2018_The ghost cities of Australia

Julian Bolleter

The Ghost Cities of Australia

A

Survey of New City Proposals and Their Lessons for Australia’s 21st Century Development

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JulianBolleter

JulianBolleter

AustralianUrbanDesignResearchCentre

UniversityofWesternAustralia

Perth,WA

Australia

ISSN2211-4165ISSN2211-4173(electronic) SpringerBriefsinGeography

ISBN978-3-319-89895-7ISBN978-3-319-89896-4(eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4

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Thisbookisformyfather,RossBolleter Forthelonglunches

Preface

Myjourneytothe “ghostcities” beganin2012whenRichardWellergenerously includedmeinaresearchproject,thatledtothebook MadeinAustralia:thefuture ofAustraliancities.Thisresearchscopedthetwenty- firstcenturyperiod,and exploredthepotentialofnewcitiestoabsorbtheprojectedtreblingofAustralia’s populationbytheendofthecentury.Theplanningcommunityandlayreadersalike receivedthebookwarmly;however,inthecourseofmanypresentationsofthe book,IbecameincreasinglyawareofmyownignoranceofearlierAustraliannew cityventures.

Toaddressthislacuna,inearly2016,Ibegantodelveintotheliteratureonthis subject.Ofparticularimportance,wasRobertFreestone’ssubstantialresearch, whichintroducedmetoAustraliannewcitydreamerssuchasEdwardBrady, WilliamHat field,IonIdriess,andGoughWhitlam pivotal figuresaroundwhich thisghostcitiesbookwasborn.

Thisbookaimstoprovideanadequate “runup” totheexerciseofnewcity buildinginAustraliainthetwenty-firstcentury somethingthatextremepopulationgrowthprojectionsindicatewillbenecessary.Myhopeisthat,throughthis book,Australia’shistoryofoften-futilenewcityventureswillproviderichcompost outofwhichbetter-informedpropositionscantakerootinthefuture.

Perth,AustraliaJulianBolleter 2018

Acknowledgements

Iwouldliketothankthereviewersofthisbook,CraigBurton,BillGrace,and AllanDale,fortheircrucialcontributionstoitscontent.ThankyoualsotoRobert FreestoneforhisscholarshipinrelationtoAustraliancities,asignificantbodyof workfromwhichthisbookdrawsheavily.ThankstoDavidNicholsformy inclusiononarelatedfundingapplication.ThankyoutoRichardWellerforthe opportunitytocontributetoapreviousbook MadeinAustralia,whichstartedthe journeytothe “ghostcities.” Thankstomypastandpresentcolleaguesatthe AustralianUrbanDesignResearchCentre(AUDRC)JoergBaumeister,Anthony Duckworth-Smith,ChrisMelsom,ZoeMyers,GraceOliver,andDanielaOttmann fortheirsupport,andtoJillPenterforhergenerousoffertodoaninitialcopyedit ofthebook.GratitudeisduetotheAUDRCadvisoryboardandtoourfunding partners,theDepartmentofCommunities,theDepartmentofPlanning,Landsand Heritage,theWesternAustralianPlanningCommission,andLandcorp.Thanksalso toPetravanSteenbergen,executiveeditoratSpringer,forhereffi ciencyand encouragement.Thankyoutomymother,GlenysDavies,forhersteadfastsupport overtheyears.Finally,thankstothewonderfulRoseBolleterforherlovelyartwork onearlierdraftsofthebook,andtomytalentedwifeSallyAppletonforenabling thisprojectonthehomefront.

3.3.1Albury

5BarrierstoNewNorthernCities

6RelearningLessons

AbouttheAuthor

Dr.JulianBolleter istheDeputyDirectorofthe AustralianUrbanDesignResearchCentre(AUDRC) attheUniversityofWesternAustralia.Hisroleatthe AUDRCincludesteachingamaster ’sprogramin urbandesignandconductingurbandesign-related researchanddesignprojects.HehascompletedaPh.D. onDubai’surbandevelopment(whichwillbepublishedinlate2018)andhascommerciallypublished threeotherbooksincluding MadeinAustralia:The FutureofAustralianCities (withRichardWeller), TakeMetotheRiver:AHistoryofPerth’sForeshore and ScavengingtheSuburbs:AuditingPerthfor 1MillionInfillDwellings

Chapter1 Introduction

Abstract TherehavebeenaslewofnewcitypropositionsinAustraliasince Federationin1901;however,mostofthesehavefailedtomaterialize.Thischapter providesaverybriefoverviewoftheargumentsforbuildingnewcitiesinAustralia. Principally,theserelatetoprojectionsforextremepopulationgrowthandassessmentsthatthereisanoverconcentrationofpeopleintheexistingcapitalcities.The chapteralsobrieflyintroducesthedominantbarriers whicharebothpragmatic andpsychological thatnewcityproposalshaveencountered.Finally,thischapter setsoutthemethod,structure,andterminologyofthebook.

Keywords Australia Newcities Settlementpatterns

1.1NewCities

Weliveonarapidlyurbanizingplanet.In2008,demographersannouncedthat morethan50%ofhumanswerelivingincities.Thissymbolizedaprofoundchange inhumanhistory,asneverbeforehadamajorityoftheworld’spopulationlivedin urbanizedareas(McNeillandEngelke 2016).Thistrendisprojectedtocontinue withhighprobabilityforecastsfor1,200,000km2 ofnewurbanizedareaglobally by2030(Setoetal. 2012).Someofthisurbanizationistakingtheformofplanned newcities.Indeed,itisestimatedthattherearejustoverathousandplannednew citiesaroundtheworld(MiklianandHoelscher 2014),inparticularincountriesin Asia,Africa,andLatinAmerica.Indiaaloneplanstobuild100newcitieswith 1,000,000peopleineachby2020(Mannion 2014).

Academicshavegeneratedcomparativelylittlescholarship empiricalortheoretical exploringthistrenddespitethemultitudeofnewcitiesbeingplannedand constructedaroundtheworld(Moser 2015).Thisisparticularlythecasein Australiawhereresearchonnewcitydevelopmenthastendedtoorbitaroundthe exampleofCanberra,Australia’splanned “new” capitalcitydesignedintheearly twentiethcentury.

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J.Bolleter, TheGhostCitiesofAustralia,SpringerBriefsinGeography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4_1

Whiletomostpeople’smindsCanberraisthemostrecent “new” cityproposed, inAustralia,therehasinfactbeenamultitudeofnewcitiesventuredsincethe FederationofAustraliain1901.However,mostofthesehavefailedtomaterialize. Theseinclude inthemid-twentiethcentury EdwardBrady’splanforan AustralianGardenCityinMallacootainVictoriathatwastoserveasamodelfor theentireeasternseaboard’sdevelopment(BradyandRubinstein 1944)andIon Idriess’ plantoreengineerthehydrologyofinlandAustraliatoenablecitiesaround LakeEyreinSouthAustralia(Idriess 1944).Inthe1970s,thethenprimeminister GoughWhitlamenvisioned “manymorethan fivenewCanberrasdistributedacross ourgreatcontinent” by2000(Freestone 2013)andinthiscentury,theattempted recastingof “jerry-built” miningtownsas “PilbaraCities” inWesternAustralia’s Pilbararegion(BolleterandWeller 2013,p.31).Thisbookwillexplorethesenew cities,amongnumerousotherexamples.

1.1.1NewCityBuildinginAustralia

SuchnewcityproposalsinAustraliatypicallyembodytwonarratives.First,since Australia’sEuropeancolonization,therehavebeeninflatedestimationsof Australia’sfuturepopulation,whichhasunderscoredtheapparentneedfornewcity buildingand “closersettlement”1 moregenerally.Onthe1888centenaryofthe arrivaloftheFirstFleetinSydney,acorrespondentforthe Spectator newspaper notedthat, “Thereiseveryreasonableprobabilitythatin1988Australiawillbea FederalRepublic,peopledby50,000,000Englishspeakingmen”2 (presumablya bareminimumofwomenandchildrentoo!)(InSouthphommasane 2012). Subsequently,othershaveambitiouslypitchedAustralia’scarryingcapacityas beingashighas500,000,000(InCathcart 2010) aprojectionmadejustafterthe FirstWorldWar dwarfingAustralia’scurrentpopulationof25,000,000bya factorof20!TheAustralianBureauofStatistics(2013)currentlyprojectsthat Australia’spopulationwilldoubleto42,400,000by2060,andtripleto70,100,000 by2101.3 Theseprojections,iftakenseriously,implythatAustraliawillneedto buildanurbanareaequivalenttoalmost132Canberrasinthenexteightdecadesto accommodatepopulationgrowth.

Second,Australia’spopulationisdefinedbyanunusuallydistinctivepatternof “metropolitandominance”—asituationthatAmericaneconomistAdnaWeber describedas “aremarkableconcentration” (InFreestone 2013).Australiaremains oneofthemosturbanizednationsintheworld,withmorethan60%ofits

1“Closersettlement” referstotheestablishmentofproductiveagriculturalcommunitiesbydividing largetractsofpastorallandintosmallplots.

2Quotationshavebeeneditedforspellingandpunctuation.

3Theseare “seriesA” projectionsandarethehighestofthethreesetsofprojectionstheAustralian BureauofStatisticsproduces.

Fig.1.1 Australia’spopulationdensitypersquarekilometer:Thismaprevealstheremarkable concentrationofAustralia’spopulationwithinthedominantcapitalcitiesofPerth,Adelaide, Melbourne,Sydney,BrisbaneandHobart(AustralianBureauofStatistics 2016). Source Mapby theauthor

populationlivinginthesixstatecapitalsofSydney,Melbourne,Adelaide,Perth, Brisbane,andHobart,andmorethan40%ofthepopulationlivinginthetwolargest citiesofSydneyandMelbourne(BeerandClower 2009)(Figs. 1.1 and 1.2). Australianproponentsofdecentralization4 haveadvancedmanynewcityproposals toamelioratetheperceivedoverconcentrationofpeople(andrelatedpathologies)in thecapitalcities,aswellastodispersethebenefitsofeconomicdevelopmentto ruralandremoteareas.

WhilethesetwonarrativeshavebeendominantinAustralia,therearemyriad otherreasonsfornewcityplanning.Theambitionofpoliticianstobuildnewcities, inpartasapersonallegacy,endurestheworldover.Othermotivationsfor proposingnewcitiesinAustraliahavebeenhumanitarian,economic,symbolic, political,andmilitaryinnature.Idiscussthesethemesthroughoutthisbook.

Thechallengesthathaveprecipitatedfailedproposalsforneworboostedcities areinmanyrespectspragmatic.Theyincludeconjuringupaneconomicdriver substantialenoughtokick-startanewcity’seconomy,incentivizingthedecentralizationofindustryandjobsfromcompetingcitiesandtowns,andprovidingthe

4Iwillusethetermdecentralizationtorefertoa “moreequitableterritorialdistributionofpopulationwithinruralandremotedistricts,andalesseningofthepreeminentpositionofthecapital cities” (Lonsdale 1972).

Fig.1.2 Australianpopulationdistribution:ThisgraphshowsAustralia’schangingdistributionof populationbetweenthecapitalcityandotherurban/ruralsectorsovertimeasapercentage.This graphrevealsthecontinueddominanceofthecapitalcities(Hugo 2012). Source Graphbythe author

crucialenablinginfrastructureofports,airports,andraillinestoservicethenew city.

Therearealsopsychologicalbarrierstocreatingneworboostedcitiesin Australia(Lonsdale 1972).Newcityproponentsfacethechallengeofattracting migrantsfromlivablecoastalcapitalcitiestonewcitiesinruralorremoteregions areasinwhichtheisolation,inhospitableclimate,andtheharshnessofthelandscapecanactaspowerfuldisincentivesformigration.Thisbookwrestleswiththese issues,bothpragmaticandpsychological.

1.2Method

Thisbookfocusesonhistoricnewcityproposalsthathavefailedtomaterialize (whichIrefertoas “ghost” cities5),andcurrentnewcityproposalsthatarestillin theprocessofbeingpromotedbytheirproponentsorimplemented,yethavesofar beenunsuccessful.Thisapproachcontrastswithurbandesignhistory,whichis generallywrittenbythewinners(Dovey 2016).Thisbookexplorestheseaforementionedfailurestounderstandwhathavebeenthehurdlestodevelopingnew

5Theterm “ghost” cityshouldnotbeconfusedwiththeChinesephenomenonof “ghostcities” in whichurbanizationoflandandcreationofinfrastructureoftenfaroutpacetheurbanizationofits people(SoraceandHurst 2016).

regionalcitiesinAustralia,asopposedtopassingjudgement.Thisisatimely processbecause,asRobertFreestone6 explains:

Hardquestionshaveoftenbeenavoided,fatallydumbeddownordownrightignored.Big ideas,productsoftheirtime,havebeenadvancedbutthenretreatedorjustrunoutofpuffas conditionsandcircumstanceshavemovedon(2013).

Arguably,theconstantfocus,inAustralia,ontherelativetriumphofCanberraas aplanned “new” cityhasatendencytocreateablindspotinthenationalconsciousness.Itmeanswefailtolearnfromstudyingthoseventuresthathavebeen lesssuccessful.Arelevantanalogyfortheapproachthisbooktakesistheaviation industry,whichtendstolearnasmuchfromplanesthathavecrashedasthosethat have flownsuccessfully(Syed 2016).Thisbookisaboutexhumingandexamining the “blackboxes” offailedcities,hopefullynotstretchingtheanalogytoofar.The researchquestionthatstructuresthisinquiryis:

WhathavebeenthedominantbarriersthathavecurtailednewcitybuildinginAustralia? IexplorethisquestioninChaps. 2 and 3 inrelationtotwoperiodsofcontemporary relevance 1901–1945and1970–1975 inwhichproponentssoughtnational transformation,inpart,throughnewcityandregionaldevelopmentproposals.

Subsequently,Chap. 4 introducesnorthernAustralia,anddiscussesnewand boostedcityproposals,whichhavetendedtogravitatetothenorthsince2000.7 Subsequently,Chap. 5 reflectsonhowthebarriersdiscussedinChaps. 2 and 3, amongothers,mayplayoutinrelationtothesenewcityproposals.Theresearch questionguidingthisinquiryis:

WhatarelikelytobethebarriersthatcurtailnewcitybuildinginnorthernAustraliainthe twenty-firstcentury?

Finally,Chap. 6 discussesthefactthatmanyofthesehistoricbarriersappearto remainsigni ficant evenastheytransmuteintoslightlydifferentformswith changingtechnologiesandclimate(forinstance).Assuch,Iproposethatanumber ofthelessonsfromfailednewandboostedcitymakinginthetwentiethcentury appearnottohavebeenadequatelyabsorbedintocontemporarypropositions. Lessonsaside,thechapterconcludesbyventuringanumberofgeneralpointsto whichnewcitiescouldaspire.

6ProfessorRobertFreestoneisanacademicincityplanningattheUniversityofNewSouthWales (TheUniversityofNewSouthWales 2017)andhaswrittenextensivelyonhistoricnewcity developmentinAustralia.

7NorthernAustraliaisdefinedastheareaoftheAustraliancontinentnorthofthe26Slatitude.This areaencompassesanareaofapproximately3,500,000km2 (Petherametal. 2008),or45%of Australia’stotallandmass,yethousesonly5%ofAustralia’stotalpopulation(Australian Government 2015).

1.2.1ScopeandTerminology

Mydecisiontofocusthisbookfromtheearlytwentiethcenturyonwarddoesnot implythatghostcitieswerenotafeatureoftheearliercolonialperiod.Early plannedsettlementsatSydney,NorfolkIsland,Parramatta,Albany,theTamar River,PortEssington,andMelvilleIslandestablishaprecedentforfailedvisionsin thecreationofAustraliancities.AfulldiscussionofsuchcitiesinAustralia’s colonialperiodisbeyondthescopeofthisnecessarilybriefbook.

Readersandcriticsofthisbookmayregardmydecisiontoleaveoutcertainnew cityproposalstobeanomission.Indefenseofthechoicesmade,Ihaveattempted togatheravariedselectionofcitytypes(miningcities,lifestylecities,chartercities, capitalcities,etc.)toyieldamaximumamountofinsightintowhatmakesparticular cities “tick,” orotherwise.Whileasignificantnumberofthesecityproposalswere bythefederalorstategovernments,Ihavealsoincludedunsolicitednewcity proposalsbyindividuals,inpartbecausetheyareentertaining,butalsobecause theyweregenerallyrevealingofthebroadercollectiveconsciousnessofthetime thattheywereproposed.

IamwritingthisbookinPerth,WesternAustralia,andassuchthelattersections ofthebooktendtofocusonWesternAustralianandNorthernTerritorynewcity proposals.Anotetointernationalreaders:Thisbookislimitedtothestoryof decentralizationinAustralia,withsomelimitedexceptions.First,thisreflectsthe requiredbrevityofthebook.Second,itrecognizesthesubstantialdifferences betweenthedominantsettlementpatternsofdifferentcountries reflectingmyriad psychological,cultural,governmental,andenvironmentalfactors(seeLonsdale 1971).

WhileIraisemyvariousbiases,itshouldbenotedthatIamanurbandesigner andhencethediscussionofthenewcitiesgenerally,andthebarrierstheyface,will begenerallydiscussedthroughthelensofurbandesignandspatialplanning.The discussionoftheeconomicdimensionsofnewcitiesistypicallybrief,reflecting thatIamnottrainedintheeconomicissuesposedbynewcities.Nonetheless, economicdriversarecrucialtosuccessfulnewcitymaking afactIdonotmeanto diminish.

Finally,anotewithrespecttotheterminologyusedinthisbook.Thedefinitions ofwhatconstitutesacityvarygreatly,withrespecttobothacity’spopulationsize andthefunctionsitperforms.Nonetheless,forthesakeofclarity,Irefertourban centerswithapopulationofmorethan50,000peopleas “cities,” whilecenterswith apopulationsmallerthanthisare “towns.” Theterm “newcity” describescities developedintheabsenceofanypriorurbanization.Theterm “boostedcity” refers toregionaltownsthathavehadtheirpopulationssubstantiallyboostedfromalow baseto50,000peopleormore.Moreover,Ihaveavoidedplanningjargontoallow accessibilityforthelayreader.

Ihopethatthisbookwillshowthatlearningfromhistoryyieldspositivedividendsfor “evolvingplanning” (Freestone 2014),particularlyinrelationtonewand boostedcityventuresinAustralia.Letusnowbeginourghostlytour.

References

AustralianBureauofStatistics(2016)AustralianPopulationGrid2016.AustralianBureauof Statistics. http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Previousproducts/3218.0Main%20Features 702015-16?opendocument&tabname=Summary&prodno=3218.0&issue=2015-16&num=&view= Accessed22Dec2017

AustralianGovernment(2015)Ournorth,ourFuture:whitepaperondevelopingnorthern Australia.AustralianGovernment,Canberra BeerA,ClowerT(2009)Specialisationandgrowth:evidencefromAustralia’sregionalcities. UrbanStud46(2):369–389

BolleterJ,WellerR(2013)MadeinAustralia:thefutureofAustraliancities.Universityof WesternAustraliaPublishing,Perth

BradyE,RubinsteinL(1944)Dreamsandrealities.YorkPress,Melbourne CathcartM(2010)Thewaterdreamers:theremarkablehistoryofourdrycontinent.Text Publishing,Melbourne DoveyK(2016)Urbandesignthinking.BloomsburyAcademic,London FreestoneR(2013)Backtothefuture.In:BolleterJ,WellerR(eds)MadeinAustralia:thefuture ofAustraliancities.UniversityofWesternAustraliaPress,Perth,pp236–243 FreestoneR(2014)ProgressinAustralianplanninghistory:traditions,themesandtransformations.ProgPlan91:1–29

HugoG(2012)Populationdistribution,migrationandclimatechangeinAustralia:anexploration. UrbanManageTranspSocIncl1–101

IdriessI(1944)OnwardAustralia:developingacontinent.AngusandRobertson,Sydney LonsdaleR(1971)Decentralization:theAmericanexperienceanditsrelevanceforAustralia. AustJSocIssues6(2):116

LonsdaleR(1972)Manufacturingdecentralization:thediscouragingrecordinAustralia.Land Econ48(4):321–328

MannionA(2014)Slumsspreadnear ‘newtowns’.AmPlanAssoc6–7

McNeillJR,EngelkeP(2016)Thegreatacceleration:anenvironmentalhistoryofthe anthropocenesince1945.HarvardUniversityPress,Cambridge MiklianJ,HoelscherK(2014)Ataleofnewcities:thefutureofurbanplanninginthedeveloping world.HarvardIntRev35(4):13

MoserS(2015)Newcities:oldwineinnewbottles?DialoguesHumGeogr5(1):31–35

PetheramC,McMahonTA,PeelMC(2008)FlowcharacteristicsofriversinnorthernAustralia: implicationsfordevelopment.JHydrol357(1):93–111

SetoKC,GuneralpB,HutyraL(2012)Globalforecastsofurbanexpansionto2030anddirect impactsonbiodiversityandcarbonpools.PNAS109(40):16083–16088

SoraceC,HurstW(2016)China’sphantomurbanisationandthepathologyofghostcities. JContempAsia46(2):304–322

SouthphommasaneT(2012)Dontgobacktowhereyoucamefrom:whymulticulturalismworks. Newsouth,Sydney

SyedM(2016)Blackboxthinking:marginalgainsandthesecretsofhighperformance.John Murray,London

TheUniversityofNewSouthWales(2017)ProfessorRobertFreestone.TheUniversityofNew SouthWales. https://www.be.unsw.edu.au/staff/professor-robert-freestone .Accessed10Jan 2018

Chapter2 CreatingaRuralCivilization

Abstract Thischapterscopestheearlytomid-twentiethcenturyperiod(1901–1945)inwhichAustraliansstrovetocreatea “ruralcivilization.” Thefantasythat propelledthisproposedcivilizationwasthatAustraliamightonedaysupportarural populationofhundredsofmillions.This,theproponentsofthe “gardencity” model suggested,woulddeliverbothphysicalandsocialhealthbenefitswhilebolstering Australia’sdefenseswithahealthy “country-raised” population.Thenumerousnew cityproposalsthatemergedfollowingtheSecondWorldWarincludedaschemeto buildcitiesaroundapermanently floodedLakeEyreanddottedalongvastrailway networkscircumscribingAustralia ’saridinterior.Alltheseproposals floundered, however,becauseoftheharshrealitiesofAustralia’sinteriorandtheenduring tyrannyofdistance.Addedtothiswasthedominanceandlivabilityoftheexisting capitalcitiesonthecoast.

Keywords Newcities Ruralcivilization Decentralization Gardencities Ruraltowns Australiaunlimited Temporarytowns

2.1Creatinga “RuralCivilization ”

LiketheprinceinArabianNights’ Entertainments,we’llmountourMagicCarpetand strangenewworldsdiscover.Weshallbemakersofcities,andwe’llgrowathousand bladesofgrasswherebutonegrowsnow.

Idriess(1944)

Thischapterscopesthelatenineteenthtomid-twentiethcenturyperiodinwhich Australiansstrovetocreatea “ruralcivilization.” Thefantasyonwhichthis imaginedcivilizationwasbasedwasthatAustraliamightonedaysupporta “rural populationofperhapshundredsofmillionsdespitetheoverwhelmingdominanceof theexistingcapitalcitiesandtheharshrealitiesofitsenvironment ” (Murphy 2009). Dreamsofaruralcivilizationalsoemergedinresponsetoapatternofmetropolitan dominancethathadcrystalizedinAustraliabyFederation(1901)(Freestone 2013).

© TheAuthor(s)2018

J.Bolleter, TheGhostCitiesofAustralia,SpringerBriefsinGeography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4_2

Thispatternwasinsomemeasureduetotheconfigurationofcolonialadministrationinwhichthecapitalcitiesallwereports commercialandadministrative centersrelatingtoLondonratherthantoeachother(Paris 1994;Potts 2003).

Advocatesofaruralcivilizationidenti fiedanumberofdifferentfactorsas makingsuchruraldevelopmentnecessary.Theserelatedtoincreasedagricultural productionandstrongernationaldefense aswellastothealleviationofan unhealthyandunnaturalconcentrationofpeopleinthedominantcapitalcities.

2.2TheCaseforaRuralCivilization

2.2.1AVastRuralBounty

EdwardBrady,theauthorof “AustraliaUnlimited” (1918),wasoneofthechief proponentsofthesettlementandagriculturaldevelopmentoftheinteriorof Australia.HeprojectedthatAustraliacouldsupportavastpopulationifAustralia’s “DeadHeart” couldbetransformedbytechnologyandscienceintothe “RedHeart” (Mirams 2012).HewroteofAustralia’sinterior:

EverywhereprejudicedIbelievebynooversanguinetemperament – IfoundWonder, Beauty,unequalledResource.Underthearidseemingoftheplains,Isawthepossibilities ofmarveloustilth.Barrenhillspouredoutagoldenrecompenseinminerals.Thewhole continenthasprovedtobeavaststorehouseofmainlyundevelopedwealth(Brady 1918).

BradyurgedtheAustralianstowageawaragainst “thelastwallsofnature” and tostormthe “sullenbarricades ” withan “army” ofimmigrants(Cathcart 2010), ratherthanacceptingthearidityofAustralia’sinterior apitilessdesertfromwhich theindigenouspeoplecouldekeoutalivingbutwheresomanyEuropeanexplorers died(Jones 2001).Bradyforesawthat,withinafewgenerations,suchareascould raiseAustralia’spopulationto500,000,000people(Cathcart 2010) apopulation increasethatwouldhavenecessitatednewcitiestoservicevastlyexpandedagriculturaldistrictsaswellascitiesatstrategicpointsfortheprocessingandexportof extractedresources.BradyarguedthatAustralia’slandscapeshadbeengreatly underestimatedandwere “highlyfertile”;however,thedevelopmentofrailways, irrigationprojectsandsmaller,moreintensivefarmswouldbenecessarytounlock thispotential(Frost 2004).

Brady’sbelief,inpart,stemmedfromhismemoriesoftravelingtotheUnited Statesasachildandwitnessinghowthearidwesthadbeentransformedinto productivefarms(Mirams 2012).Forhim,theUSprovidedanexampleofwhat Australiacouldonedaybecome(Cathcart 2010),andheurgedAustraliato “make uphermindtobeapowerfulnation” asAmericahaddone.Aboveall,heproclaimed: “Theemptyspacesmustbe filled” (Mirams 2012).

Proponentsofaruralcivilizationproducedawaveofpro-developmentliterature thatsimilarlyarguedthattheagriculturalpotentialofAustraliahadbeen

2.2TheCaseforaRuralCivilization11

dramaticallyunderestimated.HistorianCharlesBean’s 1 “InYourHands, Australians” (1918)proposedthatAustralia ’sfuturelayinmillionsoffarmscoveringitsvastlandscapes(Murphy 2009).Despitethechallengesofaridityandthe poorsoilsthatthreatenedthisvision,thiswayofthinkingwasintheascendantuntil themid-twentiethcentury,andbeyond.AustralianauthorIonIdriess2 exhortedin 1944:

Wehaveinourcontinentaninexhaustiblestorehouseofalltheneedsofmanforamillion yearstocome.ThereisnolackofanythinginAustraliaforus,andfuturegenerations.All thatweandourdescendantscaneverneed,nomatterwhatunknownmaterialsfuture advancementandinventionswillcallfor,isallhereintherawstate(Idriess 1944).

Giventheseresourceswereperceivedtobespreadacrossthecontinent,the prevailingbeliefwasthatAustralia’smajorcitieswerebecomingunnecessarily largeatthecostoftheruraltowns(Neutze 1974).Thissituation,itwasargued, reflectedanimmaturestageofdevelopmentthatwouldeventuallygivewaytoa “natural” Europeanlandscapeofevenlyspreadfarmsandtownsdispersedwithina bountifulrurallandscape(Murphy 2009).Whilesucharuralbountycouldbethe “pullfactor” fordrawingpopulationsawayfromthecoastalcapitalcities,the “push factor” wasconsideredtobetheever-increasingoverconcentrationofthepopulation,andresultingpathologies,3 inthedominantcapitalcities.

2.2.2ThePathologiesoftheCapitalCities

TheworryingconcentrationofpeopleinAustralia’smajorcitieshadbeenamatter ofseriousconcernsincetheearlydaysofsettlement.GovernorGawlercomplained bitterlyoftheoverconcentrationofthepopulationinthenewtownshipofAdelaide asearlyas1838(Rushman 1976).Bythelatenineteenthcentury,advocatesof decentralizationbelievedAustraliancitieswereunhealthybothtothebodyandto morality,duetothemcontainingafesteringcocktailofovercrowding,decadence, disease,vice,andpoverty(Neutze 1974).

ThisnodoubtderivedfromanEnglishunderstandingofthetimethatcitieswere dangerouslyunhealthy(Davison 2016).Indeed,theaverageEnglishcitydweller wasbarelyhalfthatoftheruraldweller.Moreover,densitynotonlyproduced

1CharlesBean(1879–1968)wasahistorianandjournalistwhoferventlybelievedinthe redemptivepowerofruralareasandwasinvolvedintheTownPlanningAssociation(Inglis 1979). 2IonIdriess(1889–1979)wasaprolificwriterfromSydney.Thecombinationofanambitious viewofAustralia’sprogressandtheromanceofitshistoryensuredthepopularityofhisbooks (NationalCentreofBiography 2017).HispublisherssometimesresortedtolockingIdriessina roomuntilhehad finishedanewspaperarticleorbookchapterbecause(allegedly)hewasa notoriousdrunk.Thiscouldpartlyexplainsomeofhismoreoutlandishproposalswhichare coveredlaterinthischapter 3Theterm “pathology” isusedinthisbooktorefertoanydeviationfromahealthycondition,as opposedtothestudyofdiseases.

physicaldisease,butthecorruptionofmorals(Davison 2016).ReverendJohn Montgomerywentasfarastodeclarein1860: “Ifhumanbeingsarecrowded togethermoralcorruptiontakesplace,ascertainlyasfermentationorputrefactionin aheapoforganicmatter” (Davison 2016).

Australiancommentatorsassumedasimilar “fearofthemoralcontagionthat theyassociatedwiththecommunalismandpromiscuityoftenementsandapartments” (Davison 2016).Taylor ’sTownPlanningforAustraliadeclaresAustralian cities poetA.D.Hope’s “teemingsores”—tobe “congestedwith physically-crushedandmentally-warpedmenandwomen” (Murphy 2009).

2.2.3TheIdealRuralCitizenry

Incontrasttothedesignationofcitydwellersasphysicallyandmorallycorruptwas theideathat “peopleevenlydistributedinsmall-ormedium-sizedtownswere stronger,morallyandmentallyaswellasphysically”4 (BeaninFreestone 1982). Decentralizationproponentsbelievedthataninterventiontoredresstheconcentrationofpopulationinthedominantcitieswasofvastimportancetoensurethe developmentofavigorousrace,bothfromaphysicalandmoralperspective(James BarrettinDavison 2003).In1918,Beanreflectedthat “themorethecapitalcities resembledcountrytownsandthecountryitselfthebetteritwouldbeforthenation” (citedinMurphy 2009).Inthiswayofthinking,thepreservationof “country-like” conditionsinourcitieswouldunderpinthephysicalhealthandmoralityofcitizens (Murphy 2009).

Proponentsbelievedthataruralcivilizationalsoofferedgreatersocialand economicstability.Barrettassertedthat: “Thefarmer ’sknowledgeoflifeismore fundamental,itismorefar-reaching,anditismoresolid,andforthatreasonpeople realizeinstinctivelythatsocialstabilitymust finditsultimatebasisonruralcivilization ” (Murphy 2009).Inthisreading,itwasunderstoodthatamorenatural environmentwouldacttoimprovethephysicalconditionoftheworkingclasses andwouldreducetheirdiscontentbeforeitboiledoverintopoliticalinsurrection.

Thedesireforaruralcivilizationalsowasnourishedbyanunderlyingbeliefthat “theonlytruesourceofwealthwasthesoil” (Davison 2003).Inthisreading,the countrywasthemostdependablesourceofwealth;citypeopleweresimplyparasiteswholivedoffthelaborsoftheircountrycousins(Davison 2016).Evidence forthiswasaperceiveddeclineinself-sufficiency fromasearlyasthe1870s as employmentinAustralia’surbansocietywasdominatedby “services” (Jones 2001).Assuch,decentralizationproponentsemotionallycharacterizedadriftof populationfromruraltourbanareas,withthecityrobbingthecountryofitswealth andpopulation(Potts 2003).

4Therewaslittleevidencecitedtosupportthisclaimand,withtheexceptionofpoorurbanslums, thephysicalhealthofruraldwellerswasnotnecessarilybetterthanthatofsuburbancitydwellers.

2.2TheCaseforaRuralCivilization13

2.2.4PopulateorPerish

Thebenefitsofaruralcivilizationalsorelatedtothenation’sdefense. Decentralizationproponentsbelievedcountrypeoplewerephysicallysuperiorto theirweedycitycousins,andbetter fittedtowagetheloomingbattlefornational survival.TheNewSouthWalesSelectCommitteeonAgriculturalIndustry observedin1920thatthe “bestcroponourfarmsistheannualcropofbabies” (Davison 2016).Afurtherconnectionbetweenthecreationofaruralcivilization andnationaldefenserelatedtothedesiretoconsolidatethesettlementofAustralia’s continentallandmasssoastowardoffothernations(particularlyAsian) asituationepitomizedbythephrase “populateorperish” (Babb 2016).TheWhiterural manwasimaginedasabulwarkagainstthethreatofthe “YellowPeril,” aswellas againstAustralia’sindigenouspopulation(Murphy 2009).

Politiciansthroughouttheinterwaryearsthumpedthedevelopmentanddefense drumandemphasizedtheneed,inparticular,topopulatethenorthofAustralia. ImperialrepresentativessternlycriticizedAustralia ’sinabilityto fillits “empty spaces” with “sturdywhitedefendersoftherace” (Murphy 2009).OthercommentatorsregardedAustralia’svast “emptyspaces” asaderelictionofnational duty,asituationthathadtoberemediedlestothers(particularlyAsians)dothejob forus(McGregor 2013).NelsonLemmon,amemberfortheNewSouthWales parliamentaryseatofSt.George,scoldedthegovernmentforfailingtocomprehend “thatoneofthegreatestdefenseneedsofthiscountryisthepeoplingofourempty north,” towardwhichhedeclared “1,200,000,000Asianeyesarelookinginenvy.” Heforetoldthatfuturegenerationswouldpaythepricefortoday’sneglect (McGregor 2016).

2.3TheGhostCitiesofaRuralCivilization

Thefollowingsectionsurveysproposalsfornewcitiesthatemergedoutofthe clamortoinstallaruralcivilizationacrossAustralia’scontinentallandmass.The proponentsoftheseproposalswereallindividuals;however,theyalsobroadly alignedwiththeethosofthefederalRegionalDevelopmentDivision,5 the CommonwealthHousingCommission,andstateauthoritiesadministeringregional developmentprograms(CitiesCommission 1973;DepartmentofEnvironment 1976).Nonetheless,thefollowingnewcityproposals,venturedbyindividuals, representthemostdramaticexpressionoftheregionaldevelopmentethos andas suchoffer,themostpertinentlessonsforcontemporarynewcityproponents.

5ThisdivisionwaswithintheDepartmentofPost-WarReconstructionandwasdisbandedfollowingthechangeofgovernmentin1949(CitiesCommission 1973).

2.3.1TheGardenCityModel

Thedesiretocreatearuralcivilizationwas,inpart,concernedwithescapingthe pathologyassociatedwithcities;assuch,thesecityproposalsareanapparent contradiction.However,newcityproponentsalleviatedthisinconsistencyby venturing “gardencities”—citiesthatcouldwardofftheunhealthieraspectsofcity lifebecausetheywerereconciledwithanennoblingconceptionofnature.

Inhispioneeringbook “GardenCitiesofTomorrow” (1902),Englishsocial idealistand “planner”6 EbenezerHowardpitchedhisideaforanewkindofsettlement.Howardprojectedthatthegardencitywouldproduceamuch-desired “spontaneousmovementofthepeoplefromourcrowdedcitiestothebosomofour kindlymotherearth,atoncethesourceoflife,ofhappiness,ofwealth,andof power” duetotheperfectunionofthebenefi tsofthetownandthecountry(Murphy 2009).

Howardcomparedtherelationshipbetweentownandcountryingardencitiesto thecomplementarityofmaleandfemale,urgingthattownandcountry “mustbe married,andoutofthisjoyousunionwillspringanewhope,anewlife,anew civilization” (Murphy 2009).Thisreconciliationbetweentownandcountrytended totaketheformofbountifulgreenpublicandprivateopenspace.Thelimitingof gardencitiestoapopulationof32,000peoplealsomeantthatthecitiesnevergotso largeastolimittheirresidents ’ accesstonatureontheedgeofthecity,typicallyin theformoffringinggreenbelts.

Howard’sgardencityconcepthadaprofoundinfluenceontheemergingtown planningmovementinAustraliafromtheearlytwentiethcentury(Murphy 2009). Britishexpertisewasconsideredtobeatthecuttingedgeofplanningtheoryand practice(MacLachlanandHorsley 2015),andAustraliaprovedparticularly receptivetogardencitythinkingespousedbytheBritishGardenCitiesandTown PlanningAssociation(Burke 1987).EventhereveredEbenezerHowardhimself dreamedofanAustraliangardencity:

Aspopulationincreasesand flowstoAustralia,itisnotdifficulttopicturethatevery importantnewtownwillbebasedupongardencitypracticeandideas.Icanseenowayof correctingthecurrentover-populationofbigcitiesandinterestingpeopleinproductive enterprisesofthesoil,exceptbytakingtothecountryalltheadvantagesofthemodern townorcity(Freestone 1982).

2.3.2GardenCityPropositions

ThediffusionofthegardencityideatoAustraliaresultedinnumerousgardencity proposals.TheseincludeonefromDr.Price,theMayorofToowoombain1918, 6Britishauthoritiesdidnotformallyrecognizeplanningasadisciplineatthistime.

2.3TheGhostCitiesofaRuralCivilization15

whoenvisionedanindustrialgardencityatDarra,theareanowcomprisingan unremarkablesuburbsouthofBrisbane(Freestone 1982).Othergardencity schemeswereproposedfortheminingtownofYallourninVictoria,withacentral square,greenbelt,andsimplecottagedesigns whichyieldedAustralia’smost convincingcopyofLetchworth,agardencitybuiltontheedgeofLondon (Freestone 1982),yettodayismostlya19-holegolfcourse.

Australianadvocatesalsoplannedsatellitegardencitiesorbitingthedominant capitalcities.TownplannerAlfredBrown7 wasavocalsupporterofthisapproach, andatanAustralianPlanningCongress,headvocateda “halo” ofnewsatellite townsorbitingSydney “becauseofapassionateconvictionthathereinliesthehope forthesurvivalofurbanlife” (Freestone 1982).Satellitecities,inspiredbythe gardencitymovement,wereproposedinthepost–SecondWorldWarperiodat Elizabeth,northofAdelaide,andKwinana,southofPerth,bothofwhichwere residentialcentersadjacenttodevelopingindustrialcenters(Freestone 1982).

2.3.3Brady’sMallacoota

EdwardBrady’sproposedgardencity,Mallacoota,isofparticularinterestbecause itgivesrarespatialexpressiontohis “AustraliaUnlimited” ethos.Whilewritingup the “boostersbible,” BradytookupthechallengeofprovingthattheAustralian continentcouldsupportalargepopulationbyselecting130hainMallacootain Victoriaasasiteforanewcity(Mirams 2012).Thissitelaymidwaybetweentwo statecapitalcities,MelbourneandSydney,withadeepportwithin70km(Brady andRubinstein 1944).

BradyarguedthatAustraliansoldiershadprovedthemselves fightingtheenemy, nowtheycould “fightnaturesubduingtheforcesmetwithinthewildbush” inthe creationofasoldiers’ gardencity(Mirams 2012).Bradypredictedthatthecity wouldgrowto200,000peoplebytheyear2000,offeringnewmigrantsfresh healthyfood,sophisticatedconversation,electricity,churches,hospitals,hotels,and railways,amongotherbenefitsofcivilization(Mirams 2012).

Bradyenvisagedtheeconomicdriversoftheself-containedmanufacturing centerMallacootaweretobeitsair-conditionedfactoriesandcultivatedandhighly productivefarms.Theweldingtogetheroftheagriculturalandindustrialactivities ofthecommunity,underefficientcontrol,hebelievedwouldensurethe “health, happiness,andprosperityofitsmembers” (1944).

Bradyhadadoptedsocialismashispoliticalcreedandwasafoundingmember oftheAustralianSocialistLeagueParty(Mirams 2012).Heproposedthatthewhole Mallacootacommunitywouldworkforacommonobjective,atthesametimeit wasenvisagedthatthecitizenswouldretaintheirown “individuality”—atleasttoa degree(1944).WhileMallacootaemergedoutofthefermentofthe,originally 7AlfredBrownhadbeeninvolvedintheplanningfortheBritishgardencityofWelwyn.

utopian,gardencitymovementBradywascautiousaboutbeingtooaspirational.As hemadeclear: “WarnedbythefailuresofUtopianexperiments” we “haverejected theimpracticalandacceptedonlyideaswhichcanbeconvertedintofacts ” (1944).

These “facts” formedthebasisforthedetailedlayoutforMallacootathatwas,at leastpartly,copiedfromtheradialformofHoward’sgardencitymodel.Plansshow theself-containedcitywastobelaidoutlikeaspiderwebwitheightradiating avenues,emanatingfromacentralpark,eachwithasignifi cantshoppingor entertainmentfrontageof250meach(notmoreorless…)(BradyandRubinstein 1944)(Fig. 2.1).Thecompositionalsoincludedfactoriesinradialbands,swathes ofsuburbanresidences,andalibraryandtechnicalschoolsothatthe “intellectual needsofthecommunity” weretakenintoaccount(BradyandRubinstein 1944).

BradyenvisagedwalkabilityasakeydriverofMallacoota’sdesign.Ashe enthused: “Nooperativewilllivemorethantenor fifteenminutesfromhisorher workorfromtheshoppingorentertainmentareas” (BradyandRubinstein 1944). Mallacootawasalsotoencourageahealthylifestylethroughgardening:

Noresidentialsitewillbelessthanone-thirdofanacre[1350squaremeters] – givingthe occupantsopportunityfor flowerandvegetablegardeningandfruit-growing.Underexpert advice,settlerswillbegiveneveryencouragementtoestablishbeautifulgardens. Competitionswillbesetupandprizesdistributedtoincreasetheirinterestinthishealthy andpleasurablewayofemployingleisurehours(BradyandRubinstein 1944).

Fig.2.1 Mallacoota’splannedlayout:Brady’slayoutofMallacootawasatleastpartlybasedon Howard’sradialgardencitymodelandencouragedhealthylifestylesthroughwalkability, gardening,androutinevenerealdiseasechecks. Source PlanbyEdwardBradytracedbytheauthor

Wallagarough River

2.3TheGhostCitiesofaRuralCivilization17

Inaddition,thehealthofMallacoota’scitizenswastobeensuredbymore intrusivemeans suchasbyroutineexaminationforvenerealdisease,especially beforemarriage(BradyandRubinstein 1944).Bradyferventlybelievedspecialcare shouldbeprovidedforpregnantmothers,inpartbecause: “Thefutureofanation liesinitsrearingahealthyyounggeneration” (1944).

BradyenvisagedMallacootaasmorethananisolatedcity.Hesawitasamodel fordevelopingAustralia ’sentireeasternseaboard,ademonstrationofthelineson whichfuturedevelopmentofAustraliashouldproceed.Asheurged:

Australianpost-warpolicymustbetooccupy,developandmakeproductiveareassuitable forsuchpurposes;ofwhichthereareagreatnumber.Alongtheeasternseaboardthetempo ofsettlementshouldbeincreased … fromTownsvilletoMelbourne(BradyandRubinstein 1944).

Bradyforesawasubstantialincreaseinairtransportafterthewarwouldprovide themeansofstitchingtogetherthisextensivedecentralizedsettlementpattern.As heproclaimed:

OnecanvisualizeavastnetworkofairwaysovertheAustraliancontinent.Theword “remoteness” willloseitsmeaning.Inconvenienceswhichhavemadepeoplehesitateto adoptanex-urbanlifewillnolongerexist.Apost-war-settleratMallacootawillreadhis morningpaperatbreakfasttimelikeanysuburbandweller.Hiseveningpaperwillbeat handbeforesundown.HismailwillreachhimassoonasitreachesaMelbournesuburb now(BradyandRubinstein 1944).

Intime,Brady’sfailuretointeresttheVictorianGovernmentintheMallacoota gardencityangeredhim.HesentafuriouslettertotheLandsDepartmentin1923 claiminghis “patrioticambition” wasbeingstrangledby “yardsofredtape” (Mirams 2012).Thiswastonoeffect.Today,thebroaderShireofEastGippsland, withinwhichthecitywastobelocated,hasapopulationofjust41,000overavast areaof21,051km2 (withjustover950inthesmalltouristtownofMallacoota). MallacootalieswithintheCroajingalongNationalPark.AsMirams(2012) explains,intheend,aviewthatvaluedthearea’sendemicecologywonoutover Brady’sviewthatthelandconstitutedan “unequalledresource.”

2.3.4Hatfield’sInteriorCities

SubsequenttoMallacoota’sdemise, “bushwriter” WilliamHatfield8 ventureda planfor “migratinginland,buildingbeautifulnewtownsclosertoourfoodsupply” (Freestone 2013),avisionsetoutinhisbook “AustraliaReclaimed” (Hat field 1944).Hatfield’splanemergedasaresponsetohisassessmentthatAustralia’s capitalcitieswerepolluted,congested,anddesperatelyshortofhousing(Hat field

8WilliamHat field(1892–1969)wasawriterand “bushman” whoworkedformanyyearsinthe northofSouthAustralia,CentralAustralia,theNorthernTerritory,andQueensland.Hewas passionateabouttheagriculturaldevelopmentofAustralia’sinterior(Serle 1983).

1944).Investigatorsintotheissueconcludedthat300,000houseswereneededto overcomethehousingshortageandtoreplacesub-standarddwellingsinthecapital cities(Burns 1944).However,Hat fieldbelievedthattheconventionalremedyof simplyerectingnewhousesinever-spreadingsuburbswouldonlyworsenthe problemofcongestion,notsolveit.Asheexplained: “Gettingtoandfromworkis alreadythemostdisagreeableportionoftheday’sendeavor” (Hat field 1944). Instead,Hatfi eldargued:

wearefacedwiththeproblemofconstructingatleastaquarterofamillionnewhouses, anditwouldbeimmeasurablybettertobuildeveryoneofthemawayfromourpresent congestedcities,inproperlyplannedtownswhichwillhaveas firmlyinmindbytheir designers,theculturalaswellasphysicalneedsoftheirinhabitants(1944).

Thiswasnohalf-hearteddecentralizationscheme.Hat fieldadvocatedthatthe housingproblemshouldbetackledonacontinentalscale,andnotmerelyasa continuationofthe “insaneover-concentrationofpopulationinthe fivemainland capitals ” (Hat field 1944).Adoptingthelanguageofthegardencity,Hatfield explainedthathisnewtownscouldbe:

freefromsmokeanddirt,centeredinacountrysidechosenforitsfertilityinorderto provideabundanceoffreshfoodswithinminimumtransport.Artandeducationcangohand inhandastheyalwaysshouldhavedone,withscienceandindustry(insmokeless, glass-brickfactories)marchingbesidethem,andanewgenerationcanberaisedwiththe bestchanceofphysical fitness,mentalalertness,moralstabilityandaestheticappreciation (1944).

Hatfieldenthusedthatthenewtownswouldsatisfythe “undyinghumanlonging forthesightofgreen,forthesoundofbirds,scentof flowers,cleankissoffresh windsonthecheek.” Moreover,hebelieveditwould “freemenfromthesoulless grindofanabsurdover-industrialization … itshideouslanesofbrick … screaming factories … andfoulcavernsinthesub-strataoftheearth’scrust” (Hat field 1944). Theproposedeconomicdriversforthenewtownswereagricultureandlight industry,suchasspinningandweaving,clothingmanufacture,furniture,and accessories, “sothattherewouldneverbeaneedforthechildrenofthecommunity toleavehomewhenthetimecameforthemtoseekemployment” (Hat field 1944). Hatfieldthoughtthatallsuchtownsshouldprovideareasforcultivationtosupply thefreshfoods,suchasmilkandeggs,fruitandvegetables,neededbyacommunity andassuchguaranteeameasureofagriculturalself-sufficiency.

Inhistypicallyaspirationalstyle,Hat fieldalsoaimedtoboostexistingtownsin theinterior.Tothisend,heproposedthatAliceSpringsbecomeAustralia’smajor centralcity ahiveofindustryhousingmanythousandsofpeopleandacentral pointtoservethesurroundingvastagriculturaldistricts(Fig. 2.2).Asheexplained:

Tothefourpointsofthecompassitsbusyworkerscanstreamouteverymorning,notby train,butbyhelicopterandairplane,arrivingonthesceneoftheirday’sworktwohundred milesawayinthesametimeasittakesaSydney fittertoreachhisfactoryinBotanyfrom hishomeinRyde(Hat field 1944).

2.3TheGhostCitiesofaRuralCivilization19

Fig.2.2 Hatfield’sAliceSprings:HatfieldproposedthatAliceSpringsbecomeAustralia’smajor centralcity ahiveofindustryhousingtomanythousandsofpeopleandacentralpointtoserve thesurroundingvastagriculturaldistricts. Source Montagebytheauthor.Baseimage(lower)by unknownphotographer(http://yirara.nt.edu.au/about-us6 ).Baseimage(upper)byunknownphotographer(https://www.wwiivehicles.com/united-states/aircraft/bomber/boeing-b-17-flying-fortressbomber.asp)

Hatfieldsuggestedthatthemilitarydeliverthescheme.9 BeforetheSecond WorldWar,armyauthoritieshadtakentheboldstepofestablishingtrainingcamps hundredsofkilometersintothehinterland,anexamplethatinspiredHat field.These semi-permanentcampswereconstructedoftimberandiron,withwater,light,and seweragesystems,cinematheatersandconcerthallsinareaspreviouslyuninhabited byEuropeans(Hat field 1944).Inasimilarvein,Hatfieldthoughtthatthegovernmentshouldignoreallpresentpopulationconcentrationsandstrikeboldlyinland, butnotinwhathereferredtoasthe “senselesslyscatteredoddmentsonanysuch madnessassoldiersettlements” asproliferatedaftertheFirstWorldWar,butrather in:

organizedbattalions,pushingouttheroadsandrailwaystothevillagestheywillbuildin whichtoliveasmembersofacommunityunitedforself-help.Villagescompletewith amenitiesoftown – well-builthousesrepletewitheverycomfortanddrudgerydodging

9AttheconclusionoftheFirstWorldWargroupsofwar-wearyex-soldierswerebecominga disquietingpresenceinAustraliancities.Onesolutionwastoengagetheseoftendisruptiveservicemenwithanewpatrioticbattle thebattletoconquerthe “vastopenspaces” ofAustralia (Cathcart 2010).

device,withwellpavedstreets,parks,playing fields,swimmingpools,schools,cinemas andlibraries;villagesinhandyreachoflandswhereteamworkandmechanicalaidwill replacetheback-breakingsolitaryeffortofotheryearswhichbrought(formanyactual producers)suchscantreward(Hatfield 1944).

Hatfieldproposedthattheconstructionofthetemporarytownswouldonlytakea matterofweeks(utilizingthemilitarycampmodel)andthattheimmediate accommodationofworkingpersonnelandtheirfamilieswouldfollow.Fromthere, theycouldbeginonthepermanenttownconstructioninhandyreachofthebig irrigation,hydroelectric,andforestryschemes(1944).

Thesevastirrigationandhydroelectricschemesrequiredthesubstantialdammingofriversthatwould,inturn,yieldenormousagriculturalopportunities.Tothis end,heproposedthatanarmoreddivisionofbulldozersmuststartinfromPort Augusta,gougingoutachannelupthroughthesystemofsaltpansknownasthe TorrensLakesrighttoLakeEyreinAustralia ’sinterior “tolettheseaintothat blisteringeyesoreandputmoistureintotheatmosphere.” Inaddition,Hatfield envisagedthatallcreeksandrivers flowingtowardtheinlandmustbedammed, channelsdugafreshandthebanksheldbywillows “tobringpulsinglifeagaininto theDeadHeartofthecontinent” (Hatfield 1944).Again,thedeploymentofthe armywasinstrumentalinachievingthisvision:

ThesameT.N.T.thatblastsanenemystrongholdfromthemapcanblastawaythrough mountainstocarrycoastlinetorrentstothearidlands;thesamebulldozersthatcrasheda roadthroughfever-ridden,enemyinfestedjunglescanshoveearthupindams,gouge channelstobringwatertotheachingplains(Hat field 1944).

ToHatfield’swayofthinking,thisvastschemewas “defensiveirrigation,” the constructionofalineofforti ficationagainsttheencroachingdesertthathebelieved wasevenmoreinsidiousthanevenJapaneseinfi ltrationstrategies(Hat field 1944). Beyondreengineeringthehydrologyoftheinterior,Hatfi eldproposedrailway linesthatwouldconnectcoastalcitiestothenewinlandtowns.Thiswasto eliminatethewastefulpracticeofhaulingproducetothecoastalcitiesforprocessing.Furthermore,Australia’scoastalcitiescouldwellbecomewhattheywere originally seaportsforhandlinginternationaltrade insteadofconstitutingwhat thegreaterportionofthecommunityknewasAustralia(Hatfi eld 1944).

2.3.5Idriess’ InteriorRailwayCities

WhileHatfieldwasferventinhisbeliefthatcentralAustraliashouldaccommodate asignificantpopulation,hestoppedshortofproposingasettlementpatternto containthisgrowth.QueenslandbusinesspersonAlfredGriffiths,10 however,

10AlfredGriffiths(1879–1948)wasdirectorofacompanythatbuiltlocomotives,otherrolling stock,andsteelsleepers(French 1983).Hewaswidelyknownthroughouthishomestateof Queensland,particularlyintheengineeringandpastoralworlds(Idriess 1944).

advancedsuchascheme,whichwassubsequentlypickedupbywriterIonIdriessas amodelfordevelopingAustralia’sinterior.

Griffiths,inspiredbytheAmerican “greatwave” ofdevelopment,whichclosely followedthewestwardextensionsoftherailroads(andnodoubthisownsteel railwaysleeperbusinessinterests!)proposedan11,000kmcontinental-scalerailwayencirclingcentralAustralia astructurethat,ifbuilt,couldpotentiallydirect settlementoftheinterior(Idriess 1944).Theoverallintentionoftherailsystemwas tolinkuppastoral,agricultural,andminingactivitiesininlandAustraliawith existingandproposedcoastalportsintheGulfofCarpentariaandthePilbara, Darwin,Wyndham,Townsville,Perth,Adelaide,Melbourne,Sydney,andBrisbane (Idriess 1944)(Fig. 2.3).

Thisschemealsohadapowerfulsymbolicdimensionbecauseinthemindsof manyAustralianstherailwayswereapowerfulsymbolofprogress(Blainey 1966). Symbolicallyitbothclaimedandtamedtheinterior thevastspacethatNobel prize-winningauthorPatrickWhitecalledthe “GreatAustralianEmptiness ” (Tacey 2009).

Criticsoftheschemepointedoutthatthetrunklineoftherailwayintheinterior didnotconnectanymajorexistingsettlements.Idriess,inresponse,explainedthat therewereanumberofreasonsforpreferringsuchaninlandroutetoamore populatedcoastalone.First,theprincipalpurposeofthelinewastoservethe

Fig.2.3 Griffiths’ interiorrailwayscheme:ThismapshowsAlfredGriffiths’ planforavast 11,000kmcontinental-scalerailway,whichwastoopenupcentralAustraliafordevelopment. Source MapbyIonIdriesstracedbytheauthor 2.3TheGhostCitiesofaRuralCivilization21

maximumareaofthecountryandtobringeveryhabitablepartofAustraliawithin approximately250kmofarailway.Second,theinlandconfigurationmeantthat troopsandequipmentcouldbemovedinternallytoanypartofthecoastthatmight bethreatenedbyanenemywhilenotbeingvulnerabletonavalattackduring mobilization(Idriess 1944).

Detractorsoftheschemealsoarguedthatthefreightmovementsgeneratedby sucharailwaywouldnotprovideenoughrevenuetopayworkingexpensesand interestonthecapitalneededtofunditsconstruction.Idriessrespondedby claiming:

Thatnodoubtiscorrectwiththecountryasitis.TothisIwouldreplythatIdonot visualizethecountryremainingasitis,butratherthatIhavefaiththatitispossibleand practicaltosettlesufficientpeopleovertheareawearediscussingtomakethebuildingof railwaysandroadsworthwhile(Idriess 1944).

Idriess’splanwasthatwhentheSecondWorldWareventuallyconcludedthe army whichhadacquiredlargenumbersofroad-makingmachines,vehicles, electriclightplants,pumpingequipment,toolsandothergear couldbeimmediatelydivertedtobuildingtherailwaysandassociatedroadsthatheenvisaged (Idriess 1944) muchlikeHat field.Moreover,Idriessbelievedthatmanyofthe tensofthousandsofmenwhobuilttherailwaywouldremainaspermanentresidents(Fig. 2.4).Thesemenwouldbeemployedinagriculture(and,inparticular,

Fig.2.4 Griffith’sinteriorrailwayscheme:AvisualizationoftheghostcityofPimbaonGriffiths’ continentalrailway.Pimba’scurrentpopulationislessthan50. Source Montagebytheauthor. BaseimagebyTotajla(https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/indianpaci fic-railway-acrossaustralian-outback-453349075?src=Iu_lYcNDfB9Blb0GfyqLRQ-1-6)

2.3TheGhostCitiesofaRuralCivilization23

grazing)andotherresource-dependentindustriessuchasmining,aswellasinlocal industriesthatwouldservethelocalpopulation(Idriess 1944;Porter 2003).As Idriessoptimisticallyproclaimed, “asconstructionoftherailwayproceeded,andas thelandwasdividedandimproved,animmenseamountofworkwouldbeprovidedincreatingbuildingsforthecivilpopulation,permanentwater-suppliesand fencing” (Idriess 1944).

Ultimately,thecontinentalscaleandvastexpenseofGriffi ths’ schememeantit didnotgetanyfurtherthanthedrawingboard.Australiahadalreadyputdowna longerstretchofrailwaythananycountryintheworld(inproportiontopopulation),evenwithoutbuildingtheadditional11,000kmoftrackproposedin Griffiths’ scheme(Blainey 1966).Moreover,repatriatedAustraliansoldiers(particularlythoseinternedbytheJapaneseandforcedtobuildtheinfamous “Burma railroad”)wouldhavebeenveryreluctanttoembarkonthemonumentaltaskof buildingavastraillineencirclingcentralAustralia.

2.3.6Idriess’ InteriorLakeCities

Idriess’ (1944)visionoftownsandcitiesinAustralia ’sinteriorwasnotlimitedto thoseenabledbygrandrailschemes.SimilartoHatfield,Idriessbelievedthat “great waterstoragesfarandwidearerequiredinordertoimprovetheclimateand rejuvenateinlandAustralia ” (1944)tosustainasigni ficantsettlement.Tothisend, Idriesspresentedasinglemonolithicschemethathecalled,ingrandioseterms, “the Plan” (Cathcart 2010).HisproposalwastodamQueensland’scoastalriversonthe seawardsideoftheGreatDividingRange.Thiswaterwouldbeconveyedtothedry inlandsideoftheGreatDividingRangebytunnelsandreleasedintotheriverbeds that flowedtowardLakeEyre,aregiontowhichhereferred,inUSstyle,as “the greatlakessystem” (Cathcart 2010).Idriess’svisionofreengineeringthenation’s hydrologicalsystemswas,inpart,toenablethecreationnewcitiesintheinterior. Asheproclaimed:

Australia’scitiesofthefuturewillnotbefoundin fiveorsixspotsonour12,000-mile coastline – theywillstretchcontinuouslyalongtheRiversofthePlains,fromRomatothe MurraymouthandfromHughendentoLakeEyre… OnthefertileplainsaroundLakeEyre … willgrowupagardencity(Idriess 1944)(Figs. 2.5 and 2.6).

Tosupportthismassiveurbanizationprogramthereweretobenewroads, aerodromes,irrigation,powerprojects,aseriesofgreatdamsandpower-houses, factoriesandgreatchemicalandsyntheticplants “distributedalloverthecontinent andnotmerelyalongthecoastsoftheCommonwealth” (Idriess 1944).

Fig.2.5 Idriess’ interiorcities:Idriess’ visionofreengineeringthenation’shydrologicalsystems wasentwinedwithavisionfornewcitiesintheinterior(1944). Source Mapbytheauthor

Fig.2.6 LakeEyreCity:AvisualizationofIdriess’ imaginedgardencityonLakeEyrewithits factoriesandgreatchemicalandsyntheticplants(Idriess 1944). Source Montagebytheauthor. Basedonanimagebyanunknownphotographer(https://www.wilpenapound.com.au/latest-news/ 104/lake-eyre-update march-2017/)

julian.bolleter@uwa.edu.au

2.4TheResultsofAttemptstoForgeaRuralCivilization25

2.4.1LandDegradation

WhileBrady’s,Hatfield’sandIdriess’ imaginedcitiesintimefadedinto “ghost cities,” theagriculturaldevelopmentofmarginallandsthathadbeenintendedto supportamassivelyboostedpopulationinmostcaseshadadevastatingeffecton thenation’secologies.Extravagantoverclearingandovergrazingcausedextensive soilerosionandsalinizationandinitiatedthedesertifi cationofmarginallandsin manyregions(Powell 1984).Asaresult,bythe1940sAustraliawassufferingfrom extensiveerosionacross2,500,000km2 ofwhathadbeenproductiveland (Gillanders 2009).

Followingcloselyontheheelsofecologicalcollapsewereagriculturaland economicfailures.Mostoftheagriculturalschemesconceivedinthemaniaof buildingaruralcivilizationresultedineconomicfailuresduetoacombinationof undercapitalization,lackoftrainingandknowledge,andthemarginalnatureof inlandareas(Frost 2004).Thefailedschemesresultedinheavy financialburdens forgovernmentsandindividualsandprovidedacautionarytaleintermofallowing hopetotriumphoverexperience(Powell 1984).

GermanphilosopherFrederickEngelsforesawthisin1883,warning: “Letusnot flatterourselvesovermuchonaccountofourhumanvictoriesovernature.Foreach suchvictorynaturetakesitsrevengeonus” (Gleeson 2010).

2.4.2AContinuedDrifttotheCapitalCities

Despitetheeffortsoffederalandstategovernmentandindividuals,therewasno movementofpopulationawayfromthecapitalcities.Ratherthesmallexisting populationofruralareasincreasinglydriftedtowardthecapitalcities.Asearlyas 1927,theruralpaper TheLeader hadconcludedthatthesubstantialeffortsat decentralizationhadfailed.Astheydecried:

Millionsofpoundshavebeenspentinprovidingrailwaysandotherfacilities,whichwere designedtomakelifeinthecountrymorecongenialbutdespitethatfact,thebulkofthe peopleinruraldistrictsseemtohaveonlyoneaiminlife – toaccumulatesufficientmoney toenablethemtomigratetothecity.Asitismostofthecountrydistrictslosetheiryoung folk,who findlifetheretoodrabbycomparisonwithwhattheyimaginetobeabrightand easylifeinthecity(Davison 2016).

Giventhissoberingassessment,whatlessonscannewcityproponentslearn fromallthisambitiousmisadventure?

Thisperiodofendeavoringtocreatearuralcivilizationshouldbeacautionarytale fornewcityproponents,particularlyinrelationtooverestimatingthecarrying capacityoftheinteriorandunderestimatingthetyrannyofdistance,andthelivabilityandattractionofthecapitalcities.

2.5.1OverestimatedPopulation-CarryingCapacity

Themostimportantlessonofthisperiodwastobecognizantofnature’slimits.The failedattempttoreengineertheAustralianlandscapeledtotheunderstandingthat beyonditslimitedfertilecleftsmuchoftheAustralianlandscape “mocks” thevery ideaofclosersettlement(Weller 2001,p.68) anunderstandingthatnewcity proponentsperiodicallyforget,aswewillseelaterinthisbook.Ofcourse,thereare manycitiesaroundtheworldthathavethrivedinaridenvironments;however,the townsandcitiesproposedinthisperiodinAustraliaweretobe,inpart,ruralservice centers,assuchtheirfatedependedonthesuccessoftheadjacentagricultural programs.Withoutthedevelopmentofadjacentagriculturaldistricts,thesenewcity proposalslackedakeyeconomicdrivertoprovidejobsandincome,andassuch, thecitiesinevitablyfailedtomaterialize.

Intime,thedesiretoreengineerhydrologicalsystemsonthescalethatwas requiredtotransformbroadswathesoflandintheinteriordidleadtovastirrigation schemessuchasimaginedbyBrady,Hatfield,andIdriess.Oneexampleisthe mammothSnowyMountainsHydroelectricScheme,whichopenedinthe1970s. However,eventhisgargantuanprojectdidnotyieldanywhereneartheagricultural andsettlementoutcomesthatIdriessandBradyenvisaged.

2.5.2TheTyrannyofDistance

Ithasbeenlongrecognizedthattransportationcostsareafundamentaldeterminant ofthegrowthinpopulationsizeofcities(DurantonandPuga 2013).Totacklethis issue,anumberofthenewcityproponentsadvancedtheideathatairtransport couldovercomethetyrannyofdistancethatotherwiseunderminedthegrowthof regionalcities.Certainly,thisthemeemergesinBrady’sMallacootamodelforthe easternseaboardandHat field’svisionofAliceSpringsasacentralpointtoserve thesurroundingvastagriculturaldistrictsbyhelicopterandairplane.WhileIdriess’ schemereliedonthebetterunderstoodtransportmodeofrailways,thescaleofhis 11,000-kmcontinental-scalerailwaywasunprecedentedinAustraliaandproved completelyunfeasiblefromaneconomicperspective.

2.5KeyBarrierstoDevelopingNewCities(1901

Duetotheissuesofbothairandrailtravelatthescaleproposed,thedevelopmentoftheindustrialcomponentofalloftheseschemeswasgreatlycurtailedby thedistanceoftheseproposednewcitiestotheportsandmarketsassociatedwith themajorcapitalcities.

Whileintime,remoteAustralianminingoperationshavebecomeservicedbya “fly-in, fly-out” workforcereminiscentofHatfi eld’svision,weshouldbewary aboutembracingnewtransporttechnologiesasacure-allforconnectingthe incrediblesparsityofurbansettlementsdottedacrosstheAustraliancontinent. Proponentsofsuchschemesfacea “chickenandegg” situationinwhichwithout theinfrastructureyoucannotattractthepopulation;andwithoutthepopulation,you cannotattracttheinvestmentrequiredtobuildtheinfrastructure.Asaresult,the populationandtheinvestorswait,andnothinghappens…

2.5.3ImportedCityModels

TheconceptofthegardencityinAustralia,despiterepeatedattempts,failedto catchon,11 especiallyininlanddistricts(IwanickiandJones 2012),withthe obviousexceptionofCanberra.Inpart,thiscanbeexplainedbythenotionthat thegardencityconceptwaslessappealinginharshAustralianconditionsduetothe palpablepresenceof “empty” ruralspaceonthecontinent(Murphy 2009). Howard’sdeclarationthattownandcountry “mustbemarried,andoutofthis joyousunionwillspringanewhope,anewlife,anewcivilization” (Murphy 2009) fellparticularly flatinaridareas.Thepresenceofvastunpeopledtractsoflandwas asourceofconsiderableuneaseandadiffi cultsubstratumwithwhichtoforma “joyousunion.”

Thissituationpointstotheneedforcityformthatrespondstolandscape,both spatialandimagined.Moreover,thegardencitymodel,andits “fullsocietalprogram,” hadlittlehopeofsuccessinAustralia;indeeditwasa “ratherradical manifestoevenforBritain” (Freestone 1982).Asaresult,thereformonasocietal levelyieldeddirectlybythegardencityideainAustraliawaslimited.Theseissues remindusthatweshouldbecautiousaboutadoptingimportedcitymodelsin AustraliathatdonotreconcilethemselveseasilywithAustralia ’soften-aridbiophysicallandscapeandtypicallyconservativeculture(Aitken 1970).

2.5.4TheLivabilityofCoastalCities

Finally,theproponentswhoaimedtoforgearuralcivilizationunderestimatedthe continuinglivabilityofthecapitalcities,andcoastalareasingeneral.Thiswasdue,

11Nonetheless,watereddownversionsofHoward’sgardencitymodel, “gardensuburbs,” proliferatedinAustralia’scapitalcities.

Fig.2.7 Australiansuburbia:Theopeningupofsuburbanlivingtothemassesinthecapitalcities tookthe “windoutofthesails” ofthoseproposingruraldecentralizationbygenerallyeliminating the “pushfactor” fromthecapitalcities. Source PhotobyRichardWellerandtheauthor

inpart,toasituationinwhichAustralianurbanreformersdrewheavilyonBritish conceptualizationsofthecityandurbandegeneration(Murphy 2009).Theissue wasthatthenotionoftheunhealthycity,originatinginthecontextof1880s London,wasmoreimaginedthanrealinAustralianconditions(Murphy 2009).12 GeoffreyBoltondescribesthat,inthisrespect,thefailureofAustralianstobe enticedtomovetoruralareasmaybeexplainedbythefactthatmostcitydwellers werecontentwiththeirenvironment(Murphy 2009).Indeed,theopeningupof suburbanopportunitytothemassesintheearlytwentiethcenturycoincidedwith generallygoodhealthandhighlivingstandards.In1905,theinfluentialAmerican cityplanningadvocateFrederickHoweattestedtothissituation:

ThegreatcitiesofAustraliaarespreadoutintothesuburbsinasplendidway.Formiles aboutarebroadroadswithsmallhouses,gardens,andanopportunityfortouchwiththe freer,sweeterlifewhichthecountryoffers(Gleeson 2006)(Fig. 2.7).

12Theunhealthyconditions(i.e.,slumareas)inthecapitalcitiesintimewereaddressednot throughthedecentralizationofpopulationawayfromthesecitiesbutbyfocusedurbanrenewal thataimedtoeliminate “slum” conditionsinsitu.

2.5KeyBarrierstoDevelopingNewCities(1901–1945)29

Viewedinsuchtermstheopeningupofsuburbanlivingtothemassesislikelyto havetakenthewindoutofthesailsofthoseproposingruraldecentralizationby generallyeliminatingthe “pushfactor” fromthecapitalcities.Atthesametime, proponentsofpopulationdecentralizationalsotendedtoromanticizerurallife.In contrast,JeanCraig,asociologistwhosurveyedthecountrytownsofNewSouth Walesintheearly1940s,foundthatthegreatestchallengewasnottheisolationbut thesuffocatinghomogeneityofruralsociety.Asshewrote: “Theruralcommunity isunrelentinginitsdemandsforconformity,wheretheurbancommunitydisplays mereindifferencetotheeccentricitiesofitsmembers” (Davison 2016).

2.6Conclusion

Thischapterscopedthelatenineteenthtomid-twentiethcenturyperiodinwhich Australiansstrovetocreatea “ruralcivilization.” Thefantasythatnourishedthis imaginedcivilizationwasthatAustraliamightonedaysupporta “ruralpopulation ofperhapshundredsofmillionsdespitetheoverwhelmingdominanceofthe existingcapitalcitiesandtheharshrealitiesofitsenvironment” (Murphy 2009). Thefailureofthenewcitiesproposedinthisperiodisacautionarytaleforthose whooverestimatetheinteriorsagriculturalproductivity,aswellasforthosewho underestimatetheenduringtyrannyofdistanceandthelivabilityofthedominant coastalcapitalcities.

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Chapter3 DecentralizationFever

Abstract Thischaptercoverstheperiodbetween1970and1975whenitappeared likelythatAustraliawouldbeginanational-scaleprogramofpopulationdecentralizationandnewcitybuildingundertheGoughWhitlamFederalLabor Government.In1972,thenewlyestablishedDepartmentofUrbanandRegional Developmentactivelypursuedplanstodevelopthreeeffectivelynewcities: MonartoinSouthAustralia,Bathurst–OrangeinNewSouthWalesandAlbury–WodongaontheVictoria–NewSouthWalesborder.Proponentsintendedthatthese newcitieswouldalleviatepressureonthecapitalcitiesthattheyconsidered overcrowdedanddeterioratinginbothaestheticsandefficiency.Complementing thisfederalgovernmenteffort,atthestatelevel,wasplanningtoestablishnew populationcentersinthePilbararegionfortheWesternAustralianstategovernment.Thischaptertracesthenewandboostedcitypropositionsthatemergedinthis periodandidentifieskeybarrierstotheirimplementationsuchasthecontinued livabilityofexistingstatecapitalcitiesandcentralizingeconomicforces.

Keywords Newcities Decentralization DepartmentofUrbanandRegional Development GoughWhitlam ThePilbara Albury–Wodonga Monarto Shaygap

3.1TheCaseforDecentralization

Thischapterconcernstheperiodbetween1970and19751,asecondaperiodin Australianhistorywhenthereappearedtobeaseriouspossibilitythatthenation would “embarkonalargescaleprocessofnewcitybuilding” (Freestoneetal.

1The1970–1975periodwasdefinedbythe “TowardstheCitiesofthe21stCenturycongress” convenedinCanberrain1970,whichconstituteda “landmarkeventen-routetotheWhitlam Government’sunprecedentedprogramtoestablishnewcitiesinAustralia” from1972to1975 (Freestoneetal. 2016,p.1).TheGovernor-General,SirJohnKerr,dismissedtheWhitlam Governmentin1975inrelationtoallegedgovernmentscandalsandastrugglingeconomy.

© TheAuthor(s)2018

J.Bolleter, TheGhostCitiesofAustralia,SpringerBriefsinGeography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4_3

2016,p.2).UnderGoughWhitlam ’s 2 FederalLaborGovernment(1972–1975),the DepartmentofUrbanandRegionalDevelopment(DURD)3 wascreatedto “institutionallymanagethebuiltenvironment” (Oakley 2004,p.299),especiallyin regardtotheproblemsofexistingcitiesandthedevelopmentofnewregional growthareas(Rushman 1976,p.4).(TheDURDwasoriginallygoingtobe DUD-minustheword “regional”!).Thiswasadramaticshift,inthatitcameafter morethan20yearsoffederalnoninvolvementinthemattersofcities,suchissues havingtraditionallybeenlefttothevariousstategovernments(Rushman 1976, p.4).AccordingtoDURDstaff,suchfragmentedstategovernmentresponsesto cityplanningandmanagement(whenviewedfromafederalperspective)waspartly toblameforacrisisinAustraliancities(Oakley 2004,p.302).

WhiletheDURDhadashortlife thedefeatofthefederalWhitlam Governmentin1975heraldingitsdemise itisunequaledintermsoftheeffort appliedtoachievingdecentralizationoutcomes.Thisisinrespecttobothboosting selectedtownstocitystatus,suchasAlbury–Wodonga,Bathurst,andOrange,as wellasproposingcompletelynewcitiessuchasMonarto(Freestone 2013).Inthis chapter,theseandothernewandboostedcityproposalsareexploredintermsof howtheyfailedtoattracttherequiredinvestmentandplannedpopulation(Gleeson 2010,p.61).ThechapteralsoexploresconcomitantWesternAustralianstate governmentinvestigationsintocreatinganewtowndistributedalongahigh-speed transportspineinthePilbararegioninAustralia’snorthwest,planning,inspiredby relatedeffortsatthefederallevel.

Thisprogramofpopulationdecentralizationwasjusti fiedusingmanyofthe sameargumentsasthosegivenintheearlytwentiethcentury,discussedinthe previouschapters.

3.1.1AnUrbanCrisisintheCapitalCities

Inthelate1960s,onceagain,theperceptionthatAustralia’s “sordid” capitalcities wereinastateofcrisiswaswidespreadamongstcityplanners,designers,and administrators(GoldsmithandConner 1970,p.xi;Llewellyn-Smith 1970,p.86). Thecrisisencompassedallegedurbanugliness,overcrowding,pathology,congestion,pollution,societalstratification,andevenpotentialvulnerabilityinwar issuessharedwithmajorcitiesaroundtheworld.TheUnitedNations,ina1970 reportconsideredthatthe “urbancrisis” wassecondonlytotheproblemofkeeping worldpeace(citedinCheung 1972,p.12).IntheU.S.,thisurbancrisiswasseenas requiringdramaticinterventions includingproposalsthatthe “overgrownurban

2GoughWhitlam(1916–2014)wastheLaborprimeministerofAustraliafrom1972to1975. Despiteitsshortterm,theWhitlamGovernmentimplementedasignificantnumberofnewprogramsandpolicychanges.

3TomUrenheadeduptheDURDasMinisterforUrbanandRegionalDevelopment1972–1975.

3.1TheCaseforDecentralization35

complexmustbeselectivelydismantledanddispersedtocuretheillsofthe megalopolis” (Spilhaus 1967,p.710).

SomeAustraliancommentatorsevenwentasfarastoarguethat,fromanational pointofview,itmightbedesirabletoencouragecontinuedconcentrationofpopulationandeconomicactivitiesinthelargecities “sincetheyarealreadysucha mess … theymightaswellbewrittenoffaltogethertosavetherestofAustralia ” (Neutze 1974,p.263).

3.1.2PopulationOverconcentration

OneofthemostdamningcritiquesofAustralia ’scapitalcitieswasthattheywere expressionsoftheoverconcentrationofAustralia’spopulation.Thisrelatedtothe perceptionthatAustralia,incomparisonwithothermodernindustrialsocieties, experiencedanalarminglyhigh “territorialimbalanceinpopulationandeconomic opportunity” betweenurbanandruralareas(Lonsdale 1972,p.321).Compounding thisperceivedissuewereofficialpopulationprojectionsthatAustralia’spopulation wouldalmostdoublebytheendofthecentury,reaching23million(Cities Commission 1973,p.18).

Theperceptionofanoverconcentrationofpeopleincitiesstemmedfromthe beliefthatbythetimeacityreachesapopulationof2,000,000mostofthe advantagesthatderivefromsheersizehavebeenexhausted(Neutze 1974,p.265). Whiletherewere,ofcourse,someofferingswhicharegenerallyonlyavailablein largecities,likeoperahousesandstockexchanges,forexample(Neutze 1974, p.265),itwasgenerallyfeltthattheseweretheexceptiontotherule.Inthisrespect, thefederalCitiesCommissionregardedthat,themajoradvantagesofalargecity, withtheminimumofdisadvantages,couldexistwithapopulationofbetween approximately100,000and500,000people… (CitiesCommission 1973,p.21).

3.1.3DeterioratingEnvironments

DecentralizationproponentsincreasinglybelievedAustraliancitieswerenotjust overcrowdedbutalsodeterioratingwithrespecttotheirbuiltenvironments(Cities Commission 1973,p.13).SomeoftheAustraliancharacterizationsofurban deteriorationinthisperiodhadtheiroriginsintheU.S.Aperceptionthatthelarge Americancitieswererottenplacestolivehadsweptthenationinthemidtolate 1960s.IanMcHarg,arespectedplanner,fueledsuchsentiments,proclaiming: themoderncity inhibitsmanasanorganism,manasasocialbeing,manasaspiritual being,andthatitdoesnotevenofferadequateminimumconditionsforphysiologicalman. Indeedthemoderncityofferstheleasthumanephysicalenvironmentknowntohistory (Lonsdale 1971,p.118).

Inalessemotivetone,someAustraliancriticsbegantoidentifyapervasive Australianurbanugliness.Lonsdaleregardedsuburbansprawlas “typically unplanned,uncoordinated,andun-aesthetic” andboulevardswere “clutteredwitha mishmashofarchitecturalnightmaressuchasColonelSanders’ friedchicken emporiums…” (Lonsdale 1971,p.118).Moreover,criticsbelievedthisformof decaywasgrowing.Bookslike “TheAustralianUgliness” (Boyd 2010)and “AustralianOutrage” (GazzardandPotts 1966)tabledlow-density,car-oriented stripdevelopment,andproblematicfringesuburbsasbeingemblematicofthe issuesofAustralia’scapitalcities(Freestone 2013,p.238).

3.1.4Pathologies

Linkinglargecitiestovariousformsofpathologywascommon,suchaswas discussedinthepreviouschapter.OfthesituationintheU.S.cities,McHarg explainedthat “theheartofthecityistheheartofpathologyandthereisagreat concentrationofalltypesofpathologyencirclingit” (McHarg 1992,p.193).Some writersassociatedphysicalandmentalhealthdirectlywithaphysicaldensityof population.Thisargumentwasbasedonstudiesofthedisturbingeffectsofovercrowdingonrats, fish,lemmings,andlargemammals(Alonso 1970,p.13).While therewasno findingofcomparableeffectswithrespecttohumanpopulations,this didnotstoptheidentifi cationofsimilardynamicsincities(Alonso 1970,p.13).As Spilhausobserved: “Ifweconsiderthatanyexcessthatisharmfultodecentlivingis apollutant,thentheprimepollutantonearthistoomanypeople” (Spilhaus 1967, p.710).

TheAustralianfederalCitiesCommissionin1971tabledhealthdatathatconfirmedsuchobservations.Thisdataregardingtheadmissionofpsychiatricpatients inVictoriashowedthatamanlivinginacitywasthreetimesmorelikelytobe admittedforalcoholismandovertwotimesmorelikelytobeadmittedforpersonalitydisordersthanamanlivinginruralareas(CitiesCommission 1973,p.22). Suchdataleadthecommissiontoconcludethatlargecitieshavehigherpercapita ratesforphysiologicalandmentalillness,crimeandjuveniledelinquency,and socialstressthanthenationalincidenceofthesefactors.

Whilesuchassessmentsseemedalarmistinrelationtothelowdensity,suburban spreadofAustraliancities,localcommentatorsdidmakeobservationsthatpollution oftheairandwatercoursesinAustralia ’scapitalcitieshadreacheddeplorable levelsandthatthecentralizationofpopulationwascertainlyamajorfactor (Lonsdale 1971,p.141;Widdows 1974,p.196).Again,whilecriticsincreasingly portrayedcitiesasbeingadangertophysicalhealth,theywerealsoregardedasa threattocivility—”morality,delinquency,lawandorderallbeingregardedasbeing worseinthecity” thaninruralareas(Widdows 1974,p.201).

3.1.5Congestion

Beyondsuchgloomyassessments,Australia’scapitalcitieswerealsoregardedas declininginefficiency(Alonso 1970,p.6).Evidenceofthiswasincreasingtraffic congestionandpunishingcommutesfromoutersuburbs,whichbecamerelatively standardfeaturesofAustralia’scapitalcitiesfromthe1970son(Lonsdale 1971, p.118).Thiscongestionhinderedboththedailycommutetoworkandtheabilityto escapethecityonweekends.AsNeutze(1974,p.263)explained: “Someofthe worstcongestioninmanycitiesresultsfromSundaydrivingtopopularrecreation areas.” Inatypicallypragmaticmanner,theAustralianInstituteofSurveyorsalso regardedthatdecentralizationwasaworthygoalinthatitcouldleadtothe “inexpensiveprovisionofcarparking…” (1972,p.1).

3.1.6SocietalSegmentation

Arguably,thetrafficcongestiondescribedwashavingadisproportionateimpacton fringe-dwellingsegmentsofthecommunity,inparticular,outersuburbanresidents. HughStretton,inlinewithsuchassessments,venturedtheideathatthepoorare moredisadvantagedrelativetotherichinlargecitiesthaninsmallertownsand cities(Neutze 1974,p.267).Inrelationtothissituation,itwasfeltthatbigcities “imposerole-segmentedcontactsonpeopleandkeepthemfromknowingeach otheraswholepersons” (Alonso 1970,p.12).Criticsbelievedthatduetothescale andimpersonalityofthecity, “peoplecannotunderstandtheforcesthataffecttheir destiniesandconsequentlyexperiencealienation” (Alonso 1970,p.12).Incontrast, itwasperceivedthatsmallernewtownsprovideasinglefocusfordwelling, education,employment,shopping,recreation,andcivicactivities,andthusthey “afforddeepandenduringrelationshipsaswellasacomprehensibleenvironmentin whichtheindividualmayparticipateandwhichhemay,toadegree,control” (Alonso 1970,p.12).

3.1.7VulnerabilityinWar

Finally,commentatorsbelievedreducingourvulnerabilitytoaerialbombardment wasalsodependentonadecentralizedsettlementpatterncomprisingadispersed networkofsmallertownsandcities.In1940,the “NationalCatholicRural Movement,RuralLife” magazineclaimedthat “thebombingplanewithitsawful powersofdestructionshowssoclearlythefallacyofconcentratingourresourcesin bigcities” (Kilmartin 1973,p.37).TheAustralianscientistMarcusOliphant,witha

nucleararmsraceinfullswing,advocatedthatAustraliashouldalsobebuilding newcitiestoreducetheriskfromatomicattack(Freestone 2013,p.237).4

3.2DecentralizationastheAnswertoCitiesinCrisis

DecentralizationproponentsintheU.S.believedsiphoningpeoplefromthemajor citiesintoneworboostedcitiesinregionalareaswastheanswertothisurbancrisis, initsvariousmanifestations.AsAthelstanSpilhausargued:

…ifhalfthepresent200,000,000peopleintheUnitedStateswerelivingin800citieswith apopulationofa250,000each,andifthesecitieswerescatteredevenlyacrosstheUnited States,wewouldnothavethepollution,thetrafficcongestion,theriots,andmanyofthe otherillsthatdevelopwhencitiesbecometoolarge(1967,p.711).

TheAmericanAssociationfortheAdvancementofScienceregardedthaturban renewalofslum-likeurbanareasintheexistingmajorcitieswherepathologywas concentratedwasakintoAspirin,which “mayrelieveaheadacheandbringdowna fever” butwillstillleavethepatientsick.Thediseasewassimplyanoverconcentrationofpeopleinasmallarea(1972,p.709).Spilhausarguedsuchwerethe issuesoflargeU.S.citiesthat “wemustlookatsolutionsthatenvisageurban dispersal,andifwearetodisperseintonewplannedcities,anationalexperimental citiesprogramisanurgentmust” (1967,p.715).Theexperimentationthatoccurred innewcitiesorlaboratories,itwasargued,couldacttothe “diffusedesigninnovation” backtoexistingcities(Alonso 1970,p.15).TheAmericanAssociationfor theAdvancementofScience,indramaticfashion,evenwentasfarastocallforthe completeeliminationofthecity.Astheyurged:

Whycannotpeoplelivewherevertheywishandcongregateelectronically?Sight,sound, thesenseoftouch,and,inthenearfuture,evensmell,canbetransmittedanywhereinthe world.Many … businessandculturaladvantagesofthecitycanbere-createdequallyina studyhighintheRockyMountainsorinanartist’sstudiooutWashingtononCapeCod (AmericanAssociationfortheAdvancementofScience 1972,p.709).

GiventheswaythattheU.S.hadonAustraliaatthispointinhistory,these alarmistcharacterizationsanddramaticpropositionsundoubtedlyinfluencedthe concurrentdebatearoundpopulationoverconcentrationanddecentralizationin Australia.Certainly,respectedlocalcommentatorssuchasMaxNeutzebelieved thatdecentralizationcouldactasacure-allfortheproblemsofAustralia’scities, alleviatingsocietalsegregation,congestionandpollution,improvehousing affordabilityandprovidejobs(Neutze 1974,p.270).

4However,withrapidly “improving” nuclearweaponsabletodevastatevastareas,thisclaim begantolosesomeofitsforce(Neutze 1974,p.260).

3.2DecentralizationastheAnswertoCitiesinCrisis39

3.2.1TheExemplarofCanberra

Fuelingthepropositionoftheneworboostedcitiesinthe1970–1975periodin AustraliawasalsotheapparentsuccessofCanberra,whichhadreachedapopulationofalmost100,000.DesignedbyWalterBurleyGriffinandhiswifeMahony Griffin,Canberrahadbeentheproductofadesigncompetitionheldin1912fora newfederalcapitalcity.5 Inthelate1960s,Canberra’spublicimagehadchanged fromthatofanexpensive,sparselyinhabitedmonumentintosomethingofasuccess.AsGraemeNeutzeenthused,Canberrahadbecome “anexemplarfor decentralizationinAustralia” anda “goodexampleofwhatplanningcanachieve” (1974,p.267).Thiswasadramaticshiftinthepublicopiniongiventhat,untilthe 1950s,Canberrawaslaughedoffasa “sheeppaddockandlefttolanguish, incompleteandunloved” (Ellem 2014,p.107).

GoughWhitlam,however,wholivedinCanberrainthe1920sand30sduringits initialconstructionphases,saw “theprocessesbywhichasuccessfulnewcity mightcomeintobeing,” anexperiencethatwasobviouslyformative(Freestone etal. 2016,p.3).Ithadbeenlongconsideredthatthenewfederalcapitalwould pointthewaytowardtheplanningandcreationofother “trulysplendidcitiesbythe shoresofthelonelyPaci fic” (Reade 1912,p.7).Inlinewithsuchthinking,Whitlam proposedthat,ifelectedasprimeminister,hewouldbuildafurther fiveoreven10 newCanberras atleastonenewcityforeachAustralianstate(Wanna 1982, p.260).Thesecitieswereinparttobegardencities.In1971,Whitlamevokedthe “threemagnets” rhetoricofEbenezerHowardfrom70yearspreviously:

Bycreatingnewcitiesareashithertoruralwecanbringtheconvenienceoftownlifetothe farmerandthespaciousnessofthecountrysidetohisurbancompatriot Creationofcities isthenewdecentralization(Freestoneetal. 2016,p.4).6

ThefollowingsectionreviewstheWhitlamGovernment’sattempts,throughthe DURD,towrestlethesenewcitiesintobeing.

3.3TheDURD’sGhostCitiesofDecentralization

In1972,theDURDdevelopedaseriesofstudyareasforthe “growthcenters” program,whichwasaplanningresponsetotheperceivedcrisisinAustralia’s capitalcities,andtheanticipateddoublingofAustralia’spopulationby2000.These includedTownsville,theFitzroyregion(includingRockhamptonandGladstone),

5TheGriffin’swinningplanforCanberradrewon “theimpressivestyleandcivicemphasisofCity Beautifulplanning” aswellasadoptinga “GardenCity” approachtoresidentialareas(Ellem 2014, p.112).

6Townplanner,andurbanthinker,PatrickTroy(AO)ghostwrotemanyofWhitlam’s planning-relatedspeeches.

theMoretonregion(includingBrisbane),Gosford–Wyong,HoldsworthyCampbelltown,Bathurst-Orange,Albury–Wodonga,thePortPhillipregion,the Tamarregion,Monarto,Albany,Bunbury,Salvador(Perth’snorth-westcorridor), Geraldton,thePilbararegionandDarwin(Fig. 3.1).Outofthisprocess,Monartoin SouthAustralia,Bathurst-OrangeinNewSouthWalesandAlbury–Wodongaon theVictoria–NewSouthWalesborderwereselectedforfurtherplanningand investment(Cocks 1992,p.215).7

TheDURD’s “growthcenters” comprisedtwobasiccitytypes.Firstwasnewor boostedsatellitecities8 developedwithinthe “influenceofanexistingmetropolitan areabutasaself-containedentityratherthanametropolitandormitoryarea.” Geelong,anexistingportcity50kmfromMelbourne,wascitedasanexample (Rushman 1976,p.11).Secondwasboostedregionalcities9 “locatedatasignificantdistancefromametropoliswithexistingresourcesorthepotentialtoservethe regionwhichsurroundsit” (Rushman 1976,p.11).Albury–Wodonga,onthe borderbetweenVictoriaandNewSouthWales,wasgivenasanexample(Rushman 1976,p.11).The(expressed)preferencewasforboostedregionalcitiesthatcould reachapopulationofbetween100,000and500,000,arangewithinwhichitwas consideredthatsignificantdisadvantagesofthebigcitywereunlikelytoarise,yet manyoftheadvantagesofthebigcitywouldbeachieved(Rushman 1976,p.11).It wasconsideredthatboostedregionalcitiesintimecouldbecome “themothercity ofasystemofcities” (Freestone 1982,p.44).10 TheseproposedpolycentricstructureswerereminiscentofEbenezerHoward’spolycentricgardencitynetworks a constellationofmedium-sizedcenters,separatedbygenerousopenspaces (Freestone 1982,p.44).

3.3.1Albury–Wodonga

Albury–Wodongawasthe flagshipprojectoftheDURD’sregionalgrowthcenter strategy.Priortoselectionintothegrowthcentersprogram,AlburyandWodonga wereaverage-sizedtownsastridetheNewSouthWalesandVictorianborder,a situationthatprovidedausefulexcuseforfederalgovernmentinvolvement.The Albury–Wodongasitewaslocatedonasubstantialriverdividingthetwostatesbut alsoatthepointofachangeofterrainbetweenmountainouscountrytothe southeastandGreatPlainstothewestandnorth theMelbourne–Sydneymain roadandrailroutesfollowedthisdividethroughAlburyandWodonga.Benefi tsof

7TheDURDaimedtoavoidscattereddecentralization(suchaswasdiscussedinchapter2)by selectingalimitednumberofconsolidatedgrowthareas.

8TheDURDreferredtothesecitiesas “metropolitangrowthcentres.”

9TheDURDreferredtothesecitiesas “regionalgrowthcentres.”

10TheideaofapolycentricsettlementsystemappearedintheplansforBathurst-Orange(witha newintermediatetownofVictoria)andAlbury–Wodonga(withthenew “greenfield” townsof ThurgoonaandMiddleCreek/Baranduda).

Fig.3.1 Afederalplanforcities:ThismapshowstheDepartmentofUrbanandRegional Development’sproposedstudyareasforthe1972–1975growthcentersprogram.Outofthis process,MonartoinSouthAustralia,Bathurst-OrangeinNewSouthWalesandAlbury–Wodonga ontheVictoria–NewSouthWalesborderwerechosen. Source MapbyGordonRushmantraced bytheauthor 3.3TheDURD

thesitealsoincludedproximitytotheHumeWeir,averylargereservoirjust upstreamontheMurrayRiverwithpotentialforrecreationaluse(Rushman 1976, p.18).

Basedonaprojectedpopulationof300,000peoplefromabaseof45,000,itwas clearfromtheoutsetthattheAlbury–Wodongaregionalgrowthcenterproject wouldrequireanimmenseinvestmentinpromotion,planning,administrationand management(Kilmartin 1973,p.37).Reflectingthis,Albury–Wodongawasto attractover60%ofthe$164millioningrowthcenterfundingbetween1973and 1977(Freestone 2013,p.240).

Theeconomicdriversfortheprojectwereinitiallyunclear,reflectingthefact thatsuchprojectshadoverlyconcentratedonphysicalplanningtotherelative exclusionofeconomicconsiderations(MatthewsinPennay 2005,p.334).Intime, Albury–Wodongawasproposedasadistributioncenterservingnationaland internationalmarkets,aninternationaltraininganddevelopmentcenter,an accommodationcenterinrespectoftourism,boardingschools,healthfarms,and camps,and finallyacenterforselectedagriculturalandmanufacturingactivities (includingbuildingcars)(Pennay 2005,p.179).

Thecity’surbanformwasproposedintheAustralianlow-densitytradition; however,theplanhadcharacteristicsreminiscentofsomeofthelargerBritishnew townssuchasMiltonKeynes,designedinthe1960s(Rushman 1976,p.18).The similaritiesincludedthelinearsequenceofmajorsettlementsconstitutingthenew city,apublictransitroutelinkingthecentersofthecomponentsettlements,parallel majorroads,anda finergridofroadsinnewdevelopmentareas(Rushman 1976,p.18) (Fig. 3.2).ThefactthatAlbury–Wodonga’sformechoedBritishnewtownsnodoubt reflectedtheinfluenceofBritishplanningidealsinthisperiod.Moreover,itwasan attempttoemulatetherelativesuccessoftheBritishnewtownmovement,whichwas regardedatthetimetobeatriumphofBritishplanning(Berkley 1973,p.479).

GiventheDURDhadashortlife,ongoingfederalgovernmentsupportfor boostingAlbury–Wodongadwindledoverthenextdecades.Albury–Wodonga continuedtogrowatareasonablerateandnowhasapopulationof80,000.Todayit isapleasanttownbutbynomeansacityofsignifi cance.Inrelationtosuch assessments,in1992theProductivityCommissionmadetheobservationthat,with respecttoAlbury–Wodonga,theDURDhadachievedlittleotherthanthewasteof agreatdealofmoney(Pennay 2005,p.332).

Fig.3.2 Albury–Wodongagrowthcenterplanning:TheplanningforAlbury–Wodongahad similaritiestoBritishnewtownsofthe1960sincludingthelinearsequenceofmajorsettlements andamasstransitroutelinkingthecentersofthecomponentsettlements. Source PlanbyGordon Rushmantracedbytheauthor

Hume Weir

Floodplain

Albury

Wodonga

Railway

MurrayRiver 3km

3.3TheDURD

3.3.2Monarto

OnthesameMurrayRiverthat flowsthroughAlbury–Wodonga,yet1000kmto thewest,wasthesiteoftheproposednewSouthAustraliansatellitecitycalled “Monarto,” namedafteralate-nineteenth-centuryindigenouswoman(Rushman 1976,p.20;Walkeretal. 2015,p.30).LikeAlbury–Wodonga,theMonartosite hadthemaininterstateroadandraillinkspassthroughit inthiscase,between AdelaideandMelbourne;however,itwassubstantiallyclosertoacapitalcity, beingonly50kmeastofAdelaide.Nonetheless,itwasphysicallyseparatedfrom AdelaidebytheMountLoftyRanges(Walkeretal. 2015,p.21)(Fig. 3.1).

WithinSouthAustralia,Monartowasconsideredtobeofgreatimportance,asit wasprojectedtobecomethesecondlargestcityinthestateandaviableregional alternativetoAdelaide(Rushman 1976,p.20).Fast-pacedpopulationgrowthand therelatedthreatstothequalityofurbanlifeintheotherwisepleasantandsedate cityofAdelaideweregivenasthemajorofficialreasonsforMonarto’sinauguration.Indeed,Adelaidehadexperiencedapopulationgrowthrateinexcessof3% perannumintheearly1960sandMonartowasplannedtoabsorbupto180,000 peoplefromAdelaide’sgrowthasit,itself,builtuptoaprojectedpopulationofup to200,000bytheendofthecentury(Rushman 1976,p.20;Wanna 1982,p.262). ItwasarguedthatwithoutsuchasatellitecitytolessenpressureonAdelaide,the capitalcitywouldreach “undesirableandunmanageableproportions” asitspopulationballoonedtoaprojected1,500,000in2000(Wanna 1982,p.262)and descendedintoa “congested,smog-shroudedmegalopolis” (Walkeretal. 2015, p.21).Towardoffthisemergingsituation,theSouthAustralianstategovernment haddesignatedMonartoasametropolitangrowthcenter(CitiesCommission 1973, p.42)andtheMonartoDevelopmentCommission(MDC)wasgiventhewildly ambitioustaskofcreatingthenewcityby1980(Walkeretal. 2015,p.22).

SouthAustralianPremierDonDunstan,11 stateallyofthefederalWhitlam Government,hadaviewthatthecityshouldbeadaptedtothetoughenvironment12 ofitssiteandmoregenerallytotheAustralianwayoflife.Asplanningand preliminarydesignproceededfrom1972to1975,thelandscapepotentialofthe city’sselectedsitebecamecentraltoitsconception(Walkeretal. 2015,p.20). Dunstanimploredin1973:

ItwillprobablybeunlikeanyothercityinAustraliainitsdesign… Anewvisionofthe Australiancity … Itwillbethe firstcitytounderstandthebeautyandenvironmental advantageofAustraliannative flora … acityinwhichpeoplewill findthatamuchlower scaleofwaterconsumptionorworkisneededintheirparks,streets,courtyardsandplay areas,becausethetrees,shrubs,plantsandgrassesbelongtothelandtheygrowin(Walker etal. 2015,p.21).

11DonDunstanwasaLaborpoliticianandpremierofSouthAustraliabetween1970and1979. 12Monarto’sclimatewasextreme,thesitebeingpronetobelow-zerotemperaturesinwinterand heatwavesofover40degreesCelsiusinsummer(Walkeretal. 2015,p.22).

DesignconsultantsBorisKazanskiandtheBritishplanning firmShanklandCox translatedthisvisionintoaconceptplanforMonarto(Walkeretal. 2015,p.22). Thebackboneoftheconceptplanswasanopen-spacesystembasedonexisting seasonalcreeks(RockyGullyandPreamimmacreeks),resultingingenerousgreen corridorsforbothwildlifemovementandhumanrecreation.Theconfluenceofthe creeksystemscoincidedwithacentralarea,taggedthe “heartland”(Walkeretal. 2015,p.23).Thevariedlandformsinassociationwiththetwocreeksandremnant vegetationofferedtheopportunitytocreateacentralparklandof “distinctive beauty” thatcouldgiveMonartoa “uniquelyAustralianimage” (MonartoPlanning StudiesinWalkeretal. 2015,p.23).Transportationroutestooktheircuesfromthe hydrologyandopen-spaceframeworkandalignedwiththeeast–westpatternofthe site’snaturalfeatures(Walkeretal. 2015,p.23).

AccordingtotheMDC’s “propaganda” pressreleasesof1975,thedesignof Monartoitselfwastogeneratea “beautifulcity” soasto “orchestrateniceandclean economicprogresstocomplementthelifestylequalityofadisparatemiddleclass” (Wanna 1982,p.262).AsWannaexplained:

Monartowasnottobedisfiguredwithdark,satanicmillsbutcomputerterminals;itwasto havenodilapidatedhousingestatesbutpalatialtownhouses,noinner-cityfreewaysbut endless,leisurelycyclepaths;itwasnotintendedtoprovidedecenthousingfortheneedy butimmaculateresidencesforcivilbureaucrats(1982,p.265)(Fig. 3.3).

PremierDunstantoldapressconferencein1974that,unliketheAdelaide satellitecityofElizabethestablishedinthe1950stosatisfythelaborneedsof GeneralMotors(Wanna 1982,p.265),itwouldnotberelianton “onemammoth industry” butrather “haveavarietyofmanufacturingandcommercial,academic, scientificandgovernmentventures,” withaparticularfocuson “tertiaryindustries” (Walkeretal. 2015,p.21).Moreover,itwasprojectedthatsupplyingprovisions, materials,andservicesfortheanticipatedapproximately200,000newresidents wouldstimulatebothMonarto’sandAdelaide’slocalindustries(Wanna 1982, p.264).

Whenpeopleraiseddoubtsovertheproject,abarrageofintensivepublic relationsmaterialwasavailabletoassist(Wanna 1982,p.263).Thisincluded informationpamphlets,glossybrochures,posters,exhibitions,propagandakits,and otherbooklets,allofwhichappearedwithregularity.Thesepublicationsvariedin quality.TheMDC’s “mostexpensivepublicationwasthe48pageannualreport whichincludedcolorphotographsofMonarto fi elds,rocks,oldbuildings,abird takingofffromafenceandahorse” (Wanna 1982,p.263).

Attemptsmadein1975tounderscorethesubstanceoftheprojectfailedtogain tractioninthefaceofmountingdoubtsconcerningtheviabilityoftheproject. PremierDunstan,inanunpopularanddesperatemove,threatenedtoforciblyexile largesectionsofthestatepublicservicetoMonartobutlater,undersomepressure, backeddown(Wanna 1982,p.263).Theconcernwasthatwithoutsuchenmasse, forcedtherelocationofbureaucrats,Monartowas “loomingasanine-to- five satellite;aghosttownofdailycommuters” (Wanna 1982,p.263).

3.3TheDURD

Fig.3.3 Monartoconceptplan:ThebackboneofMonarto’splanningwasanopen-spacesystem basedonexistingcreeks,resultingingenerousgreencorridorsforbothwildlifemovementand humanrecreation. Source PlanbyShanklandCoxandBorisKazanskitracedbytheauthor

Compoundingthissituation,theestablishmentoftheMDCtoconstructthenew townin1974coincidedwiththeonslaughtofasevereeconomicdepression (Wanna 1982,p.265).TheDunstanGovernmentfounditselfinapositioninwhich itsavailablereserveswereofnecessityexpendedonjob-creationschemesrather thanonperceivedluxuryitemssuchasnewcities(Wanna 1982,p.265).This mirroredthefederalgovernment’sincreasingunwillingnesstocommitfunding,and thecontinuationoftheMonartoschemeincreasinglybecameanembarrassmentto theDunstanadministration(Wanna 1982,p.267).

TheTonkinLiberalstategovernment,whichcametoofficein1979,hadwound uptheschemeby1981and,sensinglittlepopulardisapproval, finallyremoved Monartofromthestate’saccounts.Speculatorsinthemeantimeventured sometimes-novelsuggestionsconcerningthepossibleusesforthe18,000hectares ofgovernment-ownedopenspace.Oneinnovativelocalcounciloradvocated turningthesiteintoavastopen-rangezootoattracttourists(Wanna 1982,p.267),a planthathascometofruition,theMonartositeintimebecominghometo500 exoticandnativemammals,birds,andreptiles13 (insteadofbureaucratsreptiles!).

13Inasomewhatsimilarturnofevents,aproposeddevelopmentsiteinanothergrowthcenter, Bathurst-Orange,wastobecomeanarboretum.

Inessence,theMonartonewcityprojectwas “inthewrongtimeandplace” (Freestone 2013,p.240).ItsrelianceonsiphoningpopulationfromAdelaide becameaweakpointasAdelaide’spopulationgrowthslowedrapidlyinthe mid-1970s.Furthermore,itsinceptioncoincidedwithdepressedeconomicconditionsandonasite,whichitwasconcededbyMDC’sgeneralmanager,hadbeen selectedwithout “anydetailedanalysis” (Wanna 1982,p.261).

3.4StateGovernment-NetworkedCitiesintheNorthwest

AtthesametimeastheMonarto fiascowasunraveling,theWesternAustralianstate governmentwasalsopursuingitsownplansforpopulationdecentralizationto alleviatepressureoffthestatecapitalcityofPerth.Localsandpoliticiansperceived thatPerth,wasexperiencing “monstrousgrowth” whichneededtobe “retarded” (Weir 1974,p.4)soastopreserveawayoflifeforwhichPerthwas(apparently!) enviedaroundtheworld(Graham 1972,p.15).AswithMonarto,theanswerwas populationdecentralization.AsHerbertGraham,theMinisterforDevelopmentand Decentralizationdeclaredinrathermechanicalterms, “thegovernment’sdecentralizationmachineryshouldbegivenaverymuchenlargedroleandthatdecentralizationeffortsshouldbelubricatedwithgovernment financeandguarantees, plusadviceandencouragement” (1972,p.4).

EffortstowardpopulationdecentralizationinWesternAustraliafocusedin particularonthestate’sPilbaraRegioninthestate’snorthwest,anareawith abundantmineralresources(Graham 1972,p.11).In1972,thestategovernmentset aboutexaminingtheprospectsfordevelopingthePilbararegionandwasconsideringthecreationofanetworkofnewtownsinthePilbararegion(Cities Commission 1973,p.43;Stickells 2015,p.241)withaprojectedtotalpopulation of250,000people(Brodie-Hall 1972,p.8).

TheseeffortsculminatedinThePilbaraStudyin1974 amajorplanningstudy conductedbyTechnic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart.Thereportauthors envisagedthecreationofan “entirelynewurbansystem” basedonthedevelopment ofadditionalresource-basedindustries(suchaspastoralism,forestry,andtourism), coupledwiththemajorimpetusofresourceextraction,therelatedmanufacturingof steelfromlocaliron-orereserves(Rushman 1976,p.14),andthepossible enrichmentofuranium(Brodie-Hall 1972,p.8).

ThefocusforthisproposednewurbansystemwasthePilbaracoastalregion betweentheBurrupPeninsulainthewestandPointSamsonintheeast,referredto astheNickolBaysub-region.Twocompany-miningtownsDampierandWickham, 75kmapart,defi nedtheregion,yetlackedanyconnectingcoordinatedpublic transportsystem.Theauthorsofthereportbelievedthatifthesub-regionwasto shedits “frontier,transient,companytown” imagethe “isolationofitspartsmustbe brokendownanditsindustriesandcommunitiesintegratedintoanurbancomplex, capableoffunctioningasanormalurbancommunityeventhoughitscomponent parts” werespreadoverawidearea(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacock

Fig.3.4 TheNickolBaysub-region:Thesub-regionwastooperateasadistributed75-km-long polycentriccityconnectedbyahigh-speedbustransportsystem(1972). Source PlanbyTechnic 10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewarttracedbytheauthor

Stewart 1972,p.61)(Fig. 3.4).Astheyexplained,onlythenwouldtherelationship betweenemployerandemployeebenormalized,witheachabletoexercisefreedom ofchoiceinrelationtorecruitment,jobselectionandchosentheplaceofliving (Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.88).Theauthorsofthe reportfeltthatthiswouldenableresidentstoidentifywiththeirhomesandtheir towns,andtodevelopsocialrelationshipswhichtranscendedthoseassociatedwith work(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.61).

Theauthorsstressedthat,fortheseparatetownsintheNickolBaysub-regionto operateinthisway,ahigh-speedbustransportsystemwasrequiredtoallow efficientinterconnections(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972, p.63).Theplanningteamintendedthatthegroupofdistributedtowns(both existingandproposed)wouldbeabletocollectivelyfunctioninawaythatyielded allthebenefitsofacityintermsofculturalfacilities,educationalopportunities,and regionalidentity(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.88).The desirabilityofaninternationalairportsituatedtothesouthoftheNickolBay sub-regionwasalsoidentifi ed,ensuringthatthePilbarawouldlieontheairroute fromPerthtoSingaporeandEurope(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacock Stewart 1972,p.163).

Paradise Well

Karratha (existing)

Mount Burrup

Dampier (existing)

Dampier South

Maitland River

Mount Princep

Withnell Bay

Dixon Island

Nickol River

Roebourne (existing)

Point Samson

3.4.1ParadiseWell

Thereportauthorsidentifiedanumberofnewpotentialtownsappendedtothis distributedcitystructure, “ParadiseWell” beingonenestledintothelowersection ofMountAnketell(Fig. 3.4).ParadiseWelltookitsnamefromalimitedaquifer thatappearedtoofferapermanentandpotablesupplyofwateraswellassoilsthat weresuitableforgardening(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972, p.129).ThereportauthorsprojectedthattheParadiseWellsitehadthecapacityfor amaximumof60,000people,andby1990,thecitywouldcontain30,000people. Thispopulationwastobehousedinthreedistrictsanditwascalculatedthatthey wouldrequirenineprimaryandthreesecondaryschools,aregionaleducation college,threedistrictcommercialcenterspluslocalcommunitycommercialcenters (Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.129).Thereport ’sauthors alsoplannedthatParadiseWellwouldhouseatertiaryeducationalestablishment withacapacityforgrowthtoafullcampus.Itwassuggestedthattwoprominent Perthuniversitiesbeinvitedtoestablishspeci ficcoursesatsuchanestablishment, inparttoencouragethemovementofbothstaffandstudentsbetweenthePerthand theNickolBaycenters(Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972, p.155).

Intheliteratureoftheperiodmuchwasmadeofthepotentialofnewcitiesfrom theperspectiveofthemactingasexperimentallaboratoriesfortestingdesign innovation(Alonso 1970,p.15).TheintentionoftheplannedurbanismatParadise Well,andtheothercentersalongthenecklace,wasnothinglessthananurban revolution.Thiswasincontrasttomostofthethenexistingminingtownsinthe Pilbararegion,whichwerereplicasofsuburbanpatternsfromAustralia’scapital cities14 (Newton 1985,p.180).Inlinewithsuchsentiments,theauthorsofthe PilbaraStudyespousedtheneedforanurbanformthatwasabletoemphasizethe landscape’s “ruggedgrandeuranditsbeauty,cultivateaprideinitsresourcesand itsclimate. ” Furthermore,itwas “togenerateacivilitybyidentifyingthestressesof conventionalmetropolitanlifeandremoving[them]fromthenewlymodi fied environment” (Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.86).

ShayGap,aremotePilbaraminingsettlement,wasa1970progenitorofthe townsproposedinthePilbarastudyanddisplayedtheinnovationsthatwereto supportthesesocietalshifts.LawrenceHowroydwasthearchitectwhodesigned ShayGapandwhoalsoformedthecompanyTechnic10tocontributetothePilbara Study.

14ThisreflectedtheethosofthePeopletheNorthCommittee(PTNC)(Newton 1985).ThePTNC wantedto “smash” theimageofthenorthas “alandofextremesandhardships,” andconvincethe city-dweller,whohasaroutinenine-to-fivejob,ahouseinthesuburbs,and “cutsthegrassinfront ofhishouseandcleanshiscaronSunday,” thathiscomfortablelifestylecouldbereplicatedinthe north(McGregor 2016).

3.4StateGovernment-NetworkedCitiesintheNorthwest49

3.4.2ShayGap

Locatedsome300kmtotheeastoftheNickolBaysub-regionandinclose proximitytotheperimeteroftheGreatSandyDesert,ShayGapwassituatedinone ofthemostarid,andisolatedareasinAustralia(Newton 1985,p.180).Inresponse, thedesignconceptsformulatedforShayGapcontinuetorepresentperhapsthe “mostradicalandimaginativeattempttoplanatowntoaccommodatetheexigenciesofclimateandisolation” tomeetthelivingrequirementsofpeoplewho migratedfromAustralia’ssoutherncitiestothePilbararegion(Newton 1985, p.181).

ArchitectLawrenceHowroyddesignedShayGapasacompactinward-facing communitysituatedinanaturalamphitheaterofrockyoutcrops,whichwhen assistedbytheclosearrangementofhousing,hidthevastuninhabiteddesertsand providedearlysunsetsovertherockyoutcrops(Fig. 3.5).Thisconceptwasderived fromMiddleEastcommunitiesandwaspremisedonthebeliefthatthe “perceptual protectionofthecliffs(outcrops)hasapowerfulpositivepsychologicaleffectonthe residentpopulation” (Newton 1985,p.181).Moreover,throughthetownnestling intothisamphitheaterformedbytherockyoutcrops,whichistypicalofthePilbara landscape,itwasintendedthattheprojectwouldemphasizethelandscape’s “ruggedgrandeuranditsbeauty” (Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.86).

Thesettlementeschewedthefamiliarqualitiesofthesuburbanbuiltenvironment,experimentingwithunconventionallayoutsandhousingforms,leadingto residentsdescribingitasa “moonbase” (Stickells 2015,p.235).Inparttoadaptto theenvironmentandclimate,thetowncomprisedacompactclusteringof approximately10one-totwo-storyhousesandfacilities,termedaprecinct,each interconnectedbywalkways.ShayGap’sdesignconcentratedonbuiltformto minimizeunshadedglaringanddustygreenspaces,reducelandscapedareasto manageableproportionswithconcentratedvegetationandgeneratepoolsofshade togiveimmediaterelieftoadjacentspacesandtoreducesolarexposure(Newton 1985,p.184).

Howroyd,inabidto “removethestressesofmetropolitanlife” (Technic10& CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.86),excludedvehiclesfromthetown itselfbyencirclingthetownwitharingroadnexttowhichlock-upgarageswere sited.Asaresult,theinternalmovementwasbywalkwaysonly,15 withthedistancesfromtheperipheralcarparkingareastoresidencesandfromtheresidencesto townfacilitiesnotexceeding150meters(Newton 1985,p.181)(Fig. 3.6).In banishingcarstothecircumferenceofthetown,aconsciousattemptwasbeing madetorelievethestressofchildcare,enablingchildrentomoveatwillthroughthe townwithouttheirparentshavingtoworryaboutthembeinginjuredorkilledin roadaccidents(Newton 1985,p.182).

15Theoutdoorspaceimmediatelyadjacenttoeachhousewasnotfullyenclosed,allowingasubtle transitionfromthehousetothewalkways(Newton 1985,p.182).

Fig.3.5 ShayGapviewedfromtheair.ShayGapwasaprogenitorforParadiseWellandthe NickolBaysub-regionmoregenerally. Source ImagebyAerialSurveysAustraliareprinted courtesyoftheStateLibraryofWesternAustralia(269013PD)(StateLibraryofWestern Australia)

Despitethesesignificantinnovations,ShayGap,withitspopulationofmorethan 850in1981(Newton 1985,p.180),closedin1994duetotheshuttingdownof miningoperationsthepreviousyear.Intheend, fluctuationsintheminingindustry unsurprisinglytriumphedoverinnovativedesign.

3.5TheResultsofDecentralizationFever

Atthefederallevel,thecontroversialdismissaloftheWhitlamGovernmentin1975 signaledtheofficialdemiseoftheDURD.Followingthis,theDURDcontinuedto be “pilloried” andnational-scaleurbanplanningpolicyhas “atrophied” intheyears since(Gleeson 2010,p.60).Indeedasthe1980scontinued,theimpactofglobalizationandthetrendtowardadoptingneoliberalprinciplesatthefederalandstate levelsofgovernmentpromptedpolicymakerstodoubtthe “appropriatenessand efficacy” ofgovernmentinterventionindecentralization,intheformofnewor boostedcitybuilding(Pennay 2005,p.331).Formanypoliticiansviewingthe DURDdecentralizationprograminretrospect,itwassomethingofanaberration. Theprojectwasseenasacarry-overfromanearlierandvastlydifferenttime,

3.5TheResultsofDecentralizationFever51

Fig.3.6 ShayGap’spedestrianprecinct:Howroydespousedtheneedforanurbanformthat generated “acivilitybyidentifyingthestressesofconventionalmetropolitanlifeandremoving [them]fromthenewlymodifiedenvironment” (Technic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewart 1972,p.86) namelycars. Source PlanbyTechnic10&CrooksMichaelPeacockStewarttraced bytheauthor

initiatedbya “naive,over-spendingandover-ambitious” federalgovernment,based onanoutdatedunderstandingofthepowersofgovernment(Pennay 2005,p.338).

Inpart,asaresult,theprojectionsthattheneworboostedcitieswould,bythe turnofthecentury,reachpopulationsofbetween250,000and500,000(Neutze 1974,p.272)provedtobedramaticallyoverinflated.Forexample,Albury–Wodonga(oneofthemoresuccessfulexamples)hasacurrentpopulationofjust over100,000people,lessthanhalfoftheprojection.

Similarly,theplanningstudyfortheNickolBaysub-region flounderedwiththe onsetofdepressedeconomicconditions asituationcompoundedbythefailureto establishahubforthemanufacturingofsteel.Assuch,thenetworkofproposed newtownsfailedtoemergeandthePilbararegioncontinuedtocompriseaseriesof disparatecompanytownsbasedonaconventional,low-density,suburbanmodel.

Inthedecadesthatfollowedthesevariousproposals,population flowsfromthe inlandagriculturalregionstotheburgeoningcoastalcitiescreatedwhatdemographerBernardSalt,in2001,termedthe “empty-islandsyndrome.” Characteristicof thissyndromewasanincreasingdifferentialbetweencoastal,urbanpopulationsand inland,ruralpopulations(Kullmann 2013,p.243).Indeed,mostAustralianstates showedanunbrokenrecordofincreasingconcentrationinthedecadesthatfollowed the1970–1975period.

Dwelling Car park

Housing precinct

523DecentralizationFever

3.6KeyBarrierstoDevelopingNeworBoostedCities (1970–1975)

ThisperiodoffersawealthoflessonsforthosewhoproposenewcitiesinAustralia. Theselessonsincludetobewaryofthepsychologicalhurdlestoruralandremote living,tonotunderestimatethecontinuing “gravity” ofthecapitalcitiesbothin termsofretainingpopulationbutalsojobs,and finallytobecognizantofthe politicalimpedimentstodecentralizationprograms.

3.6.1PsychologicalHurdles

HamperingmanyofthenewcitiesproposedaspartoftheDURDprogramof decentralizationwasthepoorimageofcountryareas.InAustralia,ruraltownsoften sufferfromanimageproblem.Urbandwellerstendedtoviewsuchtownsas “dull, lackinginamenities,possessingpoorereducationalopportunities,andproviding morelimitedsocialcontacts” (Lonsdale 1972,p.327).Asonecitywriterputit, “there’snothingtodointhecountrytownoncethepubsshut.” Suchattitudeswere undoubtedlybiased,buttheypointtoanimportantpsychologicaldimensiontothe problemofdecentralization(Lonsdale 1972,p.327).

Addingtothepsychologicalbarriertodecentralizationwastheinlandlocationof theproposedcities,whichconflictedwiththepreferenceofAustraliansforclimaticallyfavorablelocationsonthecoast.Despiteitbeingregardedgenerallyasa successbythe1960s,Canberrawasstillwidelythoughtofassufferingfromhigh winds,particularlyinwinter, flyplaguesinsummerandextremesofheatandcold greaterthanthoseexperiencedincoastalcities(Rushman 1976,p.13).Tryingto inducelargenumbersofpeopletomoveinlandtoneworboostedcitieswas evidentlyamajorchallenge(Rushman 1976,p.13).16 ThiswouldhavebeenparticularlythecaseinthePilbara,whichwasconsideredbymanyas “theperipheryof theperipheryofaperipheralAustralia, ” the “tyrannyofdistancecubed” (Sheppard 2013,p.269).Indeed,thePilbarawasremoteenoughfortheneighboring MontebelloislandstobethesiteofnuclearweaponstestsbytheBritishinthe 1950s.

Compoundingthepsychologicalbarriertomovingtorural,andinparticular remote,locations,wasthe “newtownblues.” NewresidentsinBritishnewtowns frequentlycomplainedthat “there’snowheretogoandnothingtodo”—asituation thatwascompoundedby “syntheticcommunitieswithlittlesocialtexture” (Berkley 1973,p.484).Whilethe “newtownblues” wasparticularlyaphenomenonof Britishnewtowns,someofthenewcomerstoAlbury–Wodongawhoarrivedinthe earlyyearsrecalledenduringthedifficultiesofbeing “pioneersinthe

16Especiallyastheywouldnotbe “captive” inthewaythatpublicservantsmovingtoCanberra were.

3.6KeyBarrierstoDevelopingNeworBoostedCities(1970

under-servicednewestates” (Pennay 2005,p.339).Evenpeoplerelocatingto Canberrafromthestatecapitalstendedtoviewitwith “enormousdistasteand dislike” asituationwhichpersisted “foraboutayearortwountiltheybecome socializedintothenewsociety” (Aitken 1970,p.55).Thechallengeforthepromotersofnewcitieswasbuildingthepopulationupquicklytothresholdsofatleast 200,000peoplewheretherequiredeconomic,cultural,andsocialdiversitycould effectively “holdpeople.”

3.6.2TheContinuedLivabilityoftheStateCapitalCities

Aswiththepreviouseraof1901–1945,the “push-factor” ofpopulationawayfrom thecapitalcitieswasagainsigni ficantlyoverestimated.Putsimply,Australians generallylikedlivinginbigcities,andtheyintendedtocontinuetoliveinthem (Aitken 1970,p.56).AsDonAitkenexplained:

Idonotthinkitisanyuseatalltalkinginvaguephraseslikethequalityoflifeorman’s idealroleorenvironmentbecauseitjustwashesstraightoffpeople’sbacks.Thepeoplein SydneylikebeinginSydney,cannotreallyimaginethatitisgoingtobemorepleasant livinganywhereelse,havenointentionofmoving… (Aitken 1970,p.59).

Theresultinglackofcentrifugalforcespushingoutfromthecapitalcities undoubtedlytookthe “windoutofthesails” ofdecentralizationprograms. Commentatorsproposedthatonlyasignificantpushfactor suchastheremaking ofthecapitalcitiessoastobe “reallyunpleasanttolivein”—wouldhavemadethe DURD’sneworboostedcitiesattractiveandindeedviable(AitkeninFreestone etal. 2016,p.6).

ThisiswheretheU.S.experienceofsubstantialdecentralization,whichwas happeningatthesametime,differedfromtheAustralianexperience.IntheU.S., decentralizationwaspromotedbytheseriousdeteriorationofbig-cityenvironments incombinationwithaperceivedracialproblem,asituationthatpromptedurban residentsandmanufacturerstoconsidermoving,andassuchdecentralize,jobs (Lonsdale 1971,p.124).Arguablyinthe1967–1977periodinAustralia,thelargest citieshadnotyetreachedsuchacrisispoint(Kilmartin 1973,p.38)andwere thereforenotundesirableenoughtofuelamassivedecentralizationprogram (Lonsdale 1971,p.124).Allthemore,theywerenotbigcities(bytoday’sstandards)Sydneyhavingapopulationofonly2,800,000andMelbourne2,500,000 (CitiesCommission 1973,p.12).

EveniftherewasacrisisinAustralia’scapitalcitiesatthetime,acompelling argumentremained namelythatthoseurbanproblemsbedealtwithinthecapital citiesthroughanattempttounderstandanddealwiththerootcauses(Payneand Mills 1973,p.3).AsAlonsowarned:

evenifnewtownsturnedouttobewonderfulplaces,theywouldstillbealmostpowerlesstoaffectourpresenturbanproblems;andIfearthat,assirensofutopia,theymight distractusfromourproperwork(1970,p.17).

Fromapoliticalpointofview,newcitieswerealsoadifficultsellforpoliticians reliantonthesupportofelectoratesinthecapitalcities.Forpeopletomovetonew cities,incentivesneedtobeprovidedwhile,atthesametime,disincentivesneedto beappliedtotheexistingcities.Becausethevastmajorityoftheelectoratelivesin thecities,thisraisedthequestion:Whatpoliticianisgoingtobepreparedto participateinanyformofanti-citypropaganda?(Llewellyn-Smith 1970,p.87);the answerwasabraveorpotentiallynaiveone… TheAustralianpoliticalstructure wassimplynotgearedtodeliveringsuchchanges(Llewellyn-Smith 1970,p.87).It wasnotpolitically(oreconomically)feasibletocontemplatethepossible “rundown ofexistingcities” regardlessoftheattractivenessofthenewcitypolicy(Payneand Mills 1973,p.5).

3.6.3CompetitionfromOtherTownsandCities

Attemptstobuildneworboostedcitiesalsosufferedfromcompetitionfromthe manytownsnotselectedforprioritizedgrowth(Rushman 1976,p.7).Sinceanew orboostedcitiespolicyinvolvedselectingarelativelylimitednumberofsites,it inevitablyranintoamajorpoliticalproblem:althoughvotersintheregionthatis selectedwillsupportthepolicy,thereareinevitablymoreregionsthatarenot selected(Neutze 1974,p.271).

IntheMonartoexample,countrytownswithhighunemploymentweredismayed attheideaofthestategovernmentcarvinganothercityfrombushland.Theywere perhapsrightlyupsetthattheirowntownswerenotchosentobeboostedbut,more understandably,wereafraidoflosingpopulationtoMonarto(Wanna 1982,p.266). Assuch,whenviewedfromtheperspectiveofotherstrugglingtowns,suchnew cityproposals “appearedtobeamisappropriationofstatefundsonagrandscale” (Wanna 1982,p.266).

HerbertGraham,theMinisterforDevelopmentandDecentralizationinWestern Australia,wasawareofthisissue.Asheexplained, “you,ofcourse,canimagineif Bunbury17 ischosen,theshrieksofhorrorthatwillemanatefromAlbany,orvice versa” (1972,p.16).Whilehehoped,thatampleresearchcouldleadtothe “correct choice,” thecompetitionbetweenneworboostedcities,andexistingtowns remainedathornypoliticalissue.

Inallthecapitalcitiestherewasalsoacommitmenttocontinuepopulation growthonsubstantialreservesoffringingmetropolitanlandalreadyearmarkedor subdividedforsuburbandevelopment.Neworboostedcities,whetherintheform ofsatelliteorregionalcities,hadtocompetewiththiscontinuingsuburbangrowth inthemajorcities(Rushman 1976,p.22).Moreover,despitetheperceivedcrisisin Australiancities,therewasnotadesperatehousingshortage(Rushman 1976, p.22).ThismadetheAustraliansituationmuchlessfavorabletonewcitiesthan

17BunburyandAlbanywereatthispointregionalWesternAustraliantowns.

3.6KeyBarrierstoDevelopingNeworBoostedCities(1970

thatinEnglandinthelate1940s.AsRushmanexplainsconcerningsuchashortage: “Peoplewillbemoremotivatedtomovetoanewcitysimplyinordertogetaroof overtheirheads” (1976,p.22).

3.6.4CentralizingEconomicForces

Arguably,thedecentralizationprogrampursuedbytheDURDalsostruggled againstcentralizingeconomicforces.AsLonsdalereasonedatthetime:

Decentralizationmaynotbearealisticobjectiveintoday’seconomicworld.Aslongasany societyplacesanoverridingpremiumoneconomicproductivity,efficiency,andgrowth,the economicforcespromotingcentralizationarelikelytoremaindominantandperhaps uncontrollablebygovernmentaction(1972,p.328).

Inshort,theeconomicforcesworkingagainstdecentralizationwere “toopowerfulandtoofundamental” tobeovercomebythekindofeffortsthatgovernments hadbeenwillingtomake(Lonsdale 1972,p.328)andassuchthenewcities struggledagainstthecountervailingcoursesofmarket-drivendevelopment (Gleeson 2010,p.61;Lonsdale 1972,p.328).

Forone,thenewandboostedcityproposalsofthe1970–1975periodhadto overcomethegeographicinertiaofpreviousinvestmentssuchasmanufacturing plantsandfacilities,whichwereconcentratedinornearthecapitalcities.Formany firms,amoveanywherewouldbeprohibitivelyexpensiveandhighlyinconvenient forcompanystaff(Lonsdale 1972,p.326).Aninsufficientsupplyoflabor,particularlyprofessionalandtechnical,inruralandremoteareasmeantthatemployers whomighthaveconsideredmovingtoaregionallocationwouldhavefaceddifficultiesinassemblingtherequiredlabor(Lonsdale 1972,p.326),letalonegeneratingthebenefitsofagglomerationandtheclusteringofrelated fieldsofbusiness, whichleadstoincreasedproductivity(DurantonandPuga 2013,p.806).

InthecaseofMonarto,offi cialsinterviewedownersofmanufacturing fi rmsin Adelaidewhowereaskedtoratetheimportanceofvariousfactorsaffectinglocation decisionsbytheircompanies.Thefactorratedasthemostimportantwasthe availabilityofsuitablelabor.Inresponsetotheseinterviews,thefederalCities Commissionconcludedmanufacturingactivitieswouldbemucheasiertoattractto Monartoonceitspopulationreached,approximately60,000(CitiesCommission 1973,p.123) adifficult figuretoachieveinthe firstplacewithlittleorno manufacturingjobs.

Aworseningeconomicclimatecompoundedthissituation.TheDURDprogram wasinitiatedatatimeofeconomicboom,withlargeamountsofmoneybecoming availablefromtheAustralianGovernment,whichwasstill “flushedwithitssuccess ingainingofficeandwaseagertopressonwithitsprogram” (Rushman 1976, p.22).By1975,theeconomicpicturehadchangeddramatically.Thedevelopment boomhadfadedtoawhimper,theindustrywasfalteringandunemploymenthad reached300,000outofapopulationof13,000,000people(Rushman 1976,p.22).

TheWhitlamGovernment,whichhadinitiatednegotiationswithtwoJapanese carmanufacturerswithaviewtotheiropeningplantsatAlbury–Wodonga,was suddenlyinvolvedinsteadinthepartialclosureofoneofAustralia’sbigfourcar manufacturersandconfrontedwithnewsthatoneoftheotherswasinserious difficulty(Rushman 1976,p.22).ThenewcitiesofMonartoorAlbury–Wodonga simplydidnothavethenecessarybackingofalargecompanylikeGeneralMotors, suchasElizabeth,had(Wanna 1982,p.265).

Revisedpopulationprojections,whichindicatedthatAustralia’spopulationwas movingtowardthepointofzerogrowthandthatthecountry’spopulationwasnot likelytorisetomorethan17,900,000bytheendofthecentury(asopposedtothe projected28,000,000),compoundeddireeconomicconditions.18

3.6.5UncoordinatedFederal-andState-LevelPlanning

Alackofcoordinationbetweenfederalandstategovernmentalsohamperedthe DURD’snewandboostedcityprogram.Whileadictatorialmodelofgovernance wouldhavebeenmoreeffectiveindeliveringtherestructuringnecessarytoachieve theDURD’snewcities,inAustraliaitneededtobedeliveredthroughthedemocraticprocess(Llewellyn-Smith 1970,p.87).Thisinvolvedextendednegotiations withstategovernmentsthatdidnotnecessarilysharethefederalgovernment’s prioritiesinrelationtocitiesandinsomecaseswerejustpayinglipservicetothe DURDprogram(Robert 1976,p.70) asituationwhichwasdifficultforthe DURDtorectifyfromthe “incestuousisolationofCanberra” (Day 1977,p.40).

Theresultinglackofcoordinationbetweenfederalandstategovernmentmeant therewasnota “properadjustment” withinexistingstateplanningtosupportthe federalgrowthcenterplans,particularlyinregardstorestrictingthegrowthofthe capitalcities(Robert 1976,p.68).Theproblemthisposedwas,withoutsuch restrictions,aneworboostedcity,would flounderduetothecompetitionfor industryandpopulationposedbythecapitalcities.

3.7Conclusion

Thischapterscopedthedecadebetween1970and1975,whenthereseemedtobea realpossibilitythatthenationwould “embarkonalargescaleprocessofnewcity building” (Freestoneetal. 2016,p.2).Thisperiodisinstructiveforthosepursuinga visionofnewcities,becauseitcautionsagainstunderestimatingthepsychological, economic,andpoliticalforcesthatworkagainstthepopulatingofnewcities,and underratesthelivabilityoftheexistingcoastalcapitalcities.

18Ultimately,Australia’s2000populationwas19,150,000.

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Chapter4 NewNorthernCities

Abstract Therehavebeennumerousrecentproposalsforneworboostedcitiesin northernAustralia.TheseincludenewchartercitiesinthenorthproposedbyWorld BankVicePresidentPaulRomer.OtherproposalsincludeWesternAustralianstate governmentplanstoturnPilbaraminingcompanytownsintobustlingcities,and NorthernTerritoryGovernmentplanstobuildasatellitecityorbitingDarwin.This chapterprovidesatouroftheseneworboostedcityproposalsanddiscussestheir agendasandspatialplanning.Theseproposalsarepotentiallyimportantbecausethe federalgovernmenthasprojectedapossiblefourfoldincreaseinthenorth’spopulationby2060.

Keywords NorthernAustralia Newcities Boostedcities Chartercities Miningcities PaulRomer Broome Karratha Darwin Satellitecities

4.1ANorthernInitiation

ThisbookdefinesnorthernAustraliaastheregionnorthoftheTropicofCapricorn (23.5’ Slatitude).Thisencompassesanareaofapproximately3,500,000km2,or 45%ofAustralia’stotallandmass,yethousesonly5%ofitspopulation.Despiteits generallysparsehabitation,northernAustraliadoes,however,containanumberof majortownsandsmallcities.InWesternAustralia,theseincludethetouristtownof Broome(population15,000)andtheminingtownsofPortHedlandandKarratha (population15,000and17,000,respectively).IntheNorthernTerritory,these includetheadministrativecityofDarwin(106,000),andinQueensland,thelifestylecitiesofMackay,Cairns,andTownsville(population115,000,140,000,and 170,000,respectively),amongothers(Fig. 4.1).

Proponentsofnortherndevelopmentenvisageoften-extremepopulationgrowth inthenorth,inpart,becauseofitsgrowinggeopoliticalimportance.Commentators onnortherndevelopmentconsiderthatnorthernAustraliasitsattheintersectionof the “twomostimportantglobalaxesofthe21stcentury:Asiaandthetropics” (Rouxetal. 2014) tworegionsthatareprojectedtogrowsignifi cantlyintermsof

© TheAuthor(s)2018

J.Bolleter, TheGhostCitiesofAustralia,SpringerBriefsinGeography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4_4

Fig.4.1 Northerncitiesandtownsbypopulation:Thismapshowsthesignificantexistingcities andtownsinnorthernAustraliawithrespecttotheirpopulation.ThenortherncitiesofDarwin, Cairns,Townsville,andMackayaresmallbythestandardsofAustraliancapitalcitiesinthesouth. Source Mapbytheauthor

populationandeconomicmight.Nonetheless,northernAustraliacontinuestobe considereda “frontier ” commensurate,tosomedegree,withthehistoricfrontiers suchastheAmericanWest;theCanadianWestandNorth;theSiberianFarEast andSouth-center;theBrazilianNortheast,Southeast,andInterior;China’sSinkiang andManchuria;andtheSouthernAfricanveldt(Cohen 2000).Becausehistorical attemptsatintensivedevelopmenthavebeensporadic,northernAustraliaoffersthe largestintact “savannaremainingonEarth,anextraordinarilyvast,naturallandscapewitharichbiodiversityofinternationalsignifi cance” (Nixetal. 2013). IndigenousculturallifeinnorthernAustraliaalsoremainsstrong,boundtothe landscapes,rivers,andwildlifethatthesetraditionalownershavemanagedfortens ofthousandsofyears.Nonetheless,indigenouspeopleinthenorthcontinueto experience “chronicdisadvantage” (Raupachetal. 2012).

Despitetheprofoundecologicalandculturalrichnessofthenorth,therecent federalgovernmentwhitepaper “OurNorth,OurFuture” (AustralianGovernment 2015)seesthepotentialofnorthernAustralialargelythroughaneconomiclens depictingthenorthasaplaceofendlesseconomicbountyandlimitlessopportunity. Asthereportboldlydeclares:

Developmentwillrequiremanymorepeoplelivinginthenorth.Transformationwon’t happenifitspopulationinchesupbyafewhundredthousandoverthenext20years.It

4.1ANorthernInitiation61

wouldremainahighcost,smallscaleeconomy;moreofapilotprojectthanapowerhouse. Weneedtolaythefoundationsforrapidpopulationgrowthandputthenorthonatrajectory toreachapopulationoffourto fivemillionby2060(AustralianGovernment 2015).

GivennorthernAustralia’scurrentpopulationisapproximately1,300,000,this representsanalmostfourfoldincreaseinpopulation(anadditional3,700,000 people).Thesubsequenturbanexpansiontohousethisadditionalpopulationis equivalentto22newTownsvilles,36newDarwins,or253newBroomes all (hypothetically)withinthenext40orsoyears!Inthisrespect,thewhitepaper ambiguouslyrefersto “thedevelopmentofmajorpopulationcentersofmorethana millionpeople” (AustralianGovernment 2015).Suchcitieswouldrepresenta sixfoldincreaseinpopulationofthecurrentlargestcity,Townsville,whichhasa populationofjust170,000people.Suchextremegrowthinthenorth’sexisting citiesisunlikelytooccurforthesimplereasonthatthecitysitesareallheavily constrainedandsubsequentlyhavelimiteddevelopableareas.1 Forthisreason,if thefederalgovernment’sprojectedgrowthinpopulationoccurs,newcitybuilding willberequired.Thenewandboostedcityproposalstabledinthischapter,whilein manycasespredatingthewhitepaper,helpustoimaginewhatcityformsafuture populationofnorthernAustraliaof5,000,000couldresidein.

4.2NeworBoostedCitiesintheNorth

IncontrasttotheDepartmentofUrbanandRegionalDevelopment’s(DURD) nationalagenda,intheearlytwenty-firstcenturyinAustralia,anythingresembling nationalurbanpolicyhasatrophied(Gleeson 2010).AsregionalplannerPaul Collitsexplains,federalgovernmentsnowgenerallyfacilitateratherthandirect regionaldevelopmentandhavestoppedpayinganythingbutthemerest “lipservice tothedecentralizationagendathatdrovetheWhitlamfederalgovernmentinthe 1970s” (Pennay 2005).

Inthevacuumcreatedbythewithdrawalofthefederalgovernment,therehave beennumerousunsolicited,speculativeproposalsforneworboostedcitiesin northernAustralia,particularlyinthenorthwest.2,3 Theseproposalshavebeenmade bystateandterritorygovernments,designprofessionals,demographers,economists,andlegalacademics,amongothers.

1Forinstance,Darwinisconstrainedbyriverine floodingandecologyandCairnsandTownsville bymountainranges, floodplains,rain-forestedhillslopes,andimportanthabitats.

2Therehavealsobeensomeunsolicitedproposalsfornewandboostedcitiesinthesouthernareas ofAustraliainthisperiod.Theseincludea2013proposalbyRichardWellerandtheauthorfor chainsofnewcitiesformingmegaregionsbetweenBrisbaneandMelbourneontheeastcoast,and GeraldtonandBusseltononthewestcoast(2013).

3TheproposalshavebeenparticularlylocatedinnorthwesternAustraliawheresettlementissignificantlysparserthanonthenortheastcoastandwheresignificantminingdevelopmentis occurring.

Thischapterinitiallysetsouttheserecentnewcityproposals;beginningwitha long-anticipatednewnortherncapitalcity,droppedintotheeastKimberley.The followingsectionexaminesproposalsfornewchartercities(new “Singapores”)and boostedcitiesemergingoutofexistingtownssuchasBroomeandKarratha.These boostedcityproposalshavebeenincludedinabookostensiblyabout “new” cities becausetheproposedpopulationincreasesareextreme.

4.3CapitalCities

DiscussionofanewnorthernAustralianseatofgovernmenthascontinuedforwell overacentury.Inthemidtolatenineteenthcentury,therewasmuchdiscussionofa newcapitalcityincloseproximitytothepastoralhinterlandoftheVictoriaRiver neartheWesternAustralianandNorthernTerritoryborder,aswellasanentrepôt portcapitalcityinnorthernAustralia(Reece 1989).TheapproachoftheSecond WorldWarsparkedconcernsaboutsecuringthenorthofthenationandperceptions thatthegovernmentwasnotdoingenoughtodeveloptheregion.Former QueenslandpremierTedTheodore,amongothers,calledforthecreationofa separatenorthernstatetorectifythissituation(InDaleetal. 2014).

Evenwhenthewarpassed,therewasacontinuingperceptionthatgoodgovernmentandcompetentadministrationintheremoteareasofnorthernAustralia requiredthatnorthernAustraliansruntheirownaffairsbytheirownparliaments (Wilkes 1954).Perthresident,FWeir,proposedin1974thatthewholeofWestern AustralianorthoftheTropicofCapricornbeexcisedintoanewstate,withacapital cityplannedonthecoastinthevicinityofPortHedlandorBroome(Weir 1974).In 2010,economistBrianHaratsisidenti fiedtheneedforanewnortherncapital—“an IndigenouscapitalbringingAustraliatotheworld” (Haratsis 2010),and finally, commentatorssuchasBernardSalthavecalledforthecreationofthree self-governingnewstatesinnorthernAustralia(Salt 2011).

In2012,theAustralianInstituteofArchitectsconvenedthe “Capithetical” internationalcompetitiontodesignafuturecapitalcity,anumberofwhichwere locatedinnorthernAustralia.Whilemanycompetitionentriessubmittedwere consciouslypolemicalandnotintendedtobeimplementedthedesignersofthe winningschemeoftheCapitheticalcompetition4 anAustralianNorthernEcoCity (ANEC) certainlyareseekingthecity’sconstruction.Moreover,theANEC proposalhasbeenpromotedatforumssuchasthe2014 “Developingnorthern Australia” conferenceandhasbeendescribedbythe(nowex)WesternAustralian ministerforregionaldevelopment,BrendonGrylls,assomethinghewantedtosee builtinhislifetime.

4RichardWeller,andtheauthor,receivedacommendationawardforthesamecompetition.

4.3.1AustralianNorthernEcoCity

DesignedbylandscapearchitecturalandurbandesignpracticeEcoscape,5 and promotedbyEcoscapeDirectorDavidKaesehagen,theANECproposalisfora new,yetlonganticipated,northerncapitalcity.6 Theprimarydriverofthiscityis theestablishmentofnewgovernmentdepartmentstodealwithAsianandnorthern development, “creatinganinvitingportaltoournorthernneighbours” inthecontext oftheAsianCentury(Desmond 2013).EcoscapeintendsthatANECwouldsupplementCanberra,whichwouldretainParliamentandpresumablyabsorbthe AustralianGovernment’sOfficeofNorthernAustralia,whichwasrecentlyestablishedinDarwin(NorthernTerritoryGovernment 2016).7

EcoscapeproposesthatANECwillbesited(likeCanberra)ontheedgeofa manufacturedlake,namely,thevastLakeArgyleintheKimberleyregion,created throughthedammingofOrdRiverinthe1960s.AsKaesehagenimplores: “Australianslovelivingnexttowater weareacoastal-dwellingsociety hereis anoptionforlivingnexttoalargewaterbody … ithasover70islands,andit’s quiteastunninglandscape.It’sgothugeappeal” (2014).

Thecityitselfisplannedtohaveapopulationof200,000by2050(Kaesehagen 2014),increasingAustralia’snorthernpopulationbyupto40%.Ecoscape,ina dramaticshiftfromAustralia ’sexistinglow-densitycities,planstohousethis populationatahighdensityof2200peoplepersquarekilometer(Kaesehagenin Kaesehagen 2014),almostseventimesthedensityofthestatecapitalcityofPerth (Fig. 4.2).

Thecity’sdesignersproposetositeANEC’skeyadministrativebuildingsonthe shoreofLakeArgyle.Whenviewedfromtheairthesebuildingsaretoforma singlemotifthatrepresentsthepathsbetweenthewaterholesoftheindigenous peopleoftheWesternDesert(incentralWesternAustralia).Thisnetworkisfurther expressedonthelandscapedroofsofadministrativebuildingsandsymbolizes “goodgovernanceforallcultures,” aswellasprovidingevidenceofthescheme’s sensitivitytotheintegrationofindigenousculture(Architecture&Design 2013). Thissymbolicsuperstructureiscomplementedbyanewcenterfor “Aboriginal cultureandlearning” (Kaesehagen 2014).

Ecoscapeprojectsadiverserangeofeconomicdriversforthecity.Apartfrom accommodatingthebureaucracythatwouldgowithbeinganortherncapital, ANECistobeahubfortourism(increasingtourismintheregionby1000%), particularlyfromChina.Ecoscapeenvisagesthatthiswillbefacilitatedthrough buildinganinternationalairportoutintoLakeArgyleitself(Kaesehagen 2014).

5Ecoscapeisanenvironmentalconsultancy,landscapearchitecture,andspatialplanningpractice basedinPerth,WesternAustralia.

6WhiletheexactgovernanceroleofANECisnotstated,itcouldformthecapitalofanew northernstatecomprisingthenorthofWesternAustralia,theNorthernTerritory,andQueensland.

7Itisworthnoting,however,thatthereisverylittlesubstantivegovernmentpresenceassociated withthefederalgovernmentthroughtheOfficeofNorthernAustralia.

Fig.4.2 Australia’sNorthernEcoCity:ThedenseurbanismofAustralia’sNorthernEcoCity withLakeArgyleinthetopoftheimage. Source ImagebyEcoscape

ANEC’sdesignersforeseethatthecity’snewarchitecturalandurbanforms,in combinationwith “beautifulwilderness” areas,willalsodrawininternational tourists.Throughbothtourismandwelcomingimmigrants,itsproponentsbelieve ANECwillstrengthenrelationshipswithAustralia’snorthernneighbors(Ecoscape 2017).Ecoscapealsoproposesthatthecitywillprovideeducationandresearch concerningsustainableagriculture,whichcouldcontributetothedevelopmentofan Australian “foodbasket,” whichcouldhelpto “feedAsia” (2017).

Ecoscapeintendsthatthecitywillfunctionasasustainablecitylaboratorythat could,intime, “exportsustainablelivingtechnology” (Ecoscape 2017).Through thecity’sfunctionasahotbedforinnovation,itisintendedthatitwillaidthenation infacingchallengesrelatingtoclimatechange,watersecurity,foodsecurity, geopoliticalrelationshipswithnorthernneighbors,populationgrowthandattendant urbansprawl,culturalintegration,andfutureindustries(Ecoscape 2017) toname afew.Certainly,ANEC’sdesignersarenotshortonambition.

4.4CharterCities65

4.4CharterCities

WhileANEC’sdesignersaimedtocreatean “invitingportal” toour “northern neighbors” andtheeconomicopportunitiespresentedbytheAsianCentury,the “chartercities” reviewedinthissectiontakethisideamuchfurther.Inessence,a chartercityisacityanditsimmediatehinterland governedaccordingtoacharter thatconstitutesaninternationaltreaty(Gussen 2017b).

SingaporeandHongKonghaveoftencitedexamplesofchartercities.Hong Kong’schartercitystatuswasestablishedattheconclusionofthe1842opiumwar betweenBritainandChinawhenChineseofficialswereforcedtosignHongKong awaytoQueenVictoria(Chakrabortty 2010).Overthenext150years,theisland city,inpartbecauseoftheeconomicincentivesofferedtodevelopersaspartofits charter,turnedinto “Asia’snumberonecapitalistsuccessstory” (Chakrabortty 2010).

Inthetwenty- firstcentury,proponentshavegenerallyadvocatedforcharter citiestobeestablishedinthedevelopingworld,withtheapparentaimofproviding theworld’spoorwithnewopportunitiestomigratetoareaswithstable,fair,and efficientinstitutions,andassuchescapeextremepoverty(Freiman 2013).The considerationofthechartercitymodelfornorthernAustraliareflects,tosome degree,thatchartercityproponentsperceivetheregionasina “developing” state.8 Theproponentsofchartercitiesoftenproposethattheirnewcityincorporates SpecialEconomicZones(SEZ)9 geographicregionsinwhichspecialtaxation and/orregulatoryarrangementsapply toattractinvestorswhoaresensitiveto taxationorregulatoryhurdles(AustralianGovernment 2015).Throughsuch strategies,contemporarychartercitiesseektoemulatetheeconomicsuccessof HongKongorSingapore.10

4.4.1Galt’sGulchLite

EconomistPaulRomer,11 whooriginallydefinedthechartercityterm,hasavision forhundredsofnewchartercitiesindevelopingcountriesacrosstheworld.In

8Australiaisanexceptionalcountryinglobalterms:Ithasdeveloped-nationaffluence,capital stocksandconsumptionlevelsbutadeveloping-nationpatternofpopulationgrowth(Raupach etal. 2012).

9SEZsarealsoreferredtoasFreeTradeZonesandExportProcessingZones(Dovey 2016).

10MiningmagnateLangHancockin1979andhisdaughterGinaRinehartin2013havemadecalls forthecreationofSEZstoboostnorthernAustralia’sdevelopment(Hancock 1979;Australiansfor NorthernDevelopmentandEconomicVision 2013).Inthemid-1980s,theNorthernTerritory GovernmentactuallyestablishedamanufacturingTradeDevelopmentZone(TDZ)inDarwin, Australia’sonlyfreetradezone;however,itcollapsedin2003(WuandWinchester 2015).

11PaulRomer(born1955)isawell-knownAmericaneconomistandiscurrentlychiefeconomist andseniorvicepresidentoftheWorldBank.

Romer ’svision,suchcitieswouldhavetheauthoritytorejectlocallawsand regulationsandtoreplacethemwithnewpoliticalentitieswhoexperimentwith differenttypesofrulesandsubjectthemtoamarket-basedtesting(Miklianand Hoelscher 2014).ToRomer ’swayofthinking,thechartercitymodelenables citizensto “escapefromrulesthatholdthesocietyback” (MiklianandHoelscher 2014)whilegovernmentcontinuestoplayonlyalimitedroleinensuringminimum publichealthandsafetymeasures(Romer 2014).

Romer,ina2014keynoteaddresstothe “NorthernDevelopmentSummit” in Townsville,referredtoManhattan’sgriddedformasapossiblespatialtemplatefor anewchartercitylocatedinoneofnorthernAustralia’s “manycattlestations.” As heexplains:

In1811,therewasonlysettlementinthelowerpartofManhattan … andtherestwas farmland.But,thegovernmentdecidedtocreateoptions.Theyappointedacommission, hiredasurveyor,andsaid,layoutasystemofstreetsontheentireislandofManhattan,all thewayupto155thStreet.Yousurveythosestreetsandavenues,putstonesatevery intersectionsopeopleknowwheretheintersectionswillbe … savethepublicspacesothat youcanleaseitbacktotheranchersifthebestuseisasaranch.12 Butifitturnsouttobe thebestuseasacityofmillionsofpeopledevelopedthere,ifyouhavecreatedthepublic spaceformobilityandutilitycorridorsthenyouwillbeabletodoitinanefficientand cost-effectiveway(Romer 2014).

Romer ’sselectionofManhattan’sgriddedstructureforhisnorthernAustralian chartercityhasprecedentinAustralia ’scitiesinthesouth.Thegrid’srationaland equaldivisionofthelandintopurchasableblockswastheessentialpreconditionfor capitalistsettlementinAustralia(Carter 1987),aselsewhere.AsPaulCarter explainsofAdelaide’sgridintheearlynineteenthcentury: “locatedagainstthe imaginarygrid,theblanknessofunexploredcountrywastranslatableintoablueprintforcolonization … itsgridwasacontainerforrealestate;itsstreetswere conduitsforauctioneers” (Carter 1987).Inlinewithsuchthinking,Romerperceivesthatagridstructurecanopenupcheapandeasilydevelopableland,which couldhelptoaddressAustralia’schronichousingaffordabilityissue asituationhe regardsaseasilysolved:

Justcreatethelandwherehousingcangrow.Ifyoudidthatinvariousplaceshereinthe north,youngpeoplewheretheprospectofowningtheirownhomemightbedelayedby decades,will flocktoaplacewheretheycangoandownahomeatsomethinglikethecost ofbuildingthehomewhichisverylow(Romer 2014).

Romerexplainsthat,beyondattractingdomesticmigrants,suchachartercity willalsorequireanimmigrationdimension.Asheexplainstoensureimmigrants “cometothenorthandstay,theremaybea5-yearconditionontheirvisafor stayinginthenorth oncetheyhaveputdownsomeroots,theycanthentakeout citizenshiporpermanentresidency” (Romer 2014).

Perhapsreflectinghispredilectionforexperimentationinhischartercitymodel, Romerisnotprescriptiveaboutwhattheenablingeconomicdriversforthisnew

12Australiansgenerallyrefertoranchesas “cattlestations.”

Fig.4.3 Galt’sGulchLite:Romer ’schartercityproposalwastagged “Galt’sGulchLite” bythe QueenslandEconomyWatchinreferencetoAynRand’simaginedlibertariancommunity,Galt’s GulchinColorado,inwhichcapitalistswerefreetoliveunconstrainedbygovernmentregulations anddidnothavetopaytaxestosupportthe “moochers.” Source Montagebytheauthor.Basedon aphotobyBelLaing(https://mymiasart.com/tag/kununurra/ )

northerncitywouldbe.Asheexplainsinambiguousterms, “beforetryingtosolve thejobs- first, firms-firstkindofdebate,whatyoucandoissignalclearlythatwe canaccommodatealotofjobs,alotof fi rmsandalotofresidents” (Romer 2014). Nonetheless,hedoesproposethatsuchurbanizationinnorthernAustraliacould occurincombinationwithsustainablehigh-technologyagriculturaldevelopment (Romer 2014),aswellasapossibleairtransporthub(Romer 2014)(Fig. 4.3).

TheQueenslandEconomyWatch(2014)taggedRomer ’sproposal “Galt’s GulchLite” inreferencetoAynRand’simaginedlibertariancommunity,Galt’s GulchinColorado,inwhichcapitalistswerefreetoliveunconstrainedbygovernmentregulationsanddidnothavetopaytaxestosupportthe “moochers.”13 Certainly,itisnothardtoimaginethatRand’sprotagonist,JohnGalt,a “demigod, capitalist-genius,” wouldbeveryathomeinRomer ’sManhattanofthenorth (Clardy 2012).

13“Galt’sGulch” wasdepictedinAynRand’s1957novel “AtlasShrugged.”

4.4.2Dilga

WhileRomerregardsSingapore’seconomicmodelasonetopossiblyemulatein northernAustralia,BenjamenGussen’s 14 2017proposalforachartercitytakesthis ideafurther,inthatitseekstoexploitsynergiesbetweenSingaporeandnorthern Australia.AsGussen(2017b)reasons,Singaporeisatinyislandcity-statethatis “starvedofland,” whichseriouslyconstrainsitsgrowth.Meanwhile,innorthern Australia,vastlandscapes “lieempty,” withAustralianstatesactuallycompetingfor people(Gussen 2017b).Gussen,throughhischartercityproposal,aimstomaximizethepotentialsynergiesbetweenthesetwoextremes.

ChristenedDilga,namedforthelocalindigenous(Karadjeri)goddessoffertility, Gussen’schartercityisproposedtobecarvedoutoftheKimberley15 wildernesson a1000km2 site,roughlyequivalenttothesizeofHongKong(Gussen 2017b).

GussenplansthatDilgaisdevelopedbyaholdingchartercitycompany,whichisa jointventurebetweenthegovernmentsofWesternAustraliaandSingaporein whichWesternAustraliaobtainsequitybyprovidingthelandandSingapore obtainsequitybyfundingtheinfrastructure(Gussen 2017a).Heproposesthat,in theinitialstages,thepartnersdraftDilga’sconstitution.Thisconstitution,declared concurrentlybySingapore,WesternAustralia,andtheAustralianGovernment,is thenregisteredwiththeUnitedNations(Gussen 2017a).Gussenenvisagesthatthe citywillremainunderAustraliansovereignty,yetwillbegovernedbyitsownrules andbeabletoofferaseparatecitizenshiptopotentialimmigrantsthatdoesnotlead toresidencyrightselsewhereinAustralia(Gussen 2017b).

GussenproposestoenhanceAustralia’seconomiccomplexitythroughDilga.In contrasttoAustralia’seconomy,whichisheavilydependentonexportingraw materials,theeconomicdriverofDilga,heexplains,couldcomefromexporting “addedvalue finishedproducts” andservicessuchasthosegeneratedby financial centerslikethoseinDubai,orinformationtechnologyclusterslikethoseinSilicon Valley(Gussen 2017a).Ashedepictsit, “privatecapitalwouldcommittosuch projects,giventheassurancesofautonomythatcomedirectlyfromthegovernance structureofchartercities” (Gussen 2017a).

AsGussenexplains,Dilga’s fi rstcitizenswouldcomemainlyfromSingapore butalsofromWesternAustraliaandotherAustralianstates.Heenvisagesthat residentswillbeattractedtoDilgabecausetheydonotpayanyincometaxduring theinitialperiodofcitydevelopmentandtheeasewithwhichtheycanobtain citizenship(Gussen 2017b).OlderpeoplefromSingaporewouldbeattractedto Dilgabecauseofitspromiseofarelaxedretirement.GussenimaginesthatDilga wouldalsobecomepopularwithtourists,especiallyfromPerth,thecapitalcityof WesternAustralia:

14Dr.BenjamenGussenisalecturerinlawattheUniversityofSouthernQueenslandandisavice presidentoftheAustralianLawandEconomicsAssociation(AustLEA)(UniversityofSouthern Queensland 2017).

15TheKimberleyregioncomprisesthenorthwestofWesternAustralia.

Fig.4.4 Dilga:AsGussenenthuses, “Overtime,thenumberofconstructioncranesonDilga’s skylinemakescitieslikeDubailook flaccid.” Source Montagebytheauthor.Basedonaphotoby RozZito(http://tailoredphotography.blogspot.com.au/2015/10/herewe-arein-wilds-of-kimberley. html)

Theydonotevenneedapassporttogetthere.Moretouristsareattractedasmuchby Dilga’suniqueatmosphereasbytheirfriendsandrelativeswhoalreadylivethere.Investors acrosstheglobeseethisboomand,justlikeinLasVegasinthe1930s,theydeveloptheme parks,casinos,andresorts.Overtime,thenumberofconstructioncranesonDilga’sskyline makescitieslikeDubailook flaccid(Gussen 2017b)(Fig. 4.4).

WhileGussendoesnotreferindetailtotheurbanformofDilga,such descriptionsevokethehedonistic,iconic,high-riseurbanismoftheGoldCoast,no doubtinconjunctionwithswathesofsuburbiaenablinga “relaxedretirement” for wealthySingaporeans.

Beyonditshedonisticexcesses,GussenseesDilgaasplayingagrowingroleon theinternationalstage,absorbingAustralia’srefugeequota.Itwouldalsobea “showcase” fornowobligatorygreentechnologies,especiallyrenewableenergy resourcesandefficientseawaterdesalinationplants(Gussen 2017b).Gussenproposesthat,inpart,tofundsuchinfrastructure,thecityauthoritieswouldgenerate revenuethroughamixofcity-ownedcorporationsandtaxrevenue.

Gussenisseriousabouttheproposal,claiming,undertheleadershipof Singapore’sPrimeMinisterLeeHsienLoongandAustralianPrimeMinister MalcolmTurnbull,theDilgachartercitycouldcometofruitionwithinadecade (Gussen 2017b).Theproposalhasalreadybeenmetwithinterestfromgovernment officialsinSingapore.

4.4.3RefugeCity16

WhileGussenproposesthatDilgacouldabsorbAustralia’scurrentlimitedrefugee quota,academicKenParish17 hasproposedachartercityinnorthernAustraliathat couldabsorbpotentiallyhugeinfluxesofrefugeesand,inparticular,climatechange refugees.Thiscapacitycouldbeofconsequence,becausecurrently643,000,000 peoplearoundtheworldliveincoastalareasof “lowerheight”—lessthan10m oversealevel(Dorent 2011).Inconjunctionwithclimatechangegenerally,and risingsealevelsspeci fically,itisprojectedthattherewillbeadelugeofrefugeesby 2050,particularlyintheAsianregion namely,144,000,000inChina,63,000,000 inIndia,and62,000,000inBangladesh(Dorent 2011).Whilethese figuresare debated(Lister 2014),theyposeaquestioninrelationtoAustralia’srolein accommodatingthisprojectedsurgeofrefugees.ThecaseforincreasingAustralia’s humanitarianintakehasmoraldimension,givenAustralia’sbloatedgreenhousegas emissions,butitalsohasapragmaticcomponent.AsBernardSaltasks,intheface ofadelugeofrefugees:

WhatdoesAustraliado?Boardandturnbackeveryboat?Leavetherefugeeswithout supportontheKimberleycoast?Plantohelpasmanyaswecanandthenhopewecanship backtensofthousandsofpeople?(Salt 2011).

Clearly,Australiawillneedaplantodealwiththisemergingsituation,particularlygiventhecurrentpanicoverthearrivalofsmallnumbersof “boatpeople.” Overthepastdecade,theAustralianGovernmenthassettledanincreasingshareof refugeesandothertypesofhumanitarianimmigrantsinregionalAustralia,inpartto notinflameresistancetoimmigrationinthecapitalcities.ManyotherWestern countrieshavesimilarlyimplementeddispersalpoliciestodirecthumanitarian migrantstoregionaltownsonthegroundsofburdensharingandregionaldevelopment(Schech 2014).

Parish,takingthisnotionfurther,proposesthatratherthanrefugeeresettlement inregionaltowns,refugeescouldberesettledinanewchartercitycreatedforthat verypurpose, 18 sitedonMelvilleIslandoffthecoastnorthofDarwin19 (Parish 2014)(Figs. 4.5 and 4.6).Heproposesthattherelativeseparationofthechartercity fromDarwin,andothermuchmoredistantmainlandcapitals,willeasethe “communitytensionsanddivisions” sometimesassociatedwithrefugeeresettlementinAustralia.Asheurges:

16Thisnamehasbeencoinedbytheauthor.

17KenParishisalegalacademicatCharlesDarwinUniversityintheNorthernTerritoryandhis particularinterestisintheareasofadministrativeandconstitutionallaw(CharlesDarwin University 2017).

18ThisbuildsonaproposalbyeconomistRobertWiblinsuggestedin2009,shortlyaftera substantialincreaseinrefugeesarrivingbyboat(Parish 2014).

19Interestingly,MelvilleIslandwasalsoputforwardasoneoftwopossiblesitesforaJewish colonyin1939,theotherbeingintheKimberley(Lang field 2001).

Fig.4.5 RefugeCitylocationplan.KenParishproposesthatRefugeCitycouldbelocated oppositeDarwinonMelvilleIsland. Source Imagebytheauthor

Fig.4.6 RefugeCity:MelvilleIslandoffthecoastnorthofDarwinreimaginedasRefugeCity. Source Montagebytheauthor.BasedonaphotobyLudoKuipers(https://ozoutback.com.au/ Australia/melville/index.html )

Refuge City

Melville Island

Darwin

10km

IfAustraliansarenotsoenthusiasticaboutsharingtheirgoodluckwithrefugees,acharter cityadministeredbyAustraliacouldatleastallowthemaccesstothegovernmentaland legalinstitutions,whichhaveservedAustraliasowell.Bycrediblyprovidingthoserulesin thisnewcityAustraliawouldmakeitadesirableplaceforinvestment,therebyalso increasingtheresidents’ accesstophysicalcapitalandtechnologicalexpertise(Parish 2014).

Thecharter ’sterms,whichwoulddefinethecity’soperation,includeamuch lowerpersonalandcompanytaxregimesimilartotheSEZmodeldiscussed. Complementingthisisabasicbutlivablesocialsecurity,housing,education,and primaryhealthcaresystem.Thissystemwouldbeonlyavailabletorefugeesand NorthernTerritoryGovernment-employedteachers,nurses,andpoliceworkingin RefugeCity(Parish 2014).Refugeeswouldreceivetemporaryvisasbutcould applyforpermanentbusinessorskilledmigrationvisasiftheyestablishedasuccessfulbusiness.SuchbusinesseswouldpaytheAustralianminimumwagebut wouldnototherwiseberequiredtoofferawardwagesorconditions.Finally, recognitionofforeignprofessionalandtradequalificationswouldbefast-tracked (Parish 2014).

Parishdoesnotreferinanydetailtowhattheeconomicdriversforthenewcity wouldbe,despitesuchspeci ficstipulations.However,giventherefugeepopulation andtherelativelylimitedlandparcel,suchacitycouldbedevelopedaroundlocal andtradedindustries(Porter 2003)suchasconstructionandmanufacturing. Knowledgeindustrieswoulddependontheeducationlevelofthecity’sresidents. Moreover,itislikelythattherefugee-ownedcompanieswouldconstructRefuge City’surbanism.WhileParishdoesnotdescribethespatialformofRefugeCity,it couldbeadense,vibrant,andorganiccitythatowesmuchtothebuildingtraditions ofvarioushomecountriesofrefugeecommunities.Intime,itislikelythatthecity wouldbecharacterizedbyfragmentedurbanislandsbasedaroundparticularrefugeeethnicities becomingacityofcities,ratherthanamonolithicblockof urbanism.

Whilethecreationofsuchachartersoundsconceptuallyplausible,adeeper questionremainsastowhetherrefugees, “withlittlehopeofreturninghome,would jumpatsuchanopportunitytostartanewlifeinsuchanexperimentalcity” (ArnoldKlinginParish 2014).Ifso,throughRefugeCity(orsimilarmodels) Australianscouldassistmanymorerefugeesthantheywouldotherwiseacceptas fully fledgedimmigrants.Furthermore,theproposalcouldleadtoanewbustling entrepreneurialcityonAustralia’snortherncoast(Parish 2014).

4.5MiningCities

Whilethetabledchartercityproposalstendtorelyontransplantingeconomic modelsfromelsewhere(suchasSingaporeorHongKong),thissectionreviews boostedcitiesthatemergeinrelationtothewealthofmineralresourcesfoundinthe north,andinparticularthePilbararegioninthenorthwestofWesternAustralia.

ThePilbararegionhasbecometheeconomicpowerhouseofAustraliabecauseof itsvastmineraldeposits,representingaround5.5%ofthenation’sgrossdomestic product(Greenetal. 2014)andcontainingthetwohighestexporttonnageportsin Australia(Newmanetal. 2010).Yet,atthesametimethatthePilbararegion producesmoreeconomicwealththanmanycountries,only60,000Australianslive there,scatteredacross500,000km2 ofland(Canavan 2016) astrangeinversionof economicmightandpopulationdensity.

MostofthismeagerpopulationliveinminingcompanytownssuchasDampier andTomPrice,constructedinthe1960s(discussedinthepreviouschapter),aswell asKarratha,PortHedland,Newman,andOnslow,constructedinthe1970sand 1980s.Thedesignlanguageoftheselowdensity,suburbancenterswasinmany casesderivedfromRadburnplanningprinciples fi rstdevelopedattheAmerican suburbofRadburn,NewJersey.InRadburnplanning,vehicularandpedestrian traffi cisseparatedbyinternallandscapedspinesthatfunctionasbothopenspace andpedestrianconnections(Freestoneetal. 2011).InthePilbara,itwasdeemed thatsuchurbandesigninnovationswouldhelptoattractandretainaskilled workforce(Freestoneetal. 2011),despitetheregion’sremoteness.20 Whilethe aspirationsofRadburnplanningwereworthy,inapplicationinthePilbara,they tendedtoleadtoillegible,fragmented,andcar-dominatedsuburbansprawl (IwanickiandJones 2012).Thisis,inpart,becausethearidityandhotclimateoften renderedtheinternallandscapespinesunusable,andtherelatedroadnetworkswere convolutedandineffi cient(Fig. 4.7).

Regardlessoftheirdefi ciencies,inthe1960sand ‘70s,miningcompanies receivedbenefitsfromgovernmentintheformoflowerratesandtaxesinreturnfor buildingsuchcommunities(Storey 2001).However,inrecentdecades,theyhave movedawayfromthismodel.Rather,miningcompaniesnowrelyona fly-in fly-out(FIFO)system,whichallowsthemtoemployminerswhootherwiselivein thesoutherncoastalcities.21 Thissystemhasallowedminingcompaniestoexploit mineralresourcesinremoteareasinthenorthwithouttheneedforproviding permanentsettlement(Megarrity 2011).Nonetheless,thestategovernment,aswell asexistingresidentsofPilbaratowns,hasraisedconcerns.These flowfroma perceptionthat:

… thefulldevelopmentoftheFIFOmodelcouldultimatelyleadtominingtownswith limitedinfrastructureandservicesandnosenseofcommunity;dormitoryslumswherelife isenduredawayfromfamilyleftbehindincitieslikePerth,Darwin,Mackayand Townsville(Dale 2014).

20Thisisnosmalltask.A1980s’ surveyofresidentsofPilbaraminingtownsShayGapand Newmanindicatedthatmorethanone-thirdofrespondentsreported “wearesoremoteherethatwe feeltherestoftheworldhasforgottenus” (Newton 1985).

21TheFIFOmodelhasbecomethedominantmodelforsupplyingmininglaborinthePilbarabut alsoincoalminingoperationsinQueensland.

Fig.4.7 Pre-revitalizationKarrathatowncenter:TheRadburnplanningofKarratha’soriginal towncenterandneighboringsuburbsresultedinanillegible,disconnected,andcar-dominated suburbansprawl. Source Planbytheauthor

Giventhissituation,theWesternAustraliangovernmentisattemptingto leveragemininginthenorthtodeliverboostedcities withalltheamenity, infrastructure,andservicesofAustralia’scapitalcities.

4.5.1Karratha “CityoftheNorth”

Thepolicyframeworkintendedtodeliverthetransformationof “jerrybuilt” mining townslikeKarrathaandPortHedlandintobustlingcitiesisthe “PilbaraCities” policy,fundedbythe “RoyaltiesforRegions” program.Inessence,theRoyalties forRegionsprogramisaboutcounterbalancingtheconcentrationofcapitalgeneratedbyresourceindustriesinPerththroughspatialredistributiontotheregions (Chapmanetal. 2014)and,inparticular,thePilbara(PilbaraDevelopment Commission 2016).Reflectingthis,bytheendof2017–18RoyaltiesforRegionsis projectedtohavecommittedmorethan$1.7billiondirectlytoPilbaraCitiesprojects(Law 2014).

Public open space

Housing

Car park

Shopping center

4.5MiningCities75

ThedevelopmentofKarrathaintoa flagship “cityofthenorth”22 aspartofthe PilbaraCitiesvisionisintendedtofacilitatesustainablegrowthanddevelopment overthelongtermandsupporteconomicactivityanddiversification(Creating CommunitiesAustralia 2010).WhilethemaineconomicdriveristhePilbara’s multibilliondollarresourceinvestments(GovernmentofWesternAustralia 2010), theplanseekstodiversifyKarratha ’s,andtheregion’s,economybyfurther developingindustry(GovernmentofWesternAustralia 2010).Thiscouldpossibly includealong-anticipatedsteel-makingplantthatwouldexportsteeltodomestic andinternationalmarkets.23 Thisindustrialdevelopmentwouldbecomplemented byagriculturalprojectsirrigatedwithexcessgroundwaterresultingfromthe dewateringofminingoperations.

Atthesametimeasdiversifyingtheeconomy,thevisionforKarrathaaimsto “enhancethequalityoflifeforexistingandfutureresidentsanddeliveravibrant andactivatedcitycenter” (CreatingCommunitiesAustralia 2010).AsBrendon Grylls,thenWesternAustralianMinisterforRegionalDevelopment,explained:

ThiswatershedplanwillestablishKarrathaasahighlydesirableplacetolive,workand raiseafamily;afuturecitywithfacilitiesonparwithothermajorcitiesofAustralia (In Mills 2010a)(Fig. 4.8).

Karratha ’stowncenterrevitalizationaimstocreatea “vibrantcommercialheart” (GovernmentofWesternAustralia 2010)andincludesplanningformedium-to high-densitystreet-frontedmixed-useredevelopment,therealignmentandtraffic calmingofanumberofthemainroads,thecreationofnewparksandurbanspaces, amedium-tohigh-riseresort-stylehotel,andaciviccenterincorporatingthe existingcivicbuildings(Figs. 4.8 and 4.9).

InlinewiththistransitionofKarrathafromaminingtownintoa “majorregional city” isaprojectedpopulationofupto50,000people(Mills 2010a),whichrepresentsamorethan300%increasefromthe2011populationof17,000.

4.5.2RebrandingKarratha

GiventhattheKarratha “cityofthenorth” projectisintheprocessofimplementation,itallowsforanexplorationofthekindofmessagesthattheproposedurban formisbeingusedtopromote.Inthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies, architectureinAustralianminingtownsoftenfunctionedasabarometerof “wealth andpermanence,asiftoinspireconfidenceandlongevityinplaceswitha

22ThePlanningGroup(TPG)inPerthwastheurbandesignandplanning firmthatleadKarratha’s redesign.TPGemployedmeontheproject,inanurbandesignvisualizationcapacity,in2010. 23SincethefailureofaBHP-HBIhotbriquettedironplantin2005,nocompanyhasattempted scaledsteelproductioninthePilbara(Greenetal. 2014).

Fig.4.8 Karrathatowncenterredevelopment:Karratha’sredevelopmentincludedplanningfor medium-tohigh-densitystreet-frontedmixed-useredevelopmentandtherealignmentandtraffic calmingofanumberofthemainroadsKarrathaTerraceandSharpeAvenue. Source PlanbyThe PlanningGrouptracedbytheauthor

Fig.4.9 Karrathatowncenterredevelopment:The “vibrantcommercialheart” ofarevitalized Karratha. Source ImagebyThePlanningGroupandtheauthor

Peggs Creek

Karratha Tce

Sharpe Ave

Shopping center

Pelago tower

notoriouslyshortlifespan” (Aitchison 2015).24 Itcanbearguedthatasimilar dynamichasbeeninplayinKarratha,wherethetransitionfromacompanytownto a “modernvibrantcity” (Law 2014)issymbolizedthroughurbandensitythatis partlydeployedtoimplypermanence.PlanninginthePilbarainthe1970syielded lightweightbuildingsthatweregenerally “lowroofed,drabandbleary” (Gryllsin Mills 2010b).Incontrast,recentmedium-tohigh-densityurbandesignprojectsin Karrathaserveasasymboliccommitmentbythestategovernmenttotheideathata long-lived,urbaneandvibrantcitywillcoalescearoundsuchboldbeginnings (Williams 2011).

Arguably,thisurbandensityalsorepresentsanattempttotapintothemiraculous “Dubaieffect” inwhichDubaihasbeenabletodiversifyitseconomyawayfrom oil,inpart,throughspectacularrealestatedevelopments(Sheppard 2013).Indeed, formerpremierofWesternAustralia,ColinBarnett,withbackingfromiron-ore magnateAndrewForrest,wentasfarastosuggestthatthePilbaraCitiesvisionwas modeledonDubai(AustralianAssociatedPress 2008).Asheexplained:

PeoplegoandliveinplaceslikeDubai.Talkaboutaharshenvironment,yetthousandsof peoplegotheretolivebecausetheyhaveacomfortableenvironment.Whatwehavedone inthePilbara,inaharshlandscapeandwithaseriouslyhotsummer,aretobuildreplica suburbsofPerth.ThereissomethingtolearnfromDubai.Maybeweneedtobuild apartmentswithair-conditioningandswimmingpools(AustralianAssociatedPress 2008).

Karratha ’snewapartmentbuildingsandluxuryresortprojects suchasthe recentlyconstructednine-storyPelagoWesttower certainlyconformtoBarnett’s visionandseektodefineKarrathaasofferingadensityofdwellingsandattractions whichfarexceedthosetypicallyfoundinminingcompanytowns.

InpartasareactiontothelackoflegibilityofKarratha ’soriginalRadburninspiredtowncenter(Fig. 4.8),muchoftheplanningforKarratha ’stowncenter concerneddefi ningmainstreetsandatowncenter(Law 2014)inspatialand psychologicalterms.Thedesignteamsoughtthisthroughcreatingtwonewcentral streetsthatintersectatrightanglesand,assuch,denotethecentralpointofthe revitalizedprecinct.Thenewstreetpatternalsohasanimportantpsychological dimension.Forinstance,creatinganeasilyidentifiableand “imageable” mainstreet resonateswithKevinLynch’sexplanationthatbylimitingdisorientationwecan improveoursenseof “balanceandwellbeing” (Lynch 1960).

ThesestreetsformadramaticcontrastwithmostofKarratha ’sinhospitable, wide,vehicular-dominatedroadsthroughtheirregularstreettreeplantings,relativelypedestrianizednature,incidentalshadestructures,andemergingalfresco dining.Suchstreets “normalize” Karratha’stowncenterandbringitintolinewith whatyoumight findintheheartofanyofAustralia’scapitalcities.AsTerry

24ManyminingtownsformedinnorthernAustraliainthenineteenthcenturyandearlytwentieth century.Thesehavebecomelargelyghosttowns,withnowsubtleevidenceofbuiltfabricsurvivinginsuchplacesasHallsCreek,MarbleBar,theKimberleyGoldfield,andthePilbaraFieldin WesternAustralia,TennantCreek,PineCreek,andRumJungleintheNorthernTerritory, Cloncurry,Croydon,ChartersTowers,Ravenswood,andMountIsainQueensland.

Redman(ex-WesternAustralianNationalspartyleader)explainedaboutthedining experienceofferedbytheupgradedKarrathaterrace:

SittinginthecoffeeshopunderthePelagobuilding,IcouldhavebeensittinginClaremont, NedlandsorStGeorge’sTerrace[inPerth] Itgaveyouthesensethatthisisn’tjusta men’sworkcamp(InLaw 2014).

AswiththePTNCinthe1960s,thebuzzwordinKarratharemains “normalization”—theprocessbywhichitisbelievedthatthe “dustyboomtown” of Karratha,withitsoncehighrents, “FIFOswagger” andlackofamenity,could againbethesortofplacewhereafamilycanaffordtoliveina “decenthouse, whethertheyworkinminingornot” (Williams 2011).Throughthis “normalization” process,itishopedthatresidentscanmakealong-termcommitmenttothe community(Milleretal. 2012).

Beyond “normalization” thereiswidespreadconsensusthatthediversi ficationof industry,awayfromasolerelianceonmining,isacrucialstepinensuring Karratha ’slongevity(Greenetal. 2014).Whilemanyaspectsofthisdiversifi cation extendwellbeyondtheremitofurbandesign,planningforKarratha ’stowncenter hasattemptedtodeliveraspatialframeworkthatcouldenablethisdiversification overtime.AsGreenetal.explain:

whenaboomdriesupwhat’softenleftisthesecondaryandtertiaryinfrastructure.This canbeenoughtosustainacity,butonlyifsuchinfrastructurehasalreadybeencreated (2014).

IntherevitalizationofKarrathatowncenter,thistakestheformofdesignated mixed-useretail,commercial,entertainment,accommodation,andculturalprecincts.Thepresumptionisthatadiversityofco-locatedlanduses,deployedata mediumtohighdensity,willstimulateknowledgediffusionandthuseconomic growthanddiversification(OECD 2012).Landcorp,thestatelanddeveloper,has givenexpressiontotheseaspirationsinanewprojectintheretailprecinct, “The Quarter ” whichaimstoprovide, “amajorboostingrowinganddiversifyingthe localeconomy,providingincreasedopportunitiesforexistinglocaloperatorswhile alsoattractingnewbusinessesintothecommunity” (InDoric 2014).

ItisattheartsandcommunityprecinctthatthedesiretoreshapeKarratha’s imageasamining-onlytownreachesitszenith.This$40,000,000precinctwillbe locatedneartheentrancetothetownatthesouthernendofoneofthenewstreets.It isplannedtoincludea450-seattheater,newlibrary,rooftopcinema,artgallery, amphitheater,andlocalhistorymuseum(ABCNews 2014) allofwhichare aimedateconomicdiversificationand,byimplication,thelong-termeconomic viabilityofKarratha.AsshirepresidentPeterLongexplainsaboutthecultural precinct:

Itgivesanextradimensiontothetowninsteadofbeingadormitorysuburbforamine. Whenwe’vegotatheatre,we’vegotculturalactivitiesandintellectualactivities.Itjust givesusawholenewaspecttotheshireandforpeopletolivehere.Itjustmakesitamuch betterplacetobe(InABCNews 2014).

ThisprojectcanbeunderstoodasamodestversionofprojectslikeAbuDhabi’s newculturalhub,whichincludestheGuggenheimAbuDhabi,designedbyFrank Gehry,aperformingartscenterbyZahaHadid,andtheLouvreAbuDhabibyJean Nouvel.Suchprojectsaimtorebrandcities,whicharedependentontheextraction ofprimaryresourcesascentersofculture(withapresumedattendantincreasein longevity).

4.5.3Karratha’sProgress

Sixyearson,itisevidentthatthePilbaraCitiespolicyhasresultedinsignificant newcommunityinfrastructureinKarrathaintheformofnewparks,playgrounds, theaters,hospitals,leisurecomplexes,andschools(Greenetal. 2014),aswellasa signifi cantincreaseinhousing.Atthesametime,theprojectsconstructedaspartof therevitalizationofKarrathatowncenterhavebeguntoreshapethepublicimaginationofthePilbaraasbeingaplacethatis,tosomedegree, “normalized” and morediverse,family-friendly,andsociallycohesive.

DespitesuchostensiblypositiveachievementsofthePilbaraCitiespolicy,itis tooearlytotellwhatcontributionthedesignofKarratha’scenterwillmakein getting50,000peopletoliveinthetown orindeedwhetherthis figurewillbe realizedinthelongertermatall.Ontheonehand,improvedschoolretentionrates25 (Watt 2016)indicatethatfamiliesarechoosingtostayinKarrathaduringthe transitionofchildrenfromprimarytohighschool aperiodthathasoftenbeena catalystformanyfamiliestoreturntoAustralia’scapitalcities

Ontheotherhand,Karratha’spopulationactuallydroppedbetween2011and 2016by646people.Asaresult,in2014thevalueofhousinginKarrathahadfallen 30%fromthepeakoftheminingboom(Law 2014),rentshadhalved,andrecord numbersofpropertieswerelistedforsale(Smyth 2014).Curiously,thenorthwest townofBroome,whichisroughlythesizeofKarratha,grewby1200peopleinthe sameperiod despitenotreceivingtheleveloffundingassociatedwiththePilbara Citiesprogram(AustralianBureauofStatistics 2016).

OnlytimewilltellwhetherKarrathawillbeatwenty- firstcenturyequivalentof theghosttownsofWesternAustralia’sEasternGoldfieldsfromthenineteenth century(Marks 2010);however,apopulationincreaseof300%inthenearto midtermislookingincreasinglyunlikely(Mills 2010a).

25“Retentionrates” inthissentencedoesnotrefertostudentsgenerallystayingatschool.

4.6LifestyleCities

AnotherindustrythatseekstoleveragetheenvironmentofnorthernAustraliais tourism.TourismisoneofthemainindustrysectorswithinnorthernAustralia, capitalizingonthebeautyandwildnessofthenaturalenvironmentandworld heritagesites.Theseareattractivedestinations,particularlyforinternationalvisitors (RegionalAustraliaInstitute 2013).Reflectingtheinternationalappealofthenorth, in2009northernAustraliawasthedestinationofchoicefor36%ofinternational overnightstays(comparedtoonly5%ofdomesticovernightstays).Northern Queenslandattractedthelargestproportionofsuchtouristsacrossthenorth,followedbytheNorthernTerritoryandWesternAustralia’snorthregions,respectively (RegionalAustraliaInstitute 2013).

Thespecifi cattractionsusedtodrawtouriststonorthernAustraliavaryfrom regiontoregion.TourismthroughouttheKimberleydependsonimagesofisolation andadventure,marketingitselfas “Australia ’slastfrontier” (Head 1999).Tourism inFarNorthQueenslandisfueledbythetwinattractionsoftheGreatBarrierReef andtheWetTropics,whicharebothworldheritage–listedsites(BohnetandPert 2010).Finally,thenortherntownofBroomeattractstouristswithitsbeachandits alternative “Australasian” culture.

ThereisgeneralconsensusthatthefutureoftourismwillseenorthernAustralia promotedasanichetourismdestination(Rabyetal. 2014)inwhichthewildness andbeautyofitslandscapes(Nixetal. 2013),inconjunctionwithdynamic,culturallyrichcity-basedexperiences,willbethemajorattractions.Inthecontextofan ongoingglobalbiodiversitycrisisinwhich “natural” experienceswillbein increasinglyshortsupply(McNeillandEngelke 2016),therestoftheworldis likelytoincreasinglytreasurenorthernAustralia ’swildernessqualitiesandbiologicaldiversity(Dale 2014).

TheAustralianGovernmentestimatesthatthenumberofinternationaltourists visitingnorthernAustraliawillreach2,000,000by2030(Robb 2014).Itprojects thatmuchofthisincreaseintouristswillcomefromAsia.AsAndrewRobb,the thenfederaltrademinister,explainedin2014:

The[Asian]region’smiddleclasswillbegrowingfrom600milliontomorethan3billion, fromIndiatoChinaandeverycountryinbetween,overthenext20to30years.Itisalmost inconceivable.Thiswilldriveextraordinarydemandsfor … first-worldlifestylesand servicesandtourism… (Robb 2014).

AccordingtotheAustralianGovernment,thismiddle-classexplosionhas potentiallyhugeimplicationsbecausemuchofthispopulation(inSoutheastAsia andSouthernChina)arewithinthreeto fivehours’ flyingtimeofnorthernAustralia (AustralianGovernment 2015).

4.6.1TheGoldCoastandSunshineCoast

Giventhissituation,whatisthepotentialoftourismtofuelthegrowthofdramaticallyexpanded “lifestylecities” inthenorthofAustralia?Theexampleofthe GoldCoastandtheSunshineCoastinQueenslandarecertainlyinstructiveinthis respect.Havingtheirbeginnings26 inthelate1940swhentheGoldCoasthada populationofabout13,000peopleandtheSunshineCoasthadonlyafewthousand, theydifferfromotherAustraliancitiesintheirdemography,theireconomy,their politics,andmostofallbecausetheyhavelargenumbersoftouristswhovisiteach yearforthelifestyletheyoffer(Mullins 1990).Bythe1990s,theGoldCoastand theSunshineCoastwerenotonlythelargestcitiesinAustraliadevotedtotourism, theywerealsothefastestgrowingofthecountry’sbigcities(Mullins 1992).27

ThepoliticaldifferencebetweenthesecoastaltouristcitiesandotherAustralian citiesisthehighlevelof “urbanentrepreneurship” theyfoster.Thisentrepreneurshipis,inpart,expressedthroughlocalgovernmentsandtheprivatesectorworking togethertotraptouristspending,aswellasluringinvestmentcapitalfortheirurban projects(Mullins 1990).Insuchlifestylecities,imageiscritical,withthebuilt environmentsastheprincipalconveyorsofcertainmessages.TheGoldCoastand itsiconichigh-riseurbanism “exudesimagesofconfidence,vibrancy,color,sparkle,profit,dynamism” (Mullins 1990).Inspatialterms,thislifestyle-driven urbanismhasbeendevelopedaslong,narrowbandsofcoastalsettlementalongthe region’s “sinequanon”—itsbeautifulsandybeaches(CooperandLemckert 2012).

4.6.2BoomBoomBroome28

Givenitssuccess,theGoldCoast,inparticular,hasbeenamodelforboostedcity developmentinthenorthgenerally.TheCountryLiberalPartywantedtocreatea GoldCoast–stylewaterfrontdevelopmentatWeddell29 inthelatetwentiethcentury (ABCNews 2009).Morerecentlyin2010,theAustraliandemographerBernard Salt30 claimedAustraliashouldplanforanewcity “likeaGoldCoastofthewest”

26“Beginnings” inthisrespectrefersonlytoEuropeanAustralianhistory.Thesiteofwhatwasto becometheGoldCoastwas,inpart,indigenousburialgroundsandhasafardeeperhistorythan thatcountenancedinthissection.

27Whiletourismonlyprovidestemporarypopulationinfluxes,theprofitandrevenuethattourists generatehasprovidedaneconomicdriverformigrantsfromsouthernAustraliancitiestorelocate totouristhubssuchastheGoldCoast.Thisiscomplementedby “seachangers” and “tree changers” (Salt 2011),whooftenmovetosuch “lifestylecities” intheirretirement.

28ThisnamewascoinedbyBernardSalttodescribeanexpandedtwenty- firstcenturyBroome (Salt 2011).

29WeddellisnowaproposedsatellitecityofDarwin.

30BernardSaltisapartneratKPMG,anauthorandjournalistfor “TheAustralian” and “Herald Sun” newspapersaswellasbeingchairmanoftheTourismForecastingCommittee. 4.6LifestyleCities81

Fig.4.10 BoomBoomBroome:BernardSaltinhis2011book “TheBigTilt” proposesthat Broome,along-establishedtourismtownwith12,000residents,couldbecomeabig,boldcityby themiddleofthetwenty-firstcentury. Source Montagebytheauthor.BasedonphotosbyJenna Rogers(http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=205272&page=16 )Jason/Clare(https: //www.flickr.com/photos/jasonclare/sets/72157622280103604 )andDarrenEngland(http://www. couriermail.com.au/news/queensland/future-brisbane/future-brisbane-bernard-salt-to-give-keynoteaddress-on-citys-future-at-business-lunch/news-story/f0e3c969fc5eef8a669e21a0ecd91e5e)

tocopewithAustralia ’sprojectedpopulationgrowth(Narushima 2010).Inhis 2011book “TheBigTilt,” SaltproposesthatBroome,along-establishedtourism townwith12,000residents(RegionalAustraliaInstitute 2013),couldbedeveloped tobecomeabig,boldcitybythemiddleofthetwenty-firstcentury,bothprojecting andprotectingAustralia ’s “claimtotherichesofthenorthwest” (Salt 2011) (Fig. 4.10).

Saltproposesthattheeconomicdriversofgrowthforthisbiggerandboldercity (a “GoldCoastofthewest”)willstemfromChina’sgrowingmiddleclass(2011). FacilitatedbyadirectairlinkbetweenBroomeandShanghaiandanupgraded existinginternationalairport,SaltspeculatesthatBroomecouldbeaweekenderfor China’swealthyelite.Asheexplains,itoffers “theclosestaccesstowesternculture,lifestyleandsecurity” intheregion(Salt 2011).

SaltfurtherproposesthatBroomecouldevolveasthecapitalofthenorthwest, basedonpossibledirect flightstoShanghai,growingbusinessconnectionswith China,andtheregion’senergyandresources(Salt 2011).Moreover,heproposesa signifi cantmilitarycontingentasapotentialeconomicdriverforBroome.Such thinkingnodoubtstemsfromtheroleofDarwin’sRobertsonBarracks,whichis

alreadyhometoaround4500AustralianmilitarypersonnelinDarwin(Tanter 2012)andLavarackBarracksinTownsville,whichemploysaround7000defense workers(Noble 2014).Bothofthesegreatlysupportlocalindustries.Infact,itis feltthatoneofTownsville’sgreateststrengthsisitsstatusasa “garrisoncity” (Tyrelletal. 2010).

Salt’saspiration findssomeexpressioninstategovernmentefforts.Indeed,the KimberleyDevelopmentCommissionaimstoincreasethepopulationoftheShire ofBroome’spopulationto48,500by2036 amorethan290%increasein approximately20years(KimberleyDevelopmentCommission 2015)andagrowth thatthecommissionregardsas “achievable,practicalandsustainable”31 (2015). Theprojecteddriverforthisgrowthistourism,whichistargetedtogrowtoan outputvalueoftourismto$700,000,000peryear(KimberleyDevelopment Commission 2015),inconjunctionwithagricultureandfoodproduction,minerals/ energyproduction,tourism,andabroadeningrangeofindustrialactivity (KimberleyDevelopmentCommission 2015).

4.6.3LordMcAlpine’sBroome

WhileSaltmakesacompellingcaseforboostingBroometobeaninternational “lifestylecity” ofthenorthwest,heisnotthe firsttohavehadsuchvisions.Inthe 1980s,LordAlistairMcAlpine(1999)32 pursuedavision “tochangeatiredold townintoamoderntouristresort withoutdestroyingthesouloftheplace.” To thisend,whennotinLondonworkingastreasurertotheU.K.government, McAlpinewasinBroomesnappingupitsheritagebuildingsaswellasplanningfor itsgrowth(BolleterandWeller 2013).Giventheprevailingrulethatnobuildingin Broomeshouldbe “tallerthanapalmtree,” McAlpinespeculatedthatultimatelythe “townwillhavenochoicebuttospread” intheformofsatellitetownsfurtherup theDampierPeninsulatothenorthofBroome.Asheexplained:

Thesesatellitetownsshouldbesurroundedbyanexpanseofbush,eachofthemsetback fromthesea’sshore.Communicationswillthenbecomeaproblemandtheanswertothat problemwillbe,ofcourse,arailway.Arailwaythatlinkstownsandthenlinksthesetowns withvillagesonthecoast,villageswithsmallpopulationsthatsupplytheaccesstothesea thattouristsandresidentsbothwilldemand(McAlpine 1999).

McAlpineendedupdeliveringasuccessfulresort(theCableBeachClub),which payshomagetothetraditionalstyleofbuildingsinBroomeanditsmulticultural

31ThisassessmentwasmadebytheKimberleyDevelopmentCommissioninrelationtothe Kimberleyregion’sprojectedpopulationgrowth,withinwhichBroome’sgrowthisprojectedto occur(2015).

32LordAlistairMcAlpinewasMargaretThatcher ’streasurysecretary.McAlpinefellinlovewith Broomeinthe1970sandbecameamajorinvestorinBroomeinthe1980s,wherehewouldlive forseveralmonthsayear.

heritage,aswellasattractinganinternationalclientele(McAlpine 1999).However, localresistancetochange,difficultiesinupgradingBroome’sairporttointernational status,andapilotstrikethatdecimatedtheBroometourismindustryfrustratedhis biggerplansforBroome.

4.7SatelliteCities

Anothertypeofnewcitytypethathasfoundexpressioninbothnorthernand southernAustraliaisthesatellitecity literallyanew,smallercitythat “orbits” an establishedlargercity.Ashasbeendiscussedinpreviouschapters,satellitecities wereafeatureoftheAustraliangardencitiesmovementoftheearlyto mid-twentiethcentury(Freestone 1982)andtheDURD’spopulationdecentralizationeffortsinthe1970s(Rushman 1976).

AnumberofsatellitecitiesexistinnorthernAustralia.TheseincludeWeddell’s 1980spredecessor,theDarwinsatellitecityofPalmerston,theRadburn-planned satellitecityofPortHedland,SouthHedland(Neilson 1983),andtheHeavitreeGap satellitecityofAliceSprings(Carter 2016).

4.7.1Weddell

ThemostsignificantsatellitecityplannedinthenorthofAustraliaisWeddell,an adjunctofDarwin.ThebuildingofasatellitecityatWeddellhasbeeninthe planningofDarwinsinceatleastthe1980swhenitwastheRegionalStructure Plan’spreferredalternativeforDarwin’surbandevelopment(TaylorandLea 1988). Nonetheless,itwasnotuntil2009thattheNorthernTerritoryGovernment announceditwouldspendnearlythree-quartersofabilliondollars(ABCNews 2009)tobuildWeddell.OneofthemaindriversforDarwinadoptingasatellitecity modelofgrowthisthatmuchofthelandimmediatelyadjacenttoDarwinis constrainedbywaterlogging,stormsurge, flooding,andbitinginsectslikemidges andmosquitos.

Beyondbeingaresponsetosuchpragmaticconstraints,thisnewsatelliteis envisagedtobea “tropical,sustainableandlivablecity” forthefutureforupto 50,000people(Urbanalyst 2011),whichshouldbea “modelforcitiesandtownsof thefuture” aswellasa “worldclassgreencity” (InBolleterandWeller 2013) (Fig. 4.10).AdesigncompetitionwasheldfortheurbandesignofWeddell,which waswonbyDarwin’swell-respectedTroppoArchitects(Urbanalyst 2011),whoare knownfortheirlightandopenarchitecturaldesignsthatareresponsivetothe tropicalclimate,cultureandlandscapeoftheregion,andworld-renownedlandscapearchitectsTaylorCullityLethlean(TCL).Thedesignteamproposesthatthe citytakestheformofastringofvillageswithwalkableandorganiclayoutsshaped by andconnectedto thehydrologyofthepristineBennettsCreek,associated

Mangroves/ wetlands

Fig.4.11 Weddell:AnewsatelliteforDarwinthatistobeatropical,sustainable,andlivablecity forupto50,000people. Source PlanbyTroppoandTCLtracedbytheauthor 4.7SatelliteCities85

wetlands,andfringingmangroves(TroppoarchitectsandTaylorCullityLethlean 2011)(Fig. 4.11).

TroppoandTCLproposethattheeconomicdriversoftheprojectarethe “usual” commercialopportunitiesaswellastourismandenvironmentalmanagement the cityhousingaSustainableCityResearchCentre(TroppoarchitectsandTaylor CullityLethlean 2011).TheyalsoventurethatWeddellcouldalsobecomean “arts village,” withrelatedemploymentandbusinessdevelopmentopportunities(Troppo architectsandTaylorCullityLethlean 2011)(Fig. 4.11).

4.7.2WeddellWorries

AnumberofcommentatorshavecitedtheWeddellsatellitecityproposalasbeinga concern,despiteitsintriguingdesign.PaulCarterhasgoneasfarastosaythatthe plannednewcityis “beyondbeingirrationalonanyordinaryprinciplesoftown planning” (Carter 2016).Suchcriticisms flowfromtheconcernthat,becauseof Darwin’spopulationdynamicsand(untilrecently)extremerealestatevalues, Weddellwilllikelyhouseasubstantialproportionof “atrisk” populations(Carson 2010).WhileDarwinisgenerallyregardedasa “trulycosmopolitancity,noticeable foritslackofethnicseparation ” (TaylorandLea 1988),underthesurfaceDarwin’s

Bennet’s Creek

rapidgrowthandincreasingdiversityhavecreatedchallengesforgenerating interactionandtolerancebetweendifferentethnicgroups(Lobo 2014).Theconcern thatWeddellraisesisthatbyrelocatingpeoplewhocannotaffordrealestatewithin Darwintoasatellitecitysome40kmfromthecenterofDarwincouldcompound socioeconomicstrati ficationbetweenthosewhocanaffordtoliveinDarwinand thosewhocannot(Carson 2010).Certainly, “disasters ” suchasthe Radburn-plannedsatelliteofPortHedlandinSouthHedland(Neilson 1983)and HeavitreeGapinAliceSprings(Carter 2016)havealsotendedtocompound socioeconomicstrati ficationbetweencentralandsatellitecommunities.

Inpartbecauseoftheseissues,theprojectasacheckeredhistory.Boostedbythe ascendantNorthernTerritoryLaborpartyin2009,itwasdeemed “uneconomic” anddumpedbytheCountryLiberalPartyfollowingtheirelectoralsuccessin2012 (Terzon 2016).Finally,withLaborregainingpowerin2016,theyhave “committed toisreignitingtheproject” (Terzon 2016);however,itslocationhaspotentially shiftedtotheCoxPeninsulaacrossDarwin’sharbortotheeast.Whilethiswoulda moredramaticsite,navigatingtherequiredlegalprocesstosecureapprovalfrom theindigenousownersofmostofCoxPeninsulashouldnotbetakenlightly.

4.8Conclusion

Theneworboostedcityproposalstabledinthischapterareallnebulousyet enticing,andpregnantwithpossibility.Moreover,theyoffersomecluesastowhat typeofcitytheadditional3,700,000northernAustralians(projectedbythefederal government)mayintimecallhome(AustralianGovernment 2015).However,with thisgrandtourofhypotheticalcitiesover,thefollowingchaptersetstowork consideringthekindsofbarriersthatcouldcurtailtheirtransformationintophysical reality,inthehotbrightlightofnorthernday.

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Chapter5 BarrierstoNewNorthernCities

Abstract Thischapterevaluatesthepotentialbarriersthatcouldderailthedelivery oftheneworboostedcityproposalsfornorthernAustralia,discussedinthepreviouschapter.Thesebarriersare,tovaryingdegrees,environmental,economic, societal,andgovernance-relatedandincludecarryingcapacityissues,thecostof enablinginfrastructure,andthequestionofhowtostimulategrowthinanewcity. Manyofthesebarrierswillbefamiliartoreaderswhoareacquaintedwithfailed attemptsatdecentralizationfromthetwentiethcentury.However,insomecases, thesebarriershavetransmutedintodifferentforms,withbothchangingtechnology andclimate.Regardless,ananalysisofthesebarriersrevealssomeformidable obstaclestoneworboostedcitydevelopmentsinthenorth,ofwhichproponents shouldbeaware.

Keywords Newcities Boostedcities Towns Carryingcapacity Wet-bulbtemperature Citylivability Climatechange Governance NorthernAustralia

5.1GeneralBarrierstoDevelopingNewCities intheNorth

Theproponentsofthevariousneworboostedcityproposalsmakeagenerally compellingcasefortheirrespectivecities.While 4 indulgedtheseproponentsand theirproposals,inthischapterIwillsettoworktotrytoidentifythepotential barriersthatcouldderailthedeliveryoftheircities.Ihavenotdonethisoutofspite butrathertohelptoevolvetheseschemes.Indeed,Iconsiderthemallworthyata baselevel;otherwise,theywouldnothavebeenincludedinthebook.Ofcourse,in theprocessofcriticalappraisal,Iamlikelytooverlooksomeemergingbarriers. ThisisaprocessundertakenwiththebestknowledgeIcouldassemble;however, nothingcanaccountfordisruptiveeventsinthefutureoverwhichIhaveno foresight.

© TheAuthor(s)2018

J.Bolleter, TheGhostCitiesofAustralia,SpringerBriefsinGeography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4_5

Nonetheless,givenwhatweknow,hamperingtheirimplementationislikelyto beavarietyofbarriersthatareenvironmental,economic,societal,or governance-related,whichIwilldealwithindependentlythroughoutthischapter. Whilethereissomeoverlapbetweenthesevariouscategories,thiscategorization willenableaclearerdiscussion.

5.2EnvironmentalBarriers

AsreadersofChap. 2,inparticular,willbeaware,Australia’senvironmenthas beenafundamentaldeterminantofpatternsofurbanizationinAustraliainthe twentiethcentury.Thereisreasontobelievethattheenvironmentmayplayaneven greaterpartindeterminingnorthernAustralia’stwenty- firstcenturysettlement patterns,despiteoursupposedtechnologicalprowess.

5.2.1CarryingCapacityLimitations

SheridenMorris,chairoftheCooperativeResearchCentreforDeveloping NorthernAustralia,believes “thefutureofnorthernAustraliaiswhateverweare preparedtomakeit” (SheridenMorrisinOfficeofNorthernAustralia 2017). Ithink,however,thereisreasontobelievethatinthiscenturythenorth’slimited humancarryingcapacityandchangingclimatewillmeanwewillstruggletoalign northernAustraliawithourownurbanvisions.

OneofthekeybarrierstotheneworboostednortherncitiestabledinChap. 4 relatestothecarryingcapacityofthelanditself.Theconceptofcarryingcapacity refersto “themaximumnumberofpersonsthatcanbesupportedinperpetuityon anarea” (FearnsideinLane 2017).Thisassessmentisoftenmadewithrespectto parametersincludingavailablefood,energy, fiber,andenvironmentalprotection mechanismsinconjunctionwithenergyandfoodconsumption(Lane 2017).While insomerespects,globalsupplychainshavemeantthatestimationsofcarrying capacity,basedonarbitrarylandboundaries,arehypotheticalonly(Lane 2017), suchestimationsnonethelessgiveusaguidetothedegreetowhicharegioncan sustainitshumanpopulation,ifneeded.

Evidenceforaclaimthataneworboostedcityinthenorth,suchasGalt’sGulch Litewithitspopulationofmillionsofpeople(Romer 2014),willdramatically outstripthecarryingcapacityoftheland,isprovidedbyrecentresearch(Lane 2017).MurrayLane’s 1 researchrevealsthateventherelativelymeagerpopulations oftheNorthernTerritoryandthenorthofWesternAustralia(wherethemajorityof theneworboostedcitiesarelocated)havealreadysigni ficantlyexceededthe

1Dr.MurrayLaneisaresearcherfromtheQueenslandUniversityofTechnology.

Fig.5.1 Carryingcapacity:ThismapshowsAustralia’s2011populationasapercentageofthe estimatedlong-termcarryingcapacity.MostareasofnorthernAustraliahavealreadyoutstripped theregion’scarryingcapacity. Source MapbyMurrayLanetracedbytheauthor

landscape’scarryingcapacity.Infact,theonlyareaofnorthernAustraliathathas notoutstrippeditscarryingcapacityisthe “NorthernGulf” regioneastofCairns (Lane 2017).WhilesouthernAustraliaalsohasissuesinthisrespect,particularly alongtheeasternseaboard,theseissuespaleincomparisontothoseinnorthern Australia(Fig. 5.1).

Ofcourse,technologicaloptimistsassumethatanybiophysicallimitswe encountertopopulationandeconomicgrowthcanbeovercome(Logg-Scarvell etal. 2015),andindeedcitiesexceedtheircarryingcapacityallthetime.Inthis regard,miffedproponentsofneworboostednortherncitiesmightrefertothe relativesuccessofDarwin,whichhasremainedviabledespitethecarryingcapacity oftheregion.However,theresultofDarwin(inparticular)exceedingitscarrying capacityisthatithasAustralia ’shighestecologicalfootprint(7.1ha)comparedto southerncitiessuchasMelbourne(6.4ha)orHobart(5.7ha)(TurnerandForan 2008).Ofcourse,ahighecologicalfootprintwillnot,inisolation,killoffanewor boostedcityproposal;however,itislikelytobeanincreasinglypowerfulfactoras wemoveintoanincreasinglyresource-constrainedtwenty-firstcentury.

Itdifficulttoassesswhichtablednewcitywouldbebestadaptedtocarrying capacitylimitations,giventhenebulousstateofanumberoftheproposals.That said,acitythatproposestogrowtopossiblymillionsofpeople,suchasGalt’s GulchLite(Romer 2014),obviouslywill(ifallelseisequal)exacerbatetheissue morethanamodest-sizedcitylikeKarratha.Theabilityofacitytogenerateitsown

renewableenergy,freshwater,andfoodsupplywillalsobecriticalinsuccessfully subvertingcarryingcapacityissues.AbuDhabi’sattemptatbuildingtheworld’s firstcitythatiscarbonneutralandpoweredentirelybyalternativeenergysources, however,isacautionarytale.Theprojectisestimatedtobecosting$27billionfor just50,000potentialinhabitants(Maasetal. 2011).

5.2.2CarryingCapacityandClimateChange

StronglyinfluencingthecarryingcapacityofnorthernAustraliaistheclimate.The north,currently,experiencesadramaticwet–dryseasonality(Dale 2014),andinthe wetseasondestructivecyclonesarecommon,andfrequent floodsinundatelarge areas(Nixetal. 2013)(Fig. 5.2).Mostclimatechangemodelsfornorthern Australiaprojectthattherewillbeanincreaseintheproportionoftropicalcyclones thatareinthemoreintensecategoriesbutapossibledecreaseinthetotalnumberof cyclones(Hugo 2012).Speci fically,thenumberofcategory3–5cyclonesare forecasttoincrease,andby2070therecouldbeanaccompanying140%increasein intensityofthemostseverestorms(DCCEEinHugo 2012).Thisisworrying becausemodelinghasshownthatthereisadisproportionateincreaseinlossoflife anddamagewithanincreaseinseverityofcyclones(McMichaelinHugo 2012) somethingthatcouldcurtailtheattractivenessandviabilityofneworboosted northerncities.Indeed,aninabilitytoobtaininsuranceinpotentiallyhigh-risk zonescouldbeoneparticularfactorthatcurtailspopulationgrowth.

CurrentclimateprojectionsfornorthernAustraliaalsoshowthatintheperiodto 2070northernAustraliaislikelytoreceivelessrainfall(exceptincoastalregions) andgetincreasinglyhotter,withapotential4–5°Csummertemperatureincrease (AustralianGovernment 2017a).Indeed,thereisprojectedtobeasignificant increaseinthenumberofextremelyhotdaysandnights(Hugo 2012).Inahigh emissionsscenario(A1F1),Darwinin2070willmostlikelyexperience308days peryearabove35°C(currentlyithas11),Broomewillhave281(currently54), andCairns96(currently3.8)(Hugo 2012).Whilethesoutherncapitalswillalso experienceextremelyhotdays,thiswillbetoamuchlesserdegree.Forinstance, Perthwillexperience67daysperyearabove35°C(currentlyitreceives28)(Hugo 2012).Thisisimportantbecausethe “pleasantness” ofaclimate(orotherwise)has proventobeamajordriverofpopulationgrowth(DurantonandPuga 2013).As such,consistentlyhottemperaturescouldeffectivelyconstrainneworboostedcity growthinthenorth.Moreover,theAustralianGovernmentprojectsthatinan unmitigatedclimatechangescenarioin2100,thenumberoftemperature-related deathsintheNorthernTerritorycouldincreasenearlysevenfold(Australian Government:DepartmentoftheEnvironmentandEnergy 2018).

OfparticularimportanceforneworboostedcitiesinnorthernAustraliaarethe interactionsbetweenhighheatandhumidity,knownas “wet-bulb” temperature.2

2Athermometercoveredwithawetwashclothisusedtomeasurewet-bulbtemperature.

5.2EnvironmentalBarriers95

Fig.5.2 Cyclones:ThismapshowscurrentannualcycloneincidenceinnorthernAustralia,a patternthatisprojectedtoincreaseinintensitywithclimatechange.DatabytheCommonwealth ScientificandIndustrialResearchOrganisation(2017). Source Mapbytheauthor

Putsimply,whenthewet-bulbtemperaturereaches35°C,thehumanbodycannot coolitselfbysweating,andeven fitpeoplesittingintheshadewilldiewithinsix hours(SherwoodandHuber 2010).Whileitisoftenassumedthathumanswouldbe abletoadapttoanypossiblewarming,aglobalmeanwarmingof7°Cwouldcall thehabitabilityofsomeregionsintoquestion(SherwoodandHuber 2010).This situationcouldalsoaffecttheNorthernTerritory,inparticular,wherewet-bulb temperatureexceeds30°Cforalmosttheentireyearandisalreadyanissuefroma livabilityandeconomicperspective(Hyndman 2015).3 Humidityinsuchregions remainshigh,evenwithclimatechange,4 andintimethecombinationofhigh humidityandextremetemperature,whichdefinesthewet-bulbtemperature,could belethal.

Inprinciple,theneworboostedcitiestabledcouldincorporateprotectionagainst suchconditionsthroughmuchwideradoptionofairconditioning,higherdensity urbanismthatallowssomeprotectionfroma fierceclimate,andaminimumof vegetationtoreduceevapotranspiration.However,thiswouldnotprotectoutside

3Inaddition,thisissuecouldhavesignificantimplicationsforthenorthernpastoralindustryand biodiversitymoregenerally.

4NorthernAustraliaisprojectedonlytobeslightlylesshumid,withaminordecreaseinrelative humidityalongthecoastof0.5–1%(AustralianGovernment 2017a).

workers;itwouldperiodicallyimprisonpeopleintheirhomes,andpowerfailures wouldbecomelethal(SherwoodandHuber 2010):asituationthatwouldcurtail thesecities’ livabilityandindeedtheirviability.Shortofurbandesignadaption strategies,ideallyneworboostedcitieswouldbelocatedinlandandasfarsouthas possibletoescapehighhumidity.NewcitiessuchasRefugeCity,whichislocated neartheoceanandatAustralia ’snorthernextremity,infact,couldbecomeasource ofclimatechangerefugees,notarefuge.

5.3EconomicBarriers

Thehistoryoffailedattemptsatdecentralizationintheearlytomid-twentieth centuryclearlyshowsthatwithoutaconvincingeconomicdriver(orideallydrivers) neworboostedcitieswill fizzle,regardlessofhowcompellingtheirnarrativeor spatialstructuremaybe.

5.3.1TheExpenseofProvidingInfrastructure

Newcities(and,toalesserdegree,boostedcities)inthenorthfacesignificant economicbarrierssuchasthecostofconstructingtheenablinginfrastructurethat wouldbenecessarytomakethemviable.Inparticular,adeep-waterportis somethingthattheneworboostedcityproposalsprofiledwouldneedtoduplicate todeliverthequantitiesofmaterialsrequiredtoconstructsuchcitiesaswellasto generaterevenuethroughtrade.5,6

Theinvestmentrequiredtoduplicateenablingport,rail,andairportinfrastructurefornewcities,inparticular,wouldbevast.SuchinvestmentswouldbesubsequentlyverydifficulttojustifytoeitherinvestorsorTreasuryofficials.Thisis becauseexistingcitiesinthenorth,suchasDarwinandTownsville,havehistoricallybeensitesofmassiveinfrastructureinvestmentyethavenotreachedtheir populationanddevelopmentpotential.

NewcityproponentssuchasKaeseshagen,Salt,andRomerallproposeenabling infrastructureintheformofinternationalairportsasawayofdrawingininternationaltourists,residents,andinvestment;however,thisisnotnearlyassimpleas drawingadotonaplan.LordMcAlpine’splanstobuildaninternationalairportat Broome(seeChap. 4)provideacautionarytaleinthisrespect.McAlpine’smaster plantodevelopBroomelargelydependedonagovernmentagreementtobuildan

5WiththeexceptionofWeddell,whichhassomeaccesstoDarwin’sport,andKarratha,which accesstoadeep-waterportatPortHedland.

6AllAustraliancapitalcities,withtheexceptionofCanberra,havecoalescedaroundports(Blainey 2010),whichhaveallowedtheimportationofmaterialsandshippingofexportstodomesticand internationalmarkets.

5.3EconomicBarriers97

internationalairport.HethoughtthisairportwoulddofornorthwesternAustralia whatnewairportsatCairnsandAliceSpringshaddoneforthenortheastandcenter, whereGermanandJapanesetouristshadsubsequently “pouredin” (Davie 2000). Thestateandfederalgovernments,however,thousandsofkilometersawayinPerth andstillfurtherawayfromCanberra balked.WhileBroomeeventuallygainedan internationalairport,ithasnotyieldedthebenefitsthatMcAlpineprojected.Even thoughAustraliacurrentlyreceivesaround7,000,000airpassengersayear,thevast majority flytothemajorcapitalcities,notsmallerregionaltownssuchasBroome (AustralianGovernment 2015).Whileitisonethingforanairporttohave “international” status,itisanotherforittofunctionasoneonaregularbasis as exemplifiedbyBroome’sinternationalairport.

Finally,theDarwinsatellitecityofPalmerston(Weddell’s1980spredecessor; seeChap. 4),revealstheeconomicchallengestoprovidingenablinginfrastructure toregionalneworboostedcities.WhilePalmerstonisamere23kmfromDarwin andhasexistedsincethe1980s,thereremainspoorpublictransportbetweenthe cities,resultingina40-minbusjourneyforthosewhocannotaffordtodrive(Lobo 2014).ThisisarelativelylongcommuteforDarwin,acitywherepeoplearriveat mostdestinationswithin20minwhentravelingbycar(Lobo 2014).Duetoalack ofeffectivepublictransportinfrastructurebetweenthecenters(suchasheavyrail), researchhasfoundthattheinitialoccupantsofPalmerston(upuntil1996)tendedto havelowerincomesandeducationachievements,beindigenousorbelivingwitha disabilityorinasingle-parentfamily,thanresidentsofDarwinCity(Carson 2010). Suchasituationremindsusofthecostofservicingnewregionalcitieswiththe requiredinfrastructuretoconnectthemtothejobsandopportunitiesofthecapital cities.

OfthecitiestabledinChap. 4,theboostedcitiestendtoratebetterthancompletelynewcitiesinrelationtotheinfrastructureinvestmentrequired.Thisis becausetheytendtohave(atleast)someaccesstoexistingenablinginfrastructure, intheformofports,raillines,andairports.

5.3.2ALackofCompellingEconomicDrivers(andJobs)

Compoundingthecosttoinfrastructureprovisiontoneworboostedcitiesisthe vagueeconomicdriversforstimulatingthegrowthoftheneworboostedcities.For instance,Romer(2014)proposesthatchartercityurbanizationinnorthernAustralia “couldveryeasilygohandinhandwithsustainablehigh-technologyagricultural development” (2014).Whilethismaybeaviableeconomicproposition,itisnot clearthatsuchagriculturaldevelopmentwillrequireasignificantworkforcehoused inanadjacentcity.AsPaulDaleyexplains,inthecomparativelynearfuture agriculturewillmostlikelybelefttotherobots “thatcanplant,fertilize,spray, weed,monitorandultimatelyharvest,packandtransportcrops” (2016).Reflecting theincreasingmechanizationoffarming,theproportionofworkersemployedin

Australianagriculturefellfrom30.2%in1911to4.3%in1996,translating,in humanterms,toanaverageof294farmersleavingtheirpropertieseachmonth (Daley 2016).

The “miningboom,” whichledtothePilbaraCities’ initiativeandtheattemptto boostKarrathatocitystatus,hassomesimilarities.Theconstructionofnewmines andliquidnaturalgas(LNG)projects,whichrequiredasubstantialworkforce, droveKarratha’sdevelopment.However,nowthattheseconstructedprojectsare operatingasintended,therequiredworkforceissubstantiallysmallerthanduring theconstructionperiod asituationthatinpartexplainsKarratha’sdropinpopulationinrecentyears.

WhilethedevelopmentofKarrathahasbeenhamperedbysuchtransitionsand compoundedby fluctuationsintheresourcesindustry(RegionalAustraliaInstitute 2013),otherdisruptivetrendsarealsolikelytoincreasinglycurtailtheneedfor mining-relatedcitybuildinginthefuture.RoboticsexpertHughDurrant-Whyte7 recentlyconcluded: “Inthenextdecade,mostmineswilloperatewithlessthana thirdofcurrentworkforces,withasignificantnumberoftheseengagingremotely” (Daley 2016).

RioTinto’sautomationofmineralproductioninitsgiantPilbarairon-ore operationsprovidesoneexamplethatconfirmsDurrant-Whyte’sprediction.Rio Tintoalsocentralizedthemanagementofindividualproductioncomponentsto Perthin2010,approximately1500kmtothesouth.AsRioTintomanaging directorMichaelGollschewskiexplains: “Theoperationscenterproducesbetter, smarter,fasterdecisionsateverylevelmonitoringandcontrollingthemining,rail andportactivitiesremotelyfromasinglelocation” (Daley 2016).If Durrant-Whyte’spredictionregardingtheautomation(andcentralization)ofmining operationsisborneoutinreality,thiswillcertainlycallintoquestiontheneedfor neworboostedcitiestohousepopulationstoserviceminingoperations.

WhilethecurrentdominantindustriesinnorthernAustraliaaregenerallybased aroundaccesstonaturalresources mining,agricultureandtourism(Regional AustraliaInstitute 2013) thenorthholdsmuchpotentialwithrespectto knowledge-intensiveindustries.Inthisrespect,Daleetal.(2014)projectsthat,in conjunctionwithagrowingknowledge-basedeconomyinthenorth,jobsinprofessionalandtechnicalserviceswillmostlikelyexceedthoseintheresourcesand agriculturesectorsoverthelongerterm.Anumberofthenewcityproponentscite theknowledgeeconomyasapotentialeconomicdriver.BenjamenGussenexplains theeconomicdriversforDilga(seeChap. 4)couldcomefromexporting “added value finishedproducts” andservices,bothbasedonknowledge-intensivehubs suchasSiliconValley’sinformationtechnologyclusters(Gussen 2017a).The problemfornewcityproponents,however,isthatthehighlymobileandsavvy workersengagedintheknowledgeeconomyaretypicallyattractedtothelifestyle thatahostcitycanoffer(Florida 2002),somethingthatDilga,locatedinthewilds oftheKimberley,couldstruggletoprovide particularlyintheearlyyearsof

7HughDurrant-WhyteleadsaUniversityofSydneyresearchteamonrobotics.

development.Anyway,suchknowledgejobswouldbesurelybetterlocatedin Darwin,wherethereareexistingtertiaryeducationandresearchinstitutionssuchas CharlesDarwinUniversityandFlindersUniversity(Daleetal. 2014).

TheexampleoftheAustralianNorthernEcoCity(ANEC)(seeChap. 4)also providesfurtherillustrationofthesechallenges.DesignersEcoscapeproposesthat ANECbethehomeofmanyofthenorth’sadministrativefunctionsthatarecurrentlyfoundintheadministrativecityofDarwin acenterthattendstofunctionas theunofficialcapitalofthenorth,aswellasbeinggenerallylivableand well-serviced(Carsonetal. 2010).WhileANECmayoffertheliberatingpotential to “startagain” andreimaginewhatacitycouldbe,thisspeculativeexerciseis unlikelytoconvincetheNorthernTerritoryorAustralianGovernmenttofundan expensiveoperationtodispersegovernancefunctionsandjobstotheisolatedLake Argyleregion.FormerSouthAustralianpremierDonDunstan’sfailedattemptto exilelargesectionsofthestatepublicservicetoMonartointhemid-1970sprovides acautionarytaleinthisrespect(Wanna 1982). “Hellno,wedonotwanttogo” was thechorusthen,andcouldbeagainiftheNorthernTerritoryandWestern AustraliangovernmentsactuallygotseriousaboutANEC.

Finally,evenWeddellwillbedifficulttoservicewithjobs astheexampleof Palmerstonexemplifies.Thisisdespitethefactthatitisonly40kmfromDarwin, not400km!Whilealackofcompellingeconomicdrivers(andjobs)willkilloffa newregionalcityinthecaseofthesatellitecityofWeddell,alackofjobscould meanitsimplymorphsintoyetanotherdormitorysuburbratherthanthe “world-classgreencity” itistoutedtobecome(BolleterandWeller 2013).

5.3.3SpecialEconomicZonesandtheConstitution

Oneoftheprincipalbarrierstotheproposedchartercities,andtheirrespective specialeconomiczones(SEZ)istheconstitutionalbarrierstheypose.Despitethe lobbyingofgroupssuchasAustraliansforNorthernDevelopmentandEconomic Vision,therecentAustralianGovernmentwhitepaper “OurNorth,OurFuture” doesnotenvisageutilizingSEZstodevelopnorthernAustralia.Beneaththe heading “WhytheGovernmentisnotdeclaringthenorthaSpecialEconomic Zone”,thewhitepaperstatesthat “inAustralia,theConstitutionprohibits Commonwealthtaxationthatdiscriminatesbetweenstatesorpartsofstates,aswell asCommonwealthlawsorregulationoftrade,commerceorrevenuethatgives preferencetoonestateorpartofastateoveranother” (FitzpatrickandJian 2016).

In2013,boththeAustralianLaborPartyandtheLiberal –NationalCoalition promisedthat,ifelected,theywouldbuildanSEZ,ormultipleSEZs,inthenorthof Australia(FitzpatrickandJian 2016),sopresumingtheyarenotjustignorantofthe constitution,thissituationcouldchange.However,theconstitutionalframeworkas itstandsprovidesasignificantbarriertocreatingtheSEZsthatcouldunderpinthe plannedchartercities.Ifprivateinvestorsactuallymanagedtogetachartercityoff theground,andparliamentsubsequentlydeemedthatitsSEZwasunconstitutional,

1005BarrierstoNewNorthernCities

assoonastheeconomicbenefitsitofferedweakened,anychartercitypopulation wouldnaturallydriftbacktoAustralia’sexistingmajorcities,oroverseas.

Otherattemptstodeliverchartercitiesremindusthattheseconstitutionalbarriersareserious.Hondurashasbeenattemptingtobuildachartercitysince2009; however,in2012theHonduranSupremeCourtruled “privatecities” unconstitutional,andtheproposalhasstalled(Unknownauthor 2012).

TheconstitutionalrisksofSEZsaside,itisworthnotingthatinthemid-1980s, theNorthernTerritoryGovernmentestablishedamanufacturingTrade DevelopmentZone(TDZ),Australia ’sonlyfreetradezone,inDarwin,toutilize opportunitiesofincreasedtradewithAsia.TheNorthernTerritoryGovernment investedmorethan$26,000,000incapitalworkintheTDZ,hopingtoreducethe city’seconomicdependenceonthepresenceofthemilitaryandexpandDarwininto “acityof2,750,000people” by2010(WuandWinchester 2015) itscurrent populationbeingjustover100,000!However,by1990,therewereonly five companiesemploying68peopleoperatingintheTDZ.Itcollapsedin2003, demonstrating “thewidthofthegapbetweenwhatithaspromisedandwhatithas delivered” (WuandWinchester 2015).

5.4SocietalBarriers

Manyofthechampionsofnewandboostedcityproponentsfeaturedintheprevious chaptersarecavalierintheirtendencytothrowout(possibly)inflatedprojectionsof hundredsofthousands,ifnotmillions,ofpeople(Romer 2014)occupyingtheir grandvisions.However,whatismissedinthisdiscussionofdisembodiedconcepts likepopulationandmigrationisthatwearetalkingaboutreallives—“aboutpeople andtheirneeds,wants,capabilitiesandfears” (Mares 2010) ratherthana monolithic,subservientblockofpeoplewhowillsuccumbtoavisionary’sgrand plans.

5.4.1TheLivabilityofNewNorthernCities

Thecavalierattitudestomigrationdisplayedbysomeofthenewcityproponents maskthefactthattheirneworboostedcitieswillneedtodeliverhighlevelsof livability arguablycommensuratewiththenorth’sexistingmajorcitiesofDarwin, Cairns,Townsville,andMackay tohaveanychanceofdrawinginpeople.This wouldbenomeanfeatbecauseCairnsandTownsvillearerenownedlifestylecities thatofferaccesstotheGreatBarrierReefandtheWetTropicsrainforest(Bohnet andPert 2010).Moreover,inrecentyearsDarwinhasemergedasavibrant, youthfulandmulticulturaltropicalcity evidenceforwhichisDarwin’slistingby the “LonelyPlanet” in2012asoneof10 “mustsee” places(InBolleterandWeller 2013).

Attractionswouldneedtobegenerouslydispensedtowardofftheperceptionby city-dwellersthatregionaltownsare “dullandlackinginamenities” (Lonsdale 1972).Inessence,thenewcityneedstobepumpprimedsoastolimittheperiodof “newtownblues,” whereitisfelt “thereisnowheretogoandnothingtodo” (Berkley 1973).Educationalopportunitiesareaparticularlyimportantcomponent inengagingcitizensintheearlyyearsandoverthelongerterm.Thetransitionof childrenfromprimarytohighschoolistraditionallyacatalystformanyfamiliesto returntoAustralia’scapitalcities.

Again,theexperienceofPalmerstonisinstructive,withthesatellite “city” of Darwinstilltryingtoshakeoffitsimageasa “dormitoryoutersuburbforDarwin” despiteitbeingnowapproximately40yearsold(Carson 2010).Thisreflectsthe factthatPalmerstonhasexperiencedsignifi cantlagsbetweenpopulationgrowth andthedeliveryofamenitiesthatunderpinlivability(Carson 2010).

AccesstothecoastisacrucialdimensionoflivabilityformanyAustralians.The exampleoftherapidlygrowing,noncapitalcoastalcitiessuchasCairns,theGold Coast,theSunshineCoastandGladstoneinQueensland,andBunburyand MandurahinWesternAustraliaindicatethatsomeofthepsychologicalhurdlesto movingtoaregionalcityinnorthernAustralia,orelsewhere,canbepartlycompensatedforbyaccesstothecoast(Salt 2011).AsGinaRineharturges:

Somemaysay, ‘oh,it’stoohotinthenorth,reducedtaxation,andevenreducedregulation, won’thelp.Peopleonlywanttoliveinthesouthern,coastalcities.Dealingwiththecoast first;therearethousandsofmilesofcoastlineinournorththatcouldbepopulated(Rinehart 2012).

Despitesuchproclamations,itisimportant,however,tobearinmindthat northernAustralia ’scoastlineisnotthegenerallymild-manneredcoastofthe southernstates.Inthewetseason,thenorthexperiencesdestructivecyclonesin coastalareas,andfrequent floodsinundatelargeareas(Nixetal. 2013).AsDale (2014)explains, “theheatandhumiditysapsyourstrength”;however, “forget goingtothebeach,asmarinestingerscouldbewaftingpast.” Perhapsduetosuch issues,oftheneworboostedcitiesdiscussedinthischapter,onlyBroomereally seekstoleverageitscoastalenvironment.Arguably,theproposedinlandlocationof manyoftheproposedneworboostedcitieswillseethemstruggletobeattractive fromalivabilityperspectivewhencomparedtoboththeexistingsouthernand northeasterncoastalcities.

However,extremesealevelrisecoulddramaticallyaffectthissituation,particularlyfortownsandcitiessuchasBroomeandtheGoldCoast,inwhichthebeach istheir “sinequanon”—theiressential,definingcharacteristic(Cooperand Lemckert 2012).Thelossofbeachestosealevelriseandaccompanyingerosion couldhavemassiveenvironmentalandeconomicimplications,asthesebeaches formthetourismdrawcardsforsuchcenters.

Inthisscenario,themanufacturedandcontrolledcoastlineofANEConthevast LakeArgylecouldbecomeincreasinglyattractive;however,thetouristdrawof LakeArgyleasacoastalsubstituteishardtogauge.WhileLakeArgyleisvastand impressivewhenviewedfromtheair,atgroundlevelithasthestrangemelancholy,

whicharti ficialwaterbodiesseemtoemanate.Assuch,itisunclearwhetherthis managedcoastlinewouldbeattractiveenoughtoenticetourists,particularlyifthe presenceofsaltwatercrocodilesendures.

Accesstospace,typicallyprivatesuburbangardens,isalsoacrucialaspectof livabilityinAustralia.Anumberoftheneworboostedcitiesproposed,particularly ANEC,DilgaandevenKarratha,plantoyieldurbandensitythatfarexceedsthatof thesuburbanspreadofAustralia ’scapitalcities.Thisdensity,rightlyorwrongly, couldactasadisincentivetodecentralizationofpopulationfromthecapitals.This isbecauseAustraliansoftenregardaccesstoprivatespaceasatrade-offfor outer-suburbanorregionalliving.Canberraprovidesacautionarytaleinthis respect.TheGriffins’ plansforCanberraspeci fiedChicagodensityurbanismbutin time,thiscollapsedintolow-densitysuburbanformstypicalofAustralia ’scapitals.

5.4.2ALackofSupportforForeignInvestment andImmigration

Anumberofthenewcityvisionaries(suchasGussen)proposeamajorcomponent offoreigninvestmentandimmigrationtobuildandpopulatetheircities;however, thisislikelytoexperiencestiffresistancefromAustralianvoters.Acomparatively recentpollconductedbytheLowyInstituterevealedthat46%ofAustraliansthink thefederalgovernmentisallowingtoomuchforeigninvestment,a figurethatjumps to56%whenaskedspecificallyaboutinvestmentfromChina(Hartcher 2012).

TheMultifunctionPolisproposalprovidesawarninginthisrespect.First unveiledin1987,theMultifunctionPoliswastoinvolvetheconstructionofa futuristicmultifunctionalcityofabout10,000peopleasaprototypeforcitiesofthe twenty- firstcenturyontheedgeofAdelaide(Hamnett 1997).Ajointventure betweentheJapaneseandAustraliangovernments,MultifunctionPolisbecame knownasthe “Japcity,” aracialslurfromwhichitwouldneverrecover(Bolleter andWeller 2013).

ThecasethatcanbemadeforAsianinvestmentandimmigrationtonewor boostedcitiesinthenorthisthatnorthernAustraliahasalwaysbeencloselylinked withAsia,particularlyintermsoftrade(Ganter 2005).Darwinisastrongexample ofthecontributionsAsiannationshavemadetonorthernAustralia.Between1878 and1909,theChinesepopulationofDarwinoutstrippedthatoftheEuropeans “bya ratioofmorethanfourtoone”—aperiodinwhichChineseimmigrantsmade particularlysignificantcontributionstoDarwin’scivic,cultural,andculinarylife (Luckman 2011).

Regardless,newcities,especiallychartercities,predicatedonAsianandin particularChineseinvestment,arelikelytobeperceivedbysomeasathreatto Australia’snationalself-determination particularlygivenChina’sdrivetogain politicaland,insomecases,territorialadvantageintheregion.WhileGussenhopes thatthe “habitofwelcomingimmigrantsandworkingacrosscultures,soembedded

inSingaporeans’ DNA,” istransplantedintohischartercity(Gussen 2017b),it remainstobeseenwhetherthisattitudewillspreadtothemajorityofvotersin southernAustralia.

AcautionarytaleinthisrespectwastheproposalofaJewishcolonyinthe Kimberleyin1939 aprecursorofthecontemporaryRefugeCityproposal. SpearheadedbytheFreelandLeagueforJewishTerritorialColonization,theJewish colonywastocommencewithaninitial75,000refugeesettlerswhowoulddevelop agricultureintheregion.Surprisingly,theWesternAustralianParliamentagreedto thescheme,onlyforittobestonewalledatthefederallevelin1944(Bolleterand Weller 2013).Thiswas,inpart,becauseaculturallyspecifi ccolonyinthenorth wascontrarytothegovernment ’spolicyofassimilatingnewimmigrantsand avoidingcongregationsofnationalities(Langfield 2001) aphilosophythat remainscurrentandcouldunderminesupportforthenewchartercitiesproposed.

5.4.3PotentialResistancefromExistingResidents

ProponentsofboostedcityproposalssuchasthoseforBroomeandKarrathacan alsoexperienceresistancefromexistingresidentswhomayliketheirtown “justthe wayitis.” McAlpine,inparticular,overlookedthelocalresistancetochangein formulatinghisproposalsforanexpandedandincreasinglyinternationalBroome (BolleterandWeller 2013).Asheexplainedinhis1999bookofrecollectionsand reflections, “FromBagmantoSwagman”:

Accustomedtolivinginatownwhereanyonewhohasafewbuckssetsaboutmultiplying them,usuallyattheexpenseofthecommunity,thesepeoplewerenaturallysuspiciousof myactivities.TryasImighttoexplainthatmymotivesweretomaketheplacethatIhad chosentoliveinbetter,ratherthanworse,itmadenodifference(McAlpine 1999).

Theendresultwasthat “afteryearsofcombat,” McAlpine’sopponents fi nally won,frustratinghiseffortstobuildaninternationalairport(McAlpine 1999). Broome’slocalresistancetochangeanddevelopmenthasrecentlybeenon displayinprotestsagainstbuildingtheBrowseLNGprojectatJamesPricePoint nearBroome.8 Theseprotests,inconjunctionwithcostpressures,contributedtothe decisionbyWoodsideEnergyLimitedtoshelveitsproposedprojectin2013 (AustraliansforNorthernDevelopmentandEconomicVision 2013).Similarly,if developersattempttorecastBroome’simagewithglimmeringtowersevokingthe GoldCoast,thiswillelicitsignificantresistancefromthelocalcommunityasthey seektoprotectwhattheyperceiveasbeingauthenticallyBroome,whichisgenerallywhatdrewtheresidentsthereinthe firstplace(JonesandTonts 2003).

8Theseprotestsarealsorelatedtotheissueofdevelopmentonindigenouslandandenvironmental issues.

5.4.4PotentialResistancefromIndigenousLandholders

Themajorityoftheneworboostedcityproposalssurveyedinthepreviouschapter alsooverlooktheexistingconnectionto,andusageof,landbyindigenouspeoplein northernAustralia.WhileRomerproposesthatchartercitiesabidebythebasic principlethattheyarebuiltona “tractofuninhabitedlandsuitablefora multimillion-personscalecity” (Freiman 2013),suchaconceptualizationof “uninhabited” landinnorthernAustraliainevitablyignoresindigenousownershipand careofancestrallands,or “country,” asithastakenplaceovertensofthousandsof yearsago(Fredericks 2013).

Wherethenewcityvisionariesrefertoindigenousculture,itistypically super ficial.OneexampleofthisisEcoscape’s,nodoubtwell-intentioned,attempt toembedindigenousthemingwithintheurbansuperstructureofANEC (ArchitectureandDesign 2013) asymbolicgesturethatpalesincomparisontothe widespread “profoundsadness” amongmanyAboriginalpeopleconcerningthe sacredsitesdrownedbeneaththevastLakeArgyleuponwhichANECissited (ShawinHead 1999).

While “ignoringthosewhodissenttoterritorialtransfersisacommonproblem indiscussionsoflarge-scaleimmigrationprograms” (Lister 2014),suchatendency willbeincreasinglydifficulttoperpetuateinnorthernAustralia,particularlyasit relatestonewcitybuilding.Indigenouspeoplehaveatlasthadindigenousproperty rightsenshrinedinAustralianlawthrough “nativetitle,” creatingwhatcommentatorshavecalleda “landtitlingrevolution.” Thishasproducedarenewed indigenousestatecoveringmorethan30%oftheAustraliancontinent(Porter 2017) andasubstantial50%oftheNorthernTerritory(PearsonandGorman 2010)9

Newcityproponentshavepositedtheirrespectivecitieswithinthiscomplex culturallandscape,whichraisesissuesbothmoralandlegal.Whilelarge-scale urbanizationdealsarepossible,thegrantingofsupportfornewcitydevelopments byindigenouscustodiansoftheland(andothers)remainsuncertain.Suchsupport willhingeonrespectfulnegotiationsfromtheconceptualoutset,andonthedegree towhichtheneworboostedcitycanbeconsideredtobebenefi tingindigenous peoplewhocontinuetoexperience “chronicdisadvantage” (Raupachetal. 2012).

Itisworthnotingthattraditionalindigenousculturehastendedtosurviveand thriveinmanyregions,suchascentralAustralia,ArnhemLand,theKimberley, amongstothers,whichareisolatedfromAustralia’spopulouscities(Blainey 2010). Assuch,atruereconciliationofcitybuildingwithindigenouscustodianshipofthe landwillrequireacompletereconceptualizationofhowwehavebuiltAustralian citiestodate,whichishowitshouldbe.

9However,thisestatedoesnotconvey ‘ownership’ andgovernmentcancompulsorilyacquireland andassuchextinguishnativetitle(AustralianHumanRightsCommission 2016).

5.5GovernanceBarriers

Alacunasharedbyalmostalloftheneworboostedcitiestabledinthelastchapter isacompellingyetrealisticplanforthegovernancestructures,whichcouldactually deliversuchcenters.Therelativeunwillingnessofsomeproponentstoexplore governanceissuesmayreflectthatitisadimensionofplanningthathasgreat potentialtoderailtheimplementationofnewcities.Thisisparticularlythecase whengovernanceisspatiallyfragmentedandshort-terminoutlook.

5.5.1FragmentedandShort-TermPlanning

Thecurrentcityandstateorterritoryplanningofthenorthdoesnotcountenancethe scaleofpopulationgrowthproposedintheneworboostedcityvisionsdiscussedin thepreviouschapter and,indeed,thegovernment’swhitepaper “OurNorth,Our Future.” TheplanforCairnsandthesurroundingFarNorthQueenslandregion scopestheperiodto2031andanadditionalpopulationintheCairnsregionofonly 100,000people(QueenslandGovernment 2009).Similarly,theplanningscheme forTownsvillehasascopethatextendsto2031andapopulationincreaseofonly 110,000people(TownsvilleCityCouncil 2017).Finally,the “StrategicPlanfor Darwin,” preparedbytheCityofDarwin,onlyscopesaperiodto2020anda comparativelyminorpopulationincreaseof22,000people(CityofDarwin 2012) despitebeingbilledasthe “long-termvisionforDarwin” (CityofDarwin 2012).As withAustraliagenerally,planningcontinuestobeorganizedonacity-by-cityand stateandterritorybasis(Freestone 2014),andassuchisspatiallyfragmented.

Arguably,apartnershipbetweenfederal,state/territory,andlocalgovernments todeviseandimplementabipartisannationalsettlementstrategyisrequiredto engagewiththecomplexityofdeliveringneworboostedcitiesinthenorth. BrendanGleesonentitlessuchaplan,an “AustraliaPlan” (2010),andBrian Haratsisproposesitcoulddelineatefutureurbangrowthareas(ornewcities), establishspatiallimitsforexistingcities,andbecoordinatedwithaninfrastructure plandirectingnationalandglobalinfrastructurespending(2010).

Thesettingofspatiallimits,possiblyintheformofstrictlypolicedurbangrowth boundariesfortheexistingcapitalcities,wouldbeofparticularimportance. Developingneworboostedcitiesinthenorth(ifnotpredicatedonproblematic levelsofimmigration)isfundamentallytiedtolimitingthegrowthofthedominant capitalcitiestogeneratea “pushfactor” totheregions(Freestoneetal. 2016). WithoutanAustraliaPlantomanagethissituation,thetwodistinctiveaspectsof existingAustralianurbanization capitalcitydominanceandsuburbansprawl dominatingthecapitals(Paris,1994,p.556) willcompoundovertime.

Thescaleofplanning,asembodiedbyanAustraliaPlan(orsimilar),wouldbe dependentonarenewedfederalgovernmentinvolvementinurbanmatters,reminiscentoftheDepartmentofUrbanandRegionalDevelopmentfromthe1970s

Fig.5.3 Nativetitle:NativetitleclaimsanddeterminationsinnorthernAustralia.Datacourtesy oftheAustralianGovernment. Source Mapbytheauthor

(Oakley 2004)discussedinChap. 3.10 WhileanAustraliaPlanhasobviousvirtues, itissomethingthatwouldbeextremelydiffi culttoreconcilewiththecurrent politicalclimate.AsAustraliawrestleswithagrowingdebtchallengeandthe wickedproblemsofitsexistingcities,itisveryhardtoseethismoodshifting anytimesoon.

Furthermore,anAustraliaPlanwouldobviouslyrequirebipartisansupportatthe federalandstatelevelstobeeffective.AsthefederalCitiesCommissionwarnedin relationtothegrowthcenterprogramin1973, “afallingoffofsupport,especiallyin theearlyyearswhenapparentprogressislimited,couldunderminethewhole programme” (CitiesCommission 1973).Thiswarningisequallyvalidinrelationto afutureAustraliaPlan.

ThesatellitecityofWeddellprovidesanexampleofwhathappenswhen planningistiedtoshort-termelectoralcycleswithlittleornobipartisan(Fig. 5.3) agreementbetweenthemajorpoliticalparties.Weddellwasoriginallyproposedas analternativetothedevelopmentofrurallandinthetermoftheNorthernTerritory

10TheAustraliangovernmenthasrecentlyestablisheda ‘CityDeals’ policyinwhich ‘thethree levelsofgovernment,thecommunityandprivateenterprise’…‘worktoaligntheplanning, investmentandgovernancenecessarytoaccelerategrowthandjobcreation,stimulateurban renewalanddriveeconomicreforms’ (DepartmentofthePrimeMinisterandCabinet 2017).While amuch-neededinitiative,thispolicyiscity-speci ficandnotgearedtodeliveringregionaldevelopmentandcreatingnewcities.

LaborGovernmentin2009.Subsequently,itwasdumpedbytheCountryLiberal Partyfollowingtheir2012electionsuccess.Finally,withLaborregainingpowerin 2016,they “committedtoreignitingtheproject” (Terzon 2016).Giventhatthe Weddellsatellitecityiscomparativelymanageableincost,size,andproximityto Darwin,thepoliticaldifficultiesofgettingitoffthegroundarerevealingofthe challengesmoresubstantialandremotenewcitiesinthenorthwouldencounter.

5.6Conclusion

Allofthenewandboostedcityvisionsdiscussed,tovaryingdegrees,wouldhave toovercomesubstantialbarriersforgroundtobebrokenonconstruction.Allofthe proposalswouldbecompetingdirectlywiththenorth’sdominantcities(letalone thoseinthesouth)forpopulation,andthereisgoodreasontobelievethatthey wouldstruggle.WhileAustralia ’sdominantcoastalcitiesremainlivableandwhere infrastructureexists,itwillbeverydifficulttodecantpopulationfromsuchcitiesto theregions,attractinternationalmigrants,orconvincegovernmentsoftheneedfor massivespendingtoduplicateenablinginfrastructurefornewcities.

Thiswillnotalwaysbethecase,however.Thenorth’spopulationisgrowing quickly(fromanadmittedlylowbase)andthesitesoftheexistingdominantcities ofCairns,Townsville,andDarwinareconstrainedbyenvironmentalfactorsthat willlimitsignificanturbanexpansion.Inthisrespect,arguably,thenewand boostedcityvisionsprofiledinthisbookaresimplyaheadoftheirtime.Howfar theyareaheadoftheirtime,however,ishardtoknow.Personally,Iwouldnothold yourbreath…

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Chapter6

RelearningLessons

Abstract Thischaptersummarizesthebarrierstoneworboostedcitybuilding experiencedfromFederation(1901)untiltoday.Thechapterconcludesthat,asa nation,wehavefailedtolearnanumberofthekeylessonsofhistory.Weseemto haveforgottenthelimitsthatnatureimposes,particularlyinreferencetopopulation carryingcapacity.Wehavediscountedtheeffectthetyrannyofdistanceandother psychologicalhurdlesthatwewouldhavetoovercomeifweweretoexpect Australiansrelocateenmassetonewregionalorremoteareas.Thisisworrying,as Australia’spopulationisprojectedsurgethiscentury.Withoutestablishingnewor boostedcities,populationgrowthwillcontinuetobeconcentratedinourstate capitalswhichintimewillbecomemegacities andassuchtheirlivabilitywillbe diminished.

Keywords Australia Newcities Boostedcities Populationgrowth Megacities

6.1ASummationoftheBarriers

aftertwocenturieswestillseemtobestrugglingtosettleAustralia.Wehaven’tresolved the firstvexingquestionspresentedtousbyauniquecontinent – theoriginalowners,the fragileland,thescarceresources,thecapriciousclimate,remotenessandtheinsecurities thisgenerates(SteveDoversinGleeson 2006, 2010).

Areviewofthenewandboostedcityproposalsfeaturedinthisbookrevealsthat manyoftheenvironmental,economic,societal,cultural,andgovernancebarriers thathaveconfrontedtheschemeshaveremainedrelativelyconsistentbetweenthe earlytwentiethandearlytwenty- firstcenturyperiods andinmanycasesthe lessonsthesebarriersentailhavenotbeenheeded.

Fromanenvironmentalperspective,themostimportantenduringlessonistobe respectfulofnature’slimits,particularlywithrespecttohumancarryingcapacity. WeshouldverywaryoftheunderlyingattitudeinAustraliathatwehavean

© TheAuthor(s)2018

J.Bolleter, TheGhostCitiesofAustralia,SpringerBriefsinGeography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89896-4_6

obligationto fillupourhuge, “underpopulated,” openspacesregardlessoftheir aridityandlimitedcapacity(Robert 1976).Thisappliestothe mid-twentieth-centuryproposalsthatemergedoutofanattempttocreatearural civilization,aswellthecontemporaryneworboostedcityproposalsfornorthern Australia aregionwherethecarryingcapacityofthelandhasalreadybeenlargely outstrippedbytheexisting “meager” populations.Ofcourse,thereissomepotential todecouplecontemporaryneworboostedcitiesfromtheconstraintsoftheirsites; however,thiswouldrequiresubstantialexpenseand,assuch,countsagainstthe economicfeasibilityofthesecities.

Fromaninfrastructural(andeconomic)perspective,manyoftheneworboosted cityproposalsfailtoovercomethetyrannyofdistance,whichhasbeenadominant driverthathasshapedAustralia’ssettlementpatternssinceEuropeancolonization. Whilethescaleandtechnologydiffered,EdwardBrady’sfailedvisionofa decentralizedsettlementpatternsupportedbyexpandednetworksofairtransport resonateswithLordMcAlpine’s1980s’ thwartedvisionofBroomewithaninternationalairportbustlingwithJapanesetourists,andindeedBernardSalt’svisionof Broomeasa “weekender” forwealthyChinesetourists.Theambitionbetweenthese schemesremainssimilar,evenifthescaleandtechnologydiffer.

Relatedtothetyrannyofdistancearethepsychologicalhurdlestoruraland remotelivingthathamperedtheattemptstopopulationdecentralizationin1901–1945and1970–1975.IonIdriess’ plantodecentralizepopulationtonewcities aroundapermanentLakeEyreresonateswithEcoscape’scontemporaryplanto buildanewcityonLakeArgyleintheremoteandruggedKimberleyregion (KaesehageninBolleteretal. 2014).Whilethelandscapeandclimatediffer,the achingsenseoflonelinessandisolationthatanewresidentmayfeelcouldbe similar.

Oneofthemostconsistentbarrierstopopulationdecentralizationtonewor boostedcitieshasbeenthecontinuedlivabilityofAustralia’scapitalcities.Inthe latenineteenthcentury,commentatorswarnedthatthecapitalcitieswerean unhealthycocktailofovercrowding,decadence,disease,vice,andpoverty.Again inthe1970s,expertsbelievedthatthecapitalcitieswerefacinganurbancrisisdue toanoverconcentrationofpeopleandpathology,congestion,andsocietalsegregation yetagaintheseassessmentswereoverthetop.Yetevennow,Australian capitalcitiesremainthedominantlifestylechoiceforAustraliansdespitethe pressuresthathavecometobearonthemintheearlytwenty-firstcentury.

Withthisinmind,proponentsofcontemporaryneworboostedcitiesthatrelyon siphoningpopulationsawayfromlivablecapitalcitiesshouldbecautious. Identifyingthetippingpointatwhichpeoplebecomerelievedtoescapecapitalcity livingforlifeinaruraltownisnotoriouslydifficult.Moreover,ourassessmentsthat thistippingpointhasarrivedhavegenerallybeenpremature,astheDepartmentof UrbanandRegionalDevelopment(DURD)experiencefromthe1970sexemplifies.

Thedominantcapitalcitiesarealsowherethejobsare.Manyofthenewcity proposalsscopedinthisbookarebereftofacompellingeconomicdriverand,as such,jobs.Inturn,withoutjobs,neworboostedcityproposalsareultimately unviable,regardlessofwhateverelsetheymayoffer.Thisisparticularlythecase

6.1ASummationoftheBarriers113

wherenewcitiesarecompetingwithexistingcitieswhereagglomerationeconomies andhumancapitalarealreadywellestablishedandareamajordriverinproducing continuedeconomicgrowth.Anestimated80%ofAustralia’seconomicactivity occursinjust0.2%ofAustralia’slandmass namelythecentralbusinessdistricts ofthemajorcapitalcities(KellyandDonegan 2015).Thedecentralizationofjobs fromthese “criticallyimportant” districtstosuburbancenters,letalonenewcities, hasproventobeextremelydiffi cult evenwhenconfrontedbya “onceinalifetime” economicboomsuchasthatexperiencedinthePilbara.

WhiletheexistingcapitalcitiesarewhereAustralia’seconomicgruntisgenerated,thesecitiesarealsowherethevotesare.Theproblemfornewcity visionariesisthatnewcitiesaregenerallynotamajorvote-winningpolicyfor politicians.Putsimply,voterswholiveinexistingcitieswillvoteforimprovements intheirownbackyardbeforesigninguptofundnewcitieshackedoutofthe wildernessinnorthernAustraliaorelsewhere.Thosewhomightbenefitfrom constructionofnewcitiescannotevenbeidenti fiedbecause,attheplanningstage, thesecitiesareobviouslyyettobeoccupied.Inshort,therestructuringthatis necessarytoachievenewcitiesisbestsuitedtothemethodsofadictator,butin Australia,ithastobedeliveredthroughthedemocraticprocess(Llewellyn-Smith 1970).Thissituationwasamajorimpedimenttotheneworboostedcityproposals advancedbytheDURDinthe1970sandwouldequallyapplytoAustralia’s NorthernEcoCity(forinstance)in2018.

Alackofelectoralsupportfornewcitybuildingmeansthatitisverydifficultfor theAustralianGovernmenttoharnesstherequiredenergyandinvestmentto establishalong-term “AustraliaPlan” (2010)withbipartisansupport.Withoutsuch aplan,thepopulatingofisolatednewcitiessuchasGalt’sGulchLitewillbe difficult,ifnotimpossible,intheabsenceofavastinfluxofimmigrants.Whilein historicalterms,Australianpublicacceptanceofmassimmigrationhasbeencontingentonnation-buildingaspirations,itisunclearwhethertheAustraliapublic wouldacceptthebuildingofcompletelynewcitieslargelyfor,andfundedby, “foreigners.” Assuch,politicianswouldhaveadifficulttimesellingschemessuch asRefugeCityandDilgatoawaryandsometimesxenophobicelectorate.

6.2TheNeedforaVision

AreadermightwonderwhyIhaveevenbotheredwritingabookaboutAustralian newcitiesgiventhecomplexarrayofbarrierstheyface.Theanswerisbecausethe lessonsresultingfromahistoryoffailedattemptsarevaluable,muchliketheblack boxesofcrashedairplanesarevaluabletoanaeronauticalengineer.Likeitornot,if projectionsforAustralia’spopulationtotrebleto70,100,000by21011 (Australian

1Theseare “seriesA” projectionsandarethehighestofthethreesetsofprojectionstheAustralian BureauofStatisticsproduces.

BureauofStatistics 2013)areborneout,wewillhaveverylittlechoicebuttobuild neworboostedcities.Indeed,unlessAustraliansbecomenewcitybuilders,once againpopulationgrowthwillcompoundinourcapitalcitiesandtheywillslideinto beingmegacitieswithapopulationof10,000,000ormore withtheattendant livabilityissuesofmegacitiessuchascongestion,lackofhousingaffordability, pollution,decliningaccesstonature amongothers(BolleterandWeller 2013).Of course,wecouldgodownthispath,andplentyofcountrieshave.However,itismy beliefthatcomprisingthelivabilityofourcapitalcitiesinthiswaywillservenone ofourinterestswell.

Thisbookhasbeenlargelyconcernedwiththebarriersconfrontingnewor boostedcitiesinAustralia.However,thereisalsoaneedforavisionfornewor boostedcitiesinAustralia,which,beyondavoidingorneutralizingbarriers,actually aspirestothesocio-ecologicalenrichmentofAustraliansociety.Inthisrespect, thereisacurrentlackofavisionfrompoliticians,professionalleaders,andthe community.

Fromabroaderhistoricalperspective,the “city” haslongheldaspecialaffi nity with “utopia,” evidenceofwhichisthatutopiasfromPlatotoBellamyhavebeen visualizedlargelyintermsofthecity(Ellem 2014).Significantly,mostofthenew citiescountenancedinthisbookhavebeenaboutavoidingdystopias often expressedintheimageofanovercrowded,congested,polluted,andmorallyand physicallyunhealthycapitalcity.Theissuewiththisresignation,whichreflectsa prevailingAustralianpragmatism,isthat “withoutavisionofutopiathereisnoway todefi nethatporttowhichwemightwanttosail” (Harvey 2002).

Theneoliberalcitypropositions,suchasRomer ’schartercity,whilenodoubt havingtheirplace,seemtoharkbacktoMargaretThatcher ’sfamousphrase: “There isnoalternative.” Yet,therearealternatives.Australiahasthegovernancesystems andtheeconomicmighttobuildacitynotdefinedbysingularlypragmaticmotives onethataspirestocreatingasocio-ecologicallyenrichingAustraliancity.The followingsectionisasketchofthisvisionandisnotthevisionitself,thisbeing somethingthatwouldrequiretheexpertiseofstateandfederalgovernment departments,engineers,economists,planners,statisticians,sociologistsamong others.

6.2.1ListentotheLand,ListentothePeople

De finingsuchasocio-ecologicallyenrichingcitywouldbeadeeperengagement withthe “land.” Thiscouldmeanthatthecityislocatedwhereasystematicanalysis tellsusthatcarryingcapacityofthelandishighest.Wherecarryingcapacityis limited,planningshouldaimtoproduceamodestsettlementthatisstableand sustainable,ratherthanagrandiosecitythatisunstableandunsustainable.Moreover, thenewcitycouldbedesignedinsuchawaythatthenaturalsystemsofthecity’s landscapeinformthestructuringprinciplesforthecity inshort,thelandscape

becomesatemplateforthecity’surbanism2 (Weller 2006).Ofcourse,inpractice,it isextremelyhardtoreconcileecologicalsystemswithurbansystems;however,a deeperengagementwithindigenousAustralianswouldsubstantiallyaidthisprocess. Inthisrespect,incorporatingindigenouslandmanagers(andtheirintimateknowledgeoftheland)intoplanningmustoccurfromtheconceptualoutset.

Suchacitymustalsoyieldsubstantialbenefi tsforindigenouspopulations. Whereneworboostedcitiesintersectwithlandwithrecognizednativetitle determinations,therearepotentialleaseholdmodelssimilartothatEbenezer Howardproposedforhisgardencities,whichcouldallowindigenousgroupsto maintainlong-termownershipofurbanlandandgenerateincomefromit.Canberra embodiesasimilarsystem,withalllandleasedto “owners” asa99-yearCrown lease(CitiesCommission 1973).

Theproponentsofsuchacityshouldbecarefultolistentothe “realpeople” of existingcitiesandtownstounderstandtheir “needs,wants,capabilitiesandfears,” ratherthanfallingtoatrapoffocusingontheabstractdataofpopulationprojections andmigration.Thecourseoftryingtooverridetheveryrealpreferencesofpeople astowhereandhowtheywanttolivewillonlywastealotoftheplanners’ time, andgovernmentmoney.Atthesametime,proponentsshouldtalktothepeople whoownbusinessesandsuchcouldbringemploymentopportunitiestosuchanew city.Withoutjobs,anewcityisnotviable,sotheseconversationsarecrucial. Throughthisbetterunderstandingoftheneedsofrealpeople,proponentswillbe abletopredictwhenthetippingpointfororganicratherthandirecteddecentralizationfromthecapitalcitiesmayoccur.Thiscouldhelptoavoidarepeatofthe situationinwhich “theexperts” haveworkedthemselvesintopanicaboutthe problemsofexistingcities(andtheneedfordecentralization)buttheurbanpopulaceislargelyoblivious,andindeedquite “athome.”

Moreover,thisapproachwouldinvolvetalkingtopeopleintheregionsabout buildingtheendemiccapacityandresilienceofregionalcommunitiesandusingthis asabasepointfordiscussinghowthesecommunitiescouldgrowovertime.This wouldbepreferabletoatop-downapproachthatseekstosolvebigcityproblems by “evicting” peopletotheregions.

Finally,suchacityshouldembodyadeeperengagementwithAsiaratherthan seeingthevalueofourAsianneighborsonlyintermsofpotentialinvestment.If Australiaistrulytobepartofthe “AsianCentury,” werequiremorethaneconomic engagement.Wemustbepreparedtolearn,culturally,fromthedynamismand diversetraditionsofAsianpeople(Southphommasane 2012)andembedthese learningsintofutureAustraliancities.AdeeperengagementwithAsiaalsoimplies oursharedresponsibilityforthepotentiallyhugenumbersofAsianclimatechange refugeesinthiscentury.Suchacitymustbehumanitarianinthatitshouldprovide torefugees whoaremorethanastatistic thefullbenefitsofAustraliansociety.

2TheGriffith’sdesignforCanberra,whichemployedlandscapetoinformcitystructure,provides somecluesinthisrespect.

Thisprocessofengagementwiththelandanditspeoplewilltaketime.Itwill havetobedonedemocratically,andthatmeanswith “lotsoftalk,lotsoffrustration, fullofcompromises,andveryslowly…” (Aitken 1970). Whichisasitshouldbe.

6.3Conclusion

Thisbookhascountenancedthebroadsweepofnewandboostedcityproposalsin Australia,siftedthroughtheir “remains” andattemptedtodivinewhatthekey lessonstheyholdforfutureneworboostedcityproponentsmightbe.Despitethe challengestheimplementationofthesecitiesposed,ifprojectionsforAustralia’s populationgrowthareborneout,Australiawillagainneedtobuildnewcitiesthis century.AsGoughWhitlamsaid, “Buildingcitiesisfarthemostdifficult,complex andmajesticthingthat[people]do.InthiswecomenearestinscaletowhatGod doesincreatingthestarsandthehillsandtheforests” (Pennay 2005).Indeed, Australian’swillbecome “gods” again,ifperhapsonlyoutofnecessity.Thisbook aimstoensurethat,whenthetimecomes,wehavelearntfromourmistakesandare notdoomedtorepeatthem.

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