Atlantis magazine 29.3 Challenged Realms

ATLANTIS MAGAZINE FOR URBANISM & LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE

territor[e]alities

#29.3 April 2019

Challenged Realms

COMMITTEES 2018

FROM THE BOARD

ATLANTIS VOL # 29

We could not be as visible as we are without the great effort of a lot of active students.

With the help of them we can organise excursions, lectures, workshops, drinks and events. The Polis board wants to thank all the people involved for their great efforts and positive input!

Dear Polis Members,

In keeping with the latest advances in our disciplines’ discourse and building upon last year’s theme of “Action/Reaction: Exploring Challenges in Practice”, we are now shifting our focus to the ‘object’.

The object, though, is understood not as a ‘thing’, but rather as a ‘field’: the area where actions and actors come together in a unity and, in essence, is created by and through that unity. An abstract and absolute space is constructed and transformed through activities, actions and practices that give it shape, content and meaning into a ‘territory’. Is this ‘real’ or ‘imaginary’, small or big? Does it conform with pre-existing conceptual and concrete borders? Do they pertain solely to human activities or to the untamable natural forces? Or both?

These questions are, of course, relative.

The important issue is that we are talking about the kind of processes that form the very notion which guides us in our understanding, approach and intervention.

We are always looking for enthusiastic people to join. Interested in one of the Polis committees? Do not hesitate to contact us at our Polis office (01.west.350) or by e-mail: contact@polistudelft.nl

URBAN AND LANDSCAPE WEEK ATLANTIS EDUCATION PR COMMITTEE BIG TRIP & SMALL TRIP

POLIS BOARD Tapasya Mukkamala - Chairman Sankarnath PM- Secretary Mark Scholten - Treasurer Ingrid Staps - Atlantis Oumkaltoum Boudouaya - Public Relations

JOIN US

Not yet a member of Polis? For only €12.50 a year as a student of TU Delft, €30 for individual professional membership, or €80 for organizations you can join our network!

You will receive our Atlantis Magazine (for free) four times a year, a monthly newsletter and access to all events organized by Polis.

E-mail contact@polistudelft.nl to find out more.

As the board of 2019, we have just taken over from the board of 2018 and we would like to thank them for helping us make it a smooth transition. We appreciate all the advice and knowledge theynshared with us and we would like to thank them for all their hard work in the past year.

The guiding notion for the year 2019 is “Genesis” which translates to inception, birth, beginning of something new. Our vision through this theme is to turn the spotlight on the various pathbreaking innovations and reforms that are being worked upon across the world, within BK city and the faculty of Urbanism for a better and brighter future. This will be an attempt to bring something new to the table for the students to contemplate about and build upon.

To initiate spring we did a thorough spring clean - up and we dug up and archived Atlantis magazines dating back to 1999.

While doing this we actually realised that our year will be the 30th anniversary of Polis and the 30th issue of Atlantis. This of course deserves a celebration. More on that will come later.

For now the preparations for UL week, big trip and introduction week are in full swing. If you are interested to contribute to any of the committees don’t hesitate to send us an email. We hope to surprise you with interesting speakers, subjects and destinations.

Warm Regards from the Polis Board 2019 Tapasya Mukkamala, Sankarnath PM, Mark Scholten, Ingrid Staps, Tanvi Gupta and Oumkaltoum Boudouaya

Hence the word: “territor(e)alities”. This year, “Atlantis | Magazine for Urbanism and Landscape Architecture” will try to explore the concept of spatiality, focusing on the network of processes that give rise to places: what actions and which networks of them makes a piece of land, however small or big, appear and act (or, at least, according to our view of it) as one. Territories are understood as spaces that are conceptually constructed by an agglomeration of practices (or, even, a single dominating action) and, in effect, become concrete and real. We will be zooming in and zooming out, we will be isolating and unifying, all for an investigation of the content and meaning of Urbanism and Landscape Architecture in the 21st century and beyond.

Interested in contributing?

Email us at: atlantismagazinetudelft@gmail.com

atlantis

Editorial With the penultimate of Volume 29, Issue 29.3 continues on our journey through territor[e]alities. This time, we delve into phenomena that transcend any and all individuals and collectives. Through the notion of “Challenged Realms’, we aim to approach that which is overarching and/or underlying and elicits a response.

Following, though, our established approach, this issue, too, highlights not only said phenomena themselves but, also, the fact that they are manifested in and performed by different scales.

Primary example of such processes is, of course, climate: changes in its manifestation and in its variability. On the one hand, managing geographic and hydrologic conditions, as well as instances of vegetated infrastructural provision, brings us to China, Morocco and the Netherlands, where we uncover three very different projects: one aiming at culture, one aiming at the provision of greenery and water and one aiming at reconciling nature with economic processes.

Another example of issues that fall under this category is related to tourism.

Here, we dive into how two vert different regions deal with an excess number of visitors: an example from Italy shows us efforts to repurpose heritage sites for contemporary times and an example from Thailand highlights the intersection between tourism and ecosystems.

Our trip does not end there, though, as our contributors have sought to understand the various impacts migration (economic migration or refugees of war), that is, a global phenomenon, engenders on the scale of communities: what could be potential ways to ‘read’ local identities and places through changes in demographics and related policies? Similarly, the transcendent phenomena associated with economy and, by extension, social stratification, emerge as examples of conflict and, at the same time, creativity in restructuring our sense of place and its relation to the world.

Finally, this understanding of nature as the conduit of our relationship with our planet and the acknowledgement that it is an active agent points us toward understanding the multiple ways our systems interfere and alter it (the age of the Anthropocene/Capitalocene/Cthulucene) as well as how these are manifested into policies that affect local populations and their histories, as is the case with the Sámi people in Norway.

Again, true to our commitment at showcasing the work undergone by the students of the Master’s Tracks Urbanism and landscape Architecture at the Department of Urbanism of the Faculty of Architecture and the built Environment at TUDelft, this issue gives more insight into the various projects and design approaches and experiments of their second academic quarter of the year 2019-2020.

Editors-in-Chief Sarantis Georgiou (content) Felipe Gonzalez (layout) Polis Board Representative Ingrid Staps

Contents

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p.22

p.30 p.44

00 Atlantis News ............................................................................................................ 6

01 Atlantis Infographics by Kavya Suresh and Sarantis Georgiou .......................... 10 02 Becoming Norwegian by Mark Slierings ............................................................... 12

03 Economies of Survival by Yasmin A. Bushra ........................................................ 16

04 Contextualized Grid for Green Cities in Morocco by Yasmine Lahfidi ........... 20 05 Cultivating Urban Regions Through Design by Steffen Nijhuis ....................... 22 06 Rights to Nature: wetland nature as the inverted value for producing

further economic growth in Rotterdam Region by Laura Lijdsman ......................... 26 07 Recuperation of the Island: human-free season in Maya Bay, Thailand by

Rapa Surajaras .............................................................................................................. 30 08 Historyland: the tourist colonization of CittĂ Alta, old town of Bergamo by

Stefano Agliati ................................................................................................................... 32 09 Agonism vs Social Interaction: rethinking social integration process in

spatial planning by accepting the idea of 'Agonism' in contested cities by Ninad

Sanjay S. Sansare ............................................................................................................. 34 Interview

10 Space, Place, Identity: an inner perspective on spatial planning and

governance practices in Sarajevo by Ninad Sanjay S. Sansare and JoĂŁo Jacinto

with dr. Armina Pilav ........................................................................................................ 36 11 The Two Civilization: the 'spiritually-civilised' landscape and the 'materially-

civilised' in People's Square by Lok Yan Chu ................................................................ 40 12 Survival in the Anthropocene: human activity and its consequences on

biodiversity by Kavya Kalyan and Tapasya Mukkamala ............................................. 44 Showcase

MSc 1 2018-19

Q2 Urbanism and Landscape Architecture - TU Delft ............................................................. 48 13 The Buffer Line by Prinka Anandawardhani ....................................................................... 50 14 Made in Tanthof by Raul Alejandro Martinez Medina .......................................... 52 15 Landscape Gate: towards a new cycle of Tanthof by Isabel Recubenis

Sanchez .............................................................................................................................. 54

16 Maashaven Park by Matthijs Hollanders ................................................................ 56

ATLANTIS 29.3

Big Trip 2019 Realising Regional Identity Territorial differences between Barcelona and Valencia Following this year’s theme 'Territorialities' the big trip was all about territorial conflicts and differences in regional planning and city development between Barcelona and Valencia. Where one city is known for its Catalonian pride, the other is located in the West region of Spain.

In Valencia, Carmel Gradoli Martinez, architect, and urbanist gave a lecture at the University of Valencia about the development of El Cabanyal. This is an old fisherman neighbourhood in the western part of the city. Together with a group of architects, he provided designs and policies that would strengthen existing cultural identities and heritage of the site. These ideas are visible in new street sections, public facilities and the facades of the houses. El Cabanyal turns out to be a problematic neighbourhood. Its inhabitants are proud of their place and are not willing to take part in large scale transformations. The approach of Martinez and his fellow architects was a very low-key and personal one. By providing meetings with locals and attracting local stakeholders

in this long-term development, people who live in the site have an active role in the transformation.

In Barcelona, Marina Cervera Alonso de Medina (Higher Degree in Landscape Architecture and founder of Barcelona based professional practice involving planning, landscape architecture and planning) and Professor Miquel Corominas gave lectures about the urban developments and strategies in the city of Barcelona over the years. These strategies all started after Barcelona was announced to host the Olympic Games. The developments were all about preparing the city for the event, about creating better living environments for its inhabitants, and about keeping its strong Catalonian identity. The projects are all focused on influence. A newly developed area should have a positive effect on the surrounding space. Underneath these smallscale developments, the large iconic grid with its two diagonals and broad boulevard is the backbone of all types of city developments. A field trip by Constantina Chrysostomou provided another look at the

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Lauren van der Sar

Committee Head - Big Trip 2019 MSc Urbanism TU Delft

development of the city over the years. On several locations, she showed the way space had changed down the years, and how this change had a role in the more significant development of the city.

Overall, it is a fruitful and fantastic experience for all the participants and the Big Trip committee to organise this trip.

Collaboration with Argus (Architecture student association) is the highlight of this bog trip. We as committee manages to have participants from four sections of our faculty which resulted in an interdisciplinary way of learning during the trip. To document our experiences during the trip, we organised a small exhibition to showcase our travel diaries, which got an overwhelming response from the fellow students and department. • 1. All the participants of Big Trip 2019. Source: Author.

2. During the fieldtrip at El Cabanyal, Valencia.

Source: Author.

3. During the field trip at Barcelona. Source: Author.

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NEWS April 2019

by

Kavya Kalyan MSc Urbanism TU Delft

The focus of the second quarter of the TU Delft Urbanism master course, ‘Designing Urban Environments’, was on the ‘remaking’ of Tanthof, a neighbourhood in the southern part of Delft. The brief was to improve the neighbourhood in terms of connectivity, services and climate adaptation, and explore the possibility of densifying the area with an addition of 1700 new homes, while paying attention to characteristics of the neighbourhood, like the concept of the ‘woonerf ’ and Tanthof ’s relation to the Midden-Delfland countryside. This was done by developing a vision, a project and a strategy for the neighbourhood. The assignment was a collaboration between the municipality of Delft and the university, in response to the state of Tanthof, which was starting to enter a downward spiral of decline.

The assignment resulted in over 70 proposals from the students who each had different approaches, different focus areas of Tanthof, and different interpretations of the task. After the end of the quarter, the municipality selected 20 of these

Q2 MSc Urbanism Delft's City Hall Exhibition proposals to be exhibited at the Delft City Hall. The exhibition was held on March 19th 2019 and the event was attended by students, members of the municipality and residents of Delft. Professor Rients Dijkstra, the Chair of Urban Design at TU Delft, introduced the project brief along with Bob van der Nol from the municipality, who then invited alderman Karin Schrederhof to open the exhibition to the public.

Three students of Urbanism, Raul Martinez, Lukas Holler and Kavya Kalyan, were invited to present their projects at the exhibition. Raul Martinez’s project, ‘Made in Tanthof ’ explored alternatives for food production in the neighbourhood, and to create a place for social integration that is public and accessible. The goal of ‘RePeat Tanthof ’, Lukas Holler’s project, was the emergence of a well-functioning mixture between new, vibrant and dense living environments, and renatured habitats based on the former cultural landscape, to prepare Tanthof and its unique characteristics for future resilience. The aim of Kavya Kalyan’s project, ‘The Unifying Centre –

An Axial Confluence’, was to recognise and establish identities of three main axes in the neighbourhood, while seamlessly connecting them to a public space that integrates East and West Tanthof.

After the three presentation, all the group reached the exhibition panels, to see the whole 20 projects submitted and exchange ideas in informal discussions. • 1. Exhibition panels. Source: Lakshmi Baiju.

2. Presenting team. Source: Yi-Chieh Liao.

3. Raul Martinez presenting his project at the Delft municipality. Source: Stefano Agliati.

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ATLANTIS 29.3

African Perspectives +12 Looking back on the African Perspectives on inclusive, fair and sustainable urbanisation.

International conference held at TU Delft The African Perspectives conference held by the faculty of Architecture and Built Environment, TU Delft took place between the 27th and 29th of March, 2019. The conference brought an interesting and diverse variety of professionals, students and interested individuals to the various programs of the event. The approximately 150 participants had the chance to choose between several sessions in six main topics: • Decolonizing architectural education for practitioners in Africa.

• Planed urbanisation in Africa, Informal urbanisation.

• Rural building solutions in Africa, Climate adaptation and resilience, and • Methods and theories for reading and understanding African cities.

The three days of the conference brought up many questions, answers and most importantly a continuing discussion between professionals from different parts of the world.

The conference was organised by a team of teachers, staff, researchers and students of the faculty of Architecture with the intention to provide a wide range of relevant topics with different perspectives and platforms to initiate discussions. The mornings started with keynote speakers and round table discussions while the afternoons were split into the different topics of the conference. In this way the participants were able to attend lectures, workshops, round table discussions and skype conversations with many professionals and students from around the world.

The African Perspectives Conference was considered a huge success by the lecturers, visitors and the organising team as well.

It was recognised how important it is to talk about the past, present and future of the continent, how colonization shaped the architectural and urban fields opposed to the traditional practices. Also, how can professionals from Africa and Europe learn

by

Melinda Marján

MSc Landscape Architecture TU Delft

to create designs specific to each and every site without bringing the western traditions to an area where they do not blend in. In the mean time. How can the traditional African architecture be modernised so the inhabitants would accept, enjoy and cherish it.

The first of this series of conferences was held in the faculty 12 years ago and the discussion is still relevant today, as Africa is changing rapidly. Learning and working together, exchanging knowledge and ideas, keeping the identity and developing in a sustainable way, all will serve the population in the long distance future.

Events as the African Perspectives Conference remind us the importance of sharing knowledge and support each other's research. • 1. Arican Perspectives +12 Conference.Source: Author.

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NEWS April 2019 On the 5th of April 2019, students and members of staff of the Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment at TUDelft had the opportunity to witness the results of and participate in the discussion engendered from the research programme NEXT-EXTREMES: Constructed Natures | Beyond the limits of the city - cultivating territories as a counteract to extreme weather and environmental loss. Operating under the frameworks of the Delta Urbanism Research Group and DIMI: Delft Deltas, Infrastructure and Mobility Initiative, the year-long research programme sought to uncover possible trajectories through which anthropogenic territories, exhibiting a high degree of human intervention, and manipulation could be reconciled with the underlying and overarching processes that transcend any and all individuals and collectives: nature.

Principal investigator ir. Filippo Lafleur, brought forth the idea that a reconceptualization of the traditional dichotomies between nature and culture, economy and ecology and the urban and the rural could act as a catalyst in a design experiment aimed at proposing new ways of operationalizing the urban landscape.

In his keynote speech, he highlighted the carbon cycle as a mechanism through which the ground and the atmosphere become intertwined in a single process of decomposition, recycling and growth and, as such, is highly participant in the various modes of production and infrastructure provision humanity has deployed throughout history. The project Constructed Natures and The Architecture of Carbon Sequestration revolved around the idea that a design process could discover

ways of instrumentalizing nature and the composition and configuration of landscape on the basis of sequestering carbon: a territorial architecture aimed at cultivating urban regions and waterscapes in order to aid in natural regeneration cycles and a new model of public works.

Convened, also, by dr. arch Taneha Kuzniecow Bacchin, the symposium called upon Muriz Djurdjevic & Thomas Paturet (ATLAS OF PLACES), Daan Zandbelt (Chief Government Advisor on the Built and Rural Environment, College van Rijksadviseurs) and prof. Dirk Sijmons (H+N+S Landscape Architects / TUDelft) to speculate on the role and the mentality of contemporary designers, planners and spatial practitioners during this age of increased climatic instability and change.

The symposium was complemented by a workshop organized by the EMU | European Post-Master’s in Urbanism and the Transitional Territories Graduation Studio, where students of both were guided by Muriz Djurdjevic and Thomas Paturet and Fillipo Lafleur and Taneha Kuzniewcow Bacchin into elaborating urban and territorial visions connecting different land-use/land-patterns with possible productive and cultural activities.

These visions were elaborated into four (4) images that showcased various potential projects ranging from diffused and dispersed landscapes mixed with production and culture, to isolated structures that function as singularities of existence and between the abandonment of the terrestrial sphere to its mechanization through automated machinery.

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Constructed Natures | One-day Symposium and Workshop by

Sarantis Georgiou MSc Urbanism TU Delft

1,2,3. Images from the Symposium and Workshop. Source: Taneha Kuzniecow Bacchin.

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ATLANTIS 29.3

Land and Maritime Territorial Disputes by

Sarantis Georgiou MSc Urbanism TUDelft

and Kavya Suresh MSc Urbanism TUDelft

formed and try to further a struggle for independence. Although some of these cases may be found within the borders of previous empires and colonies, they can also be movements within an ante bellum nation state.

Disputes over natural resources (such as fossil fuels, minerals or water) may also factor heavily in the phenomenon, often masked under the guise of political and

Disputes over terrestrial and/or maritime space between nation-states constitute a significant proportion of current affairs within international law. This significance can be understood through the lenses of the fact that sovereignty of space is what defines a state: according to the ‘Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States’ (a treaty signed on December 26, 1933 during the Seventh International Conference of American States held in Montevideo, Uruguay) the qualifications for a person to be considered a state in international law are 1. a permanent population, 2. a defined territory, 3. a government, and 4. the capacity to enter into relations with other states (Handicott, B., & Blair, B., 2007; Oppenheim, L., & Roxburgh, R., 2005; Lauterpacht, H., 2013). As Sumner (2015) puts it, “In international law and relations, ownership of territory is significant because sovereignty over land defines what constitutes a state” and, therefore, the previous four (4) qualifications all point back to authority over space. It is, thus, not surprising that territorial disputes are attributed that much importance: they essentially ‘threaten’ the very basis upon which international law is based.

With the term ‘territorial disputes’ over terrestrial and/or maritime environments, we mean any kind of disagreement on possession (ownership status) or control of land and/or water. Commonly routed in nationalist ideologies, a range of territorial disputes concern emerging territories within already established, and acknowledged, nation-states. In this case, cultural, religious and/or ethnic attributes comprise the basis upon which territorial claims are

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social issues, although almost entirely related to control over extraction and trade routes. In all those cases, war may spring up, despite, apparent, reluctance of third-party nation-states, their pleas for diplomacy and even the UN Charter which attempts to dissuade the use of threat or force against “territorial integrity and political independence” (United nations, n.d.).

Infographics April 2019

A special case within the broader context has to be made specifically for borderrelated disputes. Border disputes are not disputes over the establishment of a sovereign territory but, rather, over existing boundaries. There can be different versions of this and they range from a piece of land or water that officially borders two distinct territories which, nevertheless, is not attributed to either, an occupied territory that is not a part of an recognized nation-state and border zones that are being administered by international bodies like the United Nations.

Finally, territorial disputes may be an ongoing struggle between groups that currently occupy the same piece of land (as perceived by international law) but who are in disagreement of the actual imposition of authority. In most cases, the issue might not be that the international community or the parties involved lack an official agreement for, for example, the establishment of two (2) nations-states, but, rather, that neither of the involved groups are following official treaties, wither due to perceived fear that the other side will not honour the mutual agreement or due to reluctance to do so altogether. •

References 1. Oppenheim, L., & Roxburgh, R. (2005). International law: A treatise. Clark, NJ: Lawbook Exchange.

2. Lauterpacht, H. (2013). Recognition in international law. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.

3. Sumner, B., T., (2015), Territorial Disputes at the International Court of Justice, Duke Law Journal, 53, 1789-2004 4. United Nations (n.d.), Chapter 1, Retrieved April 20, 2019, from https://www.un.org/en/sections/un-charter/ chapter-i/index.html 1. Global territorial disputes. Source: Author.

Disputed territories Countries with disputes Countries without disputes

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BECOMING NORWEGIAN by

Mark Slierings MSc Urbanism TU Delft

Facts & figures Globally •

“Kvalsund was traditionally a coastal Sámi settlement but was, as others have noted, “heavily” Norwegianized (Paine, 1957). Today, its inhabitants identify primarily as Norwegian, rather than Sámi - though this is, in no small part, the result of complex historical processes of erasure, assimilation and language loss. To enter such a space as a researcher, from outside, demands (at the very least) acknowledgement of the

• • •

complex histories of colonial violence, control and exploitation that have shaped the land and its people – and that continue to shape them today, sustaining the not-sopostcolonial present of Sámi.”

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- (H. Reinert, 2018)

10-15% of the total land surface area is used for the indigenous practice of reindeer herding. (McCarthy et al., 2005) 100,000 people across the world practice reindeer herding. (Turi, 2016) 2,500,000 semi-domesticated reindeer are herded (CAFF, 2006) 1,000 is the estimated amount of words in Sámi devoted to reindeer appearance, behavior and habits.

(Wall, 2019) 67,000 – 93,500 is the estimated amount of Sámi people living in Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia

In Norway • • • •

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250,000 reindeer are herded 3,000 people are involved in reindeer herding 150,000 km2 is the approximated area of land which is used for herding 40% of the total land area (Turi, 2019)

Introduction Kvalsund, a municipality in Finnmark, Northern Norway, of around 1,000 residents, stretches over an area of the size of an average Dutch province. It has become the center of a national discussion about mine tailings and environmental impacts as opposed to the development of local Northern Norwegian communities and responding to a global copper demand. Reason for the discussion is the recent operating license, granted by the government to the mining company, Nussir ASA, to reopen and further develop an existing copper mine in Repparfjord on the 14th of February this year. The discussion is approached from several perspectives: Nussir explains primarily that the development of the mine responds to a global copper supply gap (Moe, 2019), the government justifies its decision by pointing out that large amounts of copper are needed for energy transition (Regjeringen, 2019) and environmentalists object to the mines planned tailings calling it an environmental crime (Lundberg, 2019). There is much to be said about environmental concerns, the possible effects on the local ecosystems, local economic development and a response to a global copper demand to achieve the goals set out for the energy transition. On top of that, describing the territory on which the mine will be developed marks a dark and indelible history of colonial oppression and violent forms of cultural assimilation directed towards the indigenous Sámi. Growth of the industry and the urbanization of Northern Scandinavia leans towards initiating a new phase of

indigenous displacement, a phase which is now increasingly being termed as green colonialism (NSR, 2019).

Cultural Origins The Sámi - the only officially recognized indigenous people in Europe - live on the lands called Sápmi, an area transgressing the borders of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. Despite the harsh living conditions, the area is known to be inhabited for a very long period. The first written evidence of the presence of people in these northern areas dates back to 98 A.D. when Tacitus described their “astonishingly wild” and “physically demanding hunter-gatherer background” (Shephard, 2014). Although this is the first written evidence, rock carvings have been found which date back to some 10,000 years ago, possibly being made by the ancestors of today’s Sámi. Nowadays, cultural distinctions are made between the Sámi, based on the areas which they inhabit and the ecologies which signify their livelihood, being coastal, mountain, river, reindeer and forest Sámi (Paine, 1957). This article especially highlights the Sámi that practice reindeer herding because of two reasons. Firstly, the livelihoods' adaptability to rapidly changing climatic conditions is currently most under threat because of the development of the mineral industry and secondly, because reindeer herding, among the Sámi, is generally pointed out as one of the pillars of the indigenous culture as “without the reindeer, the Sámi wouldn’t be” (Seurujärvi in Wall, 2019). To build the argument of this article, it starts with a brief description of the history of

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cultural assimilation and reindeer herding starting from the year 1500, around the time when the Sámi first started herding the reindeer (Risvoll & Hovelsrud, 2016).

Then it moves towards the new projected industrial future of Northern Norway, through the area opening up for the mining industry and implications for the practice of reindeer herding. Finally it closes with recommendations towards constructing a common future.

Cultural Assimilation The cultural assimilation of the Sámi can be characterized in two different periods: firstly the assimilation of religion from approximately 1500-1800 and secondly, the period of forced Norwegianization (approximately from 1850-1980). After 1500 - as part of systematic large scale missionary programs - the coastal Sámi were converted to Christianity. This was followed by years of assimilation inland, until eventually, around 1800, the Sámi shaman had disappeared, which removed the ancient Sámi religion. After Norway became independent and the Norwegian state was formalized in 1814, the Sámi language was initially accepted and equalized with the Norwegian language. However, the upper class in Northern Norway started to oppose this policy and from around 1850 policies of forced fornorsking av samer [Norwegianization] were issued to systematically “drop their language and change the basic values of their culture and national identity” (Minde, 2005). The Norwegian state invested in making the Norwegian language the only language spoken in schools and speaking in Sámi

atlantis was not accepted. This opened the door for more forms of racism, stigmatization, expropriation of land and resources, forced resettlement, physical violence, domination and the systematic destruction of the Sámi culture, resulting in the coastal Sámi now being almost completely Norwegianized (Minde, 2005; H. Reinert, 2018).

It was only in 1997 that the King of Norway officially reconciled and apologized on behalf of the Norwegian government, after which the right to develop culture, language and society have been formalized within the Norwegian Constitution. As part of the attempts for reconciliation and in consultation with the Sámi Parliament, the Finnmark Act was accepted in 2005.

This resulted in the movement of 96% of the lands of the province of Finnmark owned by the State to be co-owned by the local Sámi people. While the attempt seems excellent, it has to be noted that this act does not cover fishing rights in saltwater, mining or oil rights. This makes it especially challenging for the survival of reindeer herding where the “main challenge is preserving pastures”, as Maret Sara, representative of the Reindeer Husbandry Centre, noted just after the act came into force, “the main threat in our area is the entry of mining companies, after the Finnmark Act came into force last summer” (International Centre for Reindeer Husbandry (ICR), 2007).

Reindeer Herding The practice of reindeer herding is typified as an occupation with “(...) extensive, yet low-impact, use of land” (Turi, 2019).

Pastures cover large parts of the country where typically the wild and semidomesticated reindeer tend to stay far away from human activity and infrastructure (Skarin & Åhman, 2014). Throughout the year the herd moves around areas which are called Siidas, groups of pastures shared between several Sámi families. Significant land-use disputes between Norwegian farmers and Sámi reindeer herders started in response to increased farming in the 1880s, when herders were forced to move their herds westward to find qualitative pasture grounds. In these times, Norwegian politicians favored the development of agriculture to prosper the region, forcing many Norwegian herders to, from this time on, gradually quit herding (Risvoll & Hovelsrud, 2016). The area, which is often termed as the last wilderness of Europe, had relatively little anthropogenic disturbance until extensive development of infrastructure, amplified by the period after the 60’s when oil prosperity initiated a period of top-down urbanization of the Norwegian countryside (Ellefsen, 2018).

The Reindeer Husbandry Act of 1978 bears increased significance where attempts of state control undermined customary pastoralism as well as where state control manages herd sizes as a response to

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concerns about lichen abundance – the reindeers main source of food – through rationalization and efficiency measures (E. S. Reinert, 2006; Turi, 2016). Nowadays, the forced caps to reindeer amounts, resulting from these measures, still exist and are often criticized by herders and researchers (eg. Benjaminsen et al., 2015; Turi, 2016). It leads to occasions of herders not being able to pursue the practice.

This, combined with the fast changing landscape conditions through an arctic which is warming much faster than on lower latitudes, and the development of the mineral industry, the resiliency of reindeer herding is a huge concern for the sustainability of Sámi indigeneity.

Mineral Industry Chances for the development of the mineral mining industry in the Arctic are rising rapidly for several reasons: the opening of new northern trade routes, because of sea ice recession (Melia, Haines, & Hawkins, 2016), an expected growth of consumption rates within the coming years (OECD, 2018), the increased accessibility of former so-called 'wilderness' areas through infrastructural and port development (Norwegian Ministries, 2017) and governing bodies that are actively promoting the economic development of the North, in the form of policies and investments. This economic development will open up new opportunities for economic growth of local

atlantis ‘remote’ communities and is furthermore actively welcomed by municipalities under terms of receiving something in return (H. Reinert, 2018).

Promises of growth through the development of the mineral industry, in the case of the Kvalsund copper mine, resonates in the social sphere through the ringvirkningsprojekt [ripple effect project].

Here, the municipality was allocated 2.25 M NOK (approximately 230.000 EUR) to maximize and amplify the local effects of the Nussir mine development (H. Reinert, 2016). Furthermore, the ongoing policy framework of the Nordområdesatsingen [northern regions initiative], national transport plans and the Arctic Corridor – a planned rail connection between Rovaniemi in North Finland and Kirkenes in North Norway in anticipation of the new sea connection with China - all stimulate the growth and development of the high north. Executed through state power, these hegemonic forms of development encroach on territories which make an age-old cultural practice increasingly hard to maintain. “We cannot accept green colonialism, where land is taken from us to develop industrial projects under vicarious environmental motives”, as critically mentioned by Mathis Nilsen Eira (NSR, 2019), reindeer herder and representative in the Sámi Parliament. “We see this happening in the Repparfjord, where the authorities defend the taking of important calving land from reindeer husbandry and poisoning of the fjord, through delivering copper for the grøne skifte [energy transition], and at Fosen where reindeer herding is displaced to expand wind power”.

Towards a new future A future of coexistence starts with awareness and awareness starts with a dialogue. Building on the work of Bélanger, Alton and Lister (2018) a referential framework of power relations can be introduced, which is exerted on three different scales: below the surface, on the surface and above the surface. Below the surface, the natural resources account for the nation’s economic and political power, as well as its temporality and shortcomings. By Norwegian law all of the heavy metals in the ground belong to the state (H. Reinert, 2018). On the surface the developed infrastructure is of course the primary mean to reinforce the economic and political power of the Norwegian state, leading to deterioration of reindeer herding and the Sámi culture. Above the surface the framework is historically influenced by policies of forced Norwegianization, the allocation of money to develop the north under the Northern Regions initiative and

logistical development plans and policies are, as described earlier, affecting reindeer herd sizes. The power relations embedded in this three-dimensional framework is, in its totality, in business as usual cases leading to land-use disputes, encroachment and ongoing displacement.

The title of this article comes from Ross Exo Adams’ ‘Becoming-Infrastructural’, who argues that the body – which has historically been seeking its reflection in the divine - from the 19th century onwards changed its way to the technological (Adams, 2017). From this shift we have become extremely dependent on infrastructures to sustain our mode of life, resulting in a technological supremacy which again has its effects on the livelihood of the reindeer herder. Arguably, this technological supremacy - being dependent on the architectures of mineral extraction - have most probably been much more effective at erasing indigenous culture than long-term policies of forced Norwegianization. As a mode of urbanism, mining facilities and its infrastructures, need to be reimagined, replanned and redesigned in Northern Scandinavia in such a way that it doesn’t exclude indigenous practices. •

References 1. Adams, R. E. (2017). Becoming-Infrastructural. Retrieved March 23, 2019, from https://www.e-flux.com/architecture/ positions/149606/becoming-infrastructural/ 2. Bélanger, P., Alton, C., & Lister, N.-M. (2018). Decolonization of Planning. In P. Bélanger (Ed.), Extraction Empire (pp. 438–519). Cambridge, Massachussets: MIT Press.

3. Benjaminsen, T. A., Reinert, H., Sjaastad, E., & Sara, M. N. (2015). Misreading the Arctic landscape: A political ecology of reindeer, carrying capacities, and overstocking in Finnmark, Norway. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift, 69(4), 219–229. https://doi.org/10.1080/00291951.2015.1031274 4. CAFF. (2006). World Reindeer Husbandry. Supporting Publication to the Circumpolar Biodiversity Monitoring Program Framework Document, CAFF International Secretariat, Akureyri, Iceland.

5. Ellefsen, K. O. (2018). Keynote - Karl Otto Ellefsen. RSD6.

Retrieved from https://vimeo.com/246274276 6. International Centre for Reindeer Husbandry (ICR). (2007).

Maret Sara on Mining in Sapmi [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4srZnxK37R8 7. Lundberg, S. A. (2019). Et sjødeponi i Repparfjord er miljøkriminalitet. Retrieved March 22, 2019, from https:// nordnorskdebatt.no/article/et-sjodeponi-i-repparfjord 8. McCarthy, J. J., Martello, M. L., Corell, R., Eckley, N., Fox, S., Hovelsrud-broda, G., … Oskal, N. (2005). Climate change in the context of multiple stressors and resilience. Arctic Climate Impact Assessment, (August 2016), 945–988.

9. Melia, N., Haines, K., & Hawkins, E. (2016). Sea ice decline and 21st century trans-Arctic shipping routes. Geophysical Research Letters, 43(18), 9720–9728. https://doi. org/10.1002/2016GL069315 10. Minde, H. (2005). Assimilation of the Sami - Implementation and Consequences. Journal of Indigenous Peoples

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Rights, 3.

11. Moe, S. (2019). Derfor satser de på kobber i Finnmark.

E24. Retrieved March 22, 2019, from https://e24.no/makroog-politikk/raavarer/finnmark-satsing-kan-tjene-paa-kobberoppgang-anslaar-omsetning-opp-mot-en-milliard/24564353 12. Norwegian Ministries. (2017). Norway’s Arctic Strategy between geopolitics and social development.

13. NSR. (2019). Tar et oppgjør med grønn kolonialisering. Retrieved April 19, 2019, from: http://nsr.no/ blog/2019/03/06/tar-et-oppgjor-med-gronn-kolonialisering/# 14. OECD. (2018). Global Material Resources Outlook to 2060: Economic Drivers and Environmental Consequences. Paris. https://doi.org/https://doi. org/10.1787/9789264307452-en 15. Paine, R. (1957). Coast Lapp Society I. Tromsø: Tromsø Museum, Norway.

16. Regjeringen. (2019). Gir Nussir ASA driftskonsesjon.

Retrieved March 22, 2019, from https://www.regjeringen.no/ no/aktuelt/nussir/id2629241/ 17. Reinert, E. S. (2006). The economics of reindeer herding: Saami entrepreneurship between cyclical sustainability and the powers of state and oligopolies. British Food Journal, 108(7), 522–540. https://doi.org/10.1108/00070700610676352 18. Reinert, H. (2016). On the Shore: Thinking Water at a Prospective Mining Site in Northern Norway. Society & Natural Resources, 29(6), 711–724. https://doi.org/10.1080/0894 1920.2015.1132352 19. Reinert, H. (2018). Notes from a Projected Sacrifice Zone.

ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 17(2), 597–617.

20. Risvoll, C., & Hovelsrud, G. (2016). Pasture access and adaptive capacity in reindeer herding districts in Nordland, Northern Norway. The Polar Journal, 6, 87–111. https://doi. org/10.1080/2154896X.2016.1173796 21. Shephard, R. J. (2014). An Illustrated History of Health and Fitness, from Pre-History to our Post-Modern World.

Springer International Publishing. Retrieved from https://books. google.nl/books?id=sI6eBQAAQBAJ 22. Skarin, A., & Åhman, B. (2014). Do human activity and infrastructure disturb domesticated reindeer? The need for the reindeer’s perspective. Polar Biology, 37(7), 1041–1054.4 https://doi.org/10.1007/s00300-014-1499-5 23. Turi, E. I. (2016). State Steering and Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Reindeer-Herding Governance: Cases from western Finnmark, Norway and Yamal, Russia. Umeå.

Retrieved from https://umu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/ diva2:923184/FULLTEXT01.pdf 24. Turi, E. I. (2019). RNNR-127. Retrieved from https:// www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/RNNR/Evidence/EV10314373/RNNREV127-E.PDF 25. Wall, T. (2019). The battle to save Lapland: “First, they took the religion. Now they want to build a railroad.”. The Guardian. Retrieved March 22, 2019, from https://www. theguardian.com/world/2019/feb/23/battle-save-laplandwant-to-build-railroad

1. Rendeers in Pkeija, Norway. Source: Sami Keinänen.

2. Nussir copper mine, Kvalsund. Source: Boaz Peters.

Economies of

SURVIVAL “History has proven that from the decline of the French empire to the 21st century Arab uprising, that sooner or later a margin of the people who are a majority left outside the economic system will topple the economic system that keeps them repressed.”

VUSI THEMBEKWAYO, Global speaker and business mogul.

by

Yasmin A. Bushra Social Architect www.cdipethiopia.org Graduate of EiABC ’18

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atlantis The characterization of the informal economy has been debated in both policy and academic circles. There is no standard definition – to date - of the informal economy in the literature, and terms such as shadow economy, black economy and unreported economy have been used to define it. The common baseline for all the labels of informal economies comprises activities that circumvent costs and are excluded from the benefits and rights incorporated in laws and administrative rules covering property relationships, commercial licensing, labor contracts, financial credit, and social security systems.

Measuring informality remains important given that workers in informal conditions have little or no social protection or employment benefits; (Feige, 2001) and these conditions undermine inclusiveness in the labor market and ultimately in benefits and responsibilities in a developing city.

Additionally, informal economic activities severely limit tax revenues for developing countries most in need of a stable tax base.

This suggests that developing economies such as Ethiopia have an incentive to understand the scale of informal economic activities and how to shift production from the informal to the formal sector.

However, the mere attempt to formalize the informal sector immediately contradicts the very nature of the informal livelihood that is a product of representation of the agency, tenacity, creativity and ingenuity of city dwellers that arises as an entrepreneurial solution to the challenges of serious lack of opportunities in developing and occasionally developed urban centers.

It is the understanding of the International Monetary Fund (IMF, 2016) that in Sub- Saharan Africa while the informal economy contributes to about 25% of the GDP, employment in the informal sector is estimated at an outstanding 67%. These polarities in the figures point to the severe lack of opportunities in developing cities and to an increasing number of urban dwellers that are finding the informal sector to be their improvised means of making a living.

extending access to products and services that otherwise are expensive or completely unavailable.

to pay attention to the use value claims, as opposed to exclusively monetary value claims, that constitute the right to the city.

Challenges of planning

Engagement with informality is in many ways quite difficult for planners. Informal spaces seem to be the exception to planning, lying outside its realm of control (Roy, 2005). In this sense, informality resembles a seemingly natural phenomenon that is external to those studying it and managing it. However, informality, and the state of exception that it embodies, is produced by the State. This is apparent in all the various forms of informality, from squatter settlements to urban markets. Planning is implicated in this enterprise. To deal with informality, therefore, partly means confronting how the apparatus of planning produces the unplanned and unplannable.

Donald Krueckeberg (1995) published a provocative article in the Journal of the American Planning Association, arguing that while land use is a central concept in planning, the issue of property deserves equal attention. He pointed out that by focusing on the utilitarian question of where things belong, planners forget to ask to whom things belong. Informality at first glance seems to be a land use problem and it is thus often managed through attempts to restore "order" in the urban landscape or to bring it into the fold of formal markets. However, borrowing Krueckeberg's important insight, it can be argued that the more fundamental issues at stake in informality are: wealth distribution, unequal property ownership, availability, influence and affordability of the market. In this sense, the study of informality provides an important lesson for planners in the tricky dilemma of social justice.

Informality also indicates that the question of to whom things belong can have multiple and contested answers. In his most recent work, Blomley (2004) even though in the ownership model of property, the “right to exclude� dominates, it is constantly challenged by those who claim the "right not to be excluded". These are appropriations and claims that the French urbanist Henri Lefebvre (1974) termed "the right to the city" and contrasted with "the right to property." It is the right to the city and its public spaces that are at stake in urban informality. Against this backdrop, planners cannot simply be concerned with the land use ordering and exchange value of the right to property. They also have

Informality is becoming increasingly appealing for a growing number of educated professionals in developing cities.

Citing the example of Addis Ababa, while an average vocationally trained professional might earn between 1500 to 3000 ETB per month, a participant of the informal sector has the capacity to earn the same amount within a week. In the vast outreach of smart devices that are increasingly penetrating the African middle class (population representing one third of the continent with 340 million consumers), informality is emerging in this context with a new face by

It is evident that there are widespread assumptions that informal livelihoods operate outside the ambit of state authorities. Contrary to popular belief, this remains untrue where the reality is that such businesses operate outside the protective ambit of state enforcements, yet remain subject to the punitive arm of local authorities. This puts street vendors without issued permits constantly exposed to property confiscations, violent evictions, illegal bribes to earn a living, arbitrary and often excessive fines and most frequently physical abuse and harassment by police officials.

However, a recent study found that an increasing number of people aged between 20 and 40 years old were entering the informal economy in sub-Saharan Africa (Benjamin, 2015). The study also found that people were staying in the informal economy for over 10 years, suggesting that in the current global economic context, the informal economy is the only viable

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atlantis option for survival for many people. In the developing world, the informal economy is seen as nothing more than a safety net for the unemployed until one finds formal employment. This framing of the informal economy has never allowed it to be taken seriously. Its contribution to national economies is ridiculed, neglected, and its existence seen only in relation to the formal economy. Its ‘disorderly’ nature is seen simply as a nuisance.

Informal economies traditionally annotated as ‘underground economies’, ‘black markets’ should not be discouraged, as they are economies of self-reliance promoting independence and sustainable interweaving of businesses. It thus becomes clear that the only thing underground about these economies, as they are most usually stretched out in urban spaces, is one’s prejudgment about them and their existence.

Needless to say the data tells a completely different story. 1.8 billion people around the world find themselves engaged in some form of informal economy as their only source of making ends meet (Neuwirth, 2012). While these businesses contribute 10 trillion dollars a year to the global economy, they continue to be condoned by local policy makers and planners simply because they only directly tend to the marginalized portion of the local communities.

The Women in Informal Employment Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO) identifies three key challenges informal traders in the developing world face, (Nteta, 2015)

Local authorities, therefore ought to recognize that it will be a very long trajectory until developing cities are able to offer enough formal livelihoods that can parallel the amount of job seeking individuals and absorb them fully. As a result, people in developing cities will long continue to earn their livelihoods under the precarious abode of the informal economy.

Infrastructure and planning The study (Nteta, 2015) confirms the importance of a fixed place to trade as a priority shared by most traders. Consistency in trading location is economically significant, as returning patronage is a large portion of any trader’s clientele.

Thus, displacement due to construction of beautification projects in public spaces and urban developments like public transport can cause disruption to business for informal traders.

Further, city services and public amenities need to be in place to support trading conditions. Water, sanitation, waste

removal, shelter and storage are important fixtures to have for informal traders, who often occupy public spaces. It is important to maximize public spaces and infrastructure, if not to meet the needs of citizens experiencing public life, then to create more dignified working spaces for informal traders.

Government policy and practice A commonly discussed outcome of informal sector regulation is that it provides a framework but often does not allow access to and leverage of that framework by the participants themselves. Additionally, regulations can hamper the dynamism and flexibility that allows certain informal economic activities to exist.

In Addis Ababa for instance, licensing and permission to access a legitimate place to trade is seen as onerous. Bureaucratic obstacles flow into issues around abuse of power and harassment. Traders don’t feel prioritized as a part of the city’s landscape and often find it challenging to negotiate the policy and regulation processes.

To understand the importance of enabling policy, the general profile of an informal trader is instructive. Nteta (2015) found that informal traders of working age are the primary breadwinners, involved in informal

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atlantis trade as a core means of income. This broadens the impact of disabling policy, as it affects the livelihoods of families reliant on this income.

Consequently, it is important for policy to reflect the sector and avoid abstract constraints that effectively cause traders to make a loss rather than grow their microenterprise.

Economic variables Trade input costs can impact current stock and profit margins. This is both a start-up and ongoing challenge for informal traders, who often deal with rising prices for goods by increasing their credit facility. These market concerns and commercial risks, which include competition from formal retail, are exacerbated by trading levies.

Forward with informality Derogatory perceptions of the informal economy – both within municipalities and some formal businesses – have contributed to the marginalization of the informal economy within official economic development policy. (Kole Legodi) This marginalization is illustrated in the almost complete absence of reference to the informal economy in official planning and economic strategy documents, with the exception of a few cases.

A notable example of positive reinforcement for participants of informal economies comes from Ahmedabad. As a large sum of participants of the informal sector are found to live in informal settlements (Nteta, 2015), access to shelter, electricity, water and sanitation is a critical need. This is particularly the case for home-based workers since their homes are also their workplaces. By setting up a unit called the Mahila Housing Trust, the selfemployed Women's Association of India, has had significant success with upgrading domestic units in the Parivartan programme in Ahmedabad, India. This allows for improved working conditions for informal home workers who are almost entirely women.

More recent attempts include the institutionalization of urban resilience in cities such as Accra and Dakar, which have identified informal livelihoods as a major challenge that put the city’s infrastructure and labor capital under immense stress.

While positive reinforcement is present in such cases, unfortunately the negative ones have had far reaching impacts. Operation Murambatsiva, commonly known as ‘get rid of trash’, was a government led campaign of mass forced evictions from slum areas in

4

and around Harare, Zimbabwe since 2005.

In addition to residents of the city being subject to relocation to resettlement camps, the major impact sustained came from the loss of livelihoods that were based in the slum areas.

The acknowledgement and integration of informal workers by state authorities sometimes comes with strings attached.

In the case of Arada sub-city in Addis Ababa, informal service providers such as shoe shiners and repair workers are allowed access of reasonable freedom to operate in the urban space, a program overseen by local security administering, crime prevention and traffic safety units, where participants are responsible for reporting wrong doings in their allocated area. Although this model seems to be quite excellent at first encounter, it is arguable that the initiative is merely politically motivated in a debatable democratic state.

This is evident for the attention given to an attempt to replicate the model in order to enforce labor rights and social security for informal workers seems to be inexistent.

Qualifying the program as a failure due to a recurring parasitic relationship.

The solutions at hand stirs towards building strong community based institutions that can capitalize on the use value of public spaces instead of their monetary value. An attitude instilled in policy and planning that can counter large corporate interests that most often do little for the local community.

The opportunities presented by abundantly existing social capitals within communities will offer an appropriate platform where participants of the informal sector can have access to protection while state administrators gain reasonable control over how informality ultimately plays out in the urban landscape. • 19

References 1. Benjamin, S. (2015). International Street Vendors Day. War on Want. Retrieved on 20/04/2019 from https://waronwant. org/media/international-street-vendors-day.

2. Blomley, N. (2004). Unsettling the City: Urban land and the politics of property. Routledge. New York 3. Feige, E. L. (2001). How big is the irregular economy?

University of Wisconsin.

4. IMF. (2016). The Informal Economy in Sub-Saharan Africa: Size and Determinants. Retrieved on 20/04/2019 from> https://www.imf.org/~/media/Files/Publications/ WP/2017/wp17156.ashx.

5. Kole Legodi, M. K. (n.d.). The Challenges Faced by Informal Traders. Africa’s Public Service Delivery & Performance Review.

6. Neuwirth, R. (2012). System D: The Informal Economy.

TED Global.

7. Nteta, Z. (2015). Challenges for Informal Traders. Cape Town Partnership.

8. Roy, A. (2005). Urban Informality: Toward an epistemology of planning. Journal of the American Planning Association.

1. Ariel view of Doro Tera in Merkato Source: Merkato Summer School 2017.

2. Photograph inside the Merkato area, where most people live by informal means. Source: Merkato Summer School 2017.

3. Men and women at work Source: Merkato Summer School 2017.

4. Men and women at work Source: Merkato Summer School 2017.

Contextualised grid for green cities in Morocco Introduction Since the industrial revolution, a new pragmatic and purely economic vision has been established in the minds of western planners. This neglect of the social and ecological aspect in favour of the economic has led to spatial and social segregation, pollution, insurmountable psychological and physical diseases. Moreover, during one century, between 1950 and 2050, the world’s population will have increased from 1.5 billion to nearly 10 billion.

Furthermore, over 3 billion people will have settled in cities between 2000 and 2050 (60% of the Moroccan population lives in cities and this will soon reach 70%).

Urban areas account the three major factors of air quality degradation and CO2 emissions, including more than twothird of automotive mobility and at least 80% of dwellings and tertiary buildings.

They also produce approximately 70% of greenhouse gas emissions. All these consequences contributed to an awareness and marked the birth of sustainability as a new era of urban development. Admittedly, urban innovation must be encouraged in spite of demographic growth, town's attractiveness, along with the challenges of climate change. The green city came as an application of sustainable development.

Although the concept of a green city dates back to the 20th century, it has been

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by

Yasmine Lahfidi

MSc Architecture National School of Architecture of Rabat, Morocco

introduced in Morocco in recent years (since about 2000). Some are programmed or in the study phase while others are under construction, for instance, green city Chrafate, ecological town Mohammed VI of Benguerir, eco-city Zenata, green mine Khouribga, Sahel Lakhyayta and Mehdia sustainable city. Green cities have always attracted me. They are developing and consolidating around the world and seem to be the cities of tomorrow. The objective of my work is to identify what a green city is, its particularities, its basis and its regulatory framework to undertake a critical analysis of the various cases. The purpose is to highlight good practices adaptable to the national context and establishing recommendations enabling cities to reduce their environmental impact, in order to illustrate them when designing an urban project.

Discussion A green city is a sustainable city through its eco-design approach and its concept of creating an advanced urban environment in a thoughtful, organized and planned way to reduce environmental impact. Undoubtedly, cities now bear a great responsibility for environmental impact and as such represent a real socio-economic challenge.

Sustainable urbanism links together several central issues facing societies today as those 20

related to urban sprawl, peri-urbanisation of cities, the explosion of mobility, urban segregation, inequalities between cities and degradation of the urban and natural environment. The systemic approach of sustainable urban planning requires the use of analytical grids as well as different diagnosis methods for territory. It is an essential step to analyse and cross-check the objectives of sustainable development, according to features of each country.

Besides this, identifying the field of analysis, both nationally and internationally, will provide a good knowledge of precursors’ experiences and procedures they have adopted with a view to carry out studies on our case (Bouskoura’s city). Therefore, we need to find solutions and undertake effective actions to this problematic, considered as a critical situation. To operationalise this approach at the national context, an evaluation grid of the criteria for Moroccan green cities was developed based on a referential study of the sustainable development analysis grid, its issues and its twenty-one targets. It is a tool for systemic questioning according to five dimensions (ecological, social, cultural, economic and governance), adapted to the Moroccan urban space in all its richness through its various geographical, climatic, natural, historical and cultural characteristics.

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4

Conclusion

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Looking closely, the design and implementation of these cities on the site represent structuring challenges in terms of respecting the environment and benefits generated for human beings. The goal is to organise urban growth simultaneously with the attractiveness of cities, by making them less energy consuming and more respectful to their environment, in order to respond to the inhabitants' needs. The project’s process is a part of the fight against pollution and climate change. • References

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The theoretical part led to the green city zone of Bouskoura (20 km south of Casablanca) which occupies the central part of Bouskoura’s territory. It has several advantages to apply an eco-responsible approach by presenting the particularity of being nested in the forest of Bouskoura thus enjoying breathtaking views and a microclimate. It is a global development project of 1100 ha in which the intervention aims to treat an urban and architectural project, spread over 100 ha. The main idea was to work in module, on three units in the shape of a hexagon. This well-thoughtout form is the result of a harmonious spatial composition in order to create a strong and homogeneous urban centrality.

The structuring axes of the city converge towards its heart generated by this form, thought as a meeting and living space. All the vital functions of the city, superimposed with its multiple facets, allow the design of a resilient and sustainable city. The district

in question brings together the notions of centrality and convergence and at the same time it is divergent. In other words, the roads are linked in such a way as to have points of divergence that can weld the city through public transport put in the basement. It is thought as a cell of a hive ready to use. Each district is autonomous by minimising the need for car use, offering all the based services and facilities (in terms of education, worship, health, trade and necessary amenities for the sake of dwellers), highlighting the pedestrian, promoting road safety, reminding the agricultural identity of Bouskoura including diversity and social cohesion. The project is dipped in greenery, using natural resources in an intelligent and responsible way. In addition, the diversity of proposed equipment and infrastructures ensures sustainable resilience and allows to create local jobs that contribute to a manageable attractiveness of this city.

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1. Annissa Alusi, Robert G. Eccles, Amy C. Edmondson, and Tiona Zuzul. Sustainable Cities: Oxymoron or the Shape of the Future. Harvard Business School, March 20, 2011.

2. Fqih Berrada Charaf Eddine et Mikou Khalid. Etude relative à l’élaboration d’un référentiel de bonnes pratiques en matière d’urbanisme durable lancée par le Ministère de l'Urbanisme et de l’Aménagement du Territoire. Rapport méthodologique, Maroc, août 2013.

3. Hassan Fathy, Construire avec le peuple, 1973.

4. Pierre-Arnaud Barthel, Le Maroc à l’heure de l’éco-urbanisme : innovations et décalages sur le terrain des premiers projets urbains « verts », p. 77-89, Centre Jacques-Berque, 2015.

5. Villeneuve, C., Riffon, O., Tremblay, D. (2016). Comment réaliser une analyse de développement durable? Guide d’utilisation de la Grille d’analyse de développement durable.

Département des sciences fondamentales, Université du Québec à Chicoutimi.

1. Overall view of the project. Source: Author.

2. 'Contextualised grid for green cities' evaluation in Morocco. Source: Author.

3. Layers of the design. Source: Author.

4. View of commercial towers and retention ponds. Source: Author.

5. Spatial and functional organization of a city unit. Source: Author.

CULTIVATING URBAN REGIONS THROUGH DESIGN

by

Steffen Nijhuis

Landscape Architecture, TU Delft

1

Landscape-based regional design In this era known as the Antropocene - a human-dominated geological epoch (Crutzen, 2002) - urbanisation, ecological crisis and climate change are several of the societal challenges. These are demanding a fundamental review of the planning and design of its landscapes and infrastructures, in particular in relation to environmental issues and sustainability. In order to redeem control over the processes that shape the built environment and its contemporary urban landscapes regional design can be employed as a powerful vehicle to guide spatial development and to re-establish the role of design as an integrating practice.

This suggests more innovative and integral forms of urban landscape planning and design. Landscape-based regional design is considered an important strategy that shapes the physical form of regions using the landscape as the basic condition (Figure 1). It is an transdisciplinary effort to safeguard sustainable and coherent development, to guide and shape changes which are brought about by socioeconomic and environmental processes, and to establish local identity through

tangible relationships to a region. The regional design is like an open-ended strategy, aimed at protecting resources, guiding developments and setting up future conditions for spatial development by means of landscape planning and design.

(Nijhuis & Jauslin, 2015) This essay aims to introduce landscape-based regional design and explores some backgrounds and approaches.

The urban landscape as a complex system

by a slow, almost imperceptible, process of change, repetition and natural cycles. The second level of dynamics is related to the long-term social, economic and cultural history. The third level of dynamics is that of short-term events, related to people and politics. (Braudel, 1966) In short, the urban landscape is an ongoing development resulting from action and interaction of both natural and human structures, patterns and processes that depend on ecological, socio-cultural, economic and political factors.

The urban landscape can be understood as a complex system composed of subsystems, each with their own dynamics and speed of change. (Meyer & Nijhuis, 2013) As a system the urban landscape is a material space that is structured as a constellation of networks and locations with multiple levels of organisation at different spatial and temporal dimensions. (Doxiadis, 1968. Otto, 2011. Batty, 2013) Here the concept of the longue durĂŠe is essential: understanding the urban landscape as a long-term structure that is changing slowly.

The first level of dynamics is related to the natural environment and is characterized

Landscape-based approaches in regional design strives to accommodate spatial development via the application of principles of bioregional planning and design that regard the urban landscape as a dynamic complex system. Landscapebased approaches employ research methods, spatial organization models, planning and design principles from landscape architecture, architecture (Figure 2), landscape ecology and geography, but also uses insights from systems thinking and complexity theory to engage into a more comprehensive form of regional planning and design that addresses the

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atlantis complex webs of relationships constituting the urban landscape. As such the regional design provides spatial means for urban transformation, biodiversity protection, water resource management, recreation, community building, cultural identity and economic development. (Neuman, 2000) Characteristics of landscape-based regional design What is the particular nature of landscapebased regional design? The presumption is that the answer can be found in a set of characteristics that make up this form of urban landscape architecture. Landscapebased regional design determines or guides the most beneficial location, function, scale, and inter-relationships for sustainable development of a region (strategy), as well as setting the scene for local projects (intervention). (Nijhuis & Jauslin, 2015) It does that through design research and research-through-design as research strategies to explore the possibilities and identify the potentials for multi-scale spatial development. Mapping and drawing are thereby important tools for visual thinking and communication. (Nijhuis, 2013) The regional design shapes the physical form of regions based on the physiology of the natural and urban landscape and is about creating conditions for future development.

It establishes robust and adaptive systems, which are open to change. In order to grow and develop such kind of systems both must persist and adapt; its organisational structures must be sufficiently adaptive to withstand challenges, while also supple enough to morph and reorganise. (Corner, 2004)

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Landscape-based regional design works through the scales from regional to local, from general to specific, and maintains overall continuity as well as facilitates local contingency. This offers ways of balancing out services and qualities between parts of a territory. (Busquets & Correa, 2006) Landscape-based regional design recognises the collective nature of the urban tissue and allows for the participation of multiple authors. The regional design creates a directed field where different stakeholders and other participants can contribute. (Allen, 1999) In that respect landscape-based regional design is a transdisciplinary effort where specialisations in engineering and ecology blend with spatial design thinking but also includes the ideas and knowledge of inhabitants. As such the regional design can be considered an integrative and innovative platform that organises physical structures (“hardware”), people and knowledge (“software”), governance (“orgware”) and their interaction through space and time at different scales (Figure 3).

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atlantis Landscape-based regional design approaches In the practice of landscape-based regional design three types of approaches can be identified that enable to establish characteristic relationships between structure and process throughout the scales: area, framework and corridor approaches (Figure 4). Area approaches provide for a landscape mosaic in which zones for long-term, sustainable conditions for ‘low dynamic functions’ (network) are created as well as expanses of land in which ‘high dynamic functions’ may flourish (mosaic). Examples include Plan Stork (The Netherlands) and Masdar City (Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates).

Framework approaches provide for longterm and coherent landscape networks of landscape structures to support spatial development, safeguard resources and spatial coherence and create conditions for local developments. Examples include the Boston Metropolitan Park system (USA) and the Emscher Park (Ruhr-area, Germany) (Figure 5). Corridor approaches provide for, or develop, supporting landscape structures as armatures for urban and rural

development that direct, facilitate and create conditions for urban development, stimulate social and ecological interaction.

Examples include: Rio Madrid (Spain) and The High Line (USA).

Urban landscape infrastructures is an emerging regional design concept that explores infrastructure as a type of landscape and landscape as a type of infrastructure. (Nijhuis & Jauslin, 2015) The hybridisation of the two concepts, landscape and infrastructure, seeks to redefine infrastructure beyond its strictly utilitarian definition. Urban landscape infrastructures are considered to be operative structures that direct, facilitate and create conditions for urban development, stimulate social and ecological interaction and establish the relation between process and form.

They are landscape infrastructures for (1) provision of food, energy, and fresh water; (2) support for transportation, production, nutrient cycling; (3) social services such as recreation, health, arts; and (4) regulation of climate, floods and waste water in the urban landscape. The design of these operative landscape infrastructures is a crosscutting field that involves multiple

disciplines in which the role of designers as integrators is essential. There are three potential fields of operation: transport, green and water landscape infrastructure, which need to be explored on their opportunities and possibilities for strategic regional design and local interventions (Figure 6).

In conclusion As discussed, the urban landscape is the result of different processes and systems that influence each other and have different dynamics of change. The ability to interrelate systems through spatial design becomes increasingly important, as the complex interconnection of different systems and their formal expression is a fundamental aspect of contemporary regional development. Landscape-based regional design is an important vehicle to gain operative force in territorial transformation processes while establishing local identity and tangible regional relationships through connecting ecological and social processes, and urban and architectural form. It stimulates design disciplines like architecture, urban planning

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atlantis and landscape architecture to cooperate and review the agency of spatial design giving shape to the built environment, and establishes relationships between ecology and socio-cultural aspects, between process and form, between long-term and shortterm development, between the space of flows and the space of places. In this perspective landscape-based regional design provides spatial design – as an integrative, creative activity – a new operational power and acknowledges the regional urban landscape as an important field of inquiry that is context-driven, solution-focussed and transdisciplinary. • References 1. Corner, J. (2004) Not unlike life itself. Landscape strategy now. Harvard Design Magazine 21: 31-34 2. Doxiadis, C.A. (1968) Ekistics. An introduction to the science of human settlements. New York, Oxford University Press 3. Meyer, H. & S. Nijhuis (2013) Delta urbanism: planning and design in urbanized deltas – comparing the Dutch delta with the Mississippi River delta. Journal of Urbanism 6(2): 160-191.

4. Neuman, M. (2000) Regional design: Recovering a great landscape architecture and urban planning tradition. Landscape

and Urban Planning 47, 115-128 5. Nijhuis, S. (2013) ‘New Tools. Digital media in landscape architecture’, in: Vlug, J. et al. (eds.) The need for design. Exploring Dutch landscape architecture. Velp, Van Hall Larenstein, University of Applied Sciences, 86-97 6. Nijhuis, S., & D. Jauslin (2015) Urban landscape infrastructures. Designing operative landscape structures for the built environment. Research In Urbanism Series, 3(1), 13-34.

DOI:10.7480/rius.3.874.

7. Otto, F. (2011) Occupying and connecting. Thoughts on territories and spheres of influence with particular reference to human settlement. S.l., Edition Axel Menges

1. Plan Stork (the Netherlands) is an example of landscape-based regional design. This plan can be considered the fundament of the recent Dutch river management plan, called “Room for the River ”. Source: courtesy by Dirk Sijmons.

2. Knowledge of spatial organisation models such as exemplified by Broadacre City of Frank Lloyd Wright (1934) can inform landscapebased regional design. Source: The Frank Lloyd Wright Foundation Archives, The Museum of Modern Art | Avery Architectural & Fine Arts Library, Columbia University, New York)

3. The Boston Metropolitan Park System (1893) provides a green-bleu framework that provided an organising structure for the rapidly expanding metropolitan area of Boston (Massachusetts, USA), and at the same time addressed ecological and social problems employing and connecting physical structures, people and knowledge, and governance.

Source: Author personal archive.

4. Landscape-based design approaches Source: Author.

5. The Emscher-park (Ruhr-area, Germany) is a landscape framework that provides for longterm and coherent sustainable development of the region (strategy), as well as setting the scene for local projects exemplified by Duisburg-Nord (intervention), [below right].

Source: courtesy by Peter Latz + partner.

6. An example of an application of the corridor approach is Madrid Rio (Spain). Here the Manzanares River Corridor, a bundle of transport and water infrastructure in Madrid, became an operative landscape infrastructure for urban transformation and resolved social and environmental issues and improved the aesthetic qualities of public space. Source: Municipality of Madrid.

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RIGHTS TO NATURE

Wetland nature as the inverted value for producing further economic growth in the Rotterdam Region by

Laura Lijdsman MSc Urbanism TU Delft

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An estimated 60% of the earth’s ecosystems has been degraded in the past fifty years (Millenium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005; Science for Environment Policy, 2015).

Considering that our whole society is based on ecosystem services and the benefits we obtain from nature, it is contradictory to think it is man who has applied the greatest amount of pressure and is the main actor in the degradation of the environment (Science for Environment Policy, 2015).

Trends like population growth, urbanisation and consumerism have altered this relationship. We have subsequently developed a ‘throw-away’ culture, and are

increasing our ecological footprint; putting high pressure on the natural capital. Not only will biodiversity decrease, but also other ecosystem services, such as food, clean air, recreational possibilities and coolness, which we obtain from nature, will soon become scarce. Especially in delta regions, which have always been magnets for economic development and urbanization, because of their trade position between land and water and the fertility of their soils (Meyer, 2016), we have been 'fighting against' nature. We tried to manipulate the natural flows, striving towards a man-made landscape which is fully under control.

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This article firstly introduces the historical process of claiming land from nature and elaborates on the vulnerability this resulted in, illustrated with a case-study at the region of Rotterdam. After that, the increasing risks due to climate change are described.

The article ends with a proposed way of thinking to put nature’s value to good use instead of depleting it. The aim of this article is to reconsider our perceptions of nature and our behaviour towards it and see it as a ‘no regret’ measure.

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Claiming Land from Nature The Rotterdam Region with the river Nieuwe Waterweg and Nieuwe Maas was transformed and manipulated that much due to natural processes and human actions that it now hardly contains nature types. A projection of the current river bed of the Nieuwe Waterweg and the Nieuwe Maas on the delta landscape of 1649 illustrates these drastic changes.

Centuries ago, Merwede was a natural river, subjected to the dynamics of both the North Sea as well as the Rhine-Meuse Estuary (Palmboom, 1990). It was a tidal landscape with a braided river structure and an ever-changing gradient from freshwater to salty water, providing a wide variety of habitats for flora and fauna.

One and a half century ago, the character of the river changed extremely: the river was largely canalized, narrowed down and the natural slope was transformed into hard quays, for such functions as industrial activities, ports, residential areas and embankments (Stikvoort et al., 2002). In the 19th and 20th centuries the Netherlands thought it would be possible to control the urbanization process of the delta landscape completely. The landscape became subjected to the needs of human society, through land making, urbanization and flood defenses (the Delta Works).

These flood defense works contributed to a spectacular economic growth of the whole country (Meyer and Nijhuis, 2016). After the construction of the Delta Works all the other sea arms were closed off and the Nieuwe Waterweg became the only open connection between the North Sea and the hinterland still left. Nowadays, this is of crucial value for ecological (migration of species) and economic (harbour activities) purposes.

However, this open connection also engenders risks for both the area within and that outside the dikes. The current water management system consists of an open, but closable, river mouth, within which an area is being protected by a dike system, while the area outside the dikes

is protected thanks to its higher position in the landscape as well as other closable barriers, like the Maeslant barrier in the Nieuwe Waterweg. This barrier is designed to only close once a year to avoid huge consequences to the shipping traffic and, therefore, marks a region constantly subjected to tides, storms, salinity intrusion and changing water levels. The area outside the dikes is directly subjected to these influences, as the only protection employed is artificially elevated land with sand in order to reduce the risks. Within the dikes, the polders are located much lower than the current river water levels due to soil subsidence, caused by the Dutch’ long history of drainage to make the land available for settlements and agriculture.

The height difference between land and water now results in flood risks of several meters water depth when a primary dike collapses and also stimulates saline intrusion through ground water, which is conflicting with both agriculture and nature on land as it decreases water quality. Besides that, soil subsidence causes huge amounts of CO₂ emissions due to peat oxidation. Yearly, the Netherlands lose about 2000 ha of peat land and cause the same amount of CO₂ emissions as 2 million cars (Kwakernaak et al., 2010).

Nature Fights Back Until recently the maximum expectation of sea level rise was 85 centimeters by 2100.

However, a Deltares study on accelerated sea level rise (Deltares, 2018) shows that even if the Paris Climate Agreement is met, sea level may already rise with 109 cm and, in the opposite case, it can be even 195 cm (mean values are considered here while the specific expectations range from 29 cm to 317 cm). With 109 cm sea level rise, major parts of the harbour area outside the dikes are already at risk and with 195 cm sea level rise, this extends to the whole harbour. Together with this, the sea level rise causes increased salinity intrusion to occur, as the fresh river discharge isn’t able to ‘push back’ the salt, especially during low river discharge in dry 27

seasons. Besides that, climate change itself increases soil subsidence - and therefore CO₂ emissions - as higher temperatures escalate the oxidation process and periods of drought decrease the level of the ground water table (Kwakernaak et al., 2010).

The accumulation of sea level rise and soil subsidence is exacerbating the height difference between land and water and, by extension, poses a threat to water safety as it results in enormous risks for the area within the dikes should a primary dike collapse.

This is a continuously reinforcing process as the height difference demands for increased drainage of the polders, resulting in more soil subsidence. This again increases CO₂ emissions which contributes to climate change and therefore sea level rise, resulting in more extreme differences between land and water. In my opinion, the drainage of the peat polders is not future prood and resilient as the problems of water safety, salinization of agricultural ground and nature as well as CO₂ emissions due to peat oxidation are increasing and reinforcing each other through time.

Nature as a New Economy Should we try to keep fighting against nature with possibly disastrous consequences as a result? Or should we accept that we live in a delta landscape and regenerate natural ecosystems to prevent future generations from being the victims of the behaviour we have adopted today.

However we used to think, the previously described processes are pushing us forward: we now start to see that we need nature, its ecosystems and its services to survive.

The value nature can provide for us is outstanding: think of water storage, purification, biodiversity, cooling of the city, food production, recreational possibilities and so on (Costanza et al., 1997; Millenium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005). The concept of Nature as a New Economy focuses on the development, preservation and regeneration of nature in order to obtain more values from it. This can be seen as an inversion: nature is no longer seen as something we have to 'fight against' to strive

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for economic growth; nature can now be seen as an economy itself being the new value producing economic growth. For this concept to develop, a shift in one's understanding of nature becoming the ‘new economy’ has to happen.

prevent the production of the greenhouse gas methane. Salt marshes sequestrate even more CO₂ per hectare as forest, namely an average of 9,3 tons of CO₂/ha year, instead of 7,3 tons of CO₂/ha/year (Teunis & Didderen, 2018).

Giving Land Back to Nature

The measure to reduce drainage in the agricultural peat landscape behind the dikes can also provide services that tackle the major issues described before, namely by reducing soil settlement, increasing CO₂ sequestration and decreasing salinity intrusion through ground water.

Obviously, this measure will have huge consequences for existing agricultural activities which demand for a gradual change, providing solutions for the long term without losing sight on the short term economic demands. By increasing the size of water management areas, the variety in dry and wet areas will increase.

Especially the lowest located peat areas with a purely peat soil are most vulnerable to subsidence, oxidation, shrinkage and saline intrusion and the current type of agricultural land use will not be future proof. These areas are therefore the first in line in the transformation existing agriculture to wetlands. The farmers in these areas will have to adjust to the changing ground water table through anticipating nature development, recreation or wet types of agriculture (aquaculture), stimulated by subsidies to compensate the farmers. The dryer parts of the peat landscape can remain in use for agriculture, but in an adjusted way: in combination with green blue structures, to decrease

In the Rotterdam region, both in front and behind the dikes, giving land back to nature can provide ecosystem services and improve the quality of living for future generations.

In the area outside the dikes, tidal nature, providing a soft gradient between land and water, can contribute to increasing water safety and CO₂ sequestration. For this development to happen, the concept of ‘building with nature’ can be employed to catch sediment along the river banks.

Structures in the water reduce the currents and water speed, resulting in a semi-natural capture of sediment. This process slowly creates a gradient between water and land, providing a 'fore-land' - the salt marsh - in front of the dikes, functioning as a wave trap to protect the land and dikes behind.

Especially when this gradual foreland is combined with vegetation providing roughness, it results in reduced tides and storm waves and therefore reduced erosion of the dikes and reduced flood risks on land (Vuik, 2019). Besides the ecosystem service of increasing water safety, the salt marshes are also able to contribute to climate mitigation as they are able to sequestrate CO₂ into organic material. Due to the lack of oxygen in this nature type the carbon will not turn into CO₂ and the salinity levels

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soil subsidence (Woestenburg, 2009).

Structurally increasing the ground water table in the peat landscapes can in the short term contribute to climate mitigation as it reduces peat oxidation, which contributes to extremely high CO₂ emissions. In the long term, the peat landscapes can be restored and even grow further. In this way, the measure to stop draining the soil can help the landscape grow gradually, reducing the height difference between water and land.

Salt water, coming through the rivers outside the dikes, intrudes the ground water and comes up to the surface as brackish seepage in the polders. The current lowheight ground water tables, desired for intensive agriculture, increase this problem.

If draining is reduced, the ground water table will rise, creating pressure to the upcoming seepage, which will, therefore, decrease. In this way, the dryer parts of the peat landscapes - which can still be used for agriculture - and the natural areas will suffer less from a bad water quality.

Adding Value Besides the tackling of the (constantly increasing) problems the region is facing, giving land back to nature can also provide unique landscapes which reflect the natural identity of the delta region. In the salt marshes and wetlands unique nature types can develop, which can be combined with extensive types of recreation, like bird watching, hiking, mud walks, canoeing, etc. The salt marshes create a gradual transition zone between land and water,

atlantis providing migration routes for species and nature types which can grow gradually with the rising sea levels. This transition zone also relates people to the water and therefore increases awareness of living in a delta and can provide a cool climate for the inhabitants (something especially crucial in Rotterdam which is becoming more and more dense and warm). The structures in the water, used for sediment catchment, can become mussel and oyster banks providing food for local use and seaweed and seagrass can be cultivated for use in energy production. The wetlands within the dikes can be a combination of extensive agriculture with recreation and natural development which do not demand extremely low ground water table.

By adding functions to the farm, like a small shop selling locally produced food, a 'bed and breakfast', camping, golf courts etc., farms can remain profitable with less intensive types of agriculture.

As the constant process of manipulation of nature resulted in increasing risks - which will be exacerbated by climate change - a shift in ones understanding of the value of nature is worth a discussion. Originally, the way in which cities developed was through concentration and easy access to economic opportunities like jobs, amenities and services. This is the way in which a city is growing and perceiving value for future development. By giving land back to nature, both within as well as outside the dikes, nature can contribute to providing solutions for increasing soil subsidence, water safety, salinity intrusion and CO₂ emissions. These solutions can be perfectly combined with the addition of other values like increasing biodiversity, recreation, awareness of

living in the delta and food production, contributing to regional circularity and therefore function as a positive feedback stream flow to economic growth for the whole region. It is not proven that nature can solve problems like flood risks, saline intrusion, soil settlement and CO₂ emissions on a large scale and to underpin this, more research is necessary. However, it does contribute and therefore the preservation and regeneration of nature can be seen as a ‘no regret’ measure, providing direct values for the short term and potential large scale values for the long term. •

References 1. Costanza, R., de Groot, R., Sutton, P., van der Ploeg, S., Anderson, S. J., Kubiszewski, I., Farber, S., Turner R. K. (2014).

Changes in the global value of ecosystem services. Global Environmental Change, 2014(26), 152-158. doi:http://dx.doi. org/10.1016/j. gloenvcha.2014.04.002 2. Deltares. (2018). Mogelijke gevolgen van versnelde zeespiegelstijging voor het Deltaprogramma. Een verkenning.. Retrieved from https://www.deltares.nl/app/uploads/2018/08/Deltares_Mogelijke-gevolgen-van-versnelde-zeespiegelstijging-voorhet-Deltaprogramma.pdf 3. Kwakernaak, C., Van den Akker, J., Veenendaal, E., Van Huissteden, K., & Kroon, P. (2010). Veenweiden en Klimaat.

Bodem, 2010(3), 6–8. Retrieved from http://edepot.wur. nl/138952 4. Meyer, H. (2016). Making Urbanizing Deltas More Resilient By Design. History Urbanism Resilience, 2010(3), 13–24.

5. Meyer, H., & Nijhuis, S. (2016). Designing for Different Dynamics: The Search for a New Practice of Planning and

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Design in the Dutch Delta. In J. Portugali, & E. Stolk (Eds.), Complexity, Cognition, Urban Planning and Design (pp.

293–312). Cham, Switzerland: Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016.

6. Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. (2005). Ecosystems and Human Well-being: Synthesis. Washington DC: Island Press.

7. Palmboom, F. (1990). Rotterdam, verstedelijkt landschap.

Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Uitgeverij 010.

8. Science for Environment Policy. (2015). Ecosystem Services and Biodiversity. Bristol, United Kingdom: UWE. 9. Stikvoort, E. C., Graveland, J., & Eertman, R. H. M. (2002). Leve(n)de Noordrand. Pragmatische toekomstvisie voor het ecologische herstel van het estuarium van het Rotterdamse havengebied. Retrieved from edepot.wur.nl/174362 10.Teunis & Didderen (2018). Blue Carbon in Nederlandse kwelders : resultaten van vier Kwelders in beheergebieden van Natuurmonumenten. Bureau Waardenburg b.v 11. Vuik, V. (2019, March 27). Toekomstbestendig met kwelders en andere brede waterkerende zones. Retrieved April 11, 2019, from https://www.hkv.nl/upload/publication/Toekomstbestendig%20met%20kwelders%20en%20andere%20 brede%20waterkerende%20zones_VV.pdf 12. Woestenburg, M. (2009a). Waarheen met het veen?

(Kennis voor keuzes in het westelijk veenweidegebied). Retrieved from https://www.deltares.nl/app/uploads/2018/08/Deltares_Mogelijke-gevolgen-van-versnelde-zeespiegelstijging-voorhet-Deltaprogramma.pdf

1. Manipulation of the Dutch South-West Delta.

Source: Author.

2. Reinforcing process of sea level rise, draining, soil settlement and CO2 emissions.

Source: Author.

3. Flood risks within and outside the dikes Source: Author.

4. Haringvliet Barrier seen from marsh area Scheelhoek (2018) Source: Natuurmonumenten - Jan de Roon.

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by

Rapa Surajaras

MSc Lanscape Architecture TU Delft

Maya Bay is located in Phi Phi Le Island in Krabi Province, Thailand. The stunning beauty of the natural landscape is a combination of high cliffs sheltering the area from three sides, which creates a crescent moon-shaped bay (Krabi information, n.d.). For more than thousand years, the natural erosion of the limestone cliffs together with the flow of the sea deposited sediments in the area creating coral reefs and a beach forest. This small island is of 200-meters length consisting of glittering white sand beach and clear light green sea accompanied by various types

Recuperation of the island Human-free season in Maya Bay, Thailand

of native plants, exotic fish and colorful coral (Tourist Krabi, n.d.). The distinctive qualities of the sea landscape attract several tourists and have become more famous because of Leonardo DiCaprio’s film, The Beach (Vidal, 1999).

Therefore, more than 3000 tourists visit Maya Bay daily (Tourist Krabi, n.d.). The uncontrollable number of visitors has deteriorated the natural landscape and contributed to its ecological degradation.

Starting from the overuse of high-speed boats to enter the area, the massive

engine of the boat and anchor release has destroyed the life of coral reefs and churned up the bay’s sand (DNP, 2018). The increase of sand at the beach front is prevented by human activities such as snorkeling, playing beach volleyball or trampling on the sand.

This caused the sand to flow back into the sea, blocking the formation of natural sand dunes which is essential to protect the beach from erosion.Moreover, the chemical from the use of sunscreen affected the health of the marine life and caused coral bleaching.

Currently, Thailand’s marine scientists concluded that 95 percent of coral reefs in Maya bay is destroyed.

This excessive problem has been recognized by a group of community people and entrepreneurs in the area .The first attempt has been made by creating a waste organization policy, by initially cleaning the island and collecting the waste from the sea every three months. However, with the overcrowding tourists, the solution was not enough to reduce the ongoing damages.

A comprehensive solution is required to immediately stop the devastation and allow the natural recovering process to occur. Concerned about the issue, the Department of National Parks, Wildlife and 1 Plant Conservation (DNP) of Thailand has

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atlantis declared Maya Bay to be closed during the monsoon season from June to September, starting from 2018. The order has stated that it strictly prohibits touristic activity in the bay, but they can still have a short visit by entering the Losama Bay on the other side. The hotel operators and other entrepreneurs in the bay can only access by boat in a limited zone (Maya Bay, n.d.).

However, during the recovering periods, the experts suggested an extension of the closure time due to the severity of ecological damage. Besides, a new strategy to control the tourists is strongly required before the re-opening. As a result, a new announcement has been made by DNP to extend the closure time indefinitely. This extension plan hindered the local economy creating a controversy, yet the scientists and experts insisted on carrying on with the recovering process for the sustainability of the bay. Therefore, the plan required many participants to support the ecological recovery such as Nopparat Thara National Park - Phi Phi Island and the academic party which contributed to growing more than a thousand coral reefs in the sea and the reforestation on the land, besides reconsidering an improvement of beach forest. Maya bay used to be the most fertile beach forest in the Andaman sea, and it is now in need of restoration. Native plants including Scaevola taccada, Pandanus tectorius, and Caesalpinia bonduc are being planted to strengthen the soil surface by slowing down the sand erosion (Maya Bay, n.d.).

Moreover, the ground condition is being prepared to increase the sandy beach area by also removing the unused construction.

In just after a month of the tourist ban, two blacktip reef sharks returned to the bay due to the presence of smaller fishes, which was a positive indicator of ecological restoration. Four months later, more than 70 black tip reef sharks were swimming in Maya Bay (Maya Bay, n.d.).

This represented the successful progress of the ecology, and the human activity-free strategy brought back the small marine

creatures and allowed the coral reef to grow naturally. However, the closure period is still carried on until the experts and scientists reaffirm that the new ecological system will be able to sustain in an uncontrolled condition. As a further step, the infrastructure will be developed to allow visitors to access the beach by foot from another side, leaving Maya Bay as a boatfree area. The ecological boardwalk will also be constructed to create awareness for tourists and to provide ecological knowledge to the community people. The new design strategy is expected to heal fifty percent of the damaged coral reef within five years (Maya Bay, n.d.).

The six month ban of tourists allowed natural processes to occur and the ecological system to be restored. The case References 1. Close the Maya Bay, see the reef coral effect - Black ear shark emerges. (2018, October 8). Thai Post. Retrieved from https:// www.thaipost.net/main/detail/19344 2. Department of National Parks, Wildlife and Plant Conservation. (2018). Retrieved from http://portal.dnp.go.th/ Content?contentId=6872 3. Good news: Reef sharks seen swimming in Maya Bay. (2018, October 17). Bangkok Post. Retrieved from https:// www.bangkokpost.com/business/tourism-and-transport/1559622/good-news-reef-sharks-seen-swimming-inmaya-bay 4. Maya bay. (n.d.) In Krabi information. Retrieved from http://www.tripdeedee.com/traveldata/krabi/krabi09.php 5. Maya bay. (n.d.) In Tourist Krabi. Retrieved from http:// www.tourkrabi.com 6. Maya Bay, (n.d.). In Maya Bay Restoration. Retrieved from https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B8%AD%E0%B9 %88%E0%B8%B2%E0%B8%A7%E0%B8%A1%E0 %B8%B2%E0%B8%AB%E0%B8%A2%E0%B8%B 2#cite_note-2 7. No access to Maya Bay from Front of Phi Phi After rehab, protection work kicks off in earnest in June. (2018, may 15).

The Nation. Retrieved from http://www.nationmultimedia. com/detail/national/30345486 8. Vidal, J. (1999, October 29). DiCaprio film-makers face storm over paradise lost. The Guardian. Retrieved from http:// www.ThaiStudents.com

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of Maya Bay can be used as an example to raise awareness of the balance between human and nature. It serves as a valuable resource in understanding the processes of nature and of sustainable ecosystem restoration.• 1. Maya Bay top view. Source: No author: Maya Download [Image]. (2018). Retrieved January 3, 2019, from: http://portal.dnp.go.th/ Content?contentId=6872.

2. Maya Bay, Overcrowded tourists. Source: Herlan, D. (2018). Up to 5000 tourists a day arrived at Maya Bay [Image]. Retrieved January 4, 2019, from: https://www. theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/03/thailandbay-made-famous-by-the-beach-closedindefinitely#img-1.

3. Maya Bay, Location Diagram. Source: Petersen, E. H. (2018). World news _ The Guardian [Image]. Retrieved January 4, 2019, from: https://www.theguardian. com/world/2018/oct/03/thailand-baymade-famous-by-the-beach-closedindefinitely#img-1.

4. Maya Bay, Volunteers are helping national park rangers with coral propagation.

Source: AP. (2018). str2_mh_travel_maya2_ mh_1 [Image]. Retrieved January 5, 2019, from: https://www.star2.com/travel/asiaoceania/2018/06/19/thailands-maya-baybegins-restoration/.

5. Various rehabilitation zones. Source: Thamrongnawasawat, T. (2018). Rehabilitation Zones [Image]. Retrieved January 4, 2019, from: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/ detail/national/30355994.

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Historyland The tourist colonization of Città Alta, old town of Bergamo. by

Stefano Agliati

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MSc Urbanism TU Delft

Città Alta, as most Italian historical centres, is a vestige from the past. As time passes, its shapes and spaces are crystallized into a nostalgic and untouchable display case.

As a consequence, Città Alta is becoming nothing but an empty representation of what cities, buildings and places used to be.

Città Alta is the old town of Bergamo, a city in the Milan metropolitan area in North Italy. Its particular character is given by the mountains and the hill on which it is situated, the last rampart before the flat plains. From this comes the name "Città Alta", meaning "high city", to distinguish it from the settlements below, or "Città Bassa". Like most of the Italian architectural heritage, Città Alta is the product of centuries of construction and re-construction of an urban settlement delimited by walls. In this case, the walls nearly cover the entirety of the hill, creating

suggestive views and panoramas (fig. 1). So suggestive, that in 2017 they became part of the list of UNESCO World Heritage sites (UNESCO, 2017). As for the city itself, its streets and buildings show an organic growth typical of pre-industrial settlements.

An intricate maze of stairs, alleys and streets cut through blocks of diverse and constantly retouched buildings. The result is a compact picturesque scenery, one that is very different from what we are used to in the more spread out contemporary cities.

However, this beauty is coupled with many problems, such as old and low-performing buildings, higher cost of maintenance and renovations, difficulty in mobility, etc.

Therefore, these centres reduce in their population size thereby causing many, if not most buildings to be left empty and these usually possess a low value on the market (Voci, 2017).

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It is evident that there is a need for actions in order to preserve this heritage. The undecided choice for Città Alta, as for many other historical centres in Italy, has been tourism. I say undecided because instead of an integrated development together with the surrounding modern city, historic centres are left at the mercy of outside forces. The requirements for them are simply too high to be met by the general population, so bigger players step in. In the case of Città Alta, several investors in the hospitality industry (hotels, hostels, Airbnb etc.), the neighbouring airport of Orio al Serio, low cost airlines, loose political decisions on this issue, and more importantly, the ten thousand visitors per day that come to Città Alta for one or twoday visits.

As a consequence, the population in Città Alta has decreased by 40% from

atlantis 1971 to 2017: 29% of the buildings are empty. Shops, grocery stores as well as professions such as plumbers, electricians have disappeared only to be replaced by restaurants, clothing shops and bars. After the UNESCO nomination, the number of luxury houses has been constantly increasing, as well as that of Airbnb listings and hotels. In 2016, it was estimated that 100 tourists visited Città Alta for every inhabitant of the place(fig. 4) (Gandini, 2017).

What was simply an old and in-need-ofmaintenance set of buildings, became a terrible place to live in. It is important to notice that this situation has been created by specific political decisions (or nondecisions). The colonization by external forces has been caused by infeasible restoration costs, summed up with scarce mobility and a lack of planning of neighbourhood functions. The only policy has been to preserve the image of the old town, without caring too much about what happens underneath the surface.

Tourism, therefore, acts as a colonizer.

It comes and spreads its necessities over an area without caring about local preexistence.

One infamous example of this whole history is the so-called Parking Fara, a nine storey underground parking silo constructed following the excavation of Città Alta's hill (fig. 1). The Parking Fara was a result of political decisions made in 2004 that were trying to improve the accessibility of Città Alta to its residents. Nearly 500

parking spaces were then designed for the local inhabitants. Notwithstanding the widespread disapproval regarding the project, its construction started in 2006 and suddenly stopped two years later because of a landslide caused by the excavations.

To stop it, the construction dumped 20 thousand cubic meters of polluted soil on what was before an important ecological park. Therefore, the project stopped and was brought for discussion again After six years without construction activities, the area seemed to get back to its natural character, even with all the polluted soil now present. However, in 2014, the mayor of Bergamo, instead of dropping the project for its uselessness and danger, decided to relaunch it with a new aim of dedicating it to visitors. What was before a bad project for the local residents, is now a bad project that benefits no one but the outsiders.

The mayor's decisions were backed by the removal of parking in some squares in the centre (fig. 3) and by the astonishing approval of UNESCO, provided that, the parking is underground and invisible.

What is the value of having the Città Alta walls protected by such a high-profile international institution if then we let them be excavated without even caring about the polluted soil that they rest on?

This example shows how the respect granted to the architectural heritage of Città Alta is purely superficial. Only the appearance of urban transformations

3

count. As long as it looks the same as before, everything is permitted even if the less visible elements like soil stability, the local biodiversity and social networks are endangered. The colonization of tourism is therefore left free to act. Also, political decisions that should be abandoned (such as the parking) are adjusted to accommodate as many visitors as possible, arguing that "there is no alternative" (Montanari, 2018).

There is a need of a new perspective and increased involvement regarding Città Alta and other historical centres. We need to be respectful towards our architectural heritage, but we also need to be critical about it. It is ok to preserve the aesthetic qualities, but in doing so, we must not overlook the urban, social and ecological aspects. We need to engage with it instead of protecting it. We need to keep it alive and full with happy residents, instead of letting it slowly die and lose inhabitants.

More importantly, we need clear political decisions that steer away from it, instead of non-decisions ruled by the inertia and unwillingness to challenge this worldwide phenomenon. •

References 1. UNESCO. Venetian Works of Defence. (2017). Retrieved on 15/04/2019 from: https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1533.

2. Gandini, N. (2017). Città alta in cifre. Retrieved on15/04/2019 from: https://www.bergamonews.it/wpcontent/uploads/2018/01/presentazione-13-dicem.pdf.

3. Montanari, T. (2018). Bergamo vale più di un parcheggio.

La “bellezza inutile delle città e sindaci come il renziano Gori”.

Retrieved on 15/04/2019 from: http://www.bergamopost. it/che-succede/1-anche-quotidiano-critica-gori-dice-no-allaturistificazione-citta-alta/.

4.Voci, M. C. (2017). Spopolamento dei centri storici. Retrieved of 15/04/2019 from: https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/ casa/2017-12-14/spopolamento-centri-storici-piu-colpitefrosinone-ragusa-e-lecco-151912.shtml?uuid=AElJDISD.

1. Città alta walls. Source: https://www. ilfattoquotidiano.it/2017/09/12/bergamoun-maxi-parcheggio-in-citta-alta-pessimobiglietto-da-visita-per-gori/3850219/.

2. Parking Fara excavation works. Source: http://www.bergamopost.it/che-succede/1anche-quotidiano-critica-gori-dice-no-allaturistificazione-citta-alta/.

3. Image: Parking in città alta squares.

Source: https://www.tripadvisor.it/ LocationPhotoDirectLink-g187830-d2542879i99694147-Cittadella_di_Bergamo-Bergamo_ Province_of_Bergamo_Lombardy.html.

4. Visitors overcrowding città alta old square.

Surce: https://www.ilgiorno.it/bergamo/ cronaca/pasqua-turismo-1.3822139.

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AGONISM vs SOCIAL INTEGRATION

by

Ninad Sanjay S. Sansare MSc Urbanism TU Delft

Rethinking social integration process in spatial planning by accepting the idea of ‘Agonism’ in contested cities

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Social integration is defined as a process in which minorities or immigrants are merged into the current social structure by the existing social communities. The idea of social integration is widely considered as a left-oriented idea in order to create a harmonious society. However, it lacks the human aspiration due to cultural/ethnic differences, between different communities.

Moreover, in current planning practices, it is brutally applied to the many European and American cities. To challenge this

atlantis idea of social integration, it is essential to understand the cultural and ethnic dynamics and what does it mean to the person or group. This article discusses the idea of ‘Agonism’ in planning practices as a replacement for the rudimentary social integration concept.

The identity of a particular thing is always in relation with the context around it. As argued by the Benhabib, “Culture is the context within which we need to situate the self, for it is only by virtue of the interpretations, orientations, and values provided by culture that we can formulate our identities, say ‘who we are’, and ‘where we are coming from’ (Benhabib, 2000: 18).” While planning in a conflict area dealing with the cultural identity of individual opponent groups is always a sensitive topic. Most of the time the conflict in these areas is based on the feeling that ‘someone’ is challenging their identity and, where ‘someone’ can be another group or governmen. Hence, it can cause a defensive lashing-out which Castells referred as a trench or resistance identity (Castells, 1997).

The cultural landscape of the city or region is not always a stationary as it develops and changes according to the time. However, the tradition and heritage remain the same fundamentally accepting or rejecting different values over the time. Hence, while planning and designing in this region, it is essential to consider the cultural landscape to avoid the resistance from the end user as Bollens (2002) mentioned that the planners should consider the coexistent ability of multicultural and multi-ethnic society.

Several scholars in urban planning suggest that planning and politics are becoming more complex, sectoral and appeasing practice (action in the response of power relations, interest and plural schemes of significance). This is making politics and planning into more versatile and contextual field than the planning practices in the last century (Ploger, 2004). It is forcing planners to work within a political regime of reason, interests, instructions, and opinion about the planning. When dealing with the cities with cultural/ethnic conflict the amount of political interference and influence on the planning is predominant.

Ploger, (2004) argued that the contemporary planning practices are missing an element called ‘strife’ 1. He further explained that the planners assume that they can solve the conflicts only through legal and political decisions between conflicting views and interests. Mouffe, (2000) mentioned these conflicts as agonistic strife, a difference between two parties and not enemies.

Hence public authorities and planners can handle the conflict in a different way. In the current planning practices where, political influence is oppressing the profession,

conflict, and disagreements are considered as an antagonism instead of agonism because considering that the antagonism is unsolvable it can be handled with the legal power. On the other hand, agonism is long time continuous communicative process sometimes without having a definite deadline (Ploger, 2004). Agonism can be defined as an ethos of the democracy respecting the differences amongst different interest groups through public engagement.

Hence planning process should address and consider the strife as a permanent condition in the conflict planning and building a common consensus with common solutions amongst the opponent parties.

The terms for strife are needed to be discussed at the front when dealing with the situation of cultural/ethnic conflict.

Integration of different ethnic, religious, linguistic groups is merely impossible considering that the fundamentals are deeply rooted in the communities creating the firm idea of the cultural identity of all individual communities. Redekop, (1967) referred the term integration as solidarity and explicitly mentioned that the social solidarity within the one religious group is present considering the interdependence and dependence of individual and compositional needs which strengthen the argument of that the one religious group possess a strong feeling of communal identity. Hence it is difficult to integrate multi-religious society which is extremely opposite and culturally diverse with a common workable solution.

Contemporary planning profession ignores the complexity of these cultural dynamics trying to solve the conflict by integrating them aggressively (putting them in one bucket). This results not only in a forceful attempt of integration but also instigate a conflict amongst the communities on a micro scale. However, a public engagement which aims at conflict maintenance instead of conflict resolution is an essential factor considering its potential to tap into social identities (McClymont, 2011). Identity can be supported by difference, to know what you are it is necessary to know what you are not (McClymont, 2011). And attempts to bring different parties together can lead to denying their differences, as Hillier explains: “negating the reality of agonism does not lead to the harmony and consensus of a fully constituted ‘we’, since agonisms, if not antagonism, is constitutive of social identity itself ” (Hillier, 2003; 51). Hence agonism in the planning processes focuses on the legitimization of differences rather than removal of them.

On the lines of agonism discussed, the recommendation of Bollens for the policymaking is an essential consideration for the planners who wanted to work in conflict planning, 35

‘The goal of policy should not be integration per se, but a “porous” society, where diversity can co-exist, and communities are free to interact if they choose.

(Bollens, 2002: 57).’

Which leads to the role of policymakers in the planning profession is more about accommodation, and not indeed assimilation. Policymakers should consider the different ethnic identities by not dismissing it but try to figure out the needs of each group. Considering the contested cities/regions like Belfast, Jerusalem, Sarajevo, Mostar, Kashmir, Baluchistan, Nicosia, Barcelona, where identity is the main reason behind the conflict over the year playing a crucial part in dividing communities, planning can play a significant role by adopting this emerging idea of ‘Agonism’ in order to assist the conflict resolution in these cities. • Notes 1. Violent or angary disagreement (Cambridge Dictionary) References 1. Benhabib, S. (2000). Democracy and Identity.

2. Bollens, S. (2002). Urban Planning and Intergroup Conflict: Confronting a Fractural Public Interest. APA Journal, 61(1).

3. Castells, M. (1997). The Power of Identity. Malden: MA: Blackwell.

4. Hayden, D. (1997). The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History. Cambridge: MA: MIT Press.

5. Hillier, J. (2003). ‘Agon’izing over Consensus: Why Habermasian ideals cannot be ‘real.’ Planning Theory, 2(1), 37–59.

6. McClymont, K. (2011). Revitalising the political: Development Control and Agonism in Planning Practice. Planning Theory, 10(3), 239–256. https://doi. org/10.1177/1473095211399398 7. Mouffe, C. (2000). The Democratic Paradox. London: Verso.

8. Ploger, J. (2004). Strief: Urban Planning and Agonism.

Planning Theory, 3(1), 71–92.

9. Redekop, C. (1967). Towards an Understanding of Religion and Social Solidarity. Sociological Analysis, 28(3), 149–161.

1. Image edited by by Author. Source: Students of Kashmir protesting against government (www.oxfordstudent. com/2016/09/08/conflict-in-kashmir) and Conflict situation in Kashmir (www.trtworld. com/opinion/no-the-kashmir-conflict-is-notexperiencing-an-ideological-shift-7444).

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An inner perspective on spatial planning and governance practices in Sarajevo

interview by

Ninad Sansare MSc Urbanism TU Delft

and

João Jacinto

MSc Bio-Engineering Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisbon

with

Dr. Armina Pilav

Postdoctoral researcher Chair of Methods and Analysis Faculty of Architecture and Built environment TU Delft

IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY

Being a socialist city during former Yugoslavia, Sarajevo - the capital city of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) - is one of the culturally and politically most significant city's in the Balkan since medieval era.

In the modern era, the city is in the limelight due to two major events: the Winter Olympics of 1984 and the war after the cold war from 1991 to 1995. From the Second World War the nationalist movements and demand for the separation from the multi-ethnic Yugoslavia started developing. After the death of Marshal Tito, the legitimate leader of the country the country falls apart as the nationalist forces in the different regions of the country started becoming enforced by the many internal and external political forces.

In 1990, Croatia and Slovenia declared independence, followed by BiH, but soon, this split converted in the most significant dispute in the Balkan area as Serbia also claimed the territory inside the BiH, which is majorly populated by the Serbs. This resulted in the War between Serbia and BiH and the city of Sarajevo became a battleground amongst these two forces, also known as the ‘Siege of Sarajevo.’

It is estimated that 13,952 people were killed during the Siege, including 5,434 civilians. The brutal war ended up on the 14th of December 1995 by the ‘Dayton Agreement’, which divided the entire 36

country of BiH into three parts (Federation of BiH, Republic of Srpska and Brcko District). Sarajevo is divided amongst the Federation of BiH and Republic of Srpska.

During the period of this conflict 6,200 Sarajevo Serbs were departed from the city due to a Bosnian-led bloody campaign against them (Bollens, 2008). This resulted in a Muslim (Bosnian) majority in the city, where a multi-ethnic Sarajevo today is firmly controlled by the Bosniak majority (Lamphere-Englund, 2015). The war makes a remarkable scar on the daily life and functioning of the city and has its impacts still going on. Nowadays, Sarajevo is moving towards peace, however, the planning and policy approach adopted by the government and professionals is a critical topic amongst the scholars in the conflict planning discourse. As I am working on a similar topic related to spatial planning and governance in conflict areas, I studied Sarajevo to understand how conflict and planning is related in these type of conflict cities. I recently had an opportunity to interview the prominent Architect and Urbanist Dr. Armina Pilav from Sarajevo. Armina is currently doing her post-doctorate in the Methods and Analysis section of the Architecture faculty of TU Delft. Over the years Armina gained a lot of experience and expertise in the field of spatial aspects of conflict.

atlantis In the most recent article you mentioned the urban context of Sarajevo, comparing it with mosaic, stating that Sarajevo is a collection of different cities. However, the country of Bosnia-Herzegovina is a country with several countries inside, so to say. What do you think are the challenges in Sarajevo, or in BosniaHerzegovina for that matter, in terms of governance, considering that there are several - especially political stakeholders involved in the process, due to the several cantons?

Well unfortunately, after the war in the territory that was known as Yugoslavia, and also during the war, what happened was that the government system was centralized and organized as a socialist republic or as a socialist state with several states within. After the war, there was a reorganization of the country into a more, so to say, democratic state that led to a change in the way the urban space, the creation of cities and the production of space, was seen. So, when I was writing the article (which happened in 2012) what I observed was that we are still claiming this mosaic environment, due to the different ethnicities, religions, and also the several

architectural periods and styles that we get from the Ottoman occupation and the Hungarian occupation. With this I can say that in a spatial term it is an interesting environment, but in a social term, if we talk about the relations between the different ethnicities, it is a challenging place, mainly because after the war people started to identify themselves not only with religion, but also with the spaces. It was noticeable that people started to pay more attention to how many churches or mosques were built rather than schools. So, the state, and this happened not only in Bosnia but in other countries as well, started to connect their political system and the governing system of the cities with religion. In my vision, this is problematic because, although the narrative that we are a multicultural country and we all live together is positive, if we look in the details and we look in the everyday life, I think this narrative will always exclude someone. There are non religious people, or even being religious people that are out of this process, and the big influence religion institutions exercise on the government and then to the population eventually leads to capitalism. We start to see real-estate influence as well on the production space, the everyday life as on the developing of the city image.

Continuing with the previous question: in a report by LamphereEnglund (2015) about rebuilding Sarajevo, it was mentioned that due to the investment money that comes from foreign countries, the current government is building enormous amounts of mosques in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Do you think that this situation is a failure of the governance system, particularly from the other political parties, or do you think that it is a matter related to the communities?

First, I want to point out that they are building not only mosques, but also churches in Sarajevo, particularly, we have got a lot of new mosques and churches.

There is an interesting fact about a neighborhood that has around 40,000 people and it is close to the airport. During the war it was separated from the city, with no religious places around there, but right after the war they built several mosques and churches. The neighborhood which used to be completely filled with cultural and community places, for example public libraries, green areas and community markets is now a hub for religious institutions.

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Coming back to your question, I think that most of the citizens accepted the new approach after the war, which is more focused on one religious identity and preferred to identify and integrate themselves into one community. However, there are certain people who are still part of every community and celebrate all the holidays. This multiculturalism was in the Bosnian society before the war. Altogether it is interesting to observe, but sometimes it can be used as a tool to radicalize or to emphasize the scars of war conflicts.

Religion was a private matter in Bosnian society but is becoming a public one which is a problem in current Bosnia. But you also have citizens who are interested in alternative approaches, alternative cultural programs and we can relate that to noncapitalist or anti-war activists, for example the feminist movement. There is a certain amount of people who are non-violently criticizing the state, trying to introduce other reference systems and another way of doing things. For me, these activities are an integral part of governance, because for me government is accountable and responsible towards citizens. To understand governance, you also must understand what is happening to and act accordingly. In Bosnia, a lot of citizens are opposing the government and criticizing it, but also a lot of people left the country because of this and don’t want to come back. This is similarly to what happened during war times when there were some internal migrations from state to state and after the war people wanted to stay with their ethnic group and not to go back.

Following on that, in the BosniaHerzegovina of today, do people identify themselves as Bosnians or are there several identities within the country?

No, the term Bosnian, as you put it, does not really exist. People are declaring themselves as Bosnian-Serbs, BosnianCroats or Bosniaks (a term to designate ethnic Bosnians), or, sometimes, they identify themselves with the city they are from. For example, I’m from Sarajevo and I identify as a Sarajevan and choose not to take part in other territorial or ethnic identities. But, like me there are other people that also don’t want to be identified by these designations, occasionally because they came from mixed marriages, or mixed religions.

How do you see this identity conflict, because when the territory was united as Yugoslavia there was only one identity, a state identity as Yugoslavian and now there are three different identities of three nations within one country?

Right now, the question of an identity is a bit mixed. I usually joke with my friends, because I don’t look at the state territory.

It is not something that is a part of me and the politics is not something I want to identify with. The issue nowadays with the Bosnian or territorial identity is due to the wars and migrations worldwide.

People are moving a lot and we have a lot of refugees in Bosnia that are looking for a better life in European countries. There are different routes of migration and the Balkan’s route stops in Bosnia. We also have the example of people from Africa that are stopped in Italy or Malta. I think that the war situations, starting from the Bosnian 38

case and still going on in terms of cultural conflict, are changing our own identities and nationhood. This is what is interesting to me and, I think, would also be interesting in the European context to see if people are open to this, because you cannot stop migration, you cannot stop people to look for a better life. So, the idea of having an identity of one country is becoming more European in Europe. I think it is time to rethink about state government, our identities, our citizenships and our boundaries. It is no longer based on your passport, because people are in fact moving around.

You identify yourself as a feminist and I was recently in Sarajevo where I had a conversation with a hostel manager. He said that nowadays there are more women wearing a hijab in Sarajevo than in the past years, as these women come from Saudi Arabia and Arabic countries.

But what I also observed were women in bikinis near the shopping-mall at the center. On paper, BosniaHerzegovina is defined as a Muslim country but being there it seems like any country in Europe. Is this true, and if yes, how can you explain this discrepancy?

Well that’s true, but Bosnia is not a Muslim country, although it is projected as a Muslim country in the world. There are muslim people living there and it became more radicalized during and after the war, due to the religion as an issue that I already mentioned. However, this happened for all religions, not only for muslims. Also christians and other minority religions.

Religion took over public life, political life and domestic life, and I think this is the biggest struggle for people who are not

atlantis

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interested in this concept. Religions also created a parallel governance, because in religious meetings they talk about politics and elections. Before the war that was not a case: religion and state were separated. I think religion today is becoming a more and more dangerous concept in Bosnia.

How is this situation then affecting the feminist movement? For example, because we see that when religion becomes radicalized, whether it is muslim, christian or any other, the first groups that are affected are women and minorities.

The feminist movement is still very active and there are members which are active and working for women rights within Muslim communities. If you think about radical feminist movements, there are several groups in Sarajevo and all over Bosnia, that are working not only in woman rights, but also for human rights. However, these groups are struggling with funding because there is no funding to organize projects and organization meetings. Currently we are organizing meetings in our own houses.

There are some institutions like museums that are also independent from the state and involved in small scale awareness projects. However, most of the time people are volunteering and giving their free time to sustain these institutions. Furthermore, in most situations the money gets invested in projects which carries state interests.

Logically, culture is always important and you never know what can come out of it, but there is no transparency to this. The government should pay more attention to these groups, not only feminists, but also LGBT, children and migrants. They are vulnerable, and they are many. But in Bosnia it is difficult to see how these minorities exist, because their voices are still not heard.

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In the same report I mentioned before, a critical comment was made about the reconstruction of Sarajevo, because after the war the focus was mainly on the individual buildings, leading to the loss of its main purpose of development related to urban imagery. How can you retune that imagery?

The city has been rebuilt with some degree of planning, but the lack of a common vision or any vision is responsible for current planning chaos. We also have a pollution problem: Sarajevo is one of the most polluted cities in the world and this is not addressed well in the planning system.

I think planning plays an important role, but the reconstruction of buildings was also necessary. In my opinion, they should work together in the reconstruction of war cities.

In the end, it comes down to the municipal power to decide, and then everything is based on real-estate development. This approach is responsible for the standard for living and livability in Sarajevo. Currently it is a money driven development.

Do you think it is also a failure from planners and/or architects?

Yes, our profession contributed a lot to this. Planners and Architects in Sarajevo are working and doing projects, neglecting ethics of our profession. We don’t know their hidden agenda behind it. Currently, the city is in the hands of a small group of people which wants to make money or has political interest. This was also due to corruption that existed in the government, because most of the planners and architects come from a political family and are responsible for the failure of the planning. •

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References 1. Bollens, S. (2008). Governing Polarized Cities. Retrieved from http://www.polisci.upenn.edu/ppec/sawyer/Speakers/ Speakers’ Publications/Bollens Governing Polarized Cities.pdf 2. Lamphere-Englund, G. (2015). Rebuilding Sarajevo.

Budapest. Retrieved from https://www.thealeppoproject.com/ wp-content/uploads/2015/10/Rebuilding-Sarajevo-Fullreport-HD.pdf

1. Image of central Sarajevo after 20 years of War. Source: Retrieved from www.independent. co.uk/travel/europe/sarajevo-20-years-afterthe-war-building-a-better-bosnia-10412899. html.

2. Picture during the 1992 Siege of Sarajevo. Source: Retrieved from www. npr.org/2012/04/05/150009152/twodecades-after-siege-sarajevo-still-a-citydivided?t=1554206327160.

3. Women asking questions to government on International Women’s day, 2015 in Sarajevo Source: Retrieved from https:// genderassignment.tumblr.com/ post/119541864400/an-interview-withsarajevo-feminist-vedrana.

4. A new Mosque under construction in Ilidza, Sarajevo. Source: Retrieved from http:// islamicartsmagazine.com/magazine/view/the_ construction_of_a_new_mosque_in_sarajevo/.

THE TWO CIVILISATIONS The ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape and the ‘materially-civilised’ landscape in People’s Square: ideology and evolution of their coexistence

1

by

Lok Yan Chu

MSc Landscape Archtecture TU Delft

CHU LOK YAN BA(LS) 4

In modern history of China, the urge for today. More ideologies of a ‘civilised’ and hunger to be recognised as a truly China has been added later on by different modern and civilised nation becomes a leaders, but they are all formed on the basis deeply rooted ideology in many forms of these two civilisations (now there are four of development, directly impacting its civilisations). In short, the ‘two civilisations’ built environment. Through studying the refer to the ‘spiritual civilisation’ (jingshen evolution of People’s Square in Shanghai, and C R U C Iwenming) AL_GEO G Rthe A P‘material H I C A Lcivilisation’ _ A D VA N TA G E this article aims to argue that: 1. there are (wuzhi wenming). What I find through two types of landscapes, driven by the two the evolution of People’s Square is that different embraced ‘civilised ideologies’ there are in fact two types of landscapes ‘spiritual civilisation’ and ‘material derivedOther from than these its twohistorically types of ‘civilisation’ symbolic role, civilisation’, and 2. how the evolution of ideologies.

In other words, they areas a importPeople’s Square significance People’s Square reflects the contradiction respectively constructed as displays for these ant area in Shanghai is also gained and balance between them through two types of ‘civilised’ imagery - what Located I call through its geological advantage. different periods of time. as the in ‘spiritually-civilised’ the central area oflandscape Shanghai.and The site the ‘materially-civilised’ landscape. was even more of a center than it is now 1. The ‘two civilisations’ and the two in the past before new districts like types of ‘civilised’ landscapes in - ‘Spiritually-civilised’ landscape Jiading or Fengxian were included to the People’s Square map of Shanghai. It is also a very Since Deng’s ‘spiritual civilisation’ implies significant status for People’s Square to The ‘two civilisations’ (liangge wenming) both cultural progress and ethical, or moral, be the standard reference point for is an official development direction progress, the ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape measurement of distance theofShanghai propounded by Deng during China’s early in People’s Square refers to any in kind municipality. reform era. It is an influential mindset, a landscape constructed with the intention core spirit of China’s development even to promote or demonstrate such qualitative

C I T Y _ C E N T E R CONTEXT MAP, SHANGHAI

40

underground complex known a landscape. atlantis

Both kinds of landscapes prod values and signiÞcance, the ide into account all hidden intentio landscape will mainly refer to la while ‘materially-civilised’ lands

2. The three stages and the thr 2

aspects of a city. These include the socialistlandscape, such as the early established spiritual civilisation’ (shehuizhuyi jingshen driven decision of returning the land to People’s Avenue, the underground metro wenming)). As proclaimed by Chen, 2 Dynon, Nicholas. ""Four aCivilizations" and the Evolution of Post-Mao Socialist Ideology."

The China the people, for example former colonist network, and later on theChinese fully equipped Shanghai Mayor of Journal, that time, ‘In the past, no. 60 (2008): turned 88. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20647989. racecourse into a public space underground complex known as the it was a playground for the adventurism, named People’s Square and People’s Park, ‘underground city’. now, we are to build a square for the People, 3 Dynon, ""Four Civilizations" and the Evolution of Post-Mao Chinese Socialist Ideology.", 88. equipped with social facilities such as a a playground for the general public’. Not library. This ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape It should be noted that both kinds of only is this a statement Page for local2 citizens, is also evidence of the phenomenon of landscapes produce ‘civilised images’ that it was also one for the world, a display of museums as cultural monuments and the can somehow be linked to economic values the ‘socialist-spiritual-civilisation’. As a spatial arrangement that creates and implies and significance. The identifications of the result, the first notable ‘spiritually-civilised’ openness and freedom. In this article, two landscapes can be hard to define if landscape in People’s Square was built - the the increased emphasis and expansion of we take into account all hidden intentions racecourse was converted into People’s green spaces surrounding People’s Square behind. Therefore, in this article, the Square (southern part) and People’s Park will also be considered as a ‘spiritually‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape will mainly (northern part) in 1951. The former Race civilised’ landscape. Even though ‘ecorefer to landscape related, spiritual and Club Building was converted into a public civilisation’ was introduced later in the new cultural aspects of civilisation, while the library and the former racecourse stand ‘four civilisation’ of the party in 2007, it ‘materially-civilised’ landscape will refer to became a public sports center. On the other is suggested by James Oswald, scholar at infrastructural power demonstration. hand, a ‘materially-civilised’ landscape had the Centre for Asian Studies, University also emerged: 2the third draft of the""Four GreatCivilizations Dynon, Nicholas. of Adelaide, that '“eco-civilisation” urges 2. The three stages and the three Shanghai Urban proposed in no. Planning 60 (2008): 88. http://www.jstor.org people to rethink humanity’s relationship conditions of co-existence.

1949 ‘called for a thorough restructuring 3 Dynon, ""Four with nature', and that ‘it is likely to be of social and economic organisations’.

Civilizations" and the E politically appealing to a Western audience’.

Although the terminologies ‘spiritual Functionality and efficiency was highly Therefore, these greening actions can still civilisation’ and ‘material civilisation’ emphasised as Shanghai is located at the be considered as China’s public display of were not officially coined until the reform Yangtze River Delta and plays an important her moral or spiritual progress, a qualitative era, the ideology itself had not been role in external transportation. Therefore civilised imagery. a new concept in Communist China. it was stated that ‘Traffic roads should Both landscapes remained as significant provide smooth passage for vehicles to - ‘Materially-civilised’ landscape components of Shanghai’s People’s drive quickly and safely’. It also ‘proposed Square throughout its evolution from the the reduction of man-powered vehicles For the ‘materially-civilised’ landscape, I establishment of the PRC till present time. and encouraged the development of public define it as a realm of landscape related The condition or relationship of these motor vehicles’. Two years later in 1951, to the technological or infrastructural two landscapes, however, varies from time together with People’s Park and People’s aspect of civilisation, which will then to time. Three major stages of People’s Square, People’s Avenue was built. This lead to greater advantage in economic Square’s development will be discussed is also where the contradiction of the development. Although ‘material as they have demonstrated three different two different landscapes is disclosed. The civilisation’, on the surface, refers to unique conditions - from contradiction avenue, meaning the ‘materially-civilised’ material prosperity (a communist way to semi-contradictory balance and, most landscape, appeared in a bold, direct and to gradually move towards a Capitalist recently, to an emerging coexisting balance. efficient form by cutting straight through economy), scholar Nicholas Dynon the original, continuous landscape, dividing concludes that, ‘to a large extent, material - Stage 1 Mao’s Era Contradiction: cut-off it (the playground of the people, the civilisation reflected the idea of “civilisation condition ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape) into two as progress” or of “catch-up” to the soseparate halves. This contracting condition called “Asian Tigers”’. Also, with Deng Formerly a racecourse from the concessional of the two ‘civilised’ landscapes is indeed himself putting emphasis on the nation’s period, which was once associated with a depiction of China’s industrial period, ‘productive force’ while explaining the imperialism, evil, and discrimination where physical progress, functionality and notion of ‘material civilisation’, it means towards the Chinese. Under public demand, efficiency were of utmost and immediate much more than materials for enjoyment. It the new Shanghai municipal government importance. is the tangible form of civilisation referring of the newly established PRC was in no to progress in materiality such as production doubt eager to reclaim this large piece of - Stage 2 The Reform Era semiand infrastructure. Therefore, I will land in the central district of Shanghai. contradictory balance: surface and refer to technological and infrastructural The decision of what the racecourse should underground elements found in People’s Square to be turned into is indeed a significant illustrate examples of a 'materially-civilised' ‘spiritually’ driven statement (the ‘socialist 41

SHANGHAI MUSEUM

SHANGHAI GRAND THEATRE FORMER

SHANGHAI CITY HALL

CLUB BUILDING

SHANGHAI PLANNING EXHIBITION CENTER

MOCA

SURFACE

INTERCHANGE HALL

DIMEI SHOPPING MALL

HONG KONG FAMOUS BRANDS STREET

UNDERGROUND Metro Interchange hall, shopping mall complex

UNDERGROUND Metro platfrom (line 8)

3

E X P L O D E D _ P L A N LAYERED PEOPLE’S SQUARE

UNDERGROUND Metro platform (line 1 and 2)

UNDERSTANDING THE LINE 1

People’s Square remained as a significant landscape for mass celebrations and for political, revolutionary rallies.

LINE 8 Especially during the Cultural Revolution, there were no major changes to its landscape until the Reform era. In 1990, a proposal for People’s Square’s renovation was raised. At that time, Shanghai has entered a brand new stage of rapid economic growth and urban development. People’s Square therefore was redesigned to carry out a new image for the New Shanghai. The renovation was completed in 1994 and five new iconic buildings, including the City Hall and several museums were added in the upcoming years.

CHU LOK YAN BA(LS) 4

Stage two of People’s Square indicated a renewed surface with massive greeneries, an addition of symbolic buildings and the expansion into a new dimension the underground. The surface layer is a ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape while the underground layer emerged as a ‘materially- civilised’ landscape. The massive greening is a decision made to respond to 21st century’s demand by ‘building an eco-city’ and emphasising on the harmony between men and nature. It is a demonstration of a modern and civilised way of thinking that is up-to-date with the rest of the world, in which greenery is very much a ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape. The Shanghai City Hall, completed in 1995, was the first building added to the site. The rest of the additions were all museums, functioning as major cultural monuments

for a newly cultivated Shanghai image. The first few buildings (the Shanghai Museum in 1996, Shanghai Grand Theatre in 1998 and Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center in 2000), attempt to create their own modern Chinese architectural styles with symbolic or physical mimicry of traditional Chinese elements and the later addition MoCA (the Shanghai Museum of Contemporary Art in 2005) standing as a new international and trendy icon.

Altogether, the new changes on the surface has ‘adequately highlighted the “cultivated taste” (wenhua pingwei) of the square with vastness and openness’. On the other hand, the underground network of People’s Square is a symbolic ‘materially-civilised’ landscape featuring the first underground complex of Shanghai. It began with metro line 1 in 1995, line 2 in 1999, renovated and expanded in 2005 with a new massive interchange hall, connecting Dimei Shopping Centre - the first underground shopping mall in Shanghai which was built in 1995 -, Hong Kong Famous Brands Street, the underground carpark and the new line 8 in 2007. This underground landscape is often used as an outward display of infrastructural civilisation. As introduced in TravelChinaGuide, it contains the ‘largest underground city transformer substation of Asia’ with extra high voltage and the ‘largest underground parking garage of Shanghai’. The construction of the first metro line (line 1) itself is also a significant ‘material civilisation’ progress as it signified the coming true of Shanghai’s 42

UNDERGROUND LINE 2

WORLD

‘metro dream’ after three decades of People Square in the 90sexperiments. has become a difficult technological layered landsacpe, with more and more The prototype of People’s Square’s differentiated functions emerging as ‘underground city’ was said totobe a underground layers, withalso capacity new important “name card” Shanghai’s keep adding further layers in theoffuture future urban landscape.

TheCurrently, relationship without distubing the surface. the lowest are infrastracture between the levels two landscapes in thisforstage transportational purposes, the metro becomes a separative, yet oddly, balancing line 1 and where 2, one level is thewhat newerthe condition theyhigher provide metro line 8. The upper level which is other lacks. Spatially, the two landscapes closest to the ground is a multifuncionl contradict withholds onemassive another, one exposed, complex that amount of one buried.

Theday. surface displaysmalls, vastness users every Shopping and openness underground shopping street,while a largethe interchanging hall is and with a new underground ‘1930’ filled extreme busyness andstyle confusingly street which is included part of the crowded networks.

Theasunderground Urban Planningproviding Exhibition Center. infrastructure economic activities, efficiency and everyday functionality to the vast, open and green square with large scale national-level icons on the surface.

This strange combination of the two has generated the capacity and effectiveness of People’s Square as a whole, resulting in the condition of a semi-contradictory balance between the ‘culturally-civilised’ and the ‘materially-civilised’ in the reform era of Shanghai.

- Stage 3 2013 onwards emerging coexistence: blending Having gone through the 2010 Shanghai Expo, a more matured Shanghai has started an emerging attempt to ‘blend-in’ the two landscapes. Stage three is marked by the launching of Shanghai’s first underground cultural campaign - the ‘Culture Into Metro’, which is an official project of the

atlantis

SURFACE

Corner of People’s Square

C O N T R A S T I N G S PAT I A L _ E X P E R I E N C E FIGURE-GROUND OF SURFACE AND UNDERGROUND

The spatial expereince of People’s Square changes drastically from one layer to another. These simple figure ground diagrams show the emphasis of vastness on the surface of People’s Square while the spatial arrangement in underground looks for maximum usage of space narrow pathway packed with as much small shops it can hold. The underground People’s Square demonstrates efficient use of space but has at the same time created a confusing and suffocating underground landscape experience.

4

UNDERGROUND

CHU LOK YAN BA(LS) 4

Shanghai Metro originated from 2013 with People’s Square Station as the first and main starting point. The metro Music Corner holds regular hour-long cultural performances of professional level every weekend. Exhibition corridor is also a new cultural feature implemented inside People’s Square Station. It is described as a new ‘diplomatic platform’ with foreign countries as the campaign has already been cooperating with Mexico for several times (e.g. a joint metro photography exhibition of Shanghai and Mexico and a music festival in 2016). With the purpose of turning the underground space into the city’s significant display window of culture, the establishment of People’s Square underground's cultural renovation is bringing in a ’spiritually-civilised’ landscape to the originally ‘materially-civilised’ landscape. Meanwhile on the surface of People’s Square, it was announced in 2015 that a new elevated railway system will be introduced to Shanghai: a futuristic transparent sky train with carriages hanging below the track, connecting Ji’an to People’s Square. According to the Shanghaiist, China has become the third country to master this technology, behind Germany and Japan. It seems that a new ‘materiallycivilised’ landscape is about to appear on, or above, the ‘spiritually-civilised’ landscape of People’s Square. The new iconic infrastructure would be so visible that the current visual impression of People’s Square will no longer be the same. This signifies a new emerging condition: the coexistence of the two landscapes, with each of them attempting to display much more than just a partial image of civilisation.

Dimei Shopping mall HK Famous Brands Street

5

Conclusion On an ideological level, the two types of G R E E N I N G civilisation propounded

by Deng exist From G E E N toI N2002 G R 2000 together as one single framework.

They PROJECTS OF DISTRICT LEVEL GREENERY DEVELOPMENT 2002 to 2000 From are of equal importance in achieving a DEVELOPMENT OF DISTRICT LEVEL GREENERY PROJECTS truly civilised China. However, when it comes to actual physical implementation in a landscape, the ideologies are always fragmented, resulting in different levels CHU LOK YAN BA(LS) 4 of contradiction or irony. The recent CHU LOK YAN BA(LS) 4 ‘blending’ attempts are an interesting phenomenon where landscapes have started to transform, from being carrier of one specific civilised image to an attempt to create a complete and thorough civilised domain. Yet, with more and more landscapes trying to evolve in similar ways in the future, will it result in a loss of uniqueness and situation of blurred roles between different landscape domains? Or will it simply be embraced as a wholesome progress, a possible unity of ‘spiritual civilisation’ and ‘material civilisation’ in each and every landscape decision? • References 1. F, James P., Oswald. "What Does Eco-civilisation Mean?"

The China Story. September 4, 2014. Accessed December 17, 2016. https://www.thechinastory.org/2014/09/what-doeseco-civilisation-mean/.

2. Dynon, Nicholas. ""Four Civilizations" and the Evolution of Post-Mao Chinese Socialist Ideology." The China Journal, no.

60 (2008): http://www.jstor.org/stable/20647989.

3. "Adventurism - Chinese translation – Linguee." Linguee. com. Accessed December 18, 2016. http://www.linguee.com/ english-chinese/translation/adventurism.html.

4. ’从商业性"跑马厅"走向公益性城市广场 人民广 场"转型"五十年.‘ Shanghai. September 21, 2004. Accessed December 16, 2016. http://www.shanghai.gov.cn/nw2/ nw2314/nw2315/nw4411/u21aw93253.html.

5. "Urban Planning of Shanghai Since 1844." Shanghai

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Urban Planning. Encyclopedia.com. (December 16, 2016). http:// www.encyclopedia.com/international/internationalmagazines/urban-planning-shanghai-1844 As mentioned in the essay, massive greening is a decision made to ‘respond to 21st 小雨， 木. “人民廣場. ” In 萬國建築展覽。 成都 massive in thebyessay, As mentioned eco-city’ a greening ‘building demand’ century’s to 21st ‘respond between decision made is a emphasising ‘harmony on to and 市：右灰文化傳播有限公司, 2012. eco-city’ ‘building by large demand’ century’s scalea greening Such and nature’. men between ‘harmony on emphasising and ’玩转周边购物广场：迪美购物中心和香港名店街.‘ took place on People’s Square in 1994 as a greening Such nature’. men andpoint. was greening the scale on,large Later starting Sina . March 2014.

Accessed 19, 2016. http:// as a in 1994December People’s on12, placeoutward took surrounding other to Square spreaded was greening the on, Later point. starting The neighbourhoods. areas and some other travel.sina.com.cn/china/2014-03-12/1539252621_2. surrounding to other outward spreaded of rapid evolution show the drawings two other and some areas shtml.

2000 - 2004. The fromneighbourhoods. fabric district’s the two drawings show the rapid evolution of 6. "Shanghai People's Shanghai People's Square, 2000 - 2004. fromSquare." the district’s fabric Renmin Square. Accessed December 18, 2016. https:// www. travelchinaguide.com/attraction/shanghai/peoples-square.htm.

7. "光辉的历程——写在上海轨道交通400公里网 络建成之际.” 上海地鐵 ." Shanghai Metro. Accessed December 19, 2016. http://www.shmetro.com/node52/node76/ node129/201005/con103927.htm.

8. 李欣欣，陈抒怡 and 孙婧文. ‘人民广场地下 最有"花头" 成为申城最大"地下城".’ 新聞晨報, August 3, 2006. Accessed December 15, 2016. http://xwcb. eastday.com/eastday/node13/node126/node13219/userobject1ai157191.html.

9. "地铁音乐角荣获2014年上海市公共文化建设创 新项目奖.” 新聞中心." . April 17, 2015. Accessed December 19, 2016. http:// www.shmetro.com/node49/201504/ con114042.htm.

Alex, Linder. "China's first sky train rolls off assembly line, will go into operation next year." Shanghaiist. September 12, 2016. Accessed December 19, 2016. http://shanghaiist. com/2016/09/12/sky_train.php.

1. City center context map, Shanghai Crucial Geographical advantage Source: Author.

2. The three stages and the three conditions of co-existence. Source: Author.

3. Exploded plan, layered people's square understanding the underground world Source: Author.

4. The contrasting spatial experience, Figure ground of surface and underground.

Source: Author.

5. Greening from 2000 to 2002 Development of District level greenery projects. Source: Author.

1

1

Survival in the

Anthropocene Human activity and its consequences on biodiversity by

Kavya Kalyan MSc Urbanism TU Delft

and Tapasya Mukkamala

MSc Landscape Architecture TU Delft

Humans migrated from one land to another with the intention of settling temporarily or permanently due to factors like climate change and landscape, or in search of new resources and food supply. These movements were often long distances mostly from one region or country to another and resulted in exchange of not just cultures, technology, resources and food but also were the source of direct or indirect exchange of other living species.

These human interventions in these new lands often resulted in the creation of new environments which become a challenge for them to adapt to. This process of adaptation may initially start with an attempt to survive in these new environments and gradually lead to genetic modifications that would help the future generations immune to these conditions.

44

How do they end up in these new territories?

Colonisation Colonisation or colonialism was present ever since civilizations formed dating back to the Hittites and the Incas who were the first known people to be involved in colonialism. However, the term became more popular or associated with the Europeans advent overseas in search of new lands and resources. European colonisation began is in the fifteenth century with the Spanish and the Portuguese explorations to the America, Africa, Middle east, India an Asia.

The Columbian Effect: One of the most popular theories related to this is called the “Columbian effect�, named after the

atlantis famous voyager Christopher Columbus.

This term was first used by the American historian Alfred W. Crosby in his book, The Columbian exchange in 1972. It was rapidly adopted by others and thus became widely known. The theory talks about the exchange of the above between the Americas, West Africa and the “old world” in the 15th and 16th century. This advent of finding new lands lead to the widespread exchange of resources, culture, people, diseases, ideas, technology and one of the by-product of this theory is the exchange of invasive plant species.

The story of how European colonists inflicted a “gigantic unplanned ecological experiment” on North America has been similarly overlooked. “One of the great underappreciated truths about history is that the great majority of what happens is not the result of intentional action,” McNeill.

Urbanisation Another way in which certain species fall within new territories is through the process of urbanisation. Most cities are born out of settlements that spread on fertile lands, rich in biodiversity. Over time, the biodiversity that was initially found in these untouched landscapes, were replaced by new species that were attracted by large urban areas. While skyscrapers in concrete jungles replace natural green cover as habitats for birds, even the smallest crevices in street corners are home to a variety of species. While this colonisation of nature

forces some species out, it creates diverse environments and microhabitats that others thrive in, especially certain synanthropic species that benefit from human association.

In this way, biodiversity in cities has started to become similar to each other because of these cities being hosts to very similar microhabitats, but largely differ from that of the countryside (Schilthuizen, 2018).

How do they survive in new territories?

Human movements and settlements have a significant impact on the sustenance of certain species, which then find ways to survive in these new artificial environments.

This is elaborated on in the following paragraphs, through cases from different time periods around the world.

The Return of Earthworms to the America The “Columbian effect” introduced potatoes, tobacco, maize, corn rubber from the Americas to the Old world and rice, wheat, horses, pigs and other range of species to the Americas . But there is one great introduction by the Europeans to the Americas that is still being felt today that has changed the entire ecosystem of America. This unintentionally introduced species is the humble earthworm.

The earthworms were wiped out of North America since the Ice-Age and then were introduced back following Christopher Columbus’ voyage. This intervention

2

caused radical changes in the landscape.

On a positive note, the earthworms aerated soils, made it easier for plants especially productive crops to grow making the land more arable and they also became a new source of food for other living species like the birds which fed on them. But on the other hand, they led to the acceleration of erosion and nutrient exchange. Earthworms eat fallen foliage which was the main source of nutrients to many plants, with the absence of the fallen foliage water washes away the nutrients from the soil or the nutrients that was stored in the foliage there by making the forest more open and dry.

In short, the forests with earthworms are different from the forest without them, The re-introduction of earthworms into the landscapes of the America changed the continent and its ecosystems both for good and bad.

The Invasive species of India Lantana Most of the crops, vegetables, fruits, fibres and animals we use or tend to have usually are exotic and not native to that particular region. This exchange or spreading of species is because of the continuous movement of people across regions and lands and sometimes it is also because of migration of species intentionally or inadvertently. This introduction of new species and its relative change to adapt to the new environments can sometimes become problematic causing damage to ecology and economy. These “invasive

2 45

3

species� are rapidly growing problems that threaten the biodiversity and ecosystem processes with direct and indirect impact on humans. These suppress the native biodiversity, cause local extinctions and alter wildlife habitats. They affect livelihoods directly by suppressing species that people depend on by encroaching agricultural and grazing lands.

land and plantation lands. In plots dense with lantana cover often fall prey to vicious forest fires thereby destroying a lot of native species.Initially when introduced lantana shrubs were 1m tall but now they stand around 2.5m high with thick branches that are too dense to be burnt, therefore it gets very difficult to eradicate them completely out of the land.

Lantana, a prickly shrub with tiny, colourful flowers was introduced in Calcutta Botanical Gardens in 1809 for ornamental purposes in the gardens has spread extensively over the past years as the most popular invasive species. It has successfully started to take over land all the way from the sub tropical areas down south to the degraded parts in the lower reaches of the Himalayas. This spread of lantana was quick and unchecked that it soon started popping up in forests, barren lands and even arable land. There are two sides of this massive invasion of an “alien� species.

Now due to this indestructible nature of the plant species, farmers and other people affected by this plague are finding ways to generate alternate income by using the parts especially the branches and barks of well grown lantana. They make sustainable furniture and other related products and sell them.

In the Himalayan lower reaches lantana ensured at least a bit of green cover thereby creating good habitats for birds and insects. Otherwise it is popularly known for its destructive nature where it colonised nearly 80% of the forest plots within 11 years at the cost of the native species and direct impact on the local economy and livelihoods of humans by occupying arable

Adapting to Urban Environments While there are cases like the Lantana, that have spread over large areas, some of the species that grow in cities like the Dandelion, which normally drifts in the wind for some distance before it germinates, has started to develop seeds that have a better chance of falling within the same small piece of land that the weed grew in and this happens because of the fragmented nature of fertile land within cities.

Similarly, many organisms adapt to urban environments through rapid evolution. An 46

example of this would be the American cliff swallow, which forage on roads for seeds, and have now started to develop shorter wings that allow them to take off faster on encounters with speeding cars. Crested anoles, a lizard species found in Puerto Rico, have evolved to climb smooth surfaces like glass and concrete. They now have bigger toe pads and more scales covering them, that provide a stronger grip.

In addition to just being able to survive in urban environments, some animals are now also able to tolerate higher temperatures. In the Netherlands and other parts of Europe, snails have adapted to environmental changes by changing the colours of their shell from brown to yellow in urban areas.

This could be because they absorb less heat compared to the dark-shelled snails, thus keeping their temperature cooler in cities.

The blackbird is an example of a species that has adapted to the city environment in many ways. There is a stark difference in the pattern of migration between the urban dwellers and their forest counterparts in that the urban birds prefer to stay in cities for warmth and access to food.

Urban environments affect plants and animals in many ways. Air pollution causes stress resistance; parks and gardens offer habitats and facilitate gene flow; human transport also facilitates gene flow through

atlantis dispersion; night-time illumination affects behaviour; higher temperatures in the city may increase heat tolerance in urban dwellers; food waste changes the diets of animals, causing changes in metabolism to accommodate the new diet; and physical infrastructure could also fragment habitats by creating gene flow barriers.

Despite attempts made by humans to control the number of ‘unwanted’ animals and insects in our living environments, these areas only become more conducive to these species, which often carry diseases.

The Culex molestus, or London Underground mosquito as it is commonly called, has made its home in the underground railway system and differs greatly from the ones that live above ground. These variants were responsible for assaulting people taking shelter within the Underground during the Blitz. They are found in the subway systems in many cities and are said to be potential vectors for several diseases. In London, these mosquitoes are also line-specific and do not mix with those of another line, as each subway line is a separate environment, which is telling of the degree of diversity within urban areas.

Conclusion From the cases mentioned above it can be concluded that the effect that human activity has on other species is significant, be it deliberate or consequential in nature.

These species react by adapting through evolution wherein they are able to sustain themselves in new environments. Their evolution will in turn have positive and negative impacts on their surroundings, directly or indirectly affecting humans.

This calls for a change in approach as this is often left unconsidered in the pursuit of creating human-centred habitats. While urban activity fosters selective evolution tailored to suit these environments, it constantly dampens the ability of the native varieties to thrive in a world where the human footprint is ever-increasing. To what extent then, do we need to regulate human movement and occupation in order to retain the nativity of species in the area? • References 1. Schilthuizen, M. (2018). Darwin comes to town.

Quercus.

2. Animals are adapting to cities faster than humans are, evolutionary biologist says. (2018). Retrieved from https:// www.abc.net.au/news/2018-12-08/the-evolution-of-

animals-adapting-to-cities/10589824 3. Sutori. Retrieved from https://www.sutori.com/story/ animals-and-the-columbian-exchange--FopHTPeyKG8MkNYNYowaMSqc 4. 10 animals that are rapidly adapting to survive in cities and new climates. (2018). Retrieved from https://www. businessinsider.nl/animals-adapting-to-urbanizationclimate-change-2018-12/?international=true&r=US 5. Bloomberg - Are you a robot?. (2017). Retrieved from https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2017-10-09/how-earthworms-discovered-america 6. Colonial rule in forests. (2016). Retrieved from https:// www.thehindubusinessline.com/blink/know/colonial-rulein-forests/article8764997.ece 7. Urban Evolution: How Organisms Adapt to Human Cities. (2018). Retrieved from https://interestingengineering. com/urban-evolution-how-natural-life-adapts-to-humancities 8. India Knows Its Invasive Species Problem But This Is Why Nobody Can Deal With it Properly. (2016). Retrieved from https://thewire.in/environment/invasive-speciesprosopis-lantana 9. Cities Can Serve as Cauldrons of Evolution. (2019).

Retrieved from https://www.the-scientist.com/features/ cities-can-serve-as-cauldrons-of-evolution-65211 10. How the lowly earthworm changed the face of America forever after stow. (2013). Retrieved from https://www. dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2428511/How-lowlyearthworm-changed-face-America-forever-brought-earlyEuropean-colonists-chickens-malaria-common-cold.html 11. Grolle, J. (2013). The 'Columbian Exchange': How Discovering the Americas Transformed the World - SPIEGEL ONLINE - International. Retrieved from https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/a-923220. html

1. Christopher Columbus. Source: Deseret News. Retrieved from https://www. deseretnews.com/top/1930/0/In-1492-25facts-about-Christopher-Columbus-andhis-disputed-holiday.html 2 December 2017, Retrived from http://www.curriculummagazine.com/auroville-carries-on-to-savethe-world/.

2. Lantana Invasion in Uganda. Source: JRS Biodiversity foundation. Retrieved from http://jrsbiodiversity.org/grants/cabinternational-2018/.

3. Pigeons in New York City. Source: Cem Ozdel (Photographer). Retrieved from https:// www.geek.com/science/why-are-pigeons-sogood-at-surviving-in-cities-1772389/.

4. London Underground during the Blitz. Source: Anthony Potter Collection.

September 1940. Retrieved from https://www. stufftoblowyourmind.com/podcasts/londonunderground-mosquito.htm.

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Showcase MSc Urbanism & MSc Landscape Architectute

Project showcase TU Delft MSc Urbanism Designing Urban Environments MSc Landscape Architecture Dutch Waterscapes: Design of a Leisure Landscape This issue of Atlantis Magazine presents a selection of projects from the 2nd quarter of the 1st semester of the two Master's Programmes of the Department of Urbanism.

In both cases, this part of the education underwent at TUDelft focuses on the material projects of these two disciplines.

In the case of the Urbanism track this is translated into the conflation of engineering and urban design for sustainable urban spaces and communities.

In the case of the Landscape Architecture track, the emphasis lies in operations relating urban systems and architectonic forms with hydrological, soil- and ecologyprinciples primarily from the perspective of water management and leisure programmes.

48

TU Delft 2019

Urbanism Q2. Designing Urban Environments

Landscape Architecture Q2. Dutch Waterscapes: designing leisure landscapes

1

2

4

49

3

The Buffer Line Due to the thick barrier from the A380 highway, the high dependency on external facilities, and the lack of public transport connection, Tanthof is seen to be experiencing decay. The population of the neighborhood is decreasing, the local supermarket areas are becoming inactive, and the concept of woonerf is fading out in a way that the place starts to lose its hierarchy.

However, the increased housing demand within the region has given Tanthof a chance to rejuvenate. The strategy begins

with linking Delft and Tanthof. The idea is to invite people to live there, therefore the experience when entering the neighborhood must be prioritized. Hence, this project focuses on the station area where many temporary warehouses and bulky buildings further disintegrated the neighborhood. It is also located near the A380 barrier that currently alienates Tanthof. The next step is to blur the separation by turning this area as a buffer zone which will be achieved through several buffer strategies below:

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MSc1 - Studio projects Q2 - Designing Urban Environments Msc Urbanism - TU Delft 2019

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Prinka Anandawardhani MSc Urbanism TU Delft

atlantis Entrance Point

Ecology Buffer

Hierarchy Buffer

As visitors and residents reach Tanthof from the Delft-Zuid station, they would be provided by two distinctive corridor. One which would lead them to the developed mixed-use area, and the other to the green corridor which connects all the existing neighborhood. This allow people to have a sense of place and direction as they arrive; unlike the previously detached station.

These two axis however, are connected by the means of landscape and water body.

This gathering place is formed by a creative hub which terraces down towards the landscape to create an amphitheatre. The park here also meets the revived green corridor of Tanthof. This space is chosen to encourage the interaction of human and biodiversity as it is located in the middle of the two axis. It also aims to connect various Tanthof community across different age and profession with the programmes

To introduce a friendly urban area to the neighborhood of Tanthof, it is wise to not have a road that could lead to busy car routes. Hence, street profiles is a necessary statement to define the transition smoothly. There is also a need to change the previously discontinued pedestrian path around the buildings. This was achieved through having a one-way road on the development area which would allow bigger pedestrian routes with adequate green plots.

Building Typology Buffer

Social Buffer

Height Buffer

One of the strategy to enliven this area is to bring students in. With close location to TU Delft, the new student accommodation aims to have a fresh and bright environment for the youth outside their hectic study hours.

This is achieved through the architecture by playing with the depth and orientation of the space. This housing complex adapts and renew the existing typology of Tanthof neighborhood by integrating brick and wooden materials to the facade. Social spaces for the community are also provided through the courtyard and commercial plinths on the ground floor.

Aside from the creative hub building; daily-necessity shops like the grocery stores, restaurants, cafes, student printing shops, clothing stores and even house-ware shops are public spaces which would host ample social interactions. With the newly refurbished spacious pedestrian route on Tanthofdreef, these commercial functions would be served well on the plinth level.

The existing building on Tanthofdreef street are also encouraged to open up the ground level.

Finally, the buffer region should be able to bridge the distinction between the neighborhood of Tanthof and the apartments of Voorhof. On this case, it is the building height. Hence, the new development area should aim to have a middle ground building height when viewed from the perspective of the existing residents.

The Buffer Line Tanthof will have to adapt to the developments along the commuter-line in order to survive. It seems that sticking to the Woonerf ideology would not help stopping the decay. The Buffer Line will provide more social opportunities for the residents of Tanthof yet they could still experience the rurality through the revived green corridors. •

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1. Site Plan. Source: Author.

2. Series of drawings representing the strategies for the buffer zone. Source: Author.

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Made in

Tanthof

MSc1 - Studio projects Q2 - Designing Urban Environments Msc Urbanism - TU Delft 2019

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Raul Alejandro Martinez Medina MSc Urbanism TU Delft

Made in Tanthof is a proposal in response to an upcoming crisis, yet uncertain but with the capacity to put humankind in danger; a food shortage era.

Made in Tanthof is a proposal in response to an upcoming crisis, yet uncertain but with the capacity to put humankind in danger; a food shortage era.

Analyzing the case study of Tanthof, densification may seem the most important issue pendant to be solved at the moment, but as an urbanism professional looking for other possibilities, future scenarios and different outcomes are subject of further study.

Focusing on a site with dimensions of 500m x 500m capable of triggering a new model for the future is the challenge.

Tanthof has a central area, a park underused because of its inaccessibility and lack of definition. This area has the potential to host a new experiment of productive landscapes that allows the locals to grow, take care and produce their own food with possibilities of selling and exporting products to the rest of the city.

The aim of the project changes and complements not only focusing on

densification, but rather in four different subjects that are urgent in different timespans; densification, public space, social integration and adaptation, the later focuses on climate, food and health.

Made in Tanthof will become an icon worthy of recognition not only for hosting more people but for contributing an alternative solution for the apparently unavoidable.

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Towards Productive Landscapes The population is rapidly growing, with it an increasing demand for resources.

Landscapes must fulfil an increasing number of functions to satisfy a broader range of stakeholders holding divergent interests. In many cases, this leads to conflict and unsustainable land use. Large areas of land lie idle, or fulfil only a fraction of their potential functions, while outsiders grab productive lands to convert them into monofunctional landscapes.

In the face of increasing and competing claims to the land and the exhaustion of natural resources, planners, scientists and policymakers have come to realize the limitations of sectorial approaches.

Integrated, landscape-level considerations 52

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atlantis have begun to supersede those restricted to specific components such as water, forestry, agricultural or development policies and programmes. Numerous international initiatives and organizations embrace the landscape approach in pursuit of productive landscapes that provide a wide range of products and ecosystem services and fulfill the social, economic and environmental requirements of present and future generations at the local, national and global level. Ambitious plans that apply the landscape approach include the restoration of 150 million hectares of degraded lands by 2020 (the Bonn Challenge). etfrn, Issue No. 56, November 2014 Concept: Living + Production strategy The project takes the heart of Tanthof as a study case where different landscapes coexist and work together to defined a new identity for a neighbourhood in need for refreshment. Four different landscapes emerge in a time frame of 30 years, a project divided by phases of development, re-defining the center of Tanthof.

1. Built landscape / Densification The project proposes a definition of the buildings that are closest to the center, giving them continuity defining a boundary between the urban tissue and the public heart of the neighbourhood.

2. Public landscape and infrastructure/ The Open Park The project aims to enhance the relationship between people and natural landscape through the activation of the Abtswoude route and the Abtswoundse Park considering both the main natural heritage of the area 3. Social integration landscape / Facilities The aim of this interventions is to bring east and west together enhancing the heart of the neighbourhood with a renewed common ground.

4. Production landscape / Land and food Greenhouses, cultivation fields, Energy production systems, climate adaptation strategies are all part of the production landscape which will be the BOOM factor for Tanthof. • 1. Masterplan Axonometric. Source: Author.

2. Flow circulation map. Source: Author.

3. Ground floor map. Source: Author.

4. Nature takes over. Source: Author 5. 100m x 100m Interventions. Source: Author.

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Landscape Gate Towards a new cycle of Tanthof

MSc1 - Studio Projects Q2 - Designing Urban Environments MSc Urbanism - TU Delft 2019

by

Isabel Recubenis Sanchis MSc Urbanism TU Delft

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The approach to the concept of urban regeneration refers to a proactive reaction to what seems to be a declining neighborhood. It reverses a process of decline by proposing an integrated vision that brings out to the light a dormant potential. By the densification of strategic backbones and nodes, we are creating a new cycle of life.

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The name of a new cycle of life referres to an inspired vision that aims to help heal and create new positive sustainable organisms.

It is a poetic analogy that translates our hope to regenerate a new life in Tanthof, by creating catalytic and strategic changes (called the backbones) into the existing urban fabric.

This vision for Tanthof is focused on the backbones as structural elements that will improve the regeneration of the

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atlantis Constructed wetland to store and clean water

neighborhood. These backbones are: Kruithuisweg and the Diagonal.

The south east extreme of the diagonal will be discussed in this article under the landscape gate because it is the area that marks the ending of the diagonal and the beginning of the southscape. The improvement of these node will play a role in the success of the whole vision.

Its design is defined by: - the change of scale, - the rediscovery of its underlying nature, - the continuity of landscape/culture.

The change of scale is due to the unique character and position of this landscape: Having the potential of becoming the biggest shared open space between Rotterdam, Schiedam and Delft -north and south of the green area-, and the Greenhouses in the east and west.

Being the biggest green pocket surrounding Delft.

Continuous path from the Zuid Station to the Southscape

The gate is the area where the scale of the city (with the tram), the scale of the neighbourhood (with the diagonal) and the landscape, meet.

The change of scale is due to the unique character and position of this landscape: The rediscovery of its character/nature is based on the current water system: A circular water system that goes through the neighbourhood.

This current system leaves some water bodies out of the circuit, with the risk of becoming stagnant water.

The designed diagonal is NOT a continuous and homogenous landscape but a succession of water events and changing environment.

The potential of this area to become a place of such magnitude is contrasted by the current urban environment, where: - blind walls and fences - thick vegetation barriers -visual and physical disconnection to the landscape Giving the shape and form to the low quality of the scene, making such potential invisible.

Meeting square that receives people coming from Delft and the rest of the neighbourhood

DISTRIBUTION OF FLOWS: car: guest tram: puntual appearance bike: continuous/defined flow pedestrian: continuous/ free flow

AMAZING VIEW!!!

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In order to provide this area with the new magintude,we should create a new architectural typology of 4-6 stories, which faรงades will take part into the activity of the re-newed central area. And also the transformation of the central space into an open space of 140 x 160 m that will receive the flows from the city and the neighbourhood and will anticipate the landscape ahead.

The central square will be characterised by the presence of a functional, visible and changing water landscape, a meeting square and a set of walkways that will run through the diagonal to the landscape. โ ข 55

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1. Map that explains that the rediscovery of the character/nature is based on the current water system: A circular water system that goes through the neighbourhood. Source: Author.

2. Plan View of the Landscape gate. Source: Author.

3. Steps towards the proposal. Source: Author.

4. Design sections. Source: Author.

Maashaven

MSc2 - Studio projects Q2 - Designing Urban Environments Msc Landscape Architecture - TU Delft 2019

park

Over the past decades, the harbor industry of Rotterdam moved towards the west.

What’s left are the abandoned harbor pockets along the river Nieuwe Maas. One of these pockets is the Maashaven, one of the largest with a size similar to the Vondelpark in Amsterdam.

The surrounding districts are developing very quickly into new residential areas as the industry moves away. High rise buildings colonized the ‘Kop van Zuid’ and Katendrecht transformed into one of the most popular neighborhoods of Rotterdam.

The character of this area is based on the connection with the water, the old factory buildings providing post industrial looks

by

Matthijs Hollanders

MSc Landscape Archtecture TU Delft

and the close proximity of the iconic architecture of Rotterdam. However, Katendrecht is separated from the rest of the city, because of the Rijnhaven and Maashaven harbor pockets.

Parts of the southern edge of the Maashaven are still used as an industrial area. Until these industries move, the boating routes should be kept. The ridge of industrial activity also prevents the neighborhoods behind to connect with the Maashaven. Designing a park inside the Maashaven could contribute to further developments and improvement of connectivity, social interaction, health and biodiversity.

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In the design, the north and east edge are transformed into a tidal park. The river is directly connected to the Northsea which means tidal differences do occur in the harbors of Rotterdam. With the current solid quays, these differences in water level won’t become visible. By making soft edges with vegetation, a gradient is introduced according to the water requirements of the different species.

The form of the park is guided by rocky edges that collect the sediments which enter the area at every high tide. When it becomes low tide again, the tidal flow is heading in the same direction as the river flow, which means the flows speed is strongest in this situation. The rocky edges

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protect the park from flushing away, but it also means that the flow speed is stronger along the islands and the southern edge.

This exactly what’s needed to prevent the shipping routes from silting up by sediments. The mouth of the Maashaven is relatively small which also provides a sedimentation risk. Therefore, groins are installed to increase the speed of the water flow even more. Two of these groins also form a bridge from the head of Katendrecht to the head of Charloisse, providing a connection along the river Nieuwe Maas. The soft edges are formed according to the natural processes and will change over time. The vegetation contributes to the biodiversity, providing hiding places for birds, insects and small fish.

The east of the park is the main part, a shackle along the infrastructure that connects the south of Rotterdam with the north. It consists of two main routes for both cyclists and pedestrians. The eastern route is joined with the existing bike route along the S122. Smaller footpaths make this park into an area for strolling and discovery.

The multitude of views stimulate the visitors curiosity. A clearing is created by a big waterbody in the middle of this part.

The tidal park experience is apparent in all parts of the park. A boardwalk meanders on top of a marshland route (section 1), where water only enters at high tide.

Other parts of the main park will also be flooded at high tide which influences the accessibility and thereby visualizes the

tidal effects. A row of trees creates a wall between the S122 and the park, while there are still clearings to view the park from the elevated metro line (section 1). Underneath this viaduct, a visitors parking is made, ensuring less traffic inside the surrounding neighborhoods.

processes in a playful way. The park ends with a marshland area which floods only at spring tide. Some routes will be flooded, but there will always be an ongoing movement possible along the Maashaven. Flooded areas make the visitor aware of the the natural processes happening in the park.

Towards the west, a long stretched footpath is made for longer walks and recreation. This path will also connect with the improved route along the river.

While introducing a new identity of the Maashaven, we shouldn’t forget the history of the place. Therefore, the edge of the first strip is filled with some parts of the former quay (section 2). These elements collect sediments and their orientation influences the vegetation in between, together with the ever returning tidal differences.

Maashaven Park should be used by all citizens of Rotterdam, but also interact with the surrounding neighborhoods. The implementation of different programs contributes to the contextual embedding and use of the park. Besides being there for the people, this tidal park also focuses on biodiversity, including plant species and bird communities. Making differences in water level visible renews the bond between the ‘Rotterdammer’ (inhabitant of Rotterdam) and the river.

Walking along this route, a bird island can be seen; inaccessible for people. This island is meant to stimulate the biodiversity within the boundaries of Rotterdam. A bird watching tower brings visitors closer to the bird communities and their nature.

When the industry on the south edge moves away, Maashaven Park could be expanded and connected the the residential areas in the southern part of Rotterdam; a future connection, replacing the water taxi in the area. Maashaven Park would be complete and one of the main attraction on the south side of Rotterdam, providing a natural landscape within an urban environment. •

The middle part of Maashaven park connects to Kaappark, a medium sized neighborhood park. Big lawns and a beach give this part a more open character and make it a place to spend several hours. A save swim is provided by restricting it to specific areas according to the water level and the speed of the water flow. Further on, a group of five islands create the setting for a tidal playground. Children can experience and learn about the tidal 57

1. Geheel andere versie. Source: Author.

2. Section 1: Doorsnede Marshroute. Source: Author.

3. Section 2: Doorsnede kade. Source: Author.

4. Maashaven Plan_bewerking. Source: Author.

atlantis

ATLANTIS Magazine by Polis | Platform for Urbanism and Landscape Architecture Faculty of Architecture, TU Delft Volume 29, Issue 2, February 2018 Editors-in-Chief Felipe Gonzalez, Sarantis Georgiou Public relations Melinda Marjan Polis Board Representative Ingrid Staps Editorial Team Dhushyanth Ravi, Ingrid Staps, Kavya Kalyan, Kavya Suresh, Laura Lijdsman, Melinda Marjan, Oumkaltoum Boudouaya, Stefano Agliati, Tapasya Mukkamala Printer Drukkerij Teeuwen Cover Design Stefano Agliati

Editorial Address Polis, Platform for Urbanism Julianalaan 134, 2628 BL Delft Office: 01 West 350 tel. +31 (0)15-2784093 www.polistudelft.nl atlantismagazinetudelft@gmail.com Atlantis appears four times a year.

Number of copies: 500 This issue has been made with great care; authors and redaction hold no liability for incorrect/ incomplete information. All images are the property of their respective owners. We have tried as hard as we can to honour their copyrights.

The views and opinions expressed in this magazine are those of their respective authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Editorial team of Atlantis Magazine or Polis.

ISSN 1387-3679

atlantis

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