ASUS Journal of Indigenous Studies - Volume 1, Issue 1

Table of Contents INTRODUCTORY STATEMENTS, COVER ARTWORK BY PORTIA “PO” CHAPMAN .................................................... 2 MESSAGE FROM THE EDITORS ........................................... 3 ESSAY: HEARING THE VOICES OF PAIN AND RESILIENCE

BY JOANNE GALL ......................................................... 4-12 ESSAY: CULTURAL CONTAMINATION BY SAMANTHA MISHOS ...................................................................... 13-17 POETRY: THINGS MY MOTHER TOLD ME BY BILLIE KEARNS ...................................................................... 18-20 ARTWORK: NEVER FORGOTTEN BY PORTIA “PO” CHAPMAN ........................................................................ 21 ESSAY: ABUSING THE DUTY TO CONSULT BY ELIZABETH OTT ............................................................................ 22-26 ESSAY: PORTRAYAL OF ABORIGINAL WOMEN IN MEDIA

BY MARIA BENAK ...................................................... 27-34 ARTWORK: THANKSGIVING, PIECE BY PIECE BY OLIVIA CAMPBELL....................................................................... 35 ESSAY: REPARATIONS FOR 60’S SCOOP SURVIVORS BY LARA KAHN ............................................................... 36-41 POETRY: THE NIGHTS I MISSED THE MOON BY BILLIE KEARNS ...................................................................... 42-43 ESSAY: THE IMAGE OF ABORIGINAL PEOPLE IN THE TOURISM OF NIAGARA FALLS BY JOANNE GALL ....... 44-52 ARTWORK: WE HAVE GATHERED BY PORTIA “PO” CHAPMAN ........................................................................ 53

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Essay: Hearing the Voices of Pain and Resilience by Joanne Gall Hearing the Voices of Pain and Resilience How Art is Used to Explore the Trauma Caused by Residential Schools and Honour the Youth and Families Affected

The motivation to create art varies person to person; to pacify boredom, express opinions on political issues, as a means of income. The creation of art may also be done to address trauma and pain experienced as art provides a unique way to access difficult feelings that words may not accurately explain. The appeal for some rests on art’s ability to say the unsayable, presenting an opportunity to explore the most challenging issues experienced in society today. Over the last decade in Canada, there has been a growing emergence of Aboriginal artists using their craft to explore and express the narrative of what life was like in residential schools and what life is currently like for survivors and their families (Martin and Robinson 2016, np). This essay will argue that the creation and presentation of art is a powerful outlet and tool for many Aboriginal people to express, explore, and cope with the lasting intergenerational impact and trauma they have experienced as a result of time spent at residential schools in Canada. The essay will first provide a brief overview of the history of residential schools in Canada and the types of trauma experienced by survivors, before defining the term “art� and the value of art as a tool in addressing trauma. The essay will then explore how large-scale, multi-artist events have been curated to bring together many Aboriginal artists to explore the impact of residential schools in safe and open spaces. Following there will be an assessment of how community collaborative projects led by Aboriginal artists, bring together both Aboriginal and settler audiences to foster understanding of the lasting effects of colonialism in Canada. The essay will close with a brief study of how individual artists may use art to explore their relationships with residential schools, and how the process of creating art is therapeutic in addressing trauma resulting from the schools. It should be noted that this essay was written by a female settler.

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For over a century, the central goal of Canada’s Aboriginal policy was to eliminate Aboriginal governments by ignoring Aboriginal rights, terminating treaties, and through a process of assimilation, causing Aboriginal peoples to cease to exist as distinct legal, social, cultural, religious, and racial entities in Canada (Fontaine 2016, 3). Residential schools started to show up in the 1830s, and in 1894, an amendment was made to the Indian Act making attendance for Aboriginal children mandatory at residential schools (Dionne and Nixon 2013, 336). Aboriginal children were taken from their families and placed in these schools, where many were cut off from their parents and prohibited from speaking their mother language, dressing in traditional clothing, and participating in cultural practices (Ibid). Eventually, stories of physical and sexual abuse experienced by students of these schools became known. Over 150,000 Aboriginal youth from across Canada were taken to these institutes (Fontaine 2016, 6). In 1947, residential schools began to close, yet one remained open until as late as 1996 (Dionne and Nixon 2013, 336). What occurred in Canada was no less than a cultural genocide; the destruction of the structures and practices that allow a group to continue as a group (Fontaine 2016, 3).

In 2007, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was initiated as part of the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement (Dionne and Nixon 2013, 336). The priorities of the TRC focused on the provision of a “holistic, culturally appropriate and safe setting for former students, their families and communities as they come forward to the Commission” and the promotion of “awareness and public education of Canadians about the Indian Residential School (IRS) system and its impacts” (“Our Mandate”). The TRC heard over 6750 testimonies from former students and their families, as well as from other individuals connected to the schools, traveling across the country to both urban centers and smaller rural communities (Fontaine 2016, 8). In hearing the stories of survivors and families of those who attended the schools, the TRC adopted the term “intergenerational survivor” to describe the families of survivors who have been affected by intergenerational legacies of trauma from the schools (Martin and Robinson 2016, np).

The psychological impacts resulting from the residential school policies can be identified as trauma (Dionne and Nixon 2013, 336). Chansonneuve explains in a resource manual for the Aboriginal Healing

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Foundation, that psychological trauma is “an affliction of the powerless” (2005, 49). Wurmser expands to identify the anxieties connected to trauma as “the on-rushing torrent of feelings of panic, guilt and shame that evoke the experience of an abyss calling out to abyss” (2003, 300); the massive despair and sense of ‘broken reality’ gives way to interpersonal trauma. Interpersonal trauma primarily affects families and friends, as it may cause the traumatized persons to force themselves into isolation which can then lead to self-abuse and chronic substance abuse problems (Dionne and Nixon 2013, 336). To address and cope with the trauma, Aboriginal people may seek out clinical treatment, some may involve themselves in healing practices rooted in traditional knowledge, and some may cope through telling stories of their lived experiences at residential school.

Art is defined as “the expression or application of human creative skill and imagination, typically in a visual form such as painting or sculpture, producing works to be appreciated primarily for their beauty or emotional power” (“Art Definition”). While arts’ value in reconciliation of the residential school legacy work is not always clear and will vary from person to person, art allows for some the ability to share stories otherwise unheard, and serve as an emotional release. Artist Adrian Stimson attended a residential school and now makes art on the topic to share his inner struggles with the public (Sandals, np). Stimson also shares that art of this matter can be used to create awareness about residential schools amongst the wider public, and may compliment and reinforce other art pieces centered on experienced racism of today (Ibid). Art is a storehouse of knowledge and experience, reflecting what people experience, even reflecting the painful or unethical aspects of society. In reference to the term “art,” this essay will focus on drama performances, installation works, and clothing making.

In 1828, the Mohawk Institute located in Brantford, Ontario opened its doors (“The Mush Hole Project”). Survivors and their families know the institute as ‘The Mush Hole’ due to the poor quality of food the school fed the students (Ibid). The Institute closed in 1970 and was opened in 1972 as the Woodland Cultural Centre, which has since been the location of many collections, exhibitions, and events for Aboriginal artists to showcase their work (Ibid). The most inclusive event held at the center was The Mush Hole Project, open between September 16 – 18, 2016, and included immersive, site-specific art and performance installations

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(Prime, n.p.). The event creators and artists involved were responding to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s Calls to Action, and states that their aims were to create a space “to preserve, query, and reveal the complex personal, political, and public narratives around Canada’s residential school system in general, and the Mohawk Institute Indian Residential School” (“The Mush Hole Project”). The art pieces and performances explored powerful and emotional themes ranging from education and nourishment to abuse and depression, and finally, truth and reconciliation. Visitors of the event traveled through the school encountering performances, paintings, installations, video, and photography while being guided by residential school survivors, or children or grandchildren of former students (Prime, np). The event brought together many artists, creators, and spectators in a space which holds painful memories for many, to reclaim the space of abuse and turn it into a space of growth.

This project’s site-specific performances demanded a great deal from the visitors, as they were not merely observers of the art, but active participants as well. One such performance was the piece entitled SubMerged created by Professor Andrew Houston of the University of Waterloo’s Department of Drama and Speech Communication. The performance takes place in the shower space in the basement of the school and is based on four accounts of abuse, from as early as the 1920s to as recent as the 1960s, that occurred in the shower space (Ibid). Houston explains that the shower space “is a site of a particular point of violation because when you’re in a place like a bathroom, you’re vulnerable…It was a place of notorious abuse” (Ibid). He aimed to challenged viewers by submerging them in the history of the site and this particular space, stating that by walking through the exhibit “you’re smelling it, you’re feeling it, you’re engaged with it” (Ibid). Houston’s piece challenges the surface view of a specific space, by presenting spectators the reality of this space and what it means to some former students of residential schools. A full understanding of history is necessary to appreciate the drama Houston created.

What Houston has done with Sub-Merged connects to the main theme of the entire event which was creating a safe and open space for discussion and for people to share their stories. Houston is pushing this single space of the shower, a space of historic abuse, into the light where viewers may become more knowledgeable

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about what has occurred in residential schools. This is difficult material to discuss, but there is also power in opening these discussions. In creating this event, the organizers stressed the importance in allowing this to be a space “Indigenous and non-Indigenous artists and scholars can meet to acknowledge the residential school legacy, challenge the concepts of ‘truth’ and ‘reconciliation’, and share art and performative methods of decolonization (Ibid). The event was aimed to foster a space to allow voices to be heard, for stories to be shared and for effective and productive discussions to be had – all of which are necessary to have if Canada seeks to reconciliation for the residential schools. Art is a powerful tool and outlet for many Aboriginal people to express and explore the trauma and pain they felt and continue to feel about residential schools. The Mush Hole Project was a large-scale, multi-artist event which was curated to bring together many Aboriginal artists to explore the impact of residential schools in safe space. To allow for former spaces of abuse to be brought out from the dark, and into the light for discussion and understanding.

While The Mush Hole Project brings together multiple artists and various individual pieces of work in a single event, community collaborative project the Witness Blanket (fig.1) brings together multiple people to create a single piece of work to foster understanding of the lasting effects of both the past and ongoing colonialism in Canada. The final report of the TRC was released on December 15, 2015, the same day the Witness Blanket was opened for viewing at the Canadian Museum for Human Rights (Klippenstein 2016, 51).

The Witness Blanket is a wood-based art installation, composed of over 800 hundred items donated or reclaimed from persons and places all over Canada, all with a connection to residential schools (Ibid). Collectively the items preserve and recount the stories of loss, strength, reconciliation and pride that come from experiences at residential schools (“Historical Art Installation”). Consisting of 13 panels, the piece is over eight feet tall and 40 feet long; the cedar frame holds the items submitted to Aboriginal carver Carey Newman for this piece (Ibid).

Contributions were donated by residential school survivors and their families, band offices, churches, friendship centers and government agencies from 77 communities across the country.

The item that Newman finds to be the most powerful is a child’s shoe found by Harold Gatensby, a survivor of the Carcross Residential School in the Yukon while showing Witness Blanket project coordinator

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Rosy Hartman the site of the original school (Ibid). Both Hartman and Newman felt a very clear spirit presence attached to the shoe and saw it fitting to include in a piece about connection and reflection of the past (Ibid). All the items contained in the Witness Blanket come together, just as the communities and individuals who contributed items came together to send an urgent message to the country of the importance to recognize and work to remedy the atrocities of the residential school era, and to honour the children and families who continue to live with the effects of colonialism in Canada. The blanket metaphor employed by Newman is a symbol of parental nurture and childhood security, but also as something dangerous, something which can be used to smother or to hide something shameful (Klippenstein 2016, 51). Newman brings together Aboriginal and settler individuals from communities far and wide, as contributors and spectators, all who have a role in the ongoing reconciliation process for the residential schools. The result is the creation of the Witness Blanket, a piece of art to honor and foster understanding of the children and families who continue to be affected by the history and presence of colonialism in Canada.

Residential schools stripped away their student’s cultural identity, causing youth to live in silence and grow up away from their families and communities. Nancy Deleary, an Anishinaabe artist from Chippewas of the Thames First Nation, did not attend a residential school (Campanella, np) but recalls, in her art, how residential schools affect her family. Deleary’s grandmother Eva Shilling attended Mount Elgin Industrial Indian Residential School on the Chippewas of the Thames reserve. Deleray’s family never spoke of that part of the past, as the pain associated with the memories of that time were too much. In search of learning more and understanding her grandmother, Deleary sought that connection through taking up the skill her grandmother was forced to learn while attending the school – sewing. To honor her grandmother, Deleary has made a residential school dress hemmed with soft deer hide (fig. 2), a material which holds traditional value and meaning within the Anishinaabe cultures (Ibid). Deleary explains that through this journey, she now understands why her people are in pain and that through the pieces of art she creates in her community, she hopes to “awaken the spirit of our people” (Ibid). Deleary’s search to understand and learn from the past has led her on a journey of reconciliation through her passion for art. Just as the previously discussed artist like

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Houston and Newman have done, Deleary is using art as a tool to explore the effects of residential schools and as a means of emotional release to cope with the knowledge of what has occurred to her family at the hands of the Canadian government.

Understanding the events of the past and situations people were forced into, sheds light on why people act the way they do now. Abuse experienced at residential schools and lack of resources afforded to Aboriginal people by the government have left many in situations they do not know how to cope with (Dionne and Nixon 2013, 336). Deleary explains that through learning of the past, she was able to begin to “understand now that it wasn’t their fault”, and that the dysfunction of her family through “addiction and the suicides were the result of what was done to our people” (Campanella, np). Deleary has used art to explore her family’s relationship to residential schools and continues to create pieces that aim to aid with healing herself and her community, as the art provides connection, understanding, and teaching. The pain Aboriginal peoples feel resulting from past assimilation policies is ongoing, and while one art piece will not solve all problems Deleary’s family continues to experience, it is an important part of the ongoing discussion Aboriginal people and settlers must have around reconciliation and what is necessary to rectify the injustices of the past and stop the current violence of the present.

Survivors, families of former students, and settlers will have varying reactions to and understandings of the history of residential schools in Canada and the present trauma Aboriginal peoples across the country cope with today. Large scale, multi-artist events bring together many Aboriginal artists and spectators to explore the impact of residential schools in safe and open spaces, to hold a discussion around what is next for reconciliation in the country. While large scale events bring together multiple people and individual pieces of art, community collaborative projects such as the Witness Blanket bring people together to create a single piece of work, in a process which fosters understanding of the lasting effects of both the past and ongoing colonialism in Canada.

Then there are those who work alone, like Nancy Deleary, who learn and process their family’s history through art. Art is powerful, and as seen in the three creations discussed in this essay, the power art yields may be used for important and difficult tasks of healing the harmed, connecting the isolated, and teaching the ignorant.

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Bibliography "Art Definition.” OED Online. December 2016. Oxford University Press. https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/art Campanella, Emanuela. "Dress pays tribute to residential school survivor." London Free Press, June 1, 2015.

Chansonneuve, D. 2005. “Reclaiming connections: Understanding residential school trauma among Aboriginal people.” Prepared for The Aboriginal Healing Foundation, Ottawa, ON: Anishinabe Printing (Kitigan-Zibi).

Dionne, Dee, and Gary Nixon. 2013. "Moving Beyond Residential School Trauma Abuse: A Phenomenological Hermeneutic Analysis." International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction, 12. 3: 335-50.

Fontaine, Phil. 2016. A Knock on the Door: The Essential History of Residential Schools.

Winnipeg, Manitoba: University of Manitoba Press.

"Historical Art Installation Stands Witness at Hamilton Public Library." Hamilton Public Library. http://www.hpl.ca/news/historical-art-installation-stands-witness-hamilton-public-library (accessed December 10, 2016).

Klippenstein, Frieda Esau. 2016. "Witness Blanket." Manitoba History, 80: 51.

Martin, Keavy and Dylan Robinson. 2016. Arts of Engagement: Taking Aesthetic Action In and Beyond the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.

“Our Mandate.” Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. http://www.trc.ca/websites/trcinstitution/index.php?p=7 (accessed December 10, 2016).

Prime, Claire. "Artists respond to the legacy of residential school." Waterloo Stories. September 16, 2016.

Sandals, Leah. "Art, Residential Schools & Reconciliation: Key Questions - Canadian Art." Canadian Art. November 14, 2013. https://canadianart.ca/features/art-and-reconciliation/. Accessed December 10, 2016 "The Mush Hole Project: About." Mush Hole Project. http://www.mushholeproject.ca/mush-hole-project/ (accessed December 10, 2016).

"The Witness Blanket." Canadian Museum for Human Rights. https://humanrights.ca/exhibit/witness-blanket (accessed December 10, 2016).

Wurmser, L. 2003. “Abyss calls out to abyss”: oedipal shame, invisibility, and broken identity.”

The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, 63.4: 299–316.

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Appendix

Figure. 1, Carey Newman, The Witness Blanket. 2015. Wood Installation, 8 x 40 feet. Canadian Museum for Human Rights, Winnipeg, Manitoba, https://humanrights.ca/exhibit/witness-blanket (accessed December 11, 2016).

Figure. 2, Nancy Deleary, Honouring My Grandmothers and Grandfathers. 2015. Mixed Media, 96”x144”144”.

York University, Toronto, Ontario, http://fes.yorku.ca/events/indigenous-ej-symposium/art-installation/ (accessed December 11, 2016).

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Essay: Cultural Contamination by Samantha Mishos Cultural Contamination An Environmental Justice Analysis of Herbicide Spraying In the Sagamok Anishnawbek First Nation Woodlands For the Sagamok Anishnawbek First Nation, located southwest of Sudbury, Ontario, the surrounding forest serves as an invaluable resource for both hunting game and foraging ingredients for foods and medicines, and thus holds a great amount of cultural significance (Gignac, 2016). However, this forest is part of a woodland area subjected to clear-cutting and aerial spraying with a synthetic herbicide, glyphosate, which aims to speed up the process of coniferous tree regrowth by killing off undergrowth (ibid.). This process has been repeated over nearly two decades, corresponding to noticeable changes that have occurred in the environment, including discoloured and withering plants, decreased fruit yields, and fewer game species inhabiting the forest (ibid.). As a community deeply connected with their environment, the awareness of these changes and the ongoing herbicide spraying in the area has elicited a great deal of fear and apprehension about harvesting and using natural resources (ibid). Not only are the Anishnawbek suffering a loss of resources due to concerns about potential contamination, but the traditional ways of life that are integral to their cultural identity are also in jeopardy (ibid.).

To understand this issue as a matter of environmental justice (EJ), we must first define EJ within an Indigenous framework. On a “community” level, EJ refers to “those cultural values, rules, regulations, behaviours, policies, and decisions to support sustainable communities, where people can interact with confidence that their environment is safe, nurturing, and productive” (Schlosberg, 2007, p.6). Although the quality of the environment is taken into consideration, this definition is still anthropocentric to the extent that the justice being served is to the human community, not the whole ecosystem. In an Indigenous framework, this definition must be extended to the environment and all living things within it, thus incorporating ecological justice (Schlosberg, 2007, p.8). McGregor (2009, p.30) clarifies the significance of this relationship, explaining

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that the Anishnawbek must honour and respect their environments or else the resources it provides will disappear, at which point human life can no longer sustain itself. This harmonious relationship means that environmental injustice is not only inflicted upon a community, but also upon nature itself, and vice versa (ibid.). Taking this into consideration, the Principles of Environmental Justice (1991) declare “the sacredness of Mother Earth, ecological unity and the interdependence of all species, and the right to be free from ecological destruction.” This same set of principles affirms the right to “cultural and environmental self-determination of all peoples” (ibid.). These two principles highlight the link between environmental sustainability with the protection of cultural integrity, which is fundamental to Indigenous EJ and shifts away from the more dominant anthropocentric definition (Schlosberg, 2007, p.5). This more inclusive definition will be used to examine the issue of herbicide use on Sagamok Anishnawbek First Nation land, taking a pluralistic approach to show the interplay between distributional equity, recognition, capabilities, and procedural elements of EJ. Distribution of environmental risks correlating to socioeconomic and cultural status is often the central element of EJ issues (Schlosberg, 2007, p.9). In this case, the spraying of glyphosate on Anishnawbek territory is thought to pose environmental and human health risks, forcing their people to resign from traditional practices, such as foraging for medicinal plants, out of fear for their well-being (Gignac, 2016). The distribution of glyphosate was justified by its ability to eventually break down in the conditions of these woodlands, and “buffer zones” were established between the spray zone and nearby creeks (ibid.). However, the pesticide’s distribution does not fully encompass the issue at hand; the problem is rooted in the misrecognition of a culture and their intimate relationship with the environment.

Schlosberg (2007, p.9) proposes that a lack of recognition of cultural identity is central to the inequitable distribution of environmental ills. The argument then becomes that the approval of glyphosate use in this area resulted from the complete disregard for Anishnawbek philosophy and traditional practices. Elders within the community assert that “herbicides destroy the interdependent balance of all life, which is the core philosophy of the Anishnawbek” (Gignac, 2016). Whether it was deliberate or not, the approved distribution of glyphosate on Anishnawbek territory is evidence of their culture being misrecognized and devalued.

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Within an Indigenous framework of EJ, cultural preservation is not solely an issue of recognition, but of community capabilities and functioning (Schlosberg, 2007, p.22). As previously mentioned, both the natural resources used by the Anishnawbek and their cultural identity are at stake. Due to fear of contamination, the Anishnawbek have become reluctant to hunt and gather resources in the forest as they have traditionally done (Gignac, 2016). Consequently, they are torn between preserving their cultural beliefs and practices, and protecting the health of their community. Either way, the capabilities necessary for the proper functioning of the culture are under threat (Schlosberg, 2007, p.23). Gosine and Teelucksingh (2008, p.37) assert that this “cultural genocide of Indigenous peoples is still an ongoing process” in Canada. According to the Principles of Environmental Justice (1991), cultural self-determination is a fundamental right. However, the preservation of this right greatly depends on representative procedure and participation in environmental policy.

The procedural element of this issue is rooted in the lack of “consultation, collaboration, and meaningful involvement” of Indigenous peoples that is essential for representative environmental decision-making (Schlosberg, 2007, p.19). In an effort to protect their traditional territories, Anishnawbek elders have formed the Traditional Ecological Knowledge Elders Group (TEK), which has sent letters to provincial and federal officials requesting a moratorium on glyphosate use and even organized a peaceful demonstration on Parliament Hill (Gignac, 2016). However, they have had little success apart from an offer of a tele-conference with the branch of Health Canada responsible for approving pesticides, which the TEK declined knowing that this would be a hollow exercise (ibid.). The absence of meaningful, productive conversation between Indigenous peoples and political officials has left the Anishnawbek peoples feeling disheartened and disenfranchised. For environmental justice to be served, the solution lies in an authentic consultation process that involves collaboration between community members, researchers, and policy-makers, and that recognizes and protects the environmental sustainability and cultural identity of that community.

The Anishnawbek peoples live in harmony with their surrounding environment, in which only the necessities are taken and are used with great care (McGregor, 2009, p.29). This environmental sustainability is deeply entrenched in Indigenous culture (ibid.). Threatening the quality of natural resources consequently poses a threat to Indigenous cultural identity. For the Anishnawbek, environmental justice means the ability to interact

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with their environment as their ancestors have done for thousands of years, honouring and preserving their traditions, and sustaining both their culture and the environment in which they live.

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Bibliography Gignac, J. (2016). In Northern Ontario, herbicides have Indigenous people treading carefully and taking action.

The Globe and Mail. Retrieved from http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/in-northernontario-herbicides-have-indigenous-people-treading-carefully-and-takingaction/article33088274/ Gosine, A. & Teelucksingh, C. (2008). Chapter two: Naming/framing environmental racism in Canada. In Environmental Justice and Racism in Canada. Toronto: Edmond Montgomery Publications.

McGregor, D. (2009). Honouring our relations: An Anishnaabe perspective on environmental injustice. In Speaking for ourselves: Environmental justice in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Schlosberg, D. (2007). Defining environmental justice in the USA. In Defining environmental justice: Theories, movements, and nature. New York: Oxford University Press.

The Principles of Environmental Justice. (1991). Retrieved from http://www.ejnet.org/ej/principles.html

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Essay: Abusing the Duty to Consult by Elizabeth Ott Abusing the Duty to Consult: The Old Harry Prospect The Old Harry Prospect is the largest potential reservoir for oil and natural gas in Eastern Canada (Corridor Resources, 2017). It lies in the St. Lawrence Gulf on the border of Quebec, Newfoundland and Nova Scotia and is within Innu, Maliseet and Mi’gmaq territories. The Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board (C-NLOPB) issued Corridor Resources Inc. (‘Corridor’) a license for offshore exploration in 2008 which was set to expire on January 17, 2017 (Âpihtawikosisân, 2016). C-NLOPB proposed to extend the license for four more years, by having Corridor forfeit their license, in exchange for a new license granting them access to the area for four more years (Âpihtawikosisân, 2016). This is atypical, as the expiry of an exploratory license typically allows for other companies to bid for a license to use the area and is in violation of the Accord Act and Provincial Act (Âpihtawikosisân, 2016). This manipulation of the law was done in order to allow CNLOPB and Corridor to fulfill the duty to consult with Aboriginal groups in the area (C-NLOPB, 2016), who exert strong Aboriginal and Title rights claims to the land (Paul & Peters, 2016; Gray, 2016; Gray, 2016 (2); MacKenzie, 2016; Ginnish & Knockwood, 2016). The Innu, Maliseet and Mi’gmaq attempted to consult during the initial exploratory license but were denied (e.g. Gray, 2016; MacKenzie, 2016). The Canadian government considers the duty to consult as a tokenistic symbol, as opposed to a national duty, which is evident when analyzing their interactions with the Innu, Maliseet and Mi’gmaq regarding the Old Harry Prospect. This will be demonstrated by examining the ruling made by the Supreme Court of Canada in the 2004 case of Haida Nation v. British Columbia (Minister of Forests) and comparing it to the facts pertaining to Old Harry.

Consultation is often interpreted very differently by various stakeholders in a project. Those with more power and resources often interpret consultation to be a way of informing communities involved of impending actions, a one-way conversation, with the goal of increasing support for the initiative (Whiteman & Mamen, 2002). Aboriginal communities perceive consultation to be a dialogue, for involved groups to engage in

23 meaningful communication about the project that will influence further decisions and actions (Whiteman & Mamen, 2002). Both parties must be open to reconsidering their plans given the information that comes from the consultation process (Craik 2015). This difference in the definition of consultation leads groups to have different expectations of interactions and can create dissatisfaction when neither party fulfills their goals.

Arnstein (1969) depicted the various levels of community engagement in the ‘Ladder of Citizen Participation,’ where true participation results in citizen (or community) control, delegated power and partnership. Tokenistic participation is depicted as placation, consultation and informing. From the opposing definitions of consultations, governments and natural resource companies support a form of tokenistic participation, whereas Aboriginal communities are seeking full participation.

The duty to consult is a well-established obligation among the international community when dealing with Indigenous populations. A number of international policies and conventions support the duty to consult Indigenous peoples on important decisions that can negatively affect them, including: Agenda 21, ILO Convention 169, Convention on Biological Diversity and OAS American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Whiteman & Mamen, 2002). Chief Justice McLachlan’s 2004 ruling in the case of Haida Nation v. British Columbia (Minister of Forests) established that the Crown has a legal duty to offer meaningful consultation with Aboriginal people about decisions that may adversely impact them. However, the ruling states, “this process does not give Aboriginal groups a veto over what can be done with land pending final proof of the claim. The Aboriginal ‘consent’ spoken of in Delgamuukw is appropriate only in cases of established rights, and then by no means in every case. Rather, what is required is a process of balancing interests, of give and take” (Haida Nation v. BC, paragraph 48). By not providing the Aboriginal people of Canada with the power to veto decisions that will negatively impact them, the Supreme Court continues to minimize and take away their power, reinforcing a tokenistic view of consultation. This reduces Aboriginal communities’ power to negotiate with the Crown and private companies; leaving them subject to the best deal offered to them.

Many Aboriginal communities have written letters detailing their concerns with the Old Harry Prospect to elected officials; the Mi’kmaq and Mi’gmag list their biggest concerns with the Old Harry Prospect as the environmental impact and impact on food, social and ceremonial fisheries (Paul & Peters, 2016; Gray, 2016;

24 Gray, 2016 (2); MacKenzie, 2016; Ginnish & Knockwood, 2016). A letter from the Assembly of Nova Scotia Mi’kmaq Chiefs states, “the Mi’kmaq of Nova Scotia strongly advise Natural Resources Canada to impose a moratorium on the issuance of any exploration license in the Gulf of St. Lawrence to ensure adequate environmental research and meaningful consultation occurs, and the concerns of the Mi’kmaq have been resolved” (Paul & Peters, 2016). These letters make a clear statement that the communities are strongly against the re-issuance of the exploratory license to Corridor. If government officials take their duty to consult seriously, they would address the concerns of the Aboriginal communities, share the results of environmental assessments and engage in meaningful consultation before renewing the exploratory license for the Old Harry Prospect.

The goal of an environmental assessment is to find balance between the physical environment and furthering human development. Craik (2015) argues that environmental assessments can contribute to reconciliation and be a mechanism for consultation. Given that the main concerns of the Mi’qmaq, Innu, and Maliseet communities in Eastern Canada are the environmental impact of development and effect on fishing activities, the results of completed environmental assessments may provide an appropriate starting place to begin consultation discussions. Craik (2015) states, “the Crown’s discretion to subordinate Aboriginal interests to competing public goals is more constrained, and in cases of infringement of established rights, is subject to a high threshold of justification.” Many Aboriginal communities surrounding the Gulf of St. Lawrence have established Aboriginal and Treaty Rights (Paul & Peters, 2016; Gray, 2016; Gray, 2016 (2); MacKenzie, 2016; Ginnish & Knockwood, 2016), meaning that significant consultation is expected and government officials are not only to take the Aboriginal population’s interests into account, but must also be open to accommodate the Aboriginal population’s concerns.

C-NLOPB justified renewing the exploratory license so that Corridor could engage in Aboriginal consultation (Âpihtawikosisân, 2016). However, Chief Justice McLachlan states in Haida Nation v. British Columbia (Minister of Forests) that:

25 “the duty to consult and accommodate, as discussed above, flows from the Crown’s assumption of sovereignty over lands and resources formerly held by the Aboriginal group. This theory provides no support for an obligation on third parties to consult or accommodate. The Crown alone remains legally responsible for the consequences of its actions and interactions with third parties, that affect Aboriginal interests” (2004).

It is the government’s responsibility to engage in consultation with the Aboriginal people; Corridor is under no duty to consult and is not obligated to uphold the honour of the Crown. As a private company, Corridor’s main goal is to make profits from oil and gas developments, creating an inherent conflict of interest that would bias consultations. While it is honourable for Corridor to want to engage with the communities where they will be working and garner community support, the responsibility of the Crown cannot be delegated. This demonstrates how the Crown’s duty to consult was already broken when the first exploratory license was issued in 2008. The onus lay with government institutions to consult with the Aboriginal communities prior to issuing exploratory licenses and beginning the development processes when Aboriginal and Treaty rights may be negatively affected. The numerous letters written by members of the Aboriginal community to C-NLOPB and Natural Resources Canada clearly state that they are opposed to the re-issuance of the exploratory license, pending consultation on the environmental impact of the development and the impact on their fisheries. The very act that was intended to uphold the Crown’s honour and fulfill the duty to consult highlights the dishonour of the Crown to the Mi’kmaq, Innu and Maliseet First Nations and highlights how the duty to consult is considered a tokenistic symbol as opposed to a path towards reconciliation.

Comparing the Old Harry Prospect to the precedent-setting case of Haida Nation v. British Colombia (Minister of Forests), the C-NLOPB violated the duty to consult. This violation highlighted the greater issue that the duty to consult is seen as a tokenistic practice by the Canadian government. Only when the Canadian government demonstrates that there is value and weight to the duty to consult will Canada be set on a path toward reconciliation.

26

Bibliography Âpihtawikosisân. “Weaponizing the Duty to Consult: Old Harry.” Âpihtawikosisân: Law, Language, Life: A Plains Cree Speaking Métis Woman in Montreal. 7 Dec 2016. http://apihtawikosisan.com/2016/12/weaponizing-the-duty-to-consult-old-harry Arnstein, S. “A Ladder of Citizen Participation.” Journal of the American Institute of Planners.

35:216-224.

Behn v. Moulton Contracting Ltd., 2013 SCC 26, [2013] 2 S.C.R. 227 CBC News. “Aboriginal Groups want Oil and Gas Moratorium in Gulf.” CBC News. 17 July 2014. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/aboriginal-groups-want-oil-and-gas-moratorium-ingulf-1.2709522 C-NLOPB. “News Release: Amendment to Corridor Resources Exploration License 1105.”

Canada-Newfoundland & Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board. 15 Jan. 2016.

Craik, Neil. “Process and Reconciliation: Integrating the Duty to Consult with Environmental Assessment.” Osgoode Hall Law Journal. 53:632-680.

Darcy Gray to Justin Trudeau, 10 Nov. 2016 Darcy Gray to Terence Hubbard, 10 Nov. 2016 Donald K. MacKenzie to Terence Hubbard, 23 Nov. 2016 George Ginnish & Rebecca Knockwood to Terence Hubbard, 21 Nov. 2016 Haida Nation v. British Colombia (Minister of Forests), [2004] 3 S.C.R. 511, 2004 SCC 73 Munson, James. “Don’t Swap St. Lawrence Oil License: First Nation, Green Groups.” iPolitics.

26 Nov 2016. http://ipolitics.ca/2016/11/26/dont-swap-st-lawrence-oil-license-first-nation-green-groups Terrence J. Paul & Sidney Peters to Terence Hubbard, 22 Nov. 2016 Whiteman, Gail and Mamen, Katy. “Meaningful Consultation and Participation in the Mining Sector? A Review of the Consultation and Participation of Indigenous Peoples within the International Mining Sector.” The North-South Institute. 2002.

27

Essay: Portrayal of Aboriginal Women in Media by Maria Benak Portrayal of Aboriginal Women in Media Aboriginal women in Canada are overrepresented as victims of violence, and are murdered at a rate 4.5 times higher than that of all other women in the country.1 Representations of Aboriginal women in mainstream media are permeated with negative stereotypes stripping them of legitimate status as human beings.2 By selecting topics and issues to cover, media outlets can influence opinions of what is worthy of attention. Over the course of three decades, distinct trends in media portrayal of Aboriginal women have appeared, as well as inconsistencies regarding the frequency and content of the reports. This paper will explore the variances in Aboriginal women’s representations in media, and the implications it has on the women being discussed, and the general public.

A critical analysis of the headlines that journalists attach to a particular story is of paramount importance as they have the power to communicate the subject in just a few characters. The impersonal nature of headlines concerning Aboriginal women sets them apart from that of non-Aboriginal women. Ph.D. Candidate Kristen Gilchrist has published research on feminist media studies, including the variances in Canadian press coverage of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW) and white women.3 This study, completed in 2010 found countless instances of news articles which fail to personalize Aboriginal women victims. For instance, both headlines from the Regina Leader-Post, “Teen’s family keeping vigil,” and “RCMP identifies woman’s remains,” display the common detached and unemotional titles that are displayed in reports on MMIW.4 Upon first glance, these headlines do not seem detrimental to the value and concern of the women; however, when you examine article titles describing missing white women, the disparities are evident. White women were

1

"Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls: Understanding the Numbers." Amnesty International Canada, November 28, 2016.

2 Abigail Iguosatiele Iserhienrhien, "Gender, Race and the Media Representation of Women in the Canadian 41st Parliament: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan, 2014, p. 384.

3 Kristen Gilchrist, "“Newsworthy” Victims?" Feminist Media Studies 10, no. 4 (2010), p. 1.

4 Gilchrist, p. 10.

28 commonly referred to by their first, last, and or nicknames; for example, “Jenny we love you, we miss you” includes the victim’s name, and an emotional aspect coming from her family.5 Gilchrist found that the, “amount of personal information included in accounts of the White women far outweighed the amount and depth of information presented about the Aboriginal women,” as if to imply Aboriginal women’s lack of identity and personality.6 Details informing the reader of hobbies, likes, dislikes, and even music preference were highlighted in articles on white women and were minimal or absent from reports on Aboriginal women.7 By including these personal anecdotes about victims, the media is creating a complete story: identifying the victim, her life before the tragedy, and mentioning the people who long for their return. In the case of Aboriginal women, they are not identified as individuals, but as another victim in a group of marginalized women in Canada. Journalists retrieve harmful quotes that carry prejudicial messages such as, “‘Sometimes she would bring strangers home from the bar.’”8 This excerpt is describing Eva Taysup, murder victim of John Martin Crawford. Eva was not the first woman to go home with men they met at the bar, and she certainly was not the last. However, by broadcasting select choices she made in her life, the media effectively tarnishes “the characters of the victims, rarely finding the positive aspects that are there if they took the time to search for them.”9 Reports on these women deny readers the opportunity to become emotionally invested in the Aboriginal women’s situation.

From 1981 to 1992 John Martin Crawford killed four women, and can be identified as one of Canada’s most “prolific sex killers with little fanfare.”10 Studying this case and trial can provide insight into how the media treats what could be a high-profile case when they include Aboriginal women. The first victim was a Aboriginal woman from Alberta, Mary Jane Serloin, whom he brutally murdered in 1981. Immediately following this tragedy, local newspaper The Lethbridge Herald dedicated a forty-six-word column to this story, in the second section below a report about donations to a senior citizen home.11 Community response and

5

Gilchrist, p. 10.

Ibid, p. 11.

7 Ibid, p. 11.

8 Goulding, Warren. Just Another Indian: A Serial Killer and Canada's Indifference (Calgary: Fifth House Publishers, 2001), p. 213.

9 Goulding, p. 213.

10 Ibid, p. xiii.

11 Ibid, p. xiv.

6

29 concern to this news article was virtually nonexistent, moving Mary’s sister to say, “It seems any time a Native is murdered, it isn’t a major case. It’s just another dead Indian.”12 One would assume that in a relatively small town such as Lethbridge, there would be sweeping concern for the safety of other citizens; however, the death of this Aboriginal woman did not bring about such a reaction. In 1999, a media outlet assigned only one reporter who was responsible for giving details on the proceedings of Crawford’s appeal. Not one of three television stations or six radio shows in the city covered the story.13 Interestingly enough, mainstream media picked up the news event, however, not to the liking of the Aboriginal community.14 They felt, “Instead of thinking about these young women as individuals who had dreams, aspirations, hopes and people who loved them, we were encouraged to view them through stereotypical images.”15 His victims were Aboriginal women who worked the streets and for media reporters and Canadian audiences, this came with a set of assumptions.

Reporter Les McPherson wrote a column during the trial, which questioned why there was not widespread media attention on this case comparable with the infamous Paul Bernardo.16 He concluded that geography was a factor, and that there lacked a compelling drama, but stated that attributing this to racism was an “almost entirely superficial” and a “quite wrong” response.17 He goes on to say that it was only coincidental that the victims were Aboriginal. McPherson firmly asserts that instead of concerning “white folks for not caring much about murdered Indian women,” he asks, “Who cared for them while they were still alive?”18 This perception of Aboriginal people displays a deep-rooted ignorance of the difficulties many face as a result of Canadian policies of oppression. McPherson’s claim that these women were unloved was false; other victims’ parents, such as Shelley Napope and Calinda Waterhen’s, were in anguish over the disappearance of their daughters and maintained contact with the police.19 The notoriety of Crawford is irrelevant in comparison to the absent memory of Mary, Shelly, Eva and Calinda from the minds of Canadians. This case demonstrates the

12

Ibid, p. xv.

Ibid, p. xv.

14 Ibid, p. xv.

15 Goulding, p. xv.

16 Ibid, p. xv.

17 Ibid, p. xv.

18 Ibid, p. xvi.

19 Ibid, p. xvi.

13

30 shortcomings of media in their effort, or lack of effort, to accurately and justly report a story that could have generated national media attention. 20 In comparing Paul Bernardo to the Crawford case, one can see disparities in the style of reporting on the victims. Crawford’s victims were not women who the predominantly white, middle-class media felt any commonality, and according to Terry Hinz, “the media responds to victims they can empathize with.”21 Bernardo’s victims were Leslie Mahaffy and Kristen French, typical white girls-next-door.22 In Kristen Gilchrist’s study, she found that missing Aboriginal women who fit the ‘girl-next-door’ mold “still receive less frequent, and less sympathetic coverage than white victims.”23 In an effort to explain this phenomenon, Nick Russel, former employee of the Canadian Press, says that journalists do not consciously set out to report from a negative angle when they are met with a story about Aboriginal people.24 Russel supports Hinz’s theory of the media delivering news to warrant sympathy, making it clear that there is a very different view of tragedies affecting white society.25 The murders committed by both men occurred within years of each other, and yet the majority of Canadians would be unable to name the significance of John Martin Crawford, in comparison to Paul Bernardo. The phrase ‘missing white woman syndrome’, coined by Professor Sheri Parks, explains the trend of Western media to zero in on the disappearance, or murder of typically young, pretty, white females.26 She goes onto to identify the most ignored missing person as the ‘disposable sex worker’, true in the case of Crawford’s victims, and so many others.27 This theory is explored when examining the cases of Bernardo in comparison to Crawford; the former’s victims were quintessential white Canadian women, and the latter’s victims did not fit that mold. The reality is that Mary, Shelly, Eva and Calinda warranted such limited media recognition because in Canada, Aboriginal women, “are women of color in a society that values “whiteness.”’28 In August of 2014, Aboriginal youth Tina Fontaine transcended the traditional reporting that has been

20

Ibid, p. 210.

Goulding, p. 210.

22 Ibid, p. 211.

23 Gilchrist.

24 Goulding, p. 212.

25 Ibid, p. 215.

26 "Missing White Woman Syndrome." TV Tropes.

27 "Missing White Woman Syndrome."

28 Robert Lovelace, "Violence against Aboriginal Women and the Right to Self-defence," Rabble.ca, December 21, 2012.

21

31 presented in this paper thus far. Her death, though a tragedy, generated news content that was personalized, emotional and went beyond ethnic stereotypes. As Hinz stated, the media is more attracted to stories the audience can empathize with, and by including these aspects to Tina’s story, the common Canadian could form a connection with her. CBC News published an article 8 days after her body was found with a headline including her full name, identity, and age.29 They repeatedly wrote how she was ‘just a child’, emphasizing her innocence and how horrible the acts committed against her were. Nowhere did the author imply that Tina should be blamed for the actions she took that led her to be in the environment where she met her killer.

However, missing were the personal anecdotes or details of her character, possibly because she was in the care of Child and Family services when she disappeared.30 Despite this gap, the media found an individual who could be appropriately personalized in Tina, giving Canadians the opportunity to connect with a narrative they would otherwise be unfamiliar with.

From the time of Crawford’s murders, there has been a surge in Aboriginal women’s organizations that advocate for the recognition of rights of young, vulnerable women. In the majority of mainstream Canadian media, there is an absence of full-time specialists in Indigenous affairs. Outlets such as the CBC and the Globe and Mail have recently added Indigenous journalists to their team, however other networks suffer when there is limited knowledge of Aboriginal communities, values, and cultures. Reporter Connie Walker speaks to the ‘whitewash culture’ seen in newsrooms, and holds true that proper representation of Aboriginal people in this setting will set the media on the path to appropriate and respectful broadcasting.31 The Canadian Press is tasked with the mission to share information that reflects Canada’s cultural diversity in terms of programming and broadcasting.32 Researcher Fleras, on the topic of gender, race and media, counters this mission statement and argues that the media is a “reflection and advancement of the ideas and the ideals of the white dominant culture, while negatively portraying non-white cultures.”33 Very often,

29

“Tina Fontaine, 15, Found in Bag in Red River." CBC News Manitoba. August 19, 2014.

“Tina Fontaine, 15, Found in Bag in Red River."

31 Karoun Chahinaian, “Indigenous representation in the media panel,” The Eyeopener, February 7, 2015, accessed March 30, 2017.

32 Iserhienrhien, p. 3.

33 Ibid, p. 3.

30

32 Aboriginal women are expected, and are perceived to fall into the ‘native girl syndrome’. Author Beatrice Culleton coined this term, and identified the symptoms as becoming prematurely pregnant, unemployed, and abusing alcohol and drugs.34 Consequently, journalists recognize this perception, report it, and deliver it to consumers who have the ability to adopt these presumptions of Aboriginal women themselves.

Not only is it important to recognize what is wrong with the media portrayal of Aboriginal women, but one must also question what other implications it has on the general public. Janice Acoose studied how ignoring positive images of Aboriginal people can act as a form of propaganda. Acoose outlines the damaging and marginalizing implications that media can have if there continues to be a lack of happy and healthy images of Aboriginal women.35 Without these positive portrayals the media is implying that Aboriginal women are not worth loving, incapable of loving, or being romantic or sexual with each other without negative suggestion.36 Violence that occurs in the Aboriginal community should be reported, just as good news should be, however the resources and willpower are not there.37 Researcher Fleras gives credit to the power media has to express who is important, whose voices are heard, and what is considered acceptable in society.38 Nick Russel states, “If it is normal for violence to happen in an inner-city area whether it is black, white or purple people involved—then it is not as newsworthy as when violence happens in places where violence doesn’t normally happen.”39 This argument holds especially true in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, a region in Canada notorious for prostitution, drugs, murder and crime. Aboriginal women in this part of town, though highly overrepresented, still struggle for visibility and recognition of their hardships. The debatable aspect of Russel’s argument is the influence of race in these predicaments. The victims who are overrepresented are Aboriginal women, who yield lesser sympathy from audiences. So in this case, it is specifically the race of these women that makes them targets. If this theory holds true, when an editor arbitrarily decides that tragedies taking place in their neighbourhoods are not worth reporting, and what does this mean for the value of those in less-

34

Janice Acoose, “Iskwekwak--Kah'ki Yaw Ni Wahomakanak: Neither Indian Princesses nor Squaw Drudges,” Master’s thesis, University of Saskatchewan, 1992, p. 30.

35 Janice Acoose, “Iskwekwak--Kah'ki Yaw Ni Wahomakanak: Neither Indian Princesses nor Squaw Drudges,” p. 31.

36 Janice Acoose, "Ignoring Positive Images a Form of Propaganda." Windspeaker 11, no.15 (1993).

37 Goulding, p. 216.

38 Iserhienrhien, p. 3.

39 Goulding, p. 213.

33 affluent areas? They are conveying a message that reads, ‘bad things only happen to people who deserve them.’40 Rarely does the media delve into these neighbourhoods to investigate the issues behind the violence against Aboriginal women. None of the articles examined in Gilchrist’s research on these women addressed the underlying structural and historical issues that led many of them to certain predicaments where they met addiction or prostitution.41 By omitting these details, these women are blamed for placing themselves in highrisk environments, and consequently for their own deaths or disappearances. Acoose’s study suggests that consuming media, “does affect us as a sort of persuasive experience.”42 By conveying particular stories, perspectives, and experiences, the media can have harmful influences on individual beliefs.

Journalists hold a considerable amount of power when creating headlines, buzzwords, and when selecting word choice to construct a published article. These components work together to produce a particular image, different for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women. The exclusion, trivialization, and marginalization of MMIW can be described by racial bias put into effect by the Canadian press.43 The nonobservance of Crawford’s case by the media and general public displays the perceived value of Aboriginal women’s lives, and is especially evident when compared to the victims of Bernardo. More recently, increasing pressure has been placed on media outlets to pursue an impartial standard of broadcasting and desist from projecting stereotypes and prejudices. The effects of this can be found in the case of Tina Fontaine, whose story was depicted in an appropriate manner to generate concern and empathy among consumers. The media plays a significant role in demonstrating whose lives are important, and can influence the public with their ideals. The mainstream news would benefit from providing Canadians with a greater understanding of Aboriginal affairs and the causes and structural issues which, in many cases, lead these women to the environments where they are victimized. The deaths and the lives of the women mentioned in this paper deserve more than our indifference, and the media plays a crucial role in this statement becoming a reality.

40

Goulding, p. 219.

Ibid, p. 30.

42 Janice Acoose, Acoose, “Iskwekwak--Kah'ki Yaw Ni Wahomakanak: Neither Indian Princesses nor Squaw Drudges,” p. 34.

43 Iserhienrhien, p. 385.

41

34

Bibliography Acoose, Janice. "Ignoring Positive Images a Form of Propaganda." Windspeaker 11, no.15 (1993). Accessed November 27, 2016. http://www.ammsa.com/publications/windspeaker/ignoring-positive-images-formpropaganda-3.

Acoose, Janice. Iskwekwak--Kah'ki Yaw Ni Wahomakanak: Neither Indian Princesses nor Squaw Drudges.

Master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan, 1992. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/obj/thesescanada/vol2/SSU/TC-SSU-11072006113931.pdf.

Chahinian, Karoun. "Indigenous representations in the media panel." The Eyeopener. February 7, 2015.

Accessed March 30, 2017. https://theeyeopener.com/2015/02/indigenous-representation-in-the-mediapanel/ Gilchrist, Kristen. "“Newsworthy� Victims?" Feminist Media Studies 10, no. 4 (2010): 373-90. http://journals1.scholarsportal.info.proxy.queensu.ca/pdf/14680777/v10i0004/373_v.xml.

Goulding, Warren. Just Another Indian: A Serial Killer and Canada's Indifference. Calgary: Fifth House Publishing, 2001.

Iserhienrhien, Abigail Iguosatiele. "Gender, Race and the Media Representation of Women in the Canadian 41st Parliament: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan, 2014. Accessed November 30, 2016. https://ecommons.usask.ca/bitstream/handle/10388/ETD-2014-071614/ISERHIENRHIEN-THESIS.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y.

Lovelace, Robert. "Violence against Aboriginal Women and the Right to Self-defence." Rabble.ca. December 21, 2012. Accessed November 28, 2016. http://rabble.ca/news/2012/12/right-self-defense.

"Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls: Understanding the Numbers." Amnesty International Canada. Accessed November 29, 2016. http://www.amnesty.ca/blog/missing-and-murdered-indigenouswomen-and-girls-understanding-the-numbers.

"Missing White Woman Syndrome." TV Tropes. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/Main/MissingWhiteWomanSyndrome.

"Tina Fontaine, 15, Found in Bag in Red River." CBC News Manitoba. August 19, 2014 2014. Accessed December 1, 2016. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/tina-fontaine-15-found-in-bag-in-red-river1.2739141.

36

Essay: Reparations for 60’s Scoop Survivors by Lara Kahn Reparations for 60’s Scoop Survivors - Has Justice Been Served?

Between 1965 and 1984 in the period known as the ’60’s Scoop’, the federal government entered into the Canada-Ontario Welfare Services Agreement which enabled provincial child welfare authorities to remove Aboriginal children from their homes and place them in the foster care of non-Aboriginal families1. On February 14, 2017, an Ontario Judge ruled in favour of survivors of the 60’s Scoop in a nine-year class-action case between the Canadian federal government and the plaintiffs representing 16,000 indigenous children. The class-action seeks $1.3 billion in total, or $85,000 for each affected person to compensate for the emotional, psychological, and spiritual harm caused by their loss of Aboriginal identity. The judge ruled that the Canadian government breached its ‘duty of care’2 to children who were harmed by the federal-provincial agreement. With knowledge that tradition and culture are extremely important to Aboriginal communities, the federal government breached the agreement by choosing not to consult ‘Indian bands’ in the implementation of this welfare program3. Government action to postpone and settle out of court for this ruling indicates that despite recent rhetoric, the new Liberal government does not hold themselves accountable for the historic assimilation of Aboriginal peoples and they continually fail to protect Aboriginal identity and culture. By threatening the cultural identities of Indigenous children, Canada failed to fulfil its legal obligation to provide adequate social services to Aboriginal children and as a result, Aboriginal people continue to suffer disproportionately from physical and mental illness. By looking at government action in this case, the judicial proceedings, and the harm Aboriginal children experienced in foster care, this paper will show how the federal government refuses

1

“The Sixties Scoop” - Summary Judgement on the Common Issue (Superior Court of Justice - Ontario February 14, 2017) In tort law, a duty of care is a legal obligation, which is imposed on an individual requiring adherence to a standard of reasonable care while performing any acts that could foreseeably harm others. It is the first element that must be established to proceed with an action in negligence (Wiki - Duty of Care). For example, parents and guardians have a duty of care to their children and can be charged for neglecting to fulfil it under provincial law.

3 Press, Colin Perkel The Canadian. "Feds Failed Indigenous Kids Forced To Live With Non-Native Parents: Judge." The Huffington Post. February 14, 2017. Accessed February 26, 2017.

2

37 to hold itself accountable for failures to the Aboriginal community, including its legal obligation to fulfil duty of care to Aboriginal children.

Government intervention in this class-action case shows how the Canadian government continuously fails to hold itself accountable for its failures to Aboriginal communities Throughout the proceedings, the government made several attempts to delay a ruling and have this case thrown out, and claimed that it would have been in ‘everyone’s best interest’ to settle these discussions out of court4. This kind of political interference in judicial proceedings is unprecedented and shows that the government prioritizes the interests of their own public image over the importance of remedying the harm caused to Aboriginal communities by the welfare agreement. The government does not want to deal with these legal issues under scrutiny of the public eye because this would threaten their position as a dominant colonial power. Government intervention in this case directly contradicts the Trudeau government’s claim to advance reconciliation with Indigenous Canadians5.

By creating a public image that pursues reconciliation with the Indigenous community, the Canadian government is able to justify its position as a colonial power without truly holding themselves accountable for the historical wrongs committed to Aboriginal communities.

Similarly, the government continued to contest the judge’s position when she ruled that Canada breached part of the original federal-provincial agreement by failing to consult with ‘Indian bands’ in the implementation of the welfare program. The government argued that consultation with the bands “wouldn’t have made any difference to the children” affected by the welfare agreement6. They also contended that they could not have known the ensuing harm this program would cause and that they were simply acting within the norms of the time. This statement reveals that the government did not value Aboriginal identities, and that Canada continues to believe that Aboriginal people are not capable of knowing how best to care for their children. By this

4

Akin, David, and Colin Perkel The Canadian Press. "Ottawa's attempt to block ruling on '60s Scoop of aboriginal children slammed as unprecedented, galling." National Post. February 8, 2017. Accessed February 27, 2017.

5 Ibid 6 Press, Colin Perkel The Canadian. "Feds Failed Indigenous Kids Forced To Live With Non-Native Parents: Judge." The Huffington Post. February 14, 2017. Accessed February 26, 2017.

38 7

reasoning, it is their ‘white man’s burden’ to protect Aboriginal children from their unsafe, backwards traditions and culture and place them in the care of families insensitive to Aboriginal heritage where they will be raised in a safer, appropriate environment. This rhetoric removes all agency from Aboriginal parents to raise their own children and undermines the importance of Aboriginal children to be raised with an Aboriginal identity and community. The judge responded by asserting that the government had missed the point; despite the social norms of the past, the government did have knowledge that it was important for Aboriginal people to protect their culture and traditions and by removing children from the care of their parents, they isolated them from their culture, community, and identity8. This welfare system is a colonial structure which pursues the similar aims of residential schools to “facilitate the removal of children from family through practice, policy, and Canadian law”9. As such, Aboriginal children continue to be overrepresented in the current child welfare system as the government continues to attempt to eradicate Aboriginal culture10.

With these facts in mind, it is clear that Canada failed to fulfill its duty of care by enacting a welfare agreement that removed Aboriginal children from their families and isolated them from their cultural identities.

The judge in this case ruled that the government failed to take ‘reasonable steps’ after the children were placed in the care of non-Aboriginal families to prevent the loss of Aboriginal identity11. In this class action case, Canada argues that it was acting in the best interests of the children according to the cultural norms at the time, and as such the government could not have known the ensuing harm that the agreement would cause to Aboriginal communities. This contention reflects a dominant stream of thinking that disregards the significance of culture and prioritizes European-Canadian ideals that conflict with the values and familial traditions of

7

This phrase refers to a destructive colonial attitude where traditionally ‘white’ colonizers justify colonial action by framing it as their moral duty to save ‘savage’ races from themselves, and introduce them to Western modernity.

8 Ibid 9 Richardson, Cathy, and Bill Nelson. "A change of residence: Government schools and foster homes as sites of forced Aboriginal assimilation–A paper designed to provoke thought and systemic change." First Peoples child & family review 3, no. 2 (2007): 75.

10 Ibid 11 “The Sixties Scoop” - Summary Judgement on the Common Issue (Superior Court of Justice - Ontario February 14, 2017)

39 12

Aboriginal people . The welfare system enacted by the Canadian system of government fails to acknowledge the importance of families and communities in ensuring the preservation of culture, identity, and wellbeing of Aboriginal children13.

Aboriginal children who are adopted into a dominant culture experience a lack of connectedness and identity development which creates a spiritual dissonance that has a detrimental impact on health’14. Much like residential schools, removing Aboriginal children from their families and culture through law and welfare policy is a structure of colonialism that continues to assimilate Aboriginal culture. Within both of these systems, Aboriginal children are denied access to their families and are assimilated into the dominant, hegemonic culture. Cut off from their own family, culture, and future support systems, this systemic practice has left thousands of Aboriginal children traumatized and suffering from serious physical and mental health problems15.

Ontario recognized the importance of cultural identity when they amended the child welfare legislation in 1984 to consider the importance of Aboriginality in child protection and placement16. With this in mind, is it Canada’s legal obligation to protect aboriginal identity17? The answer lies in the inability of children who lost their Aboriginal identity as a result of this welfare agreement to lead healthy, fulfilling lives due to substance abuse, unemployment, violence, and mental health disorders18. Aboriginal children who are isolated from their communities have particular needs that remain unmet by the foster homes they are placed in. This welfare system fails to address cultural difference, has inadequate preventative services, and inadequate support for children who suffer from disability and mental health19. Protection of identity is an issue of equality and 12

Fuchs, Don. Passion for Action in Child and Family Services: Voices from the Prairies. Vol. 23. University of Regina Press, 2009.

Ibid 14 Ibid 15 Richardson, Cathy, and Bill Nelson. "A change of residence: Government schools and foster homes as sites of forced Aboriginal assimilation–A paper designed to provoke thought and systemic change." First Peoples child & family review 3, no. 2 (2007): 75-83.

16 “The Sixties Scoop” - Summary Judgement on the Common Issue (Superior Court of Justice - Ontario February 14, 2017) 17 In this legal obligation I am referring to both a legal and politically ethical obligation. Lack of consultation with Aboriginal leaders throughout the welfare programme was central to the injustice committed. Given Canada’s historic colonial relationship with Indigenous peoples, the protection of Aboriginal culture cannot be entrusted to the often-unethical actions of Canadian governments on their own, and without the involvement of all parties concerned.

18 Tasker, John Paul. "Judge sides with Sixties Scoop survivors." CBCnews. February 15, 2017. Accessed February 27, 2017.

19 Wiegers, Wanda. “Commodification and the Allocation of Care and Responsibility for Children.” University of Toronto Law Journal aop (2017): 1-41.

13

40 social justice, and the loss of cultural identity has had profoundly negative impacts on Aboriginal children.

Thus, by failing to fulfil its legal obligation to preserve their cultural identities, Canada failed in it’s duty of care to protect Aboriginal children20.

To conclude, it is clear that Canada had a legal obligation to protect the Aboriginal identities of children within the Canada-Ontario Welfare Services Agreement, and by failing to consult the ‘Indian bands’ or take reasonable steps to prevent the loss of cultural identity, Canada failed to fulfil its duty of care and adequately meet the needs of Aboriginal children. By looking at government interference in this case and the judicial proceedings, it is glaring that the government continues to assert its position as a colonizer and does not truly seek to protect Aboriginal identity. The government does not hold themselves responsible for the breach in the original welfare agreement, and contests that consultation with Indian bands would not have made a difference to the children who were placed or adopted into foster homes. This is a colonial statement motivated by the belief that Aboriginal children are better cared for and raised without an Aboriginal upbringing or identity. The Canadian system of government failed to fulfil its legal obligation to duty of care for Aboriginal children by isolating them from their own culture and ability to form an Aboriginal cultural identity. This ruling in favour of the 60’s Scoop Survivors is a step in the right direction towards remedying the harm caused to Canada’s Aboriginal communities; however, some members of the Aboriginal community believe it is necessary for the government to apologize in order to move forward and reach further reconciliation.

20

Fuchs, Don. Passion for Action in Child and Family Services: Voices from the Prairies. Vol. 23. University of Regina Press, 2009.

41 Bibliography Akin, David, and Colin Perkel. The Canadian Press. "Ottawa's attempt to block ruling on '60s Scoop of aboriginal children slammed as unprecedented, galling." National Post. February 8, 2017. Accessed February 27, 2017.

Fuchs, Don. Passion for Action in Child and Family Services: Voices from the Prairies. Vol. 23. University of Regina Press, 2009.

Press, Colin Perkel The Canadian. "Feds Failed Indigenous Kids Forced To Live With Non-Native Parents: Judge." The Huffington Post. February 14, 2017. Accessed February 26, 2017.

Richardson, Cathy, and Bill Nelson. "A change of residence: Government schools and foster homes as sites of forced Aboriginal assimilation–A paper designed to provoke thought and systemic change." First Peoples child & family review 3, no. 2 (2007): 75-83.

“The Sixties Scoop” - Summary Judgement on the Common Issue (Superior Court of Justice - Ontario February 14, 2017) (http://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/3461476/Brown-v-AG-Canada-Summary-JudgmentFINAL.pdf).

Tasker, John Paul. "Judge sides with Sixties Scoop survivors." CBC News. February 15, 2017. Accessed February 27, 2017.

Wiegers, Wanda. “Commodification and the Allocation of Care and Responsibility for Children.” University of Toronto Law Journal aop (2017): 1-41.

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EEssay: The Image of Aboriginal People in the Tourism of Niagara Falls by Joanne Gall

The Image of Aboriginal People in the Tourism of Niagara Falls How the City is Failing to Serve and Respect its Aboriginal Residents and How it may Improve for the Future Section 1: Introduction The City of Niagara Falls (hereafter called the City) is known around the world as a popular tourist destination; home to the beautiful Niagara Falls and flowing Niagara River, the City prides itself on its reputation of being a wonderful tourist site. When walking down Clifton Hill to the Falls, one is bombarded with stereotypical and idealized images of Aboriginal peoples and “native culture,� from the giant totem pole in the Canadian Trading Souvenir Shop to the many pamphlets on the legend of The Maid of the Mist. Images of Eurocentric idealizations of Aboriginal people and simplifications of their diverse cultures have become central in the marketing and image the City has created and presents to tourists. While the City uses these idealized images of Aboriginal peoples to benefit its economy, the City does little for the Aboriginal population within the city today. There are no centers with services tailored for Aboriginal people existing within the City boundaries (LaFrome 15) and many Niagara based online resource material for Aboriginal people are outdated and/or obsolete. This report will argue that the City of Niagara Falls’ usage of Eurocentric idealized imagery of Aboriginal people in its tourist industry, in addition to the lack of services provided to Aboriginal people, highlights how the City is exploiting the history of Aboriginal people for economic gain while disregarding the present-day population of Aboriginal people. This report will first provide a examples of Eurocentric idealized representations of Aboriginal people presently in use by the tourism sector. The report will proceed to describe the statistical data of Aboriginal people in Niagara Falls, as well as the list of services available in the region.

The report will then provide an analysis of these data and the tourist industry, before making suggestions on

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how Niagara Falls may move forward in building a more prosperous and respectful relationship with its Aboriginal residents.

Section 2: Portrayal of Aboriginal People in the Marketing of Niagara Falls Tourism The stories of Aboriginal people in Niagara Falls have been made marginal to the colonial narrative of settler conquest of nature in the new world. Despite the history of 4,000 years of continuous occupation of the Niagara Region by Iroquoian peoples and their ancestors, there is little or no representation of the long precontact history of the region in the history shared throughout tourist material in Niagara Falls. The displacement of Aboriginal people from the land which comes from a brutal history of colonialism is conveniently forgotten in Niagara Falls. As Associate Professor Marian Bredin of Brock University argues, the tourist industry has a large commercialized representation of Aboriginal people, to create “a romantic image of the noble savage, who is a placeless and timeless construction of the non-Aboriginal imagination” (Bredin np). On the homepage of the Canada Tradition Company Souvenir Shop located by the Falls on Clifton Hill, one of the main photos shows a large totem pole which stands in the middle of the store (fig. 1). Totem poles come from Northwest Aboriginal communities located in the Pacific Northwest Coast in British Columbia and southeastern Alaska and are not historically associated with the Iroquoian people of the Niagara region (Berlo and Phillips 54). This shows a homogenization of the diverse cultures of Aboriginal peoples, and how tourist industries make use of images universally associated with all Aboriginal people despite the image’s cultural inaccuracies and insensitivity.

In addition to totem poles, tourists are likely to come across various “Aboriginal” related items, such as Inuit carvings to generic beaded vests as Bredin found in her observations from souvenir shops around the Clifton Hill area (Bredin np). On the Niagara Falls IMAX website’s description of the movie Legends and Daredevils, the film is supposed to “take you back to the days when Native peoples worshiped the thunder spirits, and when the first European encountered of this wild wonder of nature” (fig. 2). This description of the “native peoples” role in the movie is in part explained by the argument by Daniel Francis who states that

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Aboriginal representations in tourism have a popular appeal based on a "manipulation of nostalgia [which] allow non-natives to admire aspects of Aboriginal culture safely located in the past without confronting the problems of contemporary Native people" (Francis 96). IMAX is inviting tourists to come and learn (from a safe distance) about the unnamed allusive native people who worship spirits, without addressing the real history of colonialism in the area or giving the Aboriginal people a real name and identity. In this instance, the movie creators are using Aboriginal people as objects for entertainment, rather than seeing them as actual people. This shows a blatant disregard for Aboriginal people and their history and role in the area which is now known as Niagara Falls.

Section 3: Aboriginal People in Niagara Falls: Demographics and Income Statistics The Niagara Region has a diverse Aboriginal community, with members of Haudenosaunee, Anishinabek and Cree communities all residing in the area (LaForme 11). The Haudenosaunee and Anishinabek Nations claim the area to be part of their ancestral territory, and, the MĂŠtis population in the region is growing (Ibid). The 2006 Canadian census identified 1,390 Aboriginal people living in Niagara Falls (565 with registered Indian status) of the 81,155-total population. While the census surveyed only Aboriginals who live off reserve, the closest reserve is the Six Nations of the Grand River located about 100 km away from the borders of the City. The median income for Aboriginal individuals in the City is near $1,000 lower than the provincial income at $17,856; Aboriginal female income ($16,794) is $1,600 lower than the average Aboriginal male income ($18,476) in Niagara Falls. Non-Aboriginal male income is $31,756, while non-Aboriginal female income is $19,930. The median income for Aboriginal private households is $36,750, which is over $10,000 lower than the provincial median ($46,865) and nearly equals the earning of a single non-Aboriginal male in the same city. In 2006, the low-income cut-offs (LICOs), also known as the poverty line, for after-tax incomes in Ontario sat at $18,147 for one single adult, $22,591 for a family of two, and $27,773 for a family of three.

While these numbers may denote the poverty line, earning a comfortable living is an entirely different number.

Many Aboriginal people in Niagara Falls were living near the poverty line in 2006, with more females than males at the line. *

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*All statistics collected from “2006 Aboriginal Population Profile: Niagara Falls, ON,” data collected from the 2006 Canadian Census.

Section 4: Niagara Region and Niagara Falls Services for Aboriginal People There are no social service organizations for Aboriginal people located within the City of Niagara Falls.

This means that Aboriginal residents of the City must use mainstream health and social services, or venture out of the City to a regional center. A common theme found amongst all the operating centers in the region is the large catchment areas they serve, which means that transportation is essential in accessing these services.

Organizations in the Niagara Region offer Aboriginal-specific services, but there remain underserved pockets of people among the Aboriginal population because of the size of the Region and difficulties obtaining transportation to such services (Ibid 11). The Niagara Regional municipality of Niagara-on-the-Lake has one of the smallest proportion of Aboriginal people with 0.6% (“Immigrant / Ethnic Populations - Statistics in Niagara.”). However, the primary service provider (and most diverse service provider), Niagara Regional Native Centre, is in this town. Also, St. Catharine’s and Niagara Falls do not have Aboriginal-specific alternative school programs. These programs are missing at pre-school, primary and secondary education levels (LaForme 15). The District School Board of Niagara (DSBN) has not updated its “Indigenous Education” web pages since 2015, with many pages containing information about programs which ran more than 2 – 5 years ago, with no further updates provided (“DSBN: Indigenous Education”).

Section 5: What does this all mean?

The lack of services provided within the City is a significant detriment to Aboriginal people, requiring them to seek assistance outside of their immediate communities. Some do not have transportation to take them to a provider or have an obligation to care for a child and unable to attend appointments. The Healthy Weights Connection, an organization which serves Aboriginal children in the southern Ontario, notes in their Site System Scan report on Niagara Falls that “many people simply are not aware of services that exist” (LaForme 11). When researching for this information, it took quite some time to understand which of the listed services were still operational, as many of the websites for the centers have not been updated in recent years (e.g. the

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Niagara Regional Native Centre has not changed it executive board list since 2013). Due to this, there is an issue of a lack online accessibility to services as well as the physical barrier the location of the services causes to potential and current participants.

As seen in the statistics in Section 3, there is a clear disparity in wealth between Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people, and between genders amongst residents of Niagara Falls. I argue that the lack of services plays a role in this, as Aboriginal people seeking employment and social assistance are left with few options and resources. Aboriginal peoples face unique health challenges compared to non-Aboriginal people (Ibid 16). The health of Aboriginal people across the country is below the national average, and life expectancy is lower for Aboriginal people compared to non-Aboriginal people (Place 11). Part of a City’s responsibility is to serve its residents, ensuring the health and safety of all. However, the City of Niagara Falls is failing to do that. Given these trends, and lack of health and social services currently provided to Aboriginal people who live in Niagara Falls, it is critical to see the City take the initiative in the coming years to better serve its Aboriginal residents.

The added layer to this discussion is how the tourist industry appropriates and misuses images of Aboriginal people in its marketing, services, and products. There is considerable wealth brought into the City through the tourist industry, and images of Aboriginal people are part of that. However, I argue that based on the lack of services, and wealth disparity that the actual Aboriginal residents of Niagara Falls do not reap the benefits that their appropriated images bring to the City. The usage of these idealized images is exploitative of the Aboriginal people, their ancestors, and their history in the area, and perpetuates the colonial narrative of the country of settler dominance and power. It currently benefits the settlers of Niagara Falls who own the tourist sites and businesses to carry on presenting these false representations of Aboriginal people, and this comes at the expense of Aboriginal people. This exchange shows the unequal power relation between Aboriginal people and settlers. I would argue that this power relationship in part adds to the divide between settlers and Aboriginal people, which may contribute to the racism and misunderstanding that the Aboriginal people experience in Niagara Falls.

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Section 6: Moving Forward In the article “Aboriginal Cultural Tourism in Canada,” Valda Blundell makes the argument that cultural tourism (referring to leisure travel motivated by aspects of the culture of an area) has the potential to be utilized by Aboriginal communities to increase their presence and voice in mainstream tourism and thus, society (Blundell 48). In outlining the potential success of this type of tourism, Blundell creates two categories of Aboriginal cultural tourism. The first category outlines the situations where Aboriginal people have little or no control over their representation and public images, seen in the case of commercial tourist attractions representing Aboriginal heritage but which are owned and operated by non-Aboriginal people (Ibid 53).

Blundell’s second category includes sites where Aboriginal people control the representation of their past and present culture (Ibid). I argue that this second category must be the future objective for the representation of Aboriginal people in Niagara Falls. Tourist industry owners in the City must get rid of the stereotypical portrayals of Aboriginal people which litter Clifton Hill and the surrounding tourist area. Taking away Aboriginal peoples’ control over their identity as is the situation now, is a detriment to the wellbeing of present Aboriginal people and disrespectful to their ancestors and history. It erases their experiences, replacing them with what settlers perceive their identity and experiences to be. Aboriginal people have a long history in Niagara Falls, and they may choose to share their history with tourists to tap into the trend of increased interest in cultural tourism across Canada. However, images of Aboriginal people ought to be managed by Aboriginal people, and what is shared and made available for tourist consumption must be controlled by Aboriginal people.

In addition to the change in representation in the tourist industry, the City should work on providing services to its residents in more accessible locations. Niagara Falls is host to a growing population of Aboriginal people and must recognize its role and responsibility in serving those people, in addition to its non-Aboriginal residents. By providing services in the City, this would mean Aboriginal people may have more opportunities to seek health, employment, and social assistance. These services are important in showing the Aboriginal population of Niagara Falls that the City and its settler population respects them. This is a crucial step in bridging the divide between settler and Aboriginal populations, and to better the mutual understanding and reciprocity between the two groups. I also encourage the existing services to update their material, so new

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and old participants may more easily find relevant information.

Section 7: Conclusion The inaccurate and insensitive images of Aboriginal people which are seen around the tourist industry of Niagara Falls is disrespectful to the history Aboriginal people of the Niagara Falls area. In addition, the lack of health and social services provided to the Aboriginal population leaves Aboriginal residents with limited options if they require health and wellness assistance since they must seek services outside of the City (if they choose not to not use mainstream in-City options which run the risk of not fully accommodating the needs of Aboriginal people). This combination of the usage of idealized imagery of Aboriginal people in its tourist industry, with the lack of services provided to Aboriginal people, highlights how the City of Niagara Falls is exploiting the history of Aboriginal people for economic gain while disregarding the present-day population of Aboriginal people. There is an opportunity for the City to improve its relations and services for its Aboriginal residents, but it will require the City to recognize its faults and for settlers of the City to activity fight against the colonial narrative of Canada.

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Bibliography Berlo, Janet Catherine, and Ruth B. Phillips. Native North American Art. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

Blundell, V. “Aboriginal Cultural Tourism in Canada.” Slippery Pastimes: Reading the Popular in Canadian Culture, edited by J. Nicks and J. Sloniowski, 37-60. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2002.

Bredin, Marian. "Popular Memory and Aboriginal Heritage: A Case Study of the Niagara Falls Indian Village." 2004 Southwest/Texas Popular Culture/American Popular Culture Association Annual Conference, April 2004.

“Canada Trading.” Clifton Hill Shopping, 2016. Web. <https://www.cliftonhill.com/shopping/canada-trading>. Accessed February 7 2017.

Francis, Daniel. The imaginary Indian: the image of the Indian in Canadian culture. Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992.

“Immigrant / Ethnic Populations - Statistics in Niagara.” Niagara Region Health Statistics. N.d.

Web. <https://www.niagararegion.ca/health/statistics/demographics/ethnic.aspx> Accessed 7 February 2017.

“Indigenous Education: Home.” District School Board of Niagara. n.d. Web. <https://dsbn.org/supportservices/Aboriginal/>. Accessed 7 February 2017.

LaForme, Crystal. "Site System Scan Report: Niagara Region, ON." Healthy Weights Connections, August 2015. <http://www.healthyweightsconnection.ca/ModuleFile/resource?id=3336>.

"Niagara Regional Native Centre: Our Mission." Niagara Regional Native Centre - Community Centre in Niagara On The Lake, 2017. Web. <http://www.nrnc.ca/our-mission.asp>. Accessed 7 February 2017.

Place, Jessica. "The Health of Aboriginal People Residing in Urban Areas.” National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health (2012): 1-40. Web. Statistics Canada. “Niagara Falls, Ontario (Code3526043). Aboriginal Population Profile.”

2006 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 92-594-XWE. Ottawa, 15 January 2008. <http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-594/index.cfm?Lang=E>. Accessed 7 February 2017.

"The Power and the Story." Niagara Falls IMAX & Daredevil Exhibit. N Creative, nd. Web. <http://imaxniagara.com/imax-movie/>. Accessed 7 February 2017.

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Appendix

Figure 1. Screenshot of “Canada Trading” Webpage. 2016. Clifton Hill Shopping. Web. <https://www.cliftonhill.com/shopping/canada-trading>. Accessed February 7 2017.

Figure 2. Screenshot of "The Power and the Story” Webpage. Nd. Niagara Falls IMAX & Daredevil Exhibit. N Creative, Web. <http://imaxniagara.com/imax-movie/>. Accessed 7 February 2017.