TOKYO SUBCULTURAL SPACES
Project for Independent Study, Fall 2015 Supervisor: Mark Mulligan Team Members: Anna Falvello and Bryan Yang
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction
p. 4
Catalogue: Salarymen: Shinbashi
p. 14
Otaku: Akihabara
p. 30
Lolita: Harajuku
p. 46
Kogal: Shibuya
p. 58
Research and Analysis
p. 70
Chapter Notes
p. 87
INTRODUCTION Tokyo is known for its overwhelming presence of subcultures. The recent past has seen the birth of fashion movements such as Ganguro and Lolita, and social groups such as Otaku and Hikikomori. While subcultures typically arise due to social and economic conditions, the origins of Tokyo subcultures can also be traced to the physical urban spaces that they currently inhabit. It is the combination of sociological, economic, and urban histories that create the circumstances for these unique subcultures to exist. Taking a deeper look into the physical landscape and urban developments of Tokyo allows us to better understand the relationships between subcultures and physical space.
Tokyo’s recurring destruction and reconstruction Whereas most other world cities have had relatively direct developmental histories, Tokyo has been affected by a series of unfortunate disasters that forced the city to rebuild from the ground up: devastating World War II air raids and multiple conflagrations due to major earthquakes have left the city in ruins multiple times. The haphazard earthquake fires and strategic air raids left intact neighborhoods abutting areas completely reduced to rubble instead of a clean tabula rasa condition, creating a patchwork redevelopment that differentiated surviving and redeveloped areas. Tokyo’s postwar reconstruction efforts coincided with the importation of Western styles and construction techniques, 4
1. Strategic Air Raid maps showing the scale of devastation in Tokyo.
allowing Tokyo to innovate and improve its urban landscape to prevent history from repeating itself. These destroyed sections were rebuilt according to new codes and standards using modern concrete instead of traditional wood construction. Ideas such as large boulevards and ring roads to prevent the spread of fires were implemented in tandem with the preservation of the original spiraling urban scheme that defined Edo-period Tokyo.1 However, given that Japan was in economic shambles after the conclusion of WWII, many infrastructural plans were only partially built, further exacerbating the fractured nature of Tokyo’s redevelopment.2 It is with this periodic destruction and regrowth of neighborhoods that any sense of 1
Kobayashi, M. (2015). Lecture offered at Ito Juku on October 13 2015.
2
Ibid. 5
2. Maps showing the expansion of densely inhabited areas in Tokyo from 1888 - 1986
permanence often associated with the physical landscape has been removed, as the city has become more a source of vicissitude than a source of stability in the psyche of Tokyoites. It wasn’t until the 1964 Olympic Games that Japan was reestablished within the good graces of international first world countries. In preparation for the games, new infrastructure projects were fast-tracked: the Shinkansen high speed rail, 22 kilometers of new rail and subway lines, and multiple expressways were completed, stitching together the fractured city but also spurring new urban developments in their wake.3 Since the success of the Games reaffirmed Japan’s position on the world stage, Tokyo saw an economic boom that triggered the explosive growth and construction of its urban infrastructure and housing stock in the 70s and 80s. 3 6
Olympics Organizing Committee Report (1964), 245-269
3. Seibu store in Ikebukuro
Building codes As the built urban area of Tokyo expanded, this intense urban sprawl led to the creation of many zoning and city planning codes. These regulations, such as the Urban Redevelopment Project (URP), a “large-scale scrap-and-build redevelopment tool with which… developers can get FAR incentives and subsidies by building roads and small public spaces,” have had major impacts on the general growth and expansion of contemporary Tokyo.4 Some of the implications of these new zoning regulations include the direct correlation between land value and street access. Given that larger streets allowed for taller buildings, the majority of commercial zones formed along
4 Cho, S. (2010). “Urban transformation of Seoul and Tokyo by legal redevelopment project.” ITU A|Z, Vol 8, No 1, 172. 7
4. Survey results from national pride study conducted by the Institute of Statistical Mathematics
major boulevards.5 However, smaller developments such as residential housing often faced legal restrictions preventing redevelopment due to the allowable access path size; too small a street means no construction can take place. These residential areas, called kanda, are often found in the inner portions of a block, where small alleys connect a labyrinth of older, wooden detached homes. Unsurprisingly, the real estate value of these homes is considered to be nonexistent due to the lack of potential for redevelopment. In effect, the only way for the kanda to be activated is for developers to merge these small lots with others that have street access, which allows for taller construction. However, this is a particularly difficult process, given that most land in Tokyo is privately owned by different owners: there are even many cases in which the landowner and the property owners are separate entities, which severely complicates the negotiation process. Although the URP system allows for powerful corporations such as Mitsui and Mitsubishi to develop large commercial projects, this can only happen given the cooperation of private landowners. Similarly, private railway companies also benefitted from relaxed government regulations when buying large tracts of land to lay railways, which allowed them to innovate and diversify their real estate investments around rail stations.6 Not only 5
Kobayashi, M. (2015)
6 Calimente, J. (2012). “Rail integrated communities in Tokyo.� Journal of Transport and Land Use, 5(1), 19 8
are railway companies large players in the development of Tokyo through providing public transportation, they also affect the urban landscape through their real estate investments around major rail stations.7 Through these rail-integrated communities, multiple connected nodes of highly urbanized public zones emerged throughout the city, and especially along the Yamanote ine. A prominent example of this phenomenon can be found in the Parco department store in Ikebukuro. In the 1970s, Ginza was the center of high-end commercial retail activity. In order to avoid competing with this popular shopping destination, Seibu Railway invested in land around their Ikebukuro rail station and began to target the younger generation in an attempt to create a segmented market.8 Seibu’s Parco store featured design elements such as street furniture and a street-oriented siting in order to create a destination for young shoppers.9 This successful model was subsequently adopted by other shopping centers in popular youth destinations such as Shibuya.
Japanese mindset and subcultures Just as the urban environment of Tokyo underwent significant changes in the postwar era, so did the Japanese mindset. If subcultures are understood to be “subdivisions of a national culture,”10 or “cultural variants displayed by certain segments of the population,”11 the evolution of Japanese identity throughout the second half of the twentieth century naturally had great influence on their emergence. However, Japanese national identity is an elusive concept, as evidenced by the overwhelming literature written on “Japanese-ness.” As one author points out, theories on Japanese-ness tend to conclude that “Japan is simply different from the rest of the world.” It is a country caught up between a sense of pride derived from its postwar technological accomplishments and an insecurity regarding its position on the international stage. What is clear, however, is that national pride is closely tied to economic prosperity. In a study conducted by the Japanese Institute of Statistical Mathematics between 1953 and 2008, participants were asked whether they considered Westerners to be inferior or superior to the Japanese, as shown in the table to the left. The study found a strong correlation between national pride and economic prosperity as manifested in a self-esteem peak during the decade of self-glorification in the 1980s, and a stark decline during the stagnant economy
7
Ibid.
8
Bueno, A. (2015) Skype interview with Alex Bueno on October 10 2015
9
Ibid.
10 Jenks, C. (2005). Subculture : The fragmentation of the social. London; Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 10. Citing Gordon, 1947 11
Jenks, C. (2005), 10. Citing Komarovsky and Sargent, 1949 9
5. Two traders at a Tokyo brokerage in 1998
of the 1990s.12 Perhaps it is this national concern with productivity that has traditionally established the Japanese workplace as one of the core institutions in Japanese culture, virtually equal in importance to the nuclear family. Nonetheless, the core institutions of firm and family have undergone significant strain since the 90s, as the spread of individualism and consumerism challenged traditional Japanese values. During the implosion of the national economic system and the disintegration of social order that marked this decade,13 the media did not hesitate to point the finger at those whose behavior deviated from the traditional norm. At a time when Japan was evolving away from an insular, ethnocentric and homogeneous society that emphasized collectivism,14 those who diverged from traditional values were blamed for the national malaise, creating an immense social pressure among the population. For example, in his 1997 Chichi nakushite kunitatazu (There’s No Nation 12 Tamamoto, M. (1994). “The ideology of nothingness: A meditation on Japanese national identity.� USJP occasional paper ; 94-12. Cambridge, MA.. 89 13
Ibid.
14 Sugimoto, Y. (2002). An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 190-191 10
6. Cartoon by Professor Hiroshi Takatsuki, adapted from his cartoon collection, HaiKIbutsu, or “Precious Wastes.”
without Fathers), Shintaro Ishihara called for the “recentering of “masculine” virtues: self-control, obedience to the law, sacrifice to family and nation, and prioritizing public virtue over privatized consumerism,”15 effectively denouncing feminine consumerism as a main cause of the Japanese crisis. This conflict between adherence to traditional collective values and national duty together with an impetus to adopt the Western principles of individualism and consumerism created a social pressure cooker. In response to this, individuals have found new modes of self expression, ranging from extreme social seclusion to extreme social rebellion.
Subcultures and their urban environment Social pressures, shifting cultural values, and the mosaic-like development of Tokyo’s neighborhoods gave birth to various subcultures starting in the 1980s. In this book we trace the development of certain neighborhoods in parallel with the appearance of Tokyo subcultures, proposing that there exists a symbiotic relationship between subcultures and their adopted enclaves. The neighborhoods 15 Yoda, T. (2000). “A Roadmap to Millennial Japan.” The South Atlantic Quarterly, 99(4), 635. 11
were not “chosen” by the different subcultures for their architectural expressions, but rather architectural expression and subcultural emergence alike are a result of the larger urban and social processes at play. The following chapters offer a catalogue of several Tokyo subcultures and their inhabited spaces: - Salarymen (サラリーマン) constitute the main workforce of the Japanese economy. Although there are several neighborhoods in Tokyo dedicated to the corporate world, we choose to examine the urban environment of Shinbashi both during and after working hours. - Otaku (おたく) is a term used in Japan for anyone obsessed with manga, anime, and videogames. The word itself derives from the Japanese word for “your home,” presumably due to Otakus’ preference to stay in their homes rather than spending time on the streets. Their neighborhood of choice is Akihabara, also known as “Electric City.” - Lolita (ロリータ) are one of many fashion subcultures based in Harajuku. Lolita subculture serves simply as a lens through which to examine the atmosphere of competing subcultures in this neighborhood. These subcultures contrast from the Gyaru in Shibuya because they do not form gangs and usually lack a group mentality. Lolita, for example, hold individualism as one of their main tenets. This focus on the self also manifests itself spatially in the way that they occupy Harajuku. - Gyaru (ギャル) fashion culture in Shibuya. The term comes from the Japanese transliteration of the English word “gal” and encompasses a wide variety of subgroups, most of which are inspired by the California Valley Girl look -- blonde hair and tan skin included. The mecca of Gyaru subculture is the department store Shibuya 109, although Gyaru have managed to infiltrate Shibuya far beyond their main enclave. With Gyaru bars, tanning salons, and purikura parlors scattered throughout the neighborhood, they have become an inextricable part of Shibuya while maintaining an air of exclusivity. Each section of this book provides a general examination of a subculture, its values, history, and the history of its spaces. This research is supplemented by a spatial survey that pays attention to signage, paving, and spatial dimensions, both between people and the built environment. By tracing the concurrent development of these subcultures and their urban environments we hope to elucidate the mutual influences between history, subculture and space.
12
Akihabara | Otaku
Harajuku | Sweet Lolita Shibuya | Gyaru
Shinbashi | Salarymen
Yamanote Line
13
14
SALARYMEN The salaryman is your typical white-collar office worker in Japan. Seen as a symbol of Japan’s industrious economy, the salaryman is a dutiful conformist, unwaveringly following his company in the hopes of promotion and respect. Salarymen have no issue working long hours, which has become the standard in the Japanese corporate world. For the few hours they are not at their offices, however, salarymen often frequent izakayas (Japanese pubs) and hostess clubs for a couple of drinks and some stress relief. Shinbashi, a major hub in Tokyo’s Minato Ward, has become known as the “Salaryman paradise” due to the abundance of both large corporate office complexes and small alleys full of izakayas. The neighborhood embodies the duality of Japanese salaryman culture: the small alleys of cozy izakayas and other pubs are heavily contrasted with the glass towers that dominate Shinbashi’s skyline. The swarms of salarymen and towering office blocks recall Western corporate values, culture, and architecture, while the affluence of traditional Japanese izakayas reflect the adherence to traditional Japanese modes of leisure and identity. Mixing the two in impressive juxtaposition, Shinbashi is the physical counterpart of the East meets West dualism that pervades normative Japanese culture. 15
SALARYMEN During the Meiji era, Japan started to adopt Western clothing. During this time, suits became symbols of Japanese power and wealth.
Japanese salarymen love ties. Ties of any color are acceptable, except for black ones, which are reserved exclusively for funerals.
Inside his briefcase, the salaryman will carry business papers as well as cigarettes or some manga to read during the long commute to work.
With time, suits became affordable for the general population, becoming a symbol of Japan as a modern nation. 16
The average salaryman often bears a tired appearance due to his long working hours. Commonly spotted sleeping while waiting on a subway platform, or napping on the Yamanote line, the Japanese salaryman will seldom look wellrested.
“A salaryman without a suit is like sushi without rice.”
Suits will rarely deviate from dark colors, given that salarymen avoid standing out. In that sense, the salaryman’s suit clearly reflects the Japanese group mentality.
Shinbashi
Yamanote Line
Shiodome Shiosite (redeveloped by JNRSC) Shinbashi Station
sketch 2
Pachinko Parlors Izakayas/Restaurants
sketch 1
17
Shinbashi is the terminus of the first railway in Japan, connecting Tokyo and Yokohama, later becoming one of Japan’s largest rail freight terminals
1960s Shinbashi becomes a favorite hangout spot for salarymen
Present Shinbashi station opens
1970
1969
1964
1952
1945
1909
1872
Hamarikyu Garden is handed over to Tokyo Metropolitan Government to become a public park
Olympic Games held in Tokyo
Japan regains independence from US, except for a few islands
After atomic bombing, Japanese emperor surrenders and the country is placed under US military government
Tokyo URP enacted. Private sector developed large scale commercial-business buildings in Yamanote area
Japan is second largest world economy, finally “catches up with the West”
Oil-shock. Prices surge and cause population to panic. Shortage of consumer goods 18
ECONOMIC TIMELINE
Acty Shiodome completed Dentsu building completed
Shiodome City Center Tower completed
Closure of Shiodome freight yard
2015
2012
2011
2005
2002 2003
2000
1997
1988
1987
2009
Main ShiodomeShiosite buildings complete
22-ha Shiodome yard transferred from JNR to JNRSC
1984
1974
SHINBASHI TIMELINE
Japanese and Tokyo Governments start a series of review sessions to redevelop Shiodome - Shiosite (1984 - 1995)
Economy starts to pick up Japan National Railways is privatized
Japan enters a severe economic depression
Economics minister states Japan faces worst economic crisis since WWII
1980s Decade of “Economic Miracle:” Overinvestement in Japan, maintaining a high and sustained growth
Japan’s economic growth slows to 0.3% after eurozone crisis China overtakes Japan as the second-largest economy; Fukushima disaster
19
SHIODOME SHIOSITE 1/32� = 1’
Space filled by salarymen during the day; deserted at night.
Sea of glass curtain walls and steel. Highrises designed in a global skyscraper style, not necessarily specific to Japan.
14 5
Plazas, pedestrian decks, and green spaces total 5200sqm.
Green spaces, cafes, retail on multiple levels. Consolidated transport infrastructure: railway, expressway, 7-lane roads, pedestrian walkways.
20
26 m
Building scale is much larger than that of the humans that frequent Shiodome Shiosite.
m
216 m
5
4.
m
8 m
50
m
40
m
21
CORPORATE OFFICE 1/16� = 1’ Glass curtain wall.
Very few dividers between workers, if any at all.
Open space allows supervisor a panoptic view of all staff, ensuring that employees work diligently.
Core and services usually in the center of the building.
Meeting spaces for general staff in open areas, with very little privacy. Often times, workers spend over 60 hours/week at the office. 22
3 m
Characterized by open plans (obeya seido) and crowded workspaces.
5
3.
m
1
2
-1 .5
m
m
23
JAPANESE IZAKAYAS 1/16� = 1’ Railway acts as a physical barrier between these small streets and Shiosite. Restaurants under rail bridge fill in spaces between arches.
Billboards and attached signage present on majority of buildings. Small alleys contain tightly packed and small izakayas. Some Izakayas open up to the street, where customers eat while standing. Awnings and overhangs on ground level.
Outdoor signage on streets common throughout every street. Pedestrian only streets with a mainly male demographic.
24
4 m
6
m
13 m
Most busy after 6pm
m
Program mainly food and adult entertainment, lacking retail
25
IZAKAYA INTERIOR 1/8� = 1’
Often times izakayas cater only to Japanese clientele and will not have English menus available.
Bar typologies facilitate social interaction among solo patrons.
Many hanging lanterns and other Japanese decorations.
Extremely narrow spaces are common. Alleys are small and cluttered.
Low occupancy rates are common. Kitchen openings to exterior standing bars are common.
26
-1 .5
m
1 m
1
5
3.
m
27
28
“You need two personalities. One to put on at the office, and one for your real self. [...]� - Kenta Tanaka, Salaryman
29
30
OTAKU Typically used to refer to a fan of any particular hobby or entertainment, Otaku was originally applied to reclusive manga and animeobsessed youth. Otaku have had a tumultuous history with mainstream Japanese culture, on one hand villainized as unproductive, lazy, and seen as a national social blight; and on the other, commodified in promotion of Japanese tourism and progress. In recent years, this relationship of resistance between Otaku and normative Japanese culture has reached a calm, leading to the greater acceptance of Otaku culture within normative Japanese media. Akihabara, the neighborhood most directly associated with Otaku culture, is a vibrant electronics area dubbed “Electric City� in reference to its history as an electronics retail center. Now populated with a plethora of manga and anime stores catering to Otaku, the transformation of this neighborhood reflects the deeply combative nature of Otaku culture within the greater narrative of Japanese history and the attempted sanitation and commodification of Akihabara’s wallflower subculture. 31
OTAKU
Hair is disheveled. Nobody has time for combs or haircuts when they belong to this subculture.
The stereotypical Otaku image is based as much on reality as it is on mass media portrayal. This sketch is based on one of the main characters of Densha Otoko, a popular j-drama.
Thick-rimmed, “nerdy” glasses are a favorite.
Otaku are believed to be either overweight or extremely thin.
Otaku are expected to always lug around huge backpacks in order to pack away electronics, manga, and any other items.
When they aren’t wearing shirts of their favorite characters, Otaku like to sport clothes in unsuspecting colors.
You will always be able to spot an Otaku by the kinds of merchandise bags they carry.
32
Jeans or chino pants will often be cuffed in a long roll, always in a manner that looks “nerdy” rather than “hip.”
Akihabara
Yamanote Line
Mandarake Store Don Quijote Store
Chuo Street (clos
ed to traffic on
Sundays)
sketch UDX Plaza
Akihabara Station Meido Kissa (maid cafes) Denki-ten (electronics stores
Radio Kaikan
33
1940s
Shrine of fire protection is established in the neighborhood
Radio Kaikan, a TV a specialty shop, is esta first high-rise building
Akihabara destroyed in air raids and rebuilt with stalls selling radio parts. “The Electric Town” moniker is created
Sobu elevated rail line opens, sparking growth in the area
1966
1962
1925
1890
1869
Akihabara station goes from being a freight terminal to a freight and passenger station
Mandara
Female auth coi Emergence of science fiction articles in Shonen Magazine
Sup
th
1
“Ota associate image indulg more foc tha
34
OTAKU TIMELINE
AKIHABARA TIMELINE
and appliances ablished as the in Akihabara
Pia Carrot Restaurant, the first cosplay cafe, opens
Pedestrian Paradise, pedestrian-only Sundays, is created on Chuo St. to remain competitive with other rising appliance markets
Radio Kaikan reopens after renovation
First permanent maid cafe, Cure Maid Cafe, opens
“Cool Japan” tourism campaign features Akihabara and maid cafes
ake store opens
hor Arai Motoko first ins the term “Otaku”
Neon Genesis Evangelion popularizes a boom and renewed interest in Otaku culture
per Dimensional Fortress Macross anime marks he first use of “Otaku” in mass media
1970s
aku” becomes ed with “Shojo,” the e of irresponsible gent consumers cused on hobbies an on society Serial Killer Miyazaki Tsutomu portrayed as “Otaku” by mass media, demonizing Otaku culture by association
2014
2011
2008
2005
2003
2001
1999
1995
1989
1980 1981 1982
1973
Pedestrian Paradise reopens with more stringent rules
“Densha Otoko” series features an Otaku protagonist, becoming a smash hit
“Akihabara massacre” occurs during Pedestrian Paradise, prompting a severe backlash against Otaku
2000s Positive revaluation of Otaku begins as the subculture gained economic and political significance
35
OTAKU ROOM 1/4” = 1’ Outside world is shut out. Curtains or shades are usually drawn over the window.
Walls covered in posters.
Intimate space of an Otaku’s bedroom is shared with collectible manga figurines and body pillows.
Otaku do not necessarily live in Akihabara, but rather in the suburbs of Tokyo.
Space is overly cluttered, reducing the effective occupyable space of the room. 2.
The activities of eat, sleep, and live are all reduced to the space of a single room, rather than the whole apartment. 36
64
m
Size based on 6-tatami room (Tokyo dimensions)
“In essence, Akihabara is an otaku’s room blown up to city scale, sexy anime- girl posters and all.” - Galbraith (2010)
2
0.
5 3.
5
m
m
37
AKIHABARA INTERIORS 1/16” = 1’
Tall buildings with narrow footprints give rise to very compressed interiors that seem to be located “deep” inside the building.
Surprising concentrations of people in certain interior spaces, such as the waiting area of the AKB48 theater in the Don Quijote building.
The Don Quijote store is navigated through a central pair of narrow escalators. Winding circulation further separates the interior world from the street.
12
The vertical circulation is the only connective element between floors that differ vastly: from noisy smoky arcades, to a maid cafe, a performance theater, or otaku specialty retail. This composite drawing illustrates real buildings that are separated by several blocks in Akihabara.
38
m
Mandarake Store: 3-11-12 Sotokanda, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo
1. 2
Don Quijote Store: 4-3-3 Sotokanda, Chiyoda-ku Tokyo 5
m 16
m
5
2 1.
5
m
m
39
CHUO DORI 1/32” = 1’ Large glass facades are so overridden with advertisements and posters that they conceal the buildings’ interiors.
Blank party walls and facades are commonplace. Tall and narrow lots create long rectangular bar buildings with narrow interior spaces. Numerous advertisements for Otaku-related anime and manga products. Side streets are much smaller in scale than main thoroughfare, due to Tokyo’s building code.
Building entrances are often small, recessed, and unassuming. Majority of pedestrians are found indoors rather than on streets, leaving the 6-lane Chuo Dori rather empty during Pedestrian Paradise.
40
~32 m
Buildings hover around 8-stories throughout Chuo Dori
27
m
Pedestrian Paradise Pedestrian only access on Sundays 41
UDX PLAZA 1/32” = 1’ Various LED screens often feature advertisements for Akihabara’s tourist attractions. Multipurpose buildings are well suited to host major conventions and shows. Program includes dining, office, conference. Transparent glass facades. Buildings are much larger scale than surrounding areas.
Overhead pedestrian bridges connect UDX buildings. High population of salarymen during the weekdays. Large plaza and surface parking not typically found in the neighborhood.
Large complex is sited adjacent to train station, as in Shibuya and Shiodome developments. 42
9m
43
8m
99m
44
“These images serve the interests of people other than otaku. And it’s so schizophrenic! One moment, everyone is a little bit otaku, and the next otaku are the most aberrant and horrifying outsiders.� - Interview with Patrick Galbraith
45
46
SWEET LOLITA While for Westerners the term Lolita often conjures images of forbidden relationships and sexually precocious girls, Lolita is actually a group of Japanese fashion subcultures that champion Victorian-styled clothing. The Sweet Lolita subgroup is often found sporting fluffy lace dresses and parasols in various shades of pastel, cute animal and dessert themed accessories, and girly doll-like makeup. Belying the innocent and fragile aesthetics, Sweet Lolitas are in actuality independent and individualistic, focusing on quality and uniqueness in combating the sexcentered nature of normative female fashion with their choice of modest and elegant attire. Sweet Lolitas call Harajuku home, an eclectic fashion-forward neighborhood known for its affluence of a variety of subcultures. Takeshita dori, a major pedestrian-only thoroughfare filled with a diverse collection of small boutiques, serves as the backstage to the catwalks of Harajuku Crossing, a large open public space well known for congregations of the area’s latest fashion subcultures. Seeking visibility and attention for their carefully hand-crafted looks, Sweet Lolitas share this stage with other subcultures of Harajuku, competing for both the crowd’s’ gaze and social territory within this diverse and fashionable neighborhood. 47
SWEET LOLITA
Eye-catching headpieces are often worn to adorn the perfectly coiffed hairdos
Eye makeup is usually done to create a large, doll-like effect.
Victorian style clothing with plenty of lace, bows, parasols, and rosettes in various shades of pastels are key.
Sweet Lolita place high value on quality fabrics and handmade pieces, and often make many of their own dresses and accessories!
Animal and dessert themed accessories are popular. Clothing is always modest and elegant, never skimpy and crass.
48
Harajuku
Yamanote Line
Harajuku Station
Ura-Hara
Takes
hita D
ori
Rockabilly area
Om
ote
6
�
“Pedestrian Paradise
1
7 97
9 - 19
san
do
sketch
Sweet Lolita Stores
Harajuku Bridge
49
197
Harajuku Station opens as part of the expansion of the Yamanote line
As multipl ment store Harajuku Shinjuku a fashion
Meiji Shrine is established Omotesando expands to become the formal approach to the shrine Much of Harajuku is destroyed in the Tokyo Air Raid
Tokyo Olympics brings waves of tourists to the area
1964
1947
1945
1919
1906
Washington Heights, an American occupation living quarter, exposes Japanese youth to Western goods
197
Victorian re in the Wes way into J fashion bo
STREET establish the pract candid
50
LOLITA TIMELINE
70s
Increasing number of Iranians start movin to Harajuku area, increasing crime and drug use
le departes open, overtakes as a new center Pedestrian Paradise, known as hoko-ten, brings large crowds and street performers (1977-1998)
HARAJUKU TIMELINE Gwen Stefani popularizes Harajuku street culture on an international stage with her Harajuku Lovers Tour
Fukutoshin line opens nearby linking three large fashion neighborhoods Harajuku, Shibuya, and Ikebukuro
Pedestrian Paradise is abolished after police raids and arrest. It has not been revived since
J-pop star Kyary Pamyu Pamyu is labeled as “Harajuku Pop Princess” by media outlets
70s
evival trend st finds its Japanese outiques
T Magazine is hed, popularizing tice of publishingd street fashion shots
2011
2008
2005
2004
2001
1999
1998
1988
1985
1978
1977
Laforet department store opens
Moi-même-Moitié, a popular Lolita fashion brand, is established Gothic and Lolita Bible magazine is published, standardizing the style Popular movie Kamikaze Girls bring Lolita fashion worldwide Lolita model Aoki Misako is appointed as “Kawaii Ambassador” to spread Lolita worldwide
1990s Visual Kei bands popularize Lolita. Harajuku Cosplayers start competing with “real Lolitas” 51
HARAJUKU CROSSING 1/32� = 1’ Rockabillies performing in the entrance to Yoyogi park. Audience assembles in a circle approx. 20 m in diameter Considerable distance separating Rockabilly performance space and the Harajuku bridge Omotesando used to be closed to traffic from this point up every Sunday, from 1977 - 1998.
The bridge sidewalks, which are wider than the road, attract young cosplayers and members of the fashion subcultures.
Tourists and locals will often crowd around cosplayers and Lolitas in circles of approximately 3-4 m diameter to take photos.
Some Lolita can also be seen at the beginning of Omotesando and on Takeshita dori. In those cases Lolita do not stop and pose for a prolonged time. 52
7
5
m
6m
7m
15 m
53
TAKESHITA DORI 1/4� = 1’
Some of the stores’ facades have clearly been tacked onto the original buildings that occupied Takeshita dori before it became a fashion strip in the 1980s
Stores are small and contents spill out onto the street.
Overall character of the street reveals that it was originally a residential strip appropriated by vendors eager to tap into the fashion craze of Harajuku
Cobblestones encode pedestrian nature of the street. Pavement texture varies in front of certain buildings.
Many buildings maintain residential program above the stores.
54
m
2.75 m
5
1
-1 .5
m
55
56
“The possibility of appearing in the publications means the amateur models must forever outdo themselves and each other to be selected for the camera’s gaze.” - Amelia Groom, p.16
57
58
GYARU Derived from the Japanese transliteration of the English word “gal,” Gyaru is a general term for your fashionable teenage Japanese girl. Encompassing a wide variety of subgroups and styles, Gyaru are known for their wildly irreverent dress and behavior which runs the gamut from Valley Girl chic to literal blackface (known as the Ganguro style). Many corporate retailers often keep their eye on these fashionable trendsetting teens in hopes of capitalizing on their next fashion fascination. Gyaru are rebellious in nature and often found in cliques, choosing to stick out of the crowd as a group rather than alone. Perhaps it is in this way that Gyaru cope with rubbing shoulders with daily commuters and herds of tourists in the crowded streets of Shibuya, one of Tokyo’s most vibrant entertainment districts. Lit aglow by dazzling frenetic lights and its energetic nightlife, Shibuya is bursting with energy - a vibrancy matched only by the party hearty nature of Gyaru who call the neighborhood home. In the heart of the action is Shibuya 109, the holy mecca of Gyaru culture. As the destination of all things fashionable, Shibuya 109 serves as a physical landmark whose history traces Gyaru and Shibuya’s symbiotic relationship, one that cements the rebellious subculture as an essential key in the narrative of Japan’s growing consumerist culture. 59
GYARU
Gyaru visit Purikura parlors quite often. They love to pose for photos and are always ready to flash a peace sign for the cameras.
Visible designer accessories, such as large necklaces, bracelets, or rings.
Look inspired by “valley girl� trend.
Dyed hair with shades of blonde and dark brown. Worn either completely straight or with voluminous curls. Updos, wigs, and hair extensions are also popular.
Mini skirts or very short pants. When gyaru are not wearing school-uniform type clothing they will wear animal prints or jean clothes.
Platform boots, platform sandals, or any kind of platform shoe is a requirement. 60
Any kind of purse is acceptable, as long as it is a designer item.
Shibuya
Yamanote Line
Tsutaya (mall)
Parco (mall) Tokyu Honten Store
Seibu (mall) Marui Jam Store Hikarie Building Shibuya 109-2 Cen
ter
Shibuya 109
Gai
Mark City (mall) Bars and Clubs Gyaru Cafes & Purikura Tanning Salons
Tokyu Toyoko Store
Shibuya Station
61
Tokyu Malls Development Corporation (TMD) is founded as a subsidiary of Tokyu Corporation
19
Shibuya a hub f fash
TMD opens Shibuya 109
1980s
1993
1979
1978
1970
1968
Shibuya is a hub for college students
First significant teenage fashion trend appears: loose socks become popular among schoolgirls
Western clothing is regarded as symbol of modernization after this year
All government workers are required to wear Western-style suits
62
GYARU TIMELINE
Peak n Shibuya g media beg Gang Yam
Egg Magazine is launched, targeted towards Gyaru. Also features candid street shots, in the style of Harajuku fashion publications. (1995 - 2014)
By 1996 there are 35 types of “loose socks Kogyaru have grown drastically but also receive ba media because of “compensated dating” scanda
990s
SHIBUYA TIMELINE
a becomes for kogal hions
TMD (Tokyu Malls Development) Opens Shibuya 109-2. Shibuya station is designated as a priority development area for urban renaissance.
Shibuya 109 changes consumer target to younger market
New Tokyo Metro subway station opens
2027
2012
2009
Shibuya Hikarie high-rise completed. Built by Tokyu Corporation.
2008
2005
2000
1998
Purikura machines go on the market Tanning salons quickly start opening in Shibuya
1995 1996
Projected completion of four major redevelopment projects planned by Tokyu Corporation (2018 - 2027)
About 200 gang circles exist in Shibuya
number of gangs. Mass gin to pick up guro and mamba I Love Mama magazine is launched, targeted towards mothers who used to be Gyaru
s.� ad als 63
SHIBUYA CROSSING 1/32� = 1’ Pedestrian-only thoroughfares such as Center Gai host a bevy of restaurants, shops, and services.
Numerous large LED screens on buildings and billboards.
Multiple JR and metro line entrances to the 2nd busiest rail station in the world.
Extremely wide sidewalks and intersections allows for huge crowds of pedestrians to move in all directions.
Many buildings feature large entryways. Billboards and advertisements can be up to several stories tall.
64
3
0
m
65
32
m
32 m
SHIBUYA 109 1/4� = 1’
Fashionable clerks have great advice on the newest trends and styles and are an essential part to the look and feel of the boutique.
Each boutique has interior designs to match their fashions. French architectural influences are popular among the trendy boutiques.
Largely young, female demographic.
Interior corridors feel like an intimate indoor street.
66
2.75 m
5
2.
m
67
68
“Our goal is to conquer the world!” - Kuromipo, Black Diamond gang leader
69
RESEARCH ANALYSIS Throughout these chapters we have tried to pay close attention to not only the way that these subcultures inhabit spaces but also how they changed them. While subcultures rarely physically altered their respective neighborhoods through active construction of new spaces, they have indirectly changed the image of their neighborhoods through association. Our research starts with an analysis of normative culture through which we establish a fine range of dimension through which Japanese culture operates, a “cultural scale.” In contrast to this established norm, the subsequent analyses of subcultures make a case for the existence of specific scales unique to each subculture, which affect the use and development of their respective neighborhoods.
Salarymen in Shinbashi As a major commercial center of Minato ward, Shinbashi (also known as Shimbashi) is a district of dualities. Originally established around a major bridge intersection over the Shiodome river in 1603, Shinbashi was eventually chosen as the terminus station for the Tokaido Line, the first railway of Japan in 1872. The area boomed due to this newly created connection and soon became a major transportation hub. Shinbashi eventually became known as a popular entertainment district in the post-war years, where many workers would frequent small izakayas and adult entertainment venues in search of relief from the stresses of daily life. Although Shinbashi’s expansion was driven by the construction of multiple major corporate headquarters including Fujitsu, ANA, and Softbank, the izakayas maintained their foothold in the neighborhood, thereby creating a duality between work and leisure marked within the urban fabric itself. Following WWII, Japan slowly accepted Western capitalistic corporate culture in an attempt at economic redemption, a crucial step in repositioning themselves competitively on the world stage. Japan eventually gained economic momentum during the 1980s thanks in large part to the dedicated workforce
70
1. JR station dividing Shinbashi into two zones: tightly packed izakayas to the west, and expansive Shiodome Shiosite development to the east.
of salarymen.1 It was during this bubble economy of the 80s that long work hours equated efficiency and efficiency equated success, giving rise to the normalization of unbearably long work hours and unyielding corporate loyalty. Given that “Japanese national self-confidence fluctuates in accordance with the economic performance and achievements of the country,” the salaryman thereby became the embodiment of the social norms of Japanese culture within one neatly-dressed package.2 Although salarymen can be found in heavy concentrations throughout most of Tokyo’s eastern neighborhoods such as in Nihonbashi and Tokyo Main Station, no other neighborhood exemplifies the duality of Japan’s cultural history as well as Shinbashi. As seen in the map above, the JR station sharply divides the older alleys of cramped izakayas and the shiny glass towers of Shiodome Shiosite, a massive commercial center developed out of Shinbashi’s old freight yards in 2002. With this, there is a physical and literal split between the new Western corporate offices where salarymen work during the day and the traditional Japanese izakayas where they play at night. 1 Wingate, K. (2011). Japanese Salarymen: On the Way to Extinction? Fairfield: Fairfield University. Undergraduate Journal of Global Citizenship. Web. http://blog.fairfield.edu/ fjgc/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Wingate-Japanese-Salarymen-On-the-Way-to-Extinction. pdf, 4 2 Sugimoto, Y. (2002). An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 190 71
2. Endless rows of regularly spaced seats, exposing workers to the constant supervision of their superiors.
Salarymen Spaces While traditional Japanese values of solidarity and homogeneity may be at odds with Western values of individuality and diversity, the Japanese adapted to global corporate culture while also incorporating uniquely Japanese values. Unlike an average American office, a typical Japanese office is compact and efficiently planned, featuring an open floor plan without personalized cubicles; neatly kept rows of desks repeat ad nauseum to allow for constant communication between workers, as seen in the drawing above. These impersonal group workspaces follow a similar hierarchical system of seating legible within the office layout itself, though with vastly different results. For example, whereas corner window offices symbolize status and position in American corporate culture, a window seat symbolizes exile in Japanese offices, often only reserved for dead-end positions and slackers.3 Typical of Japanese culture, which has historically thought of spatial and social organization as interrelated concepts, this arrangement is representative of Japan’s adaptation and reinterpretation of Western practice in the office space.4
3 Beer, J. (2003) “The Life of a Salaryman: Time, Space, Career Path.” Accessed Dec. 20, 2015. Retrieved at: http://www.culture-at-work.com/jworklife.html 4 Hall, E. (1990). The Hidden Dimension. New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday, 149 72
3. After hours, these same office workers bolt to the nearest izakayas, redistributing their population into single-room establishments that naturally effect closer interpersonal spaces.
The streets of izakayas, on the other hand, represent a world of leisure firmly rooted in traditional Japanese culture. These hundreds of Japanese pubs and their neighboring entertainment venues such as Pachinko halls and brothels have historically and continue to serve as stress relief from long days in the office. Whereas the offices of Shiosite are large and open, the izakayas are extremely small and cramped, providing a comfortable intimate social environment within which the Japanese thrive.5 The atmosphere of these tiny bars is often heavy with smoke under warm lights, creating a cozy retreat as a welcome relief from the crisp regulated lines and fluorescent lighting of the corporate office. The scalar differences between Shinbashi’s offices and izakayas are reflective of not only the program but also of the different cultural values attached to work and play. Both environments are rooted in collective experience at different scales: the corporate offices merge Western office architecture with Japanese social norms of hierarchy, collectivity, and supervision at a corporate scale, while the spaces in izakayas are compressed to create the crowded leisure environments familiar to the Japanese. The salaryman, as the white collar workhorse behind the well-oiled Japanese economic machine, straddles these two scales in his everyday life. Despite the duality of the Japanese mindset, both worlds exist within a sphere of collectivity that permeates normative life. 5 Ibid. 152 73
As the concepts of individuality and consumerism have been slowly woven into the narrative of Japanese history, multiple subculture groups have begun to differentiate themselves from the normative culture within the tumultuous waves of contemporary Japan’s economic and social tides.
Otaku in Akihabara Up until 1925, Akihabara station was a freight-only terminal. When it finally opened up to passengers as well, many wholesalers capitalized on this convenience of transportation to establish a market in the area.6 After the war, many radio and electronics technicians returned home only to find a terrible scarcity of jobs. They, too, saw the commercial potential of Akihabara, where they decided to gather and dedicate their efforts to bring people small electronics such as radios.7 By the 1970s, Akihabara was the place to go if you wanted to buy “white goods” such as washing machines or fridges. This decade also coincided with the dawn of the mass commodification of PCs, and soon enough Akihabara’s main boulevard, Chuo Street, was nicknamed “Electric City.” There already existed some “proto-Otaku” in 1960s, men who were involved in the black market for rare electronic parts.8 The electronics market rightly identified adult male consumers as a target market, given their greater purchasing power as compared to their younger or female counterparts. Finally in 1982 the term “Otaku” was coined by the popular anime The Super Dimensional Fortress Macross, only to be followed by a tumultuous and oftern contradictory portrayal of Otaku by mass media in the decades to follow. On the one hand, the trial of otaku serial killer Miyaki Tsutomu plagued the media throughout the first half of the 1990s, a decade when Otaku came to epitomize Japanese societal downfall. But at the same time, Windows promoters were referring to Akihabara as “the most advanced multimedia town.”9 Coupled with the unprecedented success of anime Neon Genesis Evangelion that popularized Otaku culture, the Japan National Tourist Organization saw potential to use Otaku image as part of the Cool Japan tourism campaign. The contradiction was evident: while the country was exporting a culture centered on videogames, manga, and anime, Tokyo mayor Shintaro Ishihara was devising a plan to purge the neighborhood from the “weird Otaku” and present 6 Choo, D. (2010). “History of Akihabara.” Retrieved online at http://www.dannychoo. com/en/post/25744/History+of+Akihabara.html 7
Ibid.
8 Lam, F. (2010). “Comic Market: How the World’s Biggest Amateur Comic Fair Shaped Japanese Dojinshi Culture.” Mechademia, 5, 232-248. 9 Galbraith, P. (2010). “Akihabara: Conditioning a Public “Otaku” Image.” Mechademia, 5, 217 74
4. Sawamoto Asuka was famous for singing and dancing on Chuo Street, Akihabara’s main boulevard. Her habit of hiking up her skirt to allow for fan photos finally resulted in her arrest on a Sunday afternoon in 2008.
a sanitized Akihabara as the Silicon Valley of Japan. As a result, Otaku were fueling a chain of cultural practices and consumption patterns just as they were being “pushed out of sight in Akihabara to make way for official platforms to promote Japanese cool.”10
Otaku spaces There was a crack-down on Otaku presence on the streets, shaming them for purportedly heinous sexual fetishes, such as their “panty-shots” of Otakuidol Sawamoto Asuka, and forcing a literal retreat of Otaku into the depths of the buildings lining Chuo Street. But because Akihabara lacked the type of developmental powers present in Shinjuku or Shibuya due to its evolution through fragmentary land ownership,11 the Metropolitan Government was unable to displace Otaku any further, given that property owners were unwilling to collaborate with these efforts. Therefore Otaku cultivated a series of interior worlds hidden away from the public gaze of social scrutiny. These spaces are characterized by narrow, claustrophobic environments, cluttered with 10 Galbraith, P. (2010). “Akihabara: Conditioning a Public “Otaku” Image.” Mechademia, 5, 213 11 Morikawa, K. (2003). Learning from Akihabara: The birth of a personapolis. Tokyo: Gentosha. 75
5. The narrow floor plates of the Mandarake store are furnished with rows of collector-like vitrines, forming closed hallways where Otaku customers can comfortably flip through the pages of manga or doujinshi.
collectibles and consumer products that satisfy all the Otaku activities that have been pushed out of the public realm and into buildings like Mandarake or Don Quijote, shown above. The only spaces in which Shintaro Ishihara’s cleansing initiative succeeded were in the spacious UDX Plaza, illustrated above right, which consists of three high rises erected between 2005-2007, and in the renovation of Radio Kaikan, the oldest high rise in Akihabara. This 1962 building was demolished and rebuilt to make way for interiors featuring wide corridors, fluorescent lighting, and gleaming white tiles. In a sense, the battle between Otaku and government efforts was waged in the form of diametrically opposite spatial dimensions. The narrower, deeper, darker, and more cluttered the space, the more Otaku-like it becomes. As exemplified by UDX plaza, illustrated above right, the cleansing efforts of Akihabara aimed to combat Otaku-ness precisely by imposing spatial characteristics opposite to those associated with this subculture.
Fashion Subcultures in Harajuku The history of Harajuku as we now know it can be traced back to the end of World War II. After the war, Yoyogi parade ground was turned into Washington Heights, a residential complex for U.S. occupation personnel. The increased popularity of Yoyogi after the 1964 Olympics, together with the Western 76
6. The spaces of UDX Plaza, both exterior and interior, are enormous in scale and offer few corners where one might find shelter from the public eye.
influence that remained after Washington Heights was returned to Japan in the 1960s, started to attract a young and varied crowd referred to as the Harajukuzoku, or Harajuku tribe.12 However, the street fashion of Harajuku only began to take off in the early 1980s, with the birth of the takenoko-zoku (“Baby Bamboo Shoot Tribe”), who wore shiny robes and cheap plastic accessories and would perform for endless hours on the hoko-ten, a weekly practice where streets were closed off to traffic. As critic Amelia Groom observes, with their choreographed dances the takenoko-zoku “invented a vibrant sphere of inclusion where their constructed self-image made them intensely visible, but also kept them distanced from their surroundings and from the audiences they drew.” 13 By the early 1990s, the network of backstreets behind Omotesando, also known as Ura-Hara, exploded with new trendy stores selling “street fashion.”14 Along with the arrival of street fashion came a series of magazines such as 12 Watanabe, H. (1992). “Continuity and Change in Harajuku.” Japan Quarterly, 39(2), 249 13 Groom, A. (2011). “Power Play and Performance in Harajuku.” New Voices : A Journal for Emerging Scholars of Japanese Studies in Australia and New Zealand, 4, 190 14 Macias, P. (2014). Podcast: Harajuku Requiem: Marxy interviews Patrick Macias on Tokyo Fashion Past and Present. Retreived online at http://www.neojaponisme.com/podcasts/ neojaponisme-harajukurequiem.mp3 77
7. Lolita (or Cosplayer) posing for a curious circle of bystanders on the Harajuku bridge.
STREET and FRUiTS, whose photographers would cruise the streets of Harajuku for hours on end looking for fashionable subjects to capture. This new concept of street photoshoot further cemented Harajuku’s image as the quintessential site for fashion performance. The very presence of the photographer’s lens radically changed the way that Harajuku visitors behaved.15
Lolita Spaces The area surrounding Yoyogi park was “chosen” as the performance stage for the fashion subcultures for its ample space and as a partial legacy of the hoko-ten. As tourists to the area have observed, individuals will claim a spot and pose for the cameras (now overwhelmingly at the hands of foreigners rather than fashion journalists). A small circle of people will form around the amateur models, creating a similar dichotomy of distance/close scrutiny as that of the takenoko-zoku performances. The other territorial subdivision that exists in Harajuku is that of the crossing versus the backstreets or, in other words, Harajuku as stage for fashion versus Harajuku as a place to purchase fashion. The spatial configuration consisting of a circle of viewers surrounding a central subject only occurs in the vicinity 15 Groom, A. (2011). “Power Play and Performance in Harajuku.” New Voices : A Journal for Emerging Scholars of Japanese Studies in Australia and New Zealand, 4, 203 78
8. On the streets of Takeshita dori, both Lolita and passersby alike share a street devoted to purchasing rather than performing.
of the bridge while the backstreets are understood to be a place of bustling activity channeling pedestrians up and down. On Takeshita dori, one might brush shoulders with Lolitas intently going about their purchases, but in the open space of the crossing interpersonal distances expand and the gaze of fashion photographers finds a new reincarnation in the encircling groups of tourists. The way subcultures inhabit Harajuku crossing also depends greatly on their values. For example, Rockabillies are a subculture of a more collective nature and possess the manpower to appropriate the large south entrance of Yoyogi park as their performance stage. In contrast, Sweet Lolita stand as individuals on the Harajuku bridge, claiming a new spot every Sunday and sharing space with Cosplayers. This has created some friction among the groups, given that Lolita do not like to be confused with the latter, asserting that their own subculture aims to reclaim ownership of their own sexuality from the oversexualized female image, whereas Cosplayers simply adopt temporary personalities of scripted characters. Some authors have also identified Lolita as a postmodern subculture in that its members demonstrate “a fragmented, individualistic, and stylistic identification,� and that in this preference for the individual there is a hidden message that advocates for a freedom from structure.16 Like many other subcultures in the past, Lolita have used territorialization as a means of finding 16
Kawamura, Y. (2012). Fashioning Japanese subcultures (English ed.). 68 79
their place not only literally on the streets of Harajuku, but also figuratively in Japanese contemporary society. By making themselves publicly visible they are transmitting a message about their ideas of female sexuality and individualism. In summary, the role of these subcultures as trendsetters together with the photographer’s gaze has given rise to two spatial phenomena: it has created a very obvious proxemic pattern in the area of the Harajuku bridge, as well as a territorialization of the different zones in Harajuku. Even though the physical environment of this area has not been significantly altered by the presence of these fashion cultures, the use of the built environment clearly has: the coupling of fashion and performativity has become an intrinsic part of both Harajuku and its subcultures.
Gyaru in Shibuya Since the opening of the Yamanote Line in 1885, Shibuya came into prominence as a major commercial and entertainment center thanks to the influence of powerful private rail companies such as Tokyu Corporation. Capitalizing on their ownership of large tracts of land surrounding the Shibuya station, these railway companies developed competing department stores that allowed for the neighborhood to prosper.17 However, it wasn’t until the early 1990s that Shibuya began to take on its current role as an influential fashion hub with the arrival of kogyaru, a sect of delinquent private high-school girls with tanned skin and sexualized schoolgirl uniforms. Kogyaru arose as a culmination of several late 1980s trends, from “gal” party girl culture to Shibuya’s rise as a fashion and nightlife spot.18 The increased presence of kogyaru in Shibuya began to draw the naysaying eye of the media who reported their shocking stories of sexual promiscuity, which ironically only served to further propagate their trendy aesthetic to young girls everywhere.19 In an attempt to further distinguish their styles from the original look, whose signifiers of tan skin and short skirts had been appropriated by mainstream teen culture, subgroups such as ganguro began to push the boundaries of clothing and makeup even further, eventually arriving at literal blackface.20 The diversity of gyaru styles is a result of kogyaru’s constant aesthetic redefinition in order to stand out among the crowd while still belonging to a group of like-minded girls. 17 Calimente, J. (2012). “Rail integrated communities in Tokyo.” Journal of Transport and Land Use, 5(1), 19-32. 18 Marx, D. (2015) “The History of the Gyaru.” Neojaponisme. Accessed Dec. 21, 2015. Web. http://neojaponisme.com/2012/02/28/the-history-of-the-gyaru-part-one/
80
19
Ibid.
20
Ibid.
9. Members of Black Diamond gang demonstrating their collective identity by maintaining a close distance as they stride the streets of Shibuya as a pack.
As gyaru’s numbers increased, so did their influence on the built environment, as exemplified by the story of Shibuya 109. This major department store and landmark was developed by Tokyu Corporation in 1979. Originally targeting an early-30s female demographic, 109 saw little success a decade into its opening.21 Finally, in the mid 1990s, a boutique within 109 called Me Jane sparked the interest of kogyaru, unleashing a fashion storm that led to 109’s rebranding towards these teens with expendable time and income.22 Eventually gyaru overtook the entire building, transforming 109 into a tenstory wonderland of quick-changing, trendy boutiques. Additionally, the store sustained prominence and influence into the new millennium in large part thanks to the “super charisma clerks” staffing 109 shops. These young gyaru are more than mere employees; they act with “authoritative power” as spokespeople for gyaru trends, influencing mass media and customers alike.23 Dressed in the fashionable attire they are selling, these clerks have become proprietors of this claimed space, as shown in the image above, taking care of and guiding the 21 Bull, B. (2009) “Decades as Tokyo’s tower of girl power,” Japan Times, January 22, 2009, p. 17. 22 Marx, D. (2015) “The History of the Gyaru.” Neojaponisme. Accessed Dec. 21, 2015. Web. http://neojaponisme.com/2012/02/28/the-history-of-the-gyaru-part-one/ 23
Ibid. 81
10. Interior of Shibuya 109, staffed by gyaru “super charisma clerks.”
future of 109’s stores as their own. The colonization of 109 is a major conquest showing gyaru’s trendsetting influence in palpable, physical changes within Shibuya. Gyaru’s continued growth further manifested itself with the appearance of fashion magazine Egg, whose reader-submitted content allowed teenage girls to share gossip and fashion tips and access an exclusive social clique persisting through this analogue social forum.24 In addition, gyaru’s overwhelming presence was indirectly forcing the corporate hand to cater to their fashion whims and fancy, giving shape and identity to the urban environment programmatically. As more than “simple pawns of media manipulation,” their influence led to the rise of dozens of gyaru-centric shops such as tanning salons, purikura booths, and exclusive trendy boutiques.25 Their increased presence begins to resemble the carving out of exclusive pockets of subcultural space within Shibuya’s intensely crowded streets.
Gyaru spaces 24 Suzuki, T., & Best, J. (2003). “The Emergence of Trendsetters for Fashions and Fads.” Sociological Quarterly, 44(1), 61-79. 25 82
Ibid, 74
11. Frenetic atmosphere of the Shibuya Scramble.
As a subculture living amongst one of the busiest neighborhoods in Tokyo, illustrated in the image above, gyaru are forced to maintain their identity through maintaining their exclusivity as a clique centered around rebellious fashion. A common thread existing throughout all the subgroups of gyaru is the uniquely Japanese idea of group mentality. From the kogyaru’s high school cliques to the ganguro’s rebellion against beauty norms, gyaru as a whole have long stuck together in groups, seeking both collective visibility on the streets of Shibuya and the comfort of exclusivity within their private shopping alcoves. Gyaru therefore end up treading the line between collective public exposure and collective private spaces. This duality is reflected within Shibuya 109’s dominating, windowless presence which, while externally acting as a prominent visual marker as the gyaru mecca, also internally harbors a network of street-like corridors between separate retail stalls. With each booth outdoing the last in decorations and design, this interiorized shopping street offers the commonplace experience of outdoor boutique shopping within an exclusive and protected space. Unlike the individualistic Sweet Lolita and the hermit-like Otaku, Gyaru has a singular collective headquarter that serve not only as a symbol of solidarity against fashion and beauty norms, but also as an exclusive, physical collective space within the urban jungle of Shibuya.
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The relationship between Gyaru and Shibuya is most readily apparent in the frantic Shibuya Scramble, in which thousands of pedestrians criss cross in every which way. Having to share this frenetic urban space with millions of commuters and tourists, Gyaru and their trendsetting influences have managed to define their own boundaries of subcultural space within this urban milieu, creating pockets of exclusivity uniquely catered to the Gyaru market amongst the crowds of normative culture.
Conclusion By combining historic review with urbanistic analysis, this study aimed to present the subcultural spaces of Tokyo under a different light. Even though the physical environments of Shinbashi, Akihabara, Harajuku, and Shibuya are firstly a result of historical events and economically-driven developments, the use of space, territorialization, and representation in the public imagination are largely due to the presence of subcultures. In Shinbashi we drew a parallel between (1) the dichotomy of scales between tiny izakayas versus colossal office towers, and (2) the dichotomy of interpersonal spaces between salarymen sharing drinks after hours versus the orderly distribution of workers in the office. Normative work culture in Japan is characterized by the individual’s ability to fluctuate daily between these two spatial modes: collective supervision in open plans followed by collective escape in intimate bars. The story of Otaku in Akihabara is one of conflicted public image and resistance. The image of cool Otaku is presented hand in hand with that of social rejects. The “sanitation” of Akihabara to make way for a commodified Otaku showcase pushed this subculture even deeper into the other-worldly interiors where they undertake their pastimes, seemingly away from society’s condemning eye. Otaku’s preference for narrow, cluttered, and hidden spaces was combated with expansive areas that recall the kind of panoptic supervision exercised by the supervisor in the salaryman’s office. The youth cultures of Harajuku have developed a series of proxemic patterns and territorializing strategies that call to mind the subcultural studies conducted by the Chicago School of Sociology, who pointed out that territorialization rather than ownership of spaces was a key subcultural trait.26 In Harajuku, this territorialization exists first by dividing the area into two zones: one that serves as a stage for fashion (the bridge), and one that serves as a source of fashion (the backstreets). Furthermore, the designated performance stage is further territorialized at a much smaller scale than the “hoods” studied by the 26 Gelder, K. (2007). Subcultures: Cultural histories and social practice. London ; New York: Routledge. Introduction and Chapter 2. 84
Chicago School. These claimed territories vary Sunday to Sunday and simply take the form of loose circumferences surrounding the individuals posing for the cameras. Lastly, Gyaru subculture in Shibuya has managed to carve out its own niche, both spatially and figuratively, in one of Tokyo’s busiest neighborhoods. Chastised from the very beginning for their presumed social misconduct and consumerist habits, Gyaru have managed to turn the tables on the negative media by using their deviant reputation to attract teens in search of a social outlet and exploiting their status as retail targets to completely appropriate the most diverse of spaces in Shibuya: from the ten-storey 109 mall, to the spaces leased to tanning salons, or the basement bars that cater exclusively to Gyaru. In a way, each of these subcultures have developed a type of space and even a certain range of dimensions at which they best operate. In the most extreme of cases, Akihabara, the subculture’s space of comfort was identified and combatted by imposing antagonistic spaces (or dimensions). Had there been no ambition to sanitize Akihabara, perhaps UDX would not have been developed. If the Harajuku fashion photographers had searched for subjects to photograph in the stores rather than the hoko-ten, perhaps the stores of Harajuku would have expanded to contain the performance stage that is now the crossing. Each of these subcultures have deeply affected the way each neighborhood exists in the local imagination, and they have done so in a way that is closely tied to their claimed spaces and urban presences.
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ADDITIONAL CHAPTER NOTES CHAPTER 1 (INTRODUCTION)
Image 1. Image retrieved online: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/f/fd/US_Strategic_Bombing_of_Tokyo_1944-1945.png Image 2. Image retrieved online at: http://masonmelnick.weebly.com/uploads/2/9/6/0/29600873/5864029_orig.png Image 3. Image retrieved online: http://www.tokyoblaze.com/images/ tokyo/ikebukuro2.jpg Image 4. Sugimoto, Y. (2002). An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 191. Image 5. Image retrieved online: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/09/ business/worldbusiness/09japan.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 Image 6. Image retrieved online: http://www.japanfs.org/en/manga/manga_id034047.html CHAPTER 2 (SALARYMEN) 1. Introduction: “Japanese Salarymen.” Retrieved at: http://factsanddetails.com/ japan/cat24/sub156/item905.html 2. Introduction: “Shimbashi Neighborhood Guide.” Retrieved at” http://www. japan-talk.com/jt/new/shimbashi 3. Avatar Callouts: IntrovertJapan Blog. (2014) “What a Salaryman’s suit says about Japanese Culture.” Retrieved online: http://introvertjapan. com/2014/01/16/what-a-salarymans-suit-says-about-japanese-culture/ 4. Avatar Callouts: Booke, J. (2005) “Is a Salaryman without a Suit Like the Sushi Without the rice?” The New York Times: May 20 2005, Online Edition. 87
5. Closeup Map: Made with Styled Maps Wizard: http://gmaps-samples-v3.googlecode.com/svn/trunk/styledmaps/wizard/index.html 6. Timeline sources: BBC News, Japan Profile. Retrieved online at http://www. bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-15219730. 7. Timeline sources: Cho, S. (2010). Urban transformation of Seoul and Tokyo by legal redevelopment project. ITU A|Z, Vol 8, No 1, 169-183. 8. Timeline sources: Timeline of Japan’s Economic History: an Infographic. Retrieved online at http://www.fxstreet.com/education/fundamental/japanese-crisis/2013/03/22/03/. 9. Timeline sources: History of Shiodome, Retrieved online: http://www.studyscape.de/scapes/shio/shiodengl.htm 10. Shiodome Shiosite Sketch Data: Nishikawa, Y. (2003) Redevelopment of Shiosite. Retrieved online: city guideline: http://www.jrtr.net/jrtr35/pdf/ f48_nis.pdf 11. End of Chapter Quote: Sasagawa, A. (2010) “Tokyo salarymen: Modern-day samurai fight back.” CNN Online Edition. Retrieved online: http://travel.cnn.com/tokyo/life/tokyo-salarymen-modern-day-samurai-959430/ CHAPTER 3 (OTAKU) 1. Closeup Map: Made with Styled Maps Wizard. 2. Timeline sources: Galbraith, P. (2010). Akihabara: Conditioning a Public “Otaku” Image. Mechademia, 5, 210-230. 3. Timeline sources: Galbraith, P. (2012). Otaku Spaces, Chin Music Press Inc. Introductory chapter. 4. Timeline sources: Phink, D. (2007) Japan, Ink: Inside the Manga Industrial Complex. Wired Online. Retrieved at: http://www.wired. com/2007/10/ff-manga/?currentPage=all 5. Quote about Otaku Room: Galbraith, P. (2010). Akihabara: Conditioning a Public “Otaku” Image. Mechademia, 5, 210-230. 6. End of Chapter Quote: Treyvaud, M. (2012). An interview with Patrick Galbraith on Otaku Culture - Part 1. Neojaponisme Online. Retrieved at: http://neojaponisme.com/2012/05/22/an-interview-with-patrickw-galbraith-on-otaku-culture-part-one/
CHAPTER 4 (LOLITA) 1. Collage Image (Lolita in Blue Dress): Retrieved at: http://40.media.tumblr. com/tumblr_m6isutCOva1qfvrzvo1_1280.jpg 2. Collage Image (Goth Lolita): Retrieved at: http://www.funonthenet.in/ images/pics3/harajuku/gothic-lolita-harajuku-frills-fashion.jpg 3. Collage Image (Cosplay): Retrieved at http://dept.dawsoncollege.qc.ca/ 88
finearts/Faculty/AManniste/Anime_to_art/cosplay01.jpg 4. Collage Image (Rockabilly): Retreived at http://wherethehellami.files. wordpress.com/2011/11/dscf2244.jpg 5. Closeup Map: Made with Styled Maps Wizard 6. Closeup Map: Lolita-specific stores based on map provided on blog: http://www.lacarmina.com/blogpics/090928_map1.jpg 7. End of Chapter Quote: Amelia Groom. (2011). “Power Play and Performance in Harajuku.� New Voices : A Journal for Emerging Scholars of Japanese Studies in Australia and New Zealand, 4, 188-214. CHAPTER 5 (GYARU) 1. Collage Image (Scramble): http://www.quicktripto.com/asia/the-tokyo-scramble/ Avatar Image: Based on image found: http://www.polyvore.com/ japan_street_fashion_kogal_dos/thing?id=16815879 2. Collage Image (Scramble at night): http://cynthiapopper.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/5.jpg 3. Collage Image (109 at night): http://www.rilcombs.com/Photography/ Night/i-fSwVsBf/A 4. Collage Image (Yamanba and Manba): https://japanesefashiontrends. wordpress.com/ganguro-yamanba-and-manba/ 5. Collage Image (Ganguro): http://beautifulmake-up4starters.blogspot. tw/2010/03/what-is-ganguro.html 6. Collage Image (Ganguro Bar): http://kotaku.com/tokyos-newest-tourist-destination-promises-crazy-exper-1707142294?trending_test_ five_a&utm_expid=66866090-76.Xf7HV5ZSS3i8CtAkjmzQiA.1&utm_ referrer= 7. Collage Image (Black Diamond): http://tokyofashion.com/gyaru-japan-black-diamond-gals-kuro-gyaru-subculture/ 8. Closeup Map: Made with Styled Maps Wizard 9. Timeline sources: Kawamura, Y. (2012). Fashioning Japanese subcultures (English ed.). 10. Timeline sources: Macias, P., & Evers, Izumi. (2007). Japanese schoolgirl inferno: Tokyo teen fashion subculture handbook. San Francisco: Chronicle Books. 11. Timeline sources: Tokyu Corporation (2013) Urban planning proposal for areas surrounding Shibuya Station (plan). Retrieved online at: http://www.tokyu. co.jp/ir/upload_file/ENtop_01/9005_2013032817342804_ P01_.pdf 12. End of Chapter Quote: VICE Interview with Gyaru Gang, Black Diamond. Found online at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P28BJG4lCZ4
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CHAPTER 6 (RESEARCH)
Image 4. Otaku Idol Sawamoto Asuka. Retrieved online at: http:// cache.gawkerassets.com/assets/images/9/2010/04/50 0x_2008-03-17-102.jpg Image 10. Image captured from video Gyaru Interview - Japanese Kuro Gyaru Unit Black Diamond in Shibuya Gyaru Interview. Retrieved online at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P28BJG4lCZ4 PRELIMINARY RESEARCH REFERENCES
Cultural and Historic Context Calimente, J. (2012). Rail integrated communities in Tokyo. Journal of Transport and Land Use, 5(1), 19-32. Cho, S. (2010). Urban transformation of Seoul and Tokyo by legal redevelopment project. ITU A|Z, Vol 8, No 1, 169-183. Driscoll, M. (2007). Debt and denunciation in post-bubble Japan - On the two freeters.Cultural Critique, (65), 164-187. Gelder, K. (2007). Subcultures: Cultural histories and social practice. London; New York: Routledge. Nishikawa, J. (2012). Home Hygiene and Window Glass: On “Brightness” in the Discourse about the House in the 1920s - 30s Japan. Soshioroji Vol. 56 (2011-2012) No. 3 Issue 173, 3-18,190. Park, R. (1915). The city : Suggestions for the investigation of human behavior in the urban environment. American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 20, No. 5, 577-612. Sugimoto, Y. (2002). An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 189-218.
Fashion Subcultures Gagné, I. (2008). Urban Princesses: Performance and “Women’s Language” in Japan’s Gothic/Lolita Subculture. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 18(1), 130-150. Kawamura, Y. (2012). Fashioning Japanese subcultures (English ed.). Macias, P., & Evers, Izumi. (2007). Japanese schoolgirl inferno: Tokyo teen fashion subculture handbook. San Francisco: Chronicle Books. Tamamoto, M. (1994). The ideology of nothingness: A meditation on Japanese national identity (USJP occasional paper; 94-12). Cambridge, MA: Program on U.S.-Japan Relations, Harvard University.
Otaku Subculture Galbraith, P. (2010). Akihabara: Conditioning a Public “Otaku” Image. 90
Mechademia, 5, 210-230. Galbraith, P., Kam, Thiam Huat, & Kamm, Björn-Ole. (2015). Debating Otaku in Contemporary Japan: Historical Perspectives and New Horizons (SOAS Studies in Modern and Contemporary Japan). London: Bloomsbury Publishing. Hiroki, A., Furuhata, Y., & Steinberg, M. (2007). The Animalization of Otaku Culture. Mechademia, 2, 175-187. Lamarre, T., Le Gall, J., Mirza, V., & Laurent Sédillot, C. (2013). Cool, Creepy, Moé: Otaku Fictions, Discourses, and Policies. Diversité Urbaine, 13(1), 131-152. Hikikomori Dziesinski II, M. (2008). From Failed Sons to Working Men: Rehabilitating Hikikomori. American Sociological Association Annual Meeting. Hairston, M. (2010). A Cocoon with a View: Hikikomori, Otaku, and Welcome to the NHK. Mechademia, 5, 311-323. Hall Vogel, S. Japanese Society under Stress. (2012). Asian Survey, 52(4), 687-713. Kremer, W. and Hammond, C. (2013). Hikikomori: Why are so many Japanese men refusing to leave their rooms? BBC News. Retreived from http://www.bbc.com Rosenthal, Bruce, & Zimmerman, Donald L. (2012). Hikikomori. International Journal of Mental Health, 41(4), 82-95.
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