideas of the Javanese World View. Indian culture brought with it not only the Hindu faith but ideas associated with the faith and with Indian culture. One of these ideas was the Tree of Life, or the Cosmic Tree, the Tree that contains all living things on earth.

This is a very old and a very widespread idea that recurs in various forms in virtually all cultures. In Java these two ideas had probably begun to merge by the 10th century, and by the 14th century had merged with the Gunungan puppet used in the wayang (Javanese shadow play). The Gunungan of the wayang is a polysymbol that represents the Cosmic Mountain and by association the dwelling place of the gods, Mt. Meru, and also the Kalpataru Tree, or Tree of Life, the trunk of which forms a passageway between the seen and the unseen worlds, and as such can be regarded as a unifying agent (21 & 2). In the wayang, the alternate name for the Gunungan is the Kayon, the word Kayon from the root “kayu” meaning “wood”, and by association “trees”, the “trees” to be understood as the Tree of Life.

Indian culture also brought with it the weapon forms of India, representations of which can be seen in the bas-reliefs of Candi Borobudur and Candi Prambanan. One of these forms is the leaf shaped blade, a form that Rawson (22) considered to be “--- a common Aryan heritage of the IndoAryan peoples.” The typical leaf-shaped blade of India is an almost perfect representation of the indigenous Javanese Gunungan form, so it is not at all difficult to understand that this blade form was recognised by the Javanese people as a Gunungan form and acquired the religious aspects of the Gunungan. This Gunungan form of the leaf-shaped blade was the foundation for its adoption as a weapon that incorporated a socio-religious persona, and that weapon was the Keris Buda, the keris form which preceded the Modern Keris.

By the beginning of the 14th century the association of the Tree of Life with the Gunungan had probably occurred, and the Keris Buda had developed from the keris-like dagger found in the Prambanan Temple Complex bas reliefs to become a true keris, albeit a keris of a different form to the Modern Keris that we know now.

By the beginning of the 14th century the iconography that we can identify in the Keris Buda can be summarised as:1) The overall triangular form of the Keris Buda can be understood as an iconic representation of Siwa, and it can also be understood as a representation of the Gunungan form that is so prevalent in Javanese artistic expression.

2) The sogokan where it exists can be understood as a representation of the lingga, the primary icon of Siwa and of the male principle; the sogokan seems to have developed from the lines that are found in some early monumental representations of the keris and that follow the triangular blade shape, this triangular representation of a symbol of Siwa can be seen in the bronze Keris Buda shown in Image

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25, and is occasionally found in much later blades.

3) The blumbangan in combination with the sogokan can be understood as representing the lingga: yoni.

In the Prambanan Temple Complex reliefs two leaf shaped dagger forms can be found, forms that I named in a previous paper as Prambanan I and Prambanan II (4). Both these forms are descended from the leaf shaped blades of India, but in Java the leaf shaped blade was understood as the Gunungan and became a classic representation of the Gunungan form, Prambanan I perhaps more so than Prambanan II. The strong central rib in both these dagger forms may be able to be understood as a representation of the trunk of the Kalpataru Tree (Tree of Life) which we know had fused with the Gunungan at a later time (21), these forms occurring in a 10th century monumental work could indicate that the fusion of these symbols had already taken place by the 10th century.

The trunk of the Kalpataru Tree can be understood as a passageway from the natural world to the supernatural world, that is from the seen to the unseen world, this understanding fits perfectly with the function of the pusaka keris as a unifying agent that brings together the present members of a kin group with the deceased members of a kin group (19).

When the keris is interpreted as the Gunungan, it is also interpreted as a representation of Mt. Meru, and thus as symbolic of Siwa, and this multiple interpretation is strengthened by the presence of the sogokan, a clear representation of lingga symbolism. Almost all keris possess the feature of blumbangan, and when the sogokan

representing the lingga is present, the blumbangan can be interpreted as the yoni.

We know that in early Java the keris was symbolic of the masculine. Perhaps the triangular keris in its earliest form was recognised as symbolic of the masculine, or perhaps this symbolic association did not occur until after the lingga was incorporated into the design of the keris. What we do know is that in 14th century Java the keris was indisputably a masculine symbol that was regarded as an iconic representation of the lingga of Siwa. The Candi Sukuh lingga is a representation of the male sexual organ, and bears a carving in relief of an upright keris, together with the inscription:-

[23] The Candi Sukuh lingga : yoni. The Late classical Period was characterised by artistic interpretations that became increasingly Javanese, rather than Indian, in form. This unusually explicit representation of the lingga : yoni leaves no doubt as to the message of creation and cosmic continuity.

[24] A lingga : yoni of the Early Classical Period , Central Java.

During this period artistic interpretation was more heavily influenced

by Indian forms than was the case during the Late Classical Period (plate 166, Ancient Indonesian Art, A. J. Bernet Kempers published with permission Louise Ariens Kappers, C. P. J. van der Peet).

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“Consecration of the Holy Gangga Sudhi ---the sign of masculinity is the essence of the world.” (16) This is the clearest possible statement of the nature of the keris in 14th century Java. We know that Javanese symbolism is not monosymbolic and that the Gunungan form of the Keris Buda indicates that it can be understood not only in terms of Siwa symbolism, but also in terms of Gunungan symbolism. Once the Gunungan symbolism of the Keris Buda is recognised then the other associations of Tree of Life and Mt. Meru naturally follow, indeed, the Mt. Meru association becomes clear from the Siwa symbolism.

The lingga : yoni symbolism clarifies and reinforces the nature of the keris as pusaka. The lingga : yoni symbolism represents the indivisible nature of male and female

principles inherent in all creation. When this female principle becomes a part of the male iconography, it is then possible to see the keris as a male symbol which as a part of its character is representative of not only the male principle, but incorporates the female principle and thus becomes representative of the community as a whole.

This male: female balance permeates Hindu ideals, there cannot be one without the other. Where we find the lingga, we also find the yoni. At Candi Sukuh, on the slopes of Mt. Lawu in Central Jawa, a late Majapahit temple which can probably be understood as a place of worship that was primarily occupied with the core concerns of a rural Javanese population with birth, death and renewal (16), this core concern is shown very clearly by the sexually explicit carving at the entry gate:- the yoni and the lingga in the act of meeting, and thus of creation.

The keris was unarguably symbolic of the male element, but the complete vocabulary of iconic representation found in the keris indicates that it was intended to be read not simply as symbolic of the male principle, but as a cosmic symbol that could represent the entire micro cosmos of community or kin group.

By the beginning of the 13th century the Keris Buda had already become a symbol with religious associations, and in this form it was probably employed as a religious implement of sacrifice. In the Hindu faith weapons of materials other than iron were probably preferred for some sacrificial rituals, and the Sathapatha Brahmana, a text describing Vedic ritual associated with the Shukla Yajurveda, prescribes slaughtering knives of various metals for differing levels of sacrifice, with iron being named for the lowest level.

Examples of the Keris Buda in bronze do exist, and the existence of these bronze weapons at a time when iron was available would seem to indicate that these bronze weapons were used for the purpose of religious sacrifice. During the 1980’s in Solo, Central Java one such bronze Keris Buda, which had been excavated, was seen and photographed. At least two other bronze Keris Buda are known to exist (23).

The existence of the bronze Keris Buda seems to validate the proposition that in Hindu Java some Keris Buda were used as religious implements.

In Bali, the keris has been, and still is, an essential part of six separate religious ceremonies. In two of those ceremonies, the ceremonies of Pitra Yadnya, and Bhuta Yadnya the keris is used as an implement to effect blood sacrifice (24).

Siwa has the nature of both creator and destroyer, as in Hindu belief destruction is seen as the necessary beginning of creation (25). It would seem to be particularly fitting that an iconic representation of the lingga of Siwa should be used in the role of a weapon of sacrifice.

This early incorporation of religious symbolism into the keris put in place the foundation for later iconographic additions to the keris.

AN INTERPRETATION OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE MODERN KERIS The symbols that are found in the new form of keris that came into being during the Majapahit era, and that did not exist prior to this are:- kembang kacang, lambe gajah, jalen, greneng with ron dha, luk, and some figural icons.

[25] A bronze Keris Buda with symbolic representation of Siwa in the upward pointing triangles at the blade base. The hilt fitted to this keris is from a much later period

Some other rarely found symbols do exist, such as the pudak setegal, a possible iconic representation of the lotus, which can be found in one of the pre-1631 Bargello keris, however, the symbols, or ricikan, noted above are the commonly recurring characteristics.

THE KEMBANG KACANG “Kembang kacang” means “bean flower” in the common level of the Javanese language (ngoko); this part of the keris is also known as “sekar kacang” in the high level of the Javanese language (krama); both terms are euphemisms, as is true of much keris terminology.

In many keris forms where the kembang kacang appears it is found in company with some other features:- the lambe gajah (elephant’s lip) and the jalen, another euphemism, which is the name of a small, sharp variety of grass.

The kembang kacang is understood to represent the elephant’s trunk, with the lambe gajah as lip, and the jalen as tusk.

All this is widely known.

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In Java, elephant symbolism is attached to the deity Ganesha, and the existence of a well established Ganapatya cult, the cult which came to recognise Ganesha as the ultimate and absolute God, is known.

In Singasari there is a statue of Ganesha that has been subject to scholarly examination which has concluded that the Singasari Ganesha is a deification of Gajahmada as Ganesha (13).

Elephant symbolism in Hindu Java was tied to the deity Ganesha, so when the kembang kacang, which is very clear elephant symbolism, is found in a socio-religious icon, the keris, it cannot be interpreted in any other way than as an iconic representation of Ganesha.

The worship of Ganesha is regarded as a part of the worship of other deities; most Hindus commence their prayers with a prayer to Ganesha. Ganesha is one of the five major deities, and the worship of Ganesha has formed a part of the worship of Siwa since at least the 5th century.

In 14th century Java Ganesha was revered as a deity with a number of attributes; he was the Remover of Obstacles, the God of Knowledge and Education, the God to whom one prayed for success and he was prayed to before the beginning of any new undertaking, in court circles he was revered as a military leader and destroyer of enemies, perhaps the reason why Gajahmada added Gajah to his name.

At the time Gajahmada assumed control of the kingdom of Majapahit and set about establishing order within Majapahit, and of extending the influence of Majapahit throughout the region, the keris was already a cultural icon. It contained religious symbolism and was viewed as a symbol of manfulness.

The incorporation of Ganesha iconography made of the keris an iconic representation of a mantra addressed to Siwa and Ganesha. Such a mantra would be very fitting for a kingdom that was attempting to strengthen and broaden its power base, both by diplomatic means and by military conquest, and this mantra would have been available to every noble, every day, in the Kingdom of Majapahit.

The reason for incorporation of this symbolism was undoubtedly a socio-religious reason, and at this remove we probably cannot say with any certainty exactly what the motive was for inclusion of this symbolism into the keris. It could be that an attempt was made to bring an element of spirituality into the Ksatriya Caste by providing a constant reminder of the religious foundations of the community.

Alternatively, the reasons for inclusion of Siwa symbolism and Ganesha symbolism into the keris could be very much more simple:- Ganesha as the Remover of Obstacles and because of his military association and ability to destroy enemies, Siwa as the Destroyer. Such a combination in a weapon would seem to ensure invincibility.

THE RON DHA The ron dha is a part of the greneng, and in Javanese and Balinese keris, the individual elements of which a greneng is comprised can be subject to a degree of variation.

However, the consistent element in a correctly cut greneng is the ron dha. In a few forms of keris, the ron dha can also be found on the opposite edge of the keris, in a symbol known

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as the jenggotan, which depends like a beard from the kembang kacang.

In present day keris belief the ron dha is explained as a representation of the Javanese letter “dha”, and in the Surakarta keris of the 18th to 20th centuries, the ron dha is an accurate representation of the current way in which the letter dha is written. The variation between the current form of ron dha and earlier forms is explained by the way in which this letter was written in earlier times.

The use of this one specific letter of the alphabet raises the question as to why this letter should have been chosen for inclusion on the keris. Present day keris authorities with a deeper knowledge will explain that the ron dha is a representation of the name “Allah”. Certainly, part of the Arabic character for “Allah” is very closely similar to the form of the ron dha. However, one problem exists with this explanation:- the ron dha existed in the pre-Islamic keris, as can be evidenced by its presence in the Bali-Hindu keris, which came to Bali from the Javanese-Hindu Kingdom of Majapahit. The understanding of the ron dha as an icon symbolising the name of “Allah” is perfectly acceptable in the Islamic keris, but it is clearly not acceptable to place this understanding upon the ron dha in the pre-Islamic keris.

A third possible explanation for the use of the letter dha is that in some of the scripts which have been used to write Javanese, the letter dha is also the number 8. In the Candra Sangkala numerological system, the number 8 is the numerological value of the naga and of the elephant.

Bearing in mind the symbolic association of the keris with both the naga and the elephant, this numerological association might seem to be a relevant, but very slight symbolic representation.

All of the above explanations fail to provide a conclusive or even convincing reason for the inclusion of the ron dha as a characteristic of the Modern Keris in its original character in pre-Islamic Java.

In 1978 I had a ring made in Bali, the center of the ring, the “stone” if you will, is an antique gold Indian coin showing Siwa and Parvati. The coin is held in place by two crowned figures of Ganesha on two opposing sides, and by two representations of “OM”, the smallest mantra, on the other two opposing sides. Over time the points on the character “OM” wore away, and within a few years this character bore a close resemblance to the worn ron dha found in early forms of the Modern keris. This resemblance prompted me to investigate the ways in which the mantra “OM” can be represented. I found that there are many ways in which to write the sound “OM”, and these depend upon the script used, and the purpose for which it is written. When the sound “OM” is written for religious purposes, it is not written as the complete word, but rather it is written as a symbol that is only part of the complete word. In the Balinese script that is descended from the Kawi script used in Majapahit, the major part of the sound “OM” is a clear representation of the early form of the ron dha.

“OM” is used as a part of all mantras or prayers; it begins the main prayer, and often completes the prayer. The ron dha exists in the Bali-Hindu keris, the Bali-Hindu keris evolved from the Javanese-Hindu keris, thus the ron dha is without doubt a symbol that was in use in Hindu-Java, during the

time of Majapahit. This being so, it seems very probable that the symbol now euphemistically referred to as the “ron dha” is a representation of the smallest mantra:- “OM”.

FIGURAL ICONOGRAPHY In some keris various figures are carved into the metal, these are usually found in the wider sorsoran area of the blade. The figures that are repeatedly found in older Javanese blades, and also in Balinese blades, are representations of the Naga, representations of the Singo Barong, and representations of the Bhoma.

In later Javanese blades a greater variety of figures is found, but the figures I mention are the ones most frequently met with in the earliest form of the modern keris.

Interpretation of these figures is a neglected field of research, however, a close examination of some of the more obvious relationships linking keris symbols can provide a limited understanding of the motifs most frequently met with in pre-Islamic keris.

NAGA

[26] The shortest mantra, “OM”, or “AUM”

The keris is symbolic of Siwa, the Gunungan and of Mt. Meru. Once this is understood, there is no mystery about the Naga ( 26).

In Vedic myth, and Vedic myths form the basis of the Hindu faith, the God Vishnu used Mt. Meru as the churning stick to churn the Great Milk Ocean, and he used the Naga Vasuki (Javanese:- Basuki) as the churning rope. As the Great Milk Ocean was churned treasures arose from it, including Amrita, the nectar of immortality, but a poison also arose from the churning, which was consumed by Shiva (Javanese:Siwa) and which had the twin effects of turning Shiva’s throat blue and of purifying the Naga Vasuki. Thereafter Shiva wore Vasuki as his sash.

The keris is a representation of the Gunungan, the Gunungan can be understood as Mt. Meru, and Mt. Meru can be understood as an icon of Siwa. The Naga Basuki was used as the churning rope to hold Mt. Meru, and was later worn

by Siwa as a sash. Once these relationships are understood it is clear that the naga motif when it appears on the keris is a representation of the Naga Basuki. The Naga Basuki is a binding force, and the function of the Pusaka Keris is to bind all within the group to which the Pusaka Keris relates.

When the Naga Basuki appears on a keris this reinforces the cultural position of the keris as an icon of society that unites all members of the society.

A keris with the Naga motif is shown in illustration 15A, 15B.

SINGO BARONG

[27] “OM” or “AUM” abbreviated for use as the ron dha.

What is shown in this illustration should not be interpreted as a direct representation of a ron dha, rather it merely illustrates the component part of the complete word “OM” that is the source of the ron dha symbol

There seems to be some evidence that the Singo Barong, a representation of a lion, was a symbol associated with high ranking Ksatriya nobles. This is indicated by the sarcophagi which were the prerogative of high ranking nobles, members of the Ksatriya Caste, in olden times in Bali. These nobles had the right to a sarcophagus in the form of a winged lion (27).

The Singo Barong is not winged, but in Hindu tradition, the lion is associated with the warrior caste. Possibly the wings on a sarcophagus lion were added because of the implication of the spirit of the deceased flying upwards from the cremation.

A keris with the Singo Barong motif is shown is shown in illustration 28A, 28B.

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[28A & 28B] A Modern Keris with Singo Barong motif

DEER An infrequently encountered figure that is sometimes found carved into the sorsoran of a keris is the deer. This is now usually associated with the Kingdom of Majapahit, however it is interesting to note that in Bali the sarcophagus of lesser nobles is a deer. It is possible that this symbolic association of lesser nobles with the deer resulted in its inclusion as a part of keris iconography.

A keris with the deer motif is shown is shown in illustration 15A, 15B.

BHOMA The Bhoma, sometimes called Kala, is a representation of the son of Wisnu and Basundari, and thus is the child of water and earth. The joining of water and earth results in the growth of plants, which in a society dependent upon agriculture equates to prosperity. In Sanscrit, Bhoma means “born of the earth�. Thus Bhoma can be taken to represent the growth of vegetation.

When Bhoma appears in the base of the keris blade this is a reinforcement of the Mt. Meru representation, as the lower slopes of Mt. Meru are covered in foliage, and this is the abode of Bhoma. But Javanese symbolism is very often

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polysymbolism, and the nature of Bhoma is as a protective element, so the inclusion of Bhoma in keris iconography also provides protection from evil.

THE LUK (WAVES) OF A KERIS The original keris, the Keris Buda, had only the straight form; it seems that intermediate forms of the keris may have appeared prior to the emergence of the Modern Keris, and it is possible that an intermediate keris form with luk did in fact appear before the fully developed form of the Modern Keris emerged. With the emergence of the Modern Keris multiple waved forms began to appear. Hypotheses which attribute the waved keris form to functional development have been offered to explain this form of the keris, however, when iconographic content of the Modern Keris is taken into consideration an alternative explanation for the waves in the blade of the keris appears to be a more likely explanation.

In order to understand how the waves in the blade of a keris could be a symbolic representation it is necessary to first understand one of the principal indicators of status in Balinese society. As has previously been stated, Balinese society is the inheritor of Majapahit society.

THE TIERED ROOF OF MAJAPAHIT Bali is the cultural continuation of Majapahit, this is not to say that it is the same in all respects as Majapahit may have been, but Balinese culture did evolve from the culture of Majapahit and in spite of the changes which must have occurred over the last 500 years or so since the Balinese nobles moved from the failing kingdom of Majapahit to establish new kingdoms in Bali, it is probable that the major cultural strands of Majapahit are reflected in the culture of Bali.

One of the characteristics of both Balinese and Majapahit culture is the hierarchical structure of both societies, in

[29A & 29B] A Balinese gate showing the head of Bhoma above the gate, and a close up of the Bhoma; this illustration has been used rather than a keris because I did not have available a keris with a sufďŹ ciently clear image of Bhoma

[30] Pura Yeh Gangga, a shrine of Majapahit style completed in 1113

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both cases the hierarchy rests upon a caste system which in early Bali was the same as was in place in Majapahit, any differences between the system of 500 years ago and now are due to the passing of time, not to any variation in the root. In Majapahit society and in today’s Balinese society one indicator of status was and is the tiered roof. The tiered roof is found in two major representations, firstly as a shrine in a temple complex where the number of tiers in the roof indicates the status of the deity to whom it is dedicated, and secondly as a cremation tower or bade where the number of tiers in the roof indicates the status of the person being cremated. Where the tiered roof is found in a shrine, it is intended to be a representation of the dwelling place of the gods, Mt Meru.

About 50 kilometers north of Den Pasar in the village of Perean is the pura, or temple, of Yeh Gangga. Several dates are associated with this pura, the earliest being 1113, then 1339 and 1429 (A.J.Bernet Kempers); it is of Hindu-Buddhist form, and in the style of the temples of Majapahit. It has a 7 tier roof. This pura demonstrates with physical evidence what we already know from monumental and literary evidence, that the tiered roof found in Bali today was also found in Java during the Hindu-Buddhist period.

It is probably not possible for somebody familiar with the keris to see a classical Balinese tiered roof and not be reminded of the waves in a keris blade:- both decrease in width as they move towards the point of the keris and apex of the meru, both display multiple decreasing levels. There is a distinct similarity in form between the tiered roof of a Balinese shrine, and a waved keris blade.

The tiered roofs of Balinese shrines must always be an odd number of tiers:- 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, with the highest number of tiers only able to be used on the roof of a shrine dedicated to the supreme God, Siwa. So, although the number of waves in a keris blade must also be an odd number, this may seem to be where the similarity between a Balinese shrine and a waved keris blade ceases, because the maximum number of waves in the blade of a normal keris is reckoned to be 13:- two more waves than are permitted in the roof of a shrine. Blades which contain more than 13 waves are regarded as unusual, are termed “kalawija� (28) blades in Java, and are deemed to have been made for somebody who does not fit into the normal pattern of society, somebody like an artist, faith healer or shaman. Somebody who has patterns of thought, and behaviour, that vary from others in the community.

Another place where the Balinese tiered roof can be found is in the cremation tower, or bade, and once again, the maximum number of tiers in the roof of a bade is 11, the number of tiers to which a ruler is entitled, persons of lower inherited status being entitled to a lesser number of roofs on their cremation towers.

In light of the fact that the highest number of tiers permitted as a status indicator in the Balinese tiered roof is 11, it may seem that it is not possible to establish any relationship between the tiered roof and the keris.

But perhaps this matter of 11 tiers in a roof, and 13 waves in a keris blade is not quite what it may seem to be.

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THE LUK COUNT The current convention used to count the waves in a keris blade requires that the count commence at the first negative undulation (depression, concave wave) in the blade immediately above the gandhik, then cross the blade to the first negative undulation immediately above the wadidang, and so on until it reaches the final negative undulation in the blade, which will occur on the wadidang side of the blade and will result in an even number of undulations. Because the wave count must produce an uneven number of waves, necessary because uneven numbers are masculine numbers, and the keris is masculine in nature, the blade is crossed one more time to add a nominal wave, where in fact no wave exists.

The obvious fact of the matter is this:- in virtually all waved blades the final wave simply does not exist, it is the straight section of the blade at its point, but to achieve an odd number, an imaginary wave is added. Similarly, the first wave counted is not a wave in the blade either; it is a slight undulation that occurs on only one side of the blade. When the maker of the blade is forging it to shape he bends the forging away from and then back towards the wadidang side of the blade to create the first true wave in the blade:- a blade wave has two sides to it, a negative (concave) side, and a positive (convex) side. The current convention used in counting blade waves ignores this fact and counts a slight undulation above the gandhik as the first wave, and the straight section of blade at its point as the final wave.

This convention of counting waves is based upon a fallacy, as the first undulation in the blade is in fact not the concave side of a blade wave. The first undulation that occurs above the gandhik has on its opposite side not a convex side to a wave, but rather the long curve of the wadidang that flows into the first undulation (concave wave) on the side of the blade opposite to the gandhik. The blade wave that is currently counted as the first wave is in fact not a wave in the blade at all. The first true wave in a blade occurs with the first convex wave above the gandhik, or the first concave wave above the wadidang.

If the wave count is commenced at the first convex wave above the gandhik, a count of convex waves will result in a total number of waves that is two less than is produced by the current convention used to count waves. Another way of looking at this is that the count be commenced at the first depression, or concave wave above the wadidang, that is, on the opposite side of the blade to the side dictated by current convention. This first concave wave on the wadidang side is in fact where the maker placed the first wave when he was forging the keris:- it is perfectly obvious to anybody who understands a little about forge work that the maker did not forge any wave at all immediately above the gandhik.

When the waves are counted in this way, there is no need to add an additional non-existent wave in order to achieve an odd number count:- the count already completes at an odd number, and that odd number equates to the same number of waves that the maker forged into the blade at the time of its creation. When the wave count acknowledges the actual

waves forged into the blade by its maker rather than adding two imaginary waves to the number of waves created by the maker, the number of waves counted is two less than when the count is conducted according to the current convention.

Using this method of counting waves the highest number of waves found in a normal keris blade becomes 11, not 13, and this aligns exactly to the highest number of waves to be found in a meru.

The shrine and the cremation tower are representations of Mt. Meru, and it is clear that the keris is also a symbolic representation of Mt. Meru. The roof of the shrine and of the cremation tower can have a maximum of only 11 tiers, thus the normal keris can also have only 11 luk, corresponding to the 11 roof tiers. There is no problem in achieving this count of one luk to 11 luk; all that is necessary is to count the actual waves in a blade and ignore the convention that demands two non-existent waves be added to the count.

AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE LUK Balinese society is the inheritor of Majapahit society, and in Balinese society the number of tiers in the roof of a cremation tower indicates the social status of the person who is being cremated. This usage has existed in Bali since the time when the Balinese Kingdom of Gel-Gel was a vassal state of Majapahit.

The tiered roof existed in Majapahit, and it appears to have been used as a status indicator in Majapahit society.

It is uncertain if the tiered roof was used in cremation in Majapahit, but its use as a status indicator seems to be undeniable, and it is certain that the tiered roof has been used as a status indicator in Balinese cremation since the time of Majapahit. The kingdoms of Bali were vassal states of Majapahit.

When the tiered roof is used in a shrine, that shrine is understood to be a representation of Mt. Meru, abode of the gods, and in Hindu-Javanese belief, specifically the abode of Siwa, even though it may be dedicated to a deity of lower status, as indicated by the number of tiers in its roof.

The Modern Keris was created as a representation of the meru, and waves in the keris blade as representative of the levels of Mt. Meru that are shown in the shrine and the cremation tower by tiers in the roof. The number of waves in the keris blade were indicative of the status of the owner of the keris, just as the number of tiers in the roof of his cremation tower were indicative of his status.

When the keris was adopted by Islam, some elements of the keris iconography needed to be altered to make it acceptable to the new faith. One of these elements was the association of the waves in a keris with the Javanese-Hindu status system that was a part of the hierarchical society of Majapahit. Within this system, the highest number of waves permitted in a keris blade was 11, this being the number to which a deity, or king, was entitled as a status indicator. At some point in the Islamisation of Java, Islam decreed that the wave count in a blade should ignore the first true blade wave and commence at the first slight undulation in the blade, rather than the first complete wave. This resulted in a count

of waves that was two more than had previously been the case, and as a consequence the association of the waves in a keris blade with the recognition of societal status as it was in the Kingdom of Majapahit, was destroyed. It is probable that this change occurred under Raden Patah, as Raden Patah was a part of the old Majapahit elite, and he would have fully understood the importance of the keris waves as an instrument of socio-religious regulation.

When using the current convention of wave counting it is impossible for a keris to have a single wave:- the lowest number of waves a blade can have when using the current, Islamic convention of count is three, so standard blades fall within the range of three waves to thirteen waves:- there is no one wave keris, and any keris of more than 13 waves is considered to be unusual. However, within the Balinese status system as it relates to the tiered roof of a bade (cremation tower), there is a place for a single roof, and there can be no more roof tiers than eleven. This status ranking system was put in place when Bali was still a vassal state of Majapahit, thus it must reflect the concepts of status markers within Majapahit.

When it was decreed that the highest number of waves to be found in a normal keris was no longer 11, but was now 13, this moved the keris wave system outside the Majapahit status system and thus destroyed the relevance of the waves in a keris blade to the socio-religious status symbolism of the keris, since the number 11 is the highest number permissible as an indicator of the status for gods, and for men, in the Hindu-Balinese status system, and a similar system would have applied in Hindu Java.

By applying the wave count in the way that harmonises with the Hindu-Buddhist Javanese social system we are able to produce a keris wave count of 1 wave to 11 waves, and a keris that has no waves:- the straight keris. This aligns perfectly with the social status system that applied in Majapahit. On the other hand, if we count waves according to the current convention it produces wave counts that align with no known Javanese system of any kind, and thus these numbers of waves have neither reason nor logic to support their existence.

Alteration in the way in which the waves in a blade were counted resulted in the destruction of one of the socio-religious status markers associated with the society of Majapahit, and as a consequence assisted with the Islamisation of Java.

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[31] The Current Convention of Luk Count, Method I

THE GANJA When the iconography of the keris and its associations with Gunungan : Mt. Meru : Siwa : Basuki : Wisnu are understood, a proposition for the iconography of the ganja suggests itself.

In the Hindu belief system the River Ganges is the physical embodiment of the goddess Ganga. Ganga was raised in the heavens by Brahma, and when she came to earth she fell on the head of Siwa, who caught her in his hair and let her out as several small streams, one of which is the River Ganges. The River Ganges has its source on Mt. Meru.

If the keris is seen as a meru, that is, a representation of Mt. Meru, then the ganja can be understood as a representation of the goddess Ganga and of water symbolism. That the ganja in the keris can be related to water symbolism becomes very likely when we consider the waved forms of the ganja, which are able to be identified as symbolic of water. The incorporation of Ganga iconography into the Siwa

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[32] The Current Convention of Luk Count, Method II

iconography of the keris is representative of the indivisibility of the male and female principles, just as the lingga : yoni symbolism is representative of this indivisibility.

Water symbolism in the keris is further strengthened by the understanding of the Naga Basuki as an incarnation of Wisnu. In the “Vishnu Purana� the Goddess Ganga was created from the sweat flowing from the feet of Vishnu (Wisnu), so the association of keris to water can now be read as:- keris : Basuki : Wisnu : Ganga : water. This is yet another example of polysymbolism. Ganga can be understood as the sister of Parvati, and the yoni is a symbol of Parvati, in the keris the blumbangan can be understood as yoni symbolism.

An alternative understanding of the ganja can also be identified, and again it incorporates female symbolism.

The lingga is symbolic of Siwa and we have already seen that from very early times the keris in its Keris Buda form embraced symbolism representative of Siwa. The lingga is

[33] The method proposed as being in use to count keris luk during the Hindu period of Java

[34] Diagrammatic explanation of progression in the forging of blade waves (luk)

usually found in combination with the yoni, which takes the form of a pedestal upon which the lingga stands erect. Thus it seems to be obvious that the ganja can also be understood as the yoni, upon which the lingga stands.

In profile the typical yoni form has a spout projecting from its side that allows the milk used in offerings to Siwa to drain away. It does not take a major effort of imagination to see the profile of the angled end of the ganja that accommodates the greneng as a mirror of the profile of the spout of the yoni.

In whatever way we interpret the ganja it is undoubtedly symbolic of the female element, which in combination with the wilah makes of the keris a symbol representing cosmic totality.

SUMMARY OF ICONOGRAPHY At the beginning of the 14th century the symbolism that seems to have been associated with the keris was the

Gunungan, Mt. Meru, The Tree of Life, Siwa, the lingga, and the yoni. When the form of the keris changed during the 14th century and became longer and slimmer, it retained the nature of the earlier form and added symbolism associated with Ganesha, a representation of the mantra “OM�, and figural motifs associated with other socio-religious ideas.

Symbolism incorporated into the Modern Keris can be understood in pre-Islamic terms in the following way:Overall form:- the Gunungan, Mt. Meru, the Tree of Life, Siwa symbolism Ganja:- a yoni representation, or a symbol representing Ganga Sogokan:- a lingga representation, icon of Siwa Blumbangan:- a yoni representation, icon of Parvati Kembang kacang, jalen, lambe gajah:- iconographic representation of Ganesha

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An Interpretation of the Pre-Islamic Javanese Keris Naga motif:- the Naga Basuki Singo Barong motif:- symbolism associated with the warrior caste (ksatriya) Deer motif:- symbolism associated with lower ranking nobles Bhoma (Kala) motif:- symbolism associated with the protective principle Luk:- the luk in a keris blade are a statement that it is to be understood as a representation of Mt. Meru, just as the tiers in the roof of a shrine or bade are a statement that the shrine or bade is to be understood as a representation of Mt. Meru. When the luk count is performed in the manner that is in harmony with the principles of status recognition in Hindu-Javanese society, the number of luk in a blade can be understood as an indicator of the status of the owner of the keris in his society.

CONCLUSION At the end of the 13th century the keris was still in the form that we now know as the Keris Buda, and it was regarded as a symbol of the masculine.

In the Kingdom of Majapahit during the time that this kingdom was under the guidance of Gajahmada, the Keris Buda was intentionally altered in form and additional socioreligious symbolism was incorporated into its design. The addition of waves to the blade design was intended to align the keris with the Javanese-Hindu status system as expressed in the tiered roof of the shrine and the cremation tower.

These alterations created an instrument of socioreligious management, and resulted in the Modern Keris, the keris form that is still current today.

When Islam replaced the Hindu faith in the courts of Java, initiatives were put in place by the followers of the new faith which saw the destruction of the Javanese-Hindu iconic content of the keris, and its relevance as a socioreligious icon and status indicator.

With the adoption of the keris by Islam in Jawa, its character was changed from being a status indicator and a religious object with the nature of a personal shrine, to being only a symbol of the masculine. The waves as symbolic of status in society lost their meaning, the mantra OM (the ron dha) became an icon of Allah, and the symbols of Siwa ( the sogokan) and Ganesha (the kembang kacang), became merely ornamental enhancements with no societal nor religious meaning nor implication.

The Javanese-Hindu hierarchy with its strictly structured system of social classes, was replaced by a social system organized on Islamic principles, which permitted a more egalitarian social order, where all, including the ruler, were servants of God, rather than the ruler being of divine origin and occupying the same place in his kingdom as did God in the cosmos, and within his kingdom having the same rights and privileges as did God in the cosmos. Because of this, the waved blade lost its relevance as a status indicator, and the keris of Majapahit, which had been an icon of the nobility, became an icon of the people.

mountain, Mt. Kailas in Western Tibet, believed by many to be the holiest place in the world. The keris is intended to be seen as a Meru, that is, as a representation of Mt. Meru.

It is perhaps not too long a bow to draw to suggest that the word “ganja” and the word “keris” have evolved from Javanese pronunciations of “ganga” and “kailas” respectively.

In the Javanese language the consonant “l” can be replaced in some words by the consonant “r”, for example “rara” has the same meaning as “lara”, a virgin or young girl.

In a language which even in its modern form has a great degree of regional variation and where a characteristic of the language is that its speakers will alter both vowels and consonants to achieve a desired effect it would be a very short step for the “l” in “kailas” to change to an “r”, and then by process of progressive modification for the word “kailas” to become “keris”.

The Javanese language is well known for its various levels, and these levels, combined with the regional variations, and the practice of variation in the shape of a word by individual speakers tends to indicate that it can be regarded as a non-standardised language, compared for example to English (*). In a language having the characteristics of the Javanese language the origin suggested for the modern Javanese words “keris” and “ganja” does seem to be quite plausible, especially so when the iconographic interpretations of the keris are taken into consideration. (*) Javanese English Dictionary, Stuart Robson and Singgih Wibisono, Periplus Editions, 2002, ISBN 0-7946-0000-X

Glossary Bade:- the Balinese cremation tower, also known as wadah.

Basundari:- In Balinese belief Basundari, or Ibu Pertiwi, is the mother of Bhoma, fathered by the God of water, Wisnu.

Basundari is the Goddess of the earth, or in other words, Mother Earth.

Brahma:- the third member of the Hindu trimurti of Shiva, Vishnu and Brahma, in Javanese spelling: Siwa, Wisnu, Brahma.

Candela:- Old Javanese, a person lower than the lowest of the castes, typically one born of the union of a brahmana mother and a sudra father (also: candala).

Candi:- a candi is a place of worship dedicated to a god; an ancestor or ruler, or other important person can be deified as a god upon death, and his ashes enshrined in the candi; Javanese people visited and still visit a candi to pray to the god of the candi and to pay respect to ancestors.

APPENDIX

Candra-sangkala:- a cryptic chronogram used principally to express a date.

Etymology In Hindu belief Mt. Meru can be identified as an actual

Ganesha:- the Javanese spelling of “Ganesh”, the elephant headed deity who is the god of wisdom, knowledge, learning,

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education, he is the disturber of disturbances and most Hindus begin a prayer to any other god with a prayer to Ganesha first, sometimes they also close their prayers to other gods with a prayer to Ganesha.

Gunungan:- the word means “mountain-like”; it is a prolific Javanese symbol that represents the Cosmic Mountain of the origin myth.

Kawi:- the Old Javanese literary script, evolved from Sanscrit.

Wisnu:- the Javanese spelling of Vishnu.

Yoni:- the icon of Parvati; Parvati is the Shakti, or wife of Siwa, the yoni represents the female principle, the lingga and yoni in combination represent the indivisibility of the male and female principles and the totality of creation.

References & Notes

Kinatah:- gold blade encrustation.

Lingga:- lingam, the icon of Siwa representing the male principle.

M’lesa:- Old Javanese, a person who is outside the caste system, such as a foreigner or a barbarian (also: mleccha).

Mt. Meru:- in Hindu belief the sacred Mt. Meru is the axis of the world and the centre of the universe, it is the home of the Gods; the tiered roof of a shrine, temple or cremation tower is a representation of Mt. Meru.

Pamor:- the patterned surface material of a keris blade, produced by use of pattern welding forge techniques.

Parvati:- the Shakti, or wife of Siwa.

Prambanan:- a major Hindu temple complex in Central Java, dedicated to the trimurti: Siwa, Wisnu, Brahma, and dating from the 10th. century, it is also known as Loro Jonggrang.

Pusaka:- an heirloom or revered object passed down from an ancestor.

Ricikan:- the detailed features such as kembang kacang, ron dha etc. which are found in a keris.

Siwa:- the Javanese spelling of Shiva; the Javanese-Hindu belief system was Shivaitic in nature, Shiva being regarded as the supreme God. Slametan:- a ritual performed to acquire safety; typically it takes the form of ritual feast with the guests being members of the community concerned. A slametan can be held for a number of reasons:- major life event; unusual event, eg.: a name change, departure on a long journey; event associated with religion; a major communal event such as bersih desa.

Tuca:- Old Javanese, a person who is valueless, low, evil (also: tinuccha, tucca).

Tumpal:- a Javanese decorative motif that is a representation of the Gunungan.

Wayang:- fully: “wayang purwa” or “wayang kulit”, the shadow theatre played on a back-lit screen, using leather puppets.

Wilah:- the body of the keris blade.

(1) B.H.N. Vlekke, “Nusantara, A History of Indonesia”, W.van Hoeve Ltd. - The Hague and Bandung, 1959.

(2) Sumastuti Sumukti, “Gunungan, The Javanese Cosmic Mountain”, a dissertation submitted to the Graduate Division of the University of Hawaii in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology, December 1997.

(3) In Hindu mythology Mt. Meru is the centre of the universe and the axis of the world. It is the dwelling place of the Gods, the actual home of Lord Shiva (Javanese:- Siwa), and the place where the devotees of each God reside with their God until the time of their next reincarnation. The tiered roof on a shrine represents the levels of Mt. Meru. Mt. Kailash in South Western Tibet is believed to be the earthly manifestation of Mt. Meru.

(4) A.G.Maisey, “Origin of the Keris, and its development to the 14th Century”, Journal of the Antique Arms Collectors Society of Australia, Vol. I, No. 2, April 1998.

(5) The upwards pointing triangle is symbolic of Siwa and the male principle, the down wards pointing triangle is symbolic of the female principle.

(6) Karsten Sejr Jensen, Den Indonesiske Keris, Devantier 1998, ISBN 0108-707X. (7) Ricklefs, M.C. A History of Modern Indonesia since c.1300, 2nd Edition (1993), Stanford University Press, ISBN 0-8047-2195-5.

(8) Phalgunadi I.Gusti Putu (translator), “The Pararaton”, Sundeep Prakash, New Delhi, 1996, ISBN 81-85067-97-X. The Pararaton, or “Book of Kings” is a Javanese literary work that dates from circa 1481.

(9) Rakawi Prapanca, “The Nagara Kertagama”, in “Java in the 14th. Century”, Theodore G.Th. Pigeaud, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1960.

“The Nagara Kertagama” is a 14th. century poem written by the court poet, Rakawi Prapanca in 1365. It was written in honour of King Hayam Wuruk of the East Javanese Kingdom of Majapahit, and it is the single most important source of information on 14th. Century Javanese civilization.

(10) The pre-eminent authority on Majapahit, Dr. Th. Pigeaud, does not use the terms “Ksatriya” and “Wesia” to refer to these

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castes, or elements, of Majapahit society, however, these words do exist in Old Javanese and were used in the society itself to describe these castes, moreover, these same words are used to refer to the castes in present day Bali, thus I have chosen to use these original terms, rather than translations of the terms.

(11) R.Soekmono, “Indonesian Architecture of the Classical Period”, in “The Sculpture of Indonesia”, J.Fontein, 1990, ISBN 0-89468-141-9.

(12) Ma Huan, “Ying-yai Sheng-lan” : “The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores” (1433); several translations of this work are available, the one I have used is :W.P.Groeneveldt, “Historical Notes on Indonesia & Malaya Compiled from Chinese Sources”, C.V.Bhatara, Djakarta 1960. In this work the word used to name the knives carried

by Javanese has been translated as “pu-lak”, perhaps a more accurate translation might be “pu-la-t’ou”, if we accept “pu-la-t’ou” the writer may have been trying to convey “beladau”, a knife carried by Malays, however, based upon the description given of these knives, virtually all experts in the field of Javanese culture and weaponry have agreed that the weapon described is the weapon that we now know as the keris:“--- these daggers have very thin stripes and whitish flowers and are made of the very best steel, the handle is gold, rhinoceros horn or ivory, cut into the shape of human or devils faces and finished very carefully.”

(13) Slametmuljana, “A Study on Gajah Mada”, Nanyang University Journal, vol. VI part I : Humanities, pages 131-142.

(14) The most important collections of early keris to be found in European museums are in the Bargello Museum in Florence, the Museum Fur Volkerkunde in Dresden, and the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen; other collections do exist in Vienna, Sweden, Munich and in Oxford, U.K., but the bulk of early keris are in the museums mentioned, especially Dresden and Copenhagen.

(15) “The Nawanatya”, in “Java in the 14th. Century”, Theodore G.Th. Pigeaud, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1960.

“The Nawanatya” is a 14th century manual of good conduct for court officials. This quoted text is relevant to the progress of a king, and the Javanese word used for keris is “curiga”.

(16) S.J.O’Connor, “Metallurgy and Immortality at Candi Sukuh, Central Java”, Indonesia Vol. 39, April 1985.

(17) The number of tiers in the roof of a bade reflects the status of the person being cremated; authorities differ on the precise number of tiers to which any individual may be entitled. It is certain that the maximum number of tiers can be no more than 11, but in respect of the number of tiers to which lower ranking members of the hierarchy may be entitled, there seems to be little certainty.

I have given what I believe to be the most logical entitlement, but in practice the actual number of tiers to which a person is entitled is very probably a

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determination that must be made at the time of cremation, and in accordance with an in depth knowledge of the circumstances pertaining to the particular individual.

(18) “Babad Dalem” --- a Balinese chronicle probably written in the 18th century by a court scribe in the Klungkung Palace. It gives an account of the royal houses of Bali going back to the roots of Balinese kingship in the Kingdom of Majapahit. This is not history in accordance with the European understanding of history, it is a mixture of history, myth and legend, but in the Balinese cultural framework it can be understood as the way in which Balinese tradition understands this history to be.

(19) Wiener Margaret J., “Visible and Invisible Realms”, the University of Chicago Press, 1995, ISBN 0-226-88582-8.

(20) The date on the entry gate of Candi Sukuh is given as a candra sangkala, a date represented by symbols, and is translated as 1437, however, Raffles mentions dates of 1361 and 1362 on monumental works found within the ruins of the temple complex.

(21) H.I.Jessup, “Court Arts of Indonesia”, the Asia Society Galleries & Harry N. Abrams, New York, 1990, ISBN 0-8109-3165-6.

(22) P.S.Rawson, “The Indian Sword”, Arco Publishing Company Inc., New York, 1968, Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number 69-11144.

(23) In “Indo Javanese Metalwork”, J.E. Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw, two bronze keris buda are shown, plates number 133 and 134, incorrectly identified as spear heads, both show the upward pointing triangle that is an icon of Siwa, and in number 134 that upwards pointing triangle has fused with a representation of the Gunungan which may also contain a Tree of Life.

(24) Putu Budiastra, I Gusti Ayu Mastini, I Ketut Kertayasa.

“Keris Kolesksi Museum Negeri Propinsi Bali”, Departemen Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan Proyek Pembinaan Permuseuman Bali, Denpasar, 1992/1993.

(25) In present day Bali the highest deity is Siwa, and Wisnu and Brahma are commonly merged with Siwa, in fact, all other deities, including Brahma and Wisnu are regarded as aspects of Siwa. The three Nagas, Anantaboga, Basuki and Taksaka are believed to be incarnations of Brahma, Wisnu and Siwa respectively, thus Basuki is a form of Wisnu.

However, these three Nagas are commonly merged into one, and that one is also called Basuki. Belief is centered around Siwa and the principal Naga is the Naga Basuki, as all deities and all Nagas are fused into Siwa and Basuki. See (19), Wiener.

(26) The word “naga” is Sanscrit for “serpent”. In the context of Hindu belief systems as these apply in ancient Java and Bali, the Nagas were not simply serpents but were semi devine beings, half human and half serpent who were relegated to

an underground kingdom by Brahma when they became too populous on earth. There are a number of individually named Nagas, who carry individual responsibilities and are capable of supernatural acts.

(27) J.Copeland and Ni Wayan Murni, Secrets of Bali, Orchid Press, 2010.

(28) “Kalawija” is a variant pronunciation of “palawija”, which is a name given to the misshapen servants maintained in a karaton. The use of “kalawija” to describe a keris of more than 13 waves (Islamic count) implies that the blade is misshapen or badly formed, something outside the norm.

Select Bibliography A.A. Gde Putra Agung, “Bali’s Early Days”, Saritaksu, 2000, ISBN 978-979-1173-13-1 Anderson Benedict R. O’G., “Mythology and the Tolerance of the Javanese”, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 1965 Atmadja Nengah Bawa, “Genealogi Keruntuhan Majapahit”, Pustaka Pelajar, 2010, ISBN 978-602-8764-81-0 Atmodarminto R., “Babad Demak Dalam Tafsir SosialPolitik”, Millennium Publisher, Jakarta Selatan, 2000, ISBN 979-95880-5-7 Bennett James, “Crescent Moon: Islamic Art & Civilisation in Southeast Asia”, the Art Gallery of South Australia & the National Gallery of Australia, 2005, ISBN 0 7038 3030 6 Bijdragen Tot de Taal, Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of South East Asia and Oceania, # 157-1, 2001, this issue is devoted to old Javanese texts and studies, authors:Creese, Robson, Wiryamartana & van der Molen, Hunter, van den Veerdonk, Supomo.

Bodrogi Tibor, “Art of Indonesia”, Academy Editions, 1973 Brown Robert R (editor), “Ganesh, studies of an Asian God”, State University of New York Press, 1991, ISBN 0-7914-0657-1 Bunce F.W., “Numbers, Their Iconographic Consideration in Hindu & Buddhist Practices”, D.K.Printworld(P)Ltd., New Delhi, 2002, ISBN 81-246-0201-8 Champakalakshmi R., “The Hindu Temple”, Greenwich Editions, London, 2001, ISBN 0 86288 3350 Claessen Henri J.M., “Kingship in the Early State”, in Bijdragen Tot de Taal, Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of South East Asia and Oceania, #142-1, 1986

Coomaraswamy Ananda K., “History of Indian and Indonesian Art”, Dover Publications Inc., New York, 1965, Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 65-24018 Copeland J. and Murni Ni Wayan , “Secrets of Bali”, Orchid Press, 2010, ISBN: 978-974-524-118-3 Covarrubias Miguel, “The Island of Bali”, Oxford University Press, 1976 Creese Helen, “In Search of Majapahit, The Transformation of Balinese Identities”, Monash Asia Institute, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria, 1997, ISBN 0 7326 1150 4 Davison Julian & Granquist Bruce, “Balinese Temples”, Periplus Editions (HK) Ltd., 1999, ISBN 962-593-196-1 de Graaf H.J. , Pigeaud Th.G.Th., “Kerajaan-Kerajaaan Islam Pertama di Jawa”, PT Pustaka Grafitipers, Jakarta, 1986 Dumarcay Jacques, “The Temples of Java”, Oxford University Press, 1991, ISBN 0 19 582595 0 Eisman Fred B. jr., “Sekala and Niskala”, Periplus Editions, First Edition 1990, ISBN 0-945971-03-6 Fontein Jan, Soekmono R., Sulieman Satyawati, “Kesenian Indonesia Purba”, Asia House Gallery, 1971, Library of Congress Catalogue Number 70-161196, SBN 0-87848-037-4 Fontein J., “The Sculpture of Indonesia”, 1990, ISBN 0-89468-141-9.

Geertz Clifford, “The Religion of Java”, The Free Press, Glencoe Illinois, (1960), Library of Congress Catalogue Card No. 59-13863 Gittinger Mattiebelle, “Splendid Symbols, Textiles and Tradition in Indonesia”, Oxford University Press, Singapore, ISBN 0 19 588956 8 Hadisutrisno Budiono, “Islam Kejawen”, Eule Book, ISBN 978602-95078-0-5 Hefner Robert W., “Hindu Javanese”, Princeton University Press, 1985, ISBN 0-691-02856-7 Herusatoto Budiono, “Simbolisme Jawa”, Penerbit Ombak, 1984, ISBN 978-979-3472-90-4 Hooykaas C., “Religion in Bali”, E.J.Brill, Leiden, 1973 Hutton J.H. , “Caste in India, its nature, function and origin”, Oxford University Press, London, 1963.

Jensen Karsten Sejr, “Den Indonesiske Keris”, Devantier 1998, ISBN 0108-707X

Coedès G., “The Indianized States of Southeast Asia”, EastWest Centre Press,Hawaii,1968.

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An Interpretation of the Pre-Islamic Javanese Keris

Jessup H.I., “Court Arts of Indonesia”, The Asia Society Galleries & Harry N. Abrams, New York, 1990, ISBN 0-8109-3165-6

the Visnu Temple”, Penerbit Kanisius, Yogyakarta, 1997, ISBN 979-497-317-3

Jordaan Roy E. and Wessing Robert, “Human Sacrifice at Prambanan”, in Bijdragen Tot de Taal, Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of South East Asia and Oceania, # 152-1, 1996.

Mulder Niels, “Abangan Javanese Religious Thought and Practice”, in Bijdragen Tot de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde # 139-2, 1983

Jordaan Roy E., “The Sailendras, the status of the Ksatriya Theory and Development of Hindu-Javanese Temple Architecture”, in Bijdragen Tot de Taal, Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of South East Asia and Oceania, # 155-2, 1999.

Kempers A.J.Bernet , “Ancient Indonesian Art”, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1959.

Kinney Ann R. with Marijke J. Klokke, Lydia Kieven, “Worshipping Siva and Buddha, The Temple Art of East Java”, University of Hawaii Press 2003, ISBN 0-8248-2779-1 Koentjaraningrat, “Kebudayaan Jawa”, PN Balai Pustaka, Jakarta, 1984 Krom N.J., “Zaman Hindu”, Pustaka Sardjana No.15, 1956 Laksono P.M., “Tradition in Javanese Social Structure Kingdom and Countryside”, Gadjah Mada University Press, 1990, ISBN 979-420-021-2 Lovric Barbara , “Motifs and Images in a Ritual Drama: Their Mythic References and Metaphorical Truth”, in The Australian Journal of Anthropology, Anthropological Society of New South Wales, Sydney, 1992 3:3, Special Issue 4.

Maisey A.G, “Origin of the Keris and its Development to the 14th. Century” (article) Published in “Arms Cavalcade”-The Official Journal of the Antique Arms Collectors Society of Australia ,Vol.I,No.2, April 1998.

Maisey A.G., “The Keris and the Naga” (article). Published in “Arms Cavalcade”-The Official Journal of the Antique Arms Collectors Society of Australia, Vol.I,No.3,December 2000 Maxwell Robyn, “Life, Death & Magic, 2000 years of Southeast Asian ancestral art”, National Gallery of Australia, a comprehensive catalogue produced to accompany an exhibition, 2010.

Moerdowo R. M., “Wayang, its significance in Indonesian society”, PN Balai Pustaka, Jakarta, 1982 Moertjipto, Prasetya Bambang, Kusumo Indro Dewa , Darmoyo, “The Ramayana Reliefs of Prambanan”, Penerbit Kanisius, Yogyakarta, 1991, ISBN 979-413-720-0 Moertjipto, Prasetya Bambang, “The Siwa Temple of Prambanan”, Penerbit Kanisius, 1992, ISBN 979-413-764-2 Moertjipto, Prasetya Bambang, “The Kresnayana Reliefs of

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Muljana Slamet, “Runtuhnya Kerajaan Hindu-Jawa dan Timbulnya Negara-Negara Islam di Indonesia”, LKiS Yogyakarta, Cetakan VI, 2008, ISBN: 979-8451-16-3 Munoz Paul Michel, “Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula”, Editions Didier Millet, Singapore, 2006, ISBN 981-4155-67-5 Negoro Suryo S., “Kejawen, Javanese Spiritual Teaching”, CV Buana Raya, Surakarta, 2000 O’Connor S.J., “Metallurgy and Immortality at Candi Sukuh, Central Java”, (article) Indonesia Vol. 39, April 1985 Phalgunadi I Gusti Putu (translator), “The Indonesian Mahabharata, Adiparva- The First Book”, International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi, 1990, ISBN 81-85179-50-6 Phalgunadi I.Gusti Putu (translator), “The Pararaton”, Sundeep Prakash, New Delhi, 1996, ISBN 81-85067-97-X Phalgunadi I Gusti Putu (translator), “The Indonesian Brahmandapurana”, Sundeep Singhal for Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2000, ISBN 81-7574-088-4 Pigeaud Theodore G. Th, Ph D. Leyden, “Java in the 14th.

Century - A study in cultural history” Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Translation Series 4, 1; Vols. I to V, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1960.

Poesponegoro Marwati Djoened , Notosusanto Nugroho , “Sejarah Nasional Indonesia” Jilid II & Jilid III, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Balai Pustaka, Jakarta, 1990 Prabowo Dhanu Priyo, “Pandangan Hidup Kejawen dalam Serat Pepali Ki Ageng Sela”, Penerbit Narasi, Yogyakarta, 2004, ISBN 979-97564-26-6 Purwadi , “History of Java”, Mitra Abadi, Yogyakarta, ISBN 979-320-008-1 Purwadi, “Babad Majapahit”, Media Abadi, Yogyakarta, 2005, ISBN 979-3525-48-7 Purwadi, “Sejarah Peradaban Jawa Kuno”, Media Wacana, Yogyakarta, ISBN 979-98942-7-1 Radjiman, “Konsep Petangan Jawa”, Yayasan Pustaka Cakra, Surakarta, 2000, ISBN 979-96031-1-0 Raffles Thomas S., “The History of Java”, Oxford University Press, Oxford in Asia Historical Reprint, 1978, ISBN 0 19 580347 7

Ramseyer Urs, “The Art and Culture of Bali”, Schwabe & Co. AG, Verlag Basel, 2002, ISBN 3-7965-1886-9

Suleiman Satyawati, “Concise Ancient History of Indonesia”, The Archaeological Foundation, Jakarta, 1974.

Rao T.A. Gopinatha, “Elements of Hindu Iconography”, Low Price Publications, Delhi, first published 1914 (Madras), ISBN 81-7536-169-7

Sumukti Sumastuti , “Gunungan, The Javanese Cosmic Mountain”, A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Division of the University of Hawaii in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology, December 1997.

Ras J. J., “The Historical Development of the Javanese Shadow Theatre”, in Review of Indonesian and Malayan Affairs 1976, 10 (2) 50-76 Rassers W.H., “On the Javanese Keris”, published in Bijdragen, 99, 1940.

Rassers W.H., “Panji the Culture Hero”, Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1959 Rawson P.S., “The Indian Sword”, Arco Publishing Company Inc., New York, 1968, Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number 69-11144 Ricklefs, M.C., “A History of Modern Indonesia since c.1300”, 2nd Edition, 1993, Stanford University Press, Stanford California, ISBN 0-8047-2195-5 Ricklefs M.C., “War, Culture and Economy in Java 1677-1726”, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1993, ISBN 1 86373 380 9 Robson Stuart and Wibisono Singgih , “Javanese English Dictionary”, Periplus Editions, 2002, ISBN 0-7946-0000-X Sarkar Himansu Bhusan, “Corpus of the Inscriptions of Java”, Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1972.

Schrieke B. , “The Shifts in Political and Economic Power in the Indonesian Archipelago in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century”, in “Indonesian Sociological Studies” Part One, W. van Hoeve, The Hague, Bandung, 1955 Schrieke B, “Ruler and Realm in Early Java”, in “Indonesian Sociological Studies” Part Two, W. van Hoeve, The Hague, Bandung, 1955 Soekartininsih, Nirtawati Ni Luh, “Tinjauan Serta Hakikat Simbol Kesuburan”, Departemen Pendidikan Nasional Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan Bagian Proyek Pembinaan Permuseuman Bali, Denpasar, 2000.

Soekmono R., “Pengantar Sejarah Kebudaan Indonesia, Jilid 2”, Penerbit Kanisius, 1981, ISBN 979-413-290-X

Supomo S. (translator), “Arjunawijaya, A Kakawin of Mpu Tantular”, Martinus Nojhoff, The Hague, 1977, Volumes 1 & 2, ISBN 90-247-1935-6 van Duuren David , “The Kris-An Earthly Approach to a Cosmic Symbol”, Pictures Publishers Polstraat 52,4261 BV,Wijk en Aalburg,Holland Van Heekeren H.R., “The Bronze-Iron Age of Indonesia”, Martinus Nijhoff, 1958.

Van Der Hoop A.N.J.Th.a Th., “Indonesian Ornamental Design”, A.C. Nix & Co., Bandoeng, 1949. van Leur J.C. , “Indonesian Trade and Society”, W. van Hoeve Ltd., The Hague, Bandung, 1959 Van Lohuizen-De Leeuw J.E., “Indo-Javanese Metalwork”, Linden Museum Stuttgart, 1984.

Vickers Adrian, “History and Social Structure in Java”, in Rima, Department of Indonesian and Malayan Studies, The University of Sydney, Vol. 20 (No.2), 1986.

Vlekke Bernard H.M., “Nusantara, a History of Indonesia”, W.van Hoeve Ltd. 1959.

Wiener Margaret J. “Visible and Invisible Realms”, ISBN 0-22688582-8/1,The University of Chicago Press Zoetmulder P.J. with Robson S.O., “Kamus Jawa KunaIndonesia”, Indonesian edition of “Old Javanese-English Dictionary”, third edition, 2000, P.T.Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta (unattributable), “Indonesian Art, Treasures of the National Museum”, Editions Diddier Millet Pte. Ltd., (1998?), ISBN 962-593-320-4 This paper or any part of thereof may not be copied or reproduced in any form without the express written consent of the author.

Solyom Garrett and Bronwen, “The World of the Javanese Keris” ,East-West Centre-Hawaii, 1978 Subadio Haryati (editor), “Pusaka: Art of Indonesia”, Editions Didier Millet Pte. Ltd., 1992, ISBN 979-8353-00-5 Sudjarwo Heru S., Sumari, Wiyono Undung , “Rupa & Karakter Wayang Purwa”, Kakilangit Kencana, ISBN 978-602-8556-26-2

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Javanese

BY WAZIM “WIZZER� JOHNSTON

hese are two keris from Java, one made in the 20th century and the other in the 16th century. Both th have straight blades, and interesting pattern and pamor.r. The 20th century blade is 36.5 cm c long and the older one is 34 cm, almost the same length.

Both keris have wooden hilts, with fine carved and pierced detail, the small mask like faces. The sheaths are similar, informal style, although the front of the brass sheath for the 20th century keris is decorated in floral patterns.

The interesting thing about both blades is the way the keris smith has sculptured the bottom of the blade so that both sides are the same. Most keris blades are made so that the sculptured edge is on one side, and the other side falls (perhaps with a less sculptured finish) into the top piece of the blade, called in Java, the Gandja.

The gandja, the top piece of the blade sits on an extension of the blade, the pesi, which fits into the hilt. The gandja is made at the same time as the keris’ blade, so

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keris the pattern or damascene finish is the same. Here on the on h 20th 20 h century blade bl d the h gandja d is slightly l h l longer l one side. I have seen similar blades in “Keris Jawa”, a book on Javanese keris.

The 16th century blade, also with a fine damascened pattern, has a gandja which is almost equally balanced on both sides. This gandja has fine gold decoration on the sides and top. The gold decoration is leaves, flowers and nuts. An excellent illustration of the craftsmanship of the goldsmith.

Everything we could learn about history from Javanese and old Javanese chronicles and manuscripts is uncertain and often belongs to the realm of legends, as we have already witnessed from Winter’s book which introduces the sovereigns related to the gods before and after the Brata war as the creators of certain keris’ shapes…..In these legends there may be a kernel of truth that is difficult to separate from fiction.

These words were written by Isaac Groneman in the early 20th century. He was a Dutch h scholar who had lived and worked in the Dutch East st Indies for many years.

Since then research has continued, d, on a topic made difficult by the lack on historical torical records or writing. The editor has explained lained to me the importance of the article by Alan lan Maisey, Interpretation, on the history of modern ern keris. I am pleased that the keris did not become e extinct.

Literature Keris Jawa, Haryono Haryoguritno The Javanese Keris, Isaac Groneman man keris@tosanaji.com

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Slaver’s s

BY TONY WOOD

his is a sword with a 2’9” (84cm) pipe-back slightly curved blade.

The blade retains the original engraved decoration on both sides, foliage, triumphant scenes, a winged dragon and crests. The blade was originally guilded, and now there are remains of the guilding only under the very decorative langets. The hilt and guard are also very decorative and would originally have been guilded. This is not a naval or army sword, although it is similar to a stirrup hilt naval pattern 1827 or army pattern 1822.

On the hilt the knuckle guard is in the D form, and the pommel very well cast as a wolf’s head or dragon’s head. The grip seems to be japoned wood with decorative nails.

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The ferrule between the grip and the cross piece is decorated in a similar manner to the langets. The quillon is also a decorative piece.

The metal scabbard is heavily decorated on the outer side, and the top of these decorations is a shield topped by a crown. Of important interest is the inscription on the back of the scabbard; “Presented by Capt Robert McGaa to Duke Ephraim Eyamba, King of Old Calabar and its Dependencies” It is important to note that this is in English.

Old Calabar or Duke Town was an Efik city-state that flourished in the 19th century in what is now Nigeria. Although absorbed into Nigeria, traditional rulers of the state are still recognised.

sword The Efik are a sub group of the Ibibio people, they speak a language in the Obolo sub group of the Niger-Congo language group. They had become a power on the coast of the Bight of Benin by the early 18th century, by which time the Duke and Byamba families were their leaders. They were settled in large, fortified villages along the waterways, in a loose federation with no paramount ruler, living by fishing and farming. The largest settlements were Ikot Hunko, Obutong and Ibieko Atapka, which the British renamed in the 19th century to Creek Town, Old Town and Duke Town.

This is important, as the Efik peoples provide clear instances of social and political

transformation through economic forces. During the 18th century, the kin-based Efik lineages became, through the incorporation of many slaves into their population, territorial wards where kinship were united in geographical units. At much the same time, the previous dominane water sprit cult, which corresponded with the outlook of a fishing people, was displaced in religious affairs by the Ekpe society, which acted to guarantee payment of debt by its members.

Finally a town council, including representatives from wards rather than from lineages emerged to complete the Efik system of governance. Society had adjusted to the increasing dominance of trade.

In the early 19th century a new development

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Slavers sword took place, as a single man, Duke Ephrain (Efiom Edem), managed to become at the same time Eyamba (head of the Ekpe society) and Obong (head of the town council). This was partly a matter of his commercial and political skill, but also the new pressures on merchants as slave prices began to decline from their turn of the century peak.

Duke Ephraim had become the leading trader in Calabar by 1800. He had obtained both leading offices by 1820, and he held them to his death in 1834. He used this power to reinforce his position in the slave trade and the expanding palm oil trade.

From the mid18th century Duke Town became the centre of the slave trade, where slaves were exchanged for European goods.

Most slave ships

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from Calabar were English, with most from Bristol and Liverpool merchants. Conditions were brutal.

The slave trade was banned by a British decree of 1808, and was banned in all British Territories in 1833, although traders from other nations continued to buy slaves at Calabar until 1842.

This story has strayed from the question of identifying the date and place of manufacture. I have tried to find a reference to Captain Robert McGaa in English lists, particularly for Bristol and Liverpool ships, and haven’t done so. I fear that McGaa is a fictional name, perhaps a phonetic spelling of the captain’s name for the benefit of the Duke.

I assume the sword was a gift, a flashy symbol to impress Duke Ephraim. Gifts had been used for centuries to impress traders and local persons in authority with whom the British traders or naval captains dealt with. with It is difficult also to date the sword and there is no maker’s or distributor’s name on the blade, and no proof mark. I think that the decorations on the blade, and the scabbard are purely decorative, and not a known coat of arms. But, perhaps I am wrong.

The pipe-backed blade (or ramrod back as it was sometimes called) came into fashion in the early 1800s in England, though it had been in use in France in the 18th century. John Prosser, an English sword maker, was apprenticed to warranted royal sword maker James Cullum of Charing Cross, London.

Cullum died in 1786, and by 1795 the business belonged to Prosser, who maintained the royal warrant and carried it into the reign of George IV. The pipe-backs started to appear by 1810.

In the post Waterloo period they became a signature style. Prossers pipe-backs are distinguished by their adaptation from the Turkish Kilij style, with the pron pronounced back blade, and the turned grip knob adjoining the pommel. The English pipe-back adj continued continue into the P1822 Army model. By the 1830s English interest in pipe-back i pipe back waned.

The quill back was supposed to provide rigidity to carry the thinned blade. Users didn’t get that sense, the blade felt weak in hand while cutting. The pipe-back was a victim of fashion, because army and naval officers could ask for a beefier weapon.

In 1845 the pipe-backed blade was replaced by Wilkinson’s design. Again this was a slightly curved cut and thrust blade, same length, however the new blade featured a single wide fuller and a flat back, rather than the pipe-back.

This slaver’s sword, with the pipe-backed blade, with a very prominent false edge added for the last 12.5 inches. I assume the sword was made in England, not for the army or naval services, but especially as a presentation piece for Duke Ephraim of Old Calabar in the early 19th century, probably t b bl aft fter the th English E li h Parliament P li t had h d banned slavery in 1808. It’s a pity the presentation inscription is not dated.

Literature Liter rature Swords of the British Army by Brian Robson the revised edition.

Swords Swords Sword ds for Sea Service by May Annis Annis, 1970 Wikipedia Wikipe edia - Akwa Akpa Schola a Forum, a guide to British Victorian Swords

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