ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ i............................................................................... .1
ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ :ﺸﻌﺏ ﻤﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ 1.................................................................................... ﺃ-
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ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ 2 ................................................................................................................
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ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺸﻴﻙ ؟ 3 .....................................................................................................
ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ 6..................................................................................................................
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ﺍﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺨﻴﺏ ﻟﻶﻤﺎل 6 ...........................................................................................................
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ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ 8 ...............................................................................................................
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ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ 1 .....................................................................................................
ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ 11 ...................................................................................................................
ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ :ﺩﺤﺽ ﺍﻟﺨﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ 13 ....................................... ﺃ-
ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ 14 ................................................................................................................
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ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ 15 ................................................................................................
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ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ 18 .................................................................................................. .1
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ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ 18 ...................................................................................................................
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ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ 18 ..............................................................................................
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ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ 19 ...................................................................................................................
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ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ 20 ..................................................................................................................
ﻫـ
ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل 21 ..............................................................................................
ﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ :ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ 23...........................................................................................
ﻤﻼﺤـــــــــﻕ ﺃ-
ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ 25 .................................................................................................................
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ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻨﺘﺭﻨﺎﺸﻭﻨل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ 26 ..................................................................................
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ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ 27 .............................
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ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ 29 .....................................................................................
6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺭﻗﻡ 40
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻠﺨﹼﺹ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ
ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﹼﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ
ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﺨﻁﺔ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻤل ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻔﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ
ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺤﺭﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺸﹼﺔ ﻓﺠﺄﺓ ،ﺃﻭ ،ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺃ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﺘﺤﻠﹼل. ﺇﻥ ﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﺯﻴﺞ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻼﺸﺘﻌﺎل .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ
ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺸﺔ –ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﹼل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ 70ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﹼﺎﻥ -ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ
ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻁﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻜﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ،ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺸﺎﺩﺕ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ،ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ
ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﻔﹼﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺩﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺤ ﹼ ﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻼ ﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 2001ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺴﺒ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺱ. ﺇﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﻟﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻭل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ
ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻭﻏﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ :ﺇﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ل. ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻴﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻜﻜ ّ
ﻙ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﻴﺜﻭﺭ ﻏﻀﺒﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸ
ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﹼﻕ ﺒﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ
ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ. ﻭﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁﻬﻡ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜ ّ
ﺹ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺘ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ .ﺇﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋﺔ
ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﺭﻤﻴﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﺸﻬﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤ ﺩ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ.
ﻴﺘﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻟﻬ ﻡ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ
ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﺠﺄ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﻟﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺸﺴﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺘﹸﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺂﻜل ﻭﺍﻹﻨﻬﺎﻙ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺩﻨﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺅﺨﹼﺭﹰﺍ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻴﻭﻡ
ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻭﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﻜﺎﺸﻔﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺭﺴﺦ
ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺨﺘﻼل ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺨﻔﻘﺕ
ﻓﻴﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺭﺓ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﻔﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ
ل ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯٍ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﹼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻨﻪ ﻜﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺘﻘ ّ
ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺙ.
ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﺎﻤﺘﻴﻥ :ﺃﻭﻻﹰ ،ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻏﻴﺭ
ﻋﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﹼﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ
ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺒﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻱ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ .ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ ،ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺄ
ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺤﻴﺙ
ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ .ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ،ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ: ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ: .1ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل:
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ii
ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ
)ﺩ( ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﻗﹼﻑ
)ﺃ(
ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺱ )ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ( ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻸﺠﺎﻨﺏ
ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ
ﻭﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ؛
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﻑ. )ﻩ( ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﹼﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ
)ﺏ( ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻬﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ،ﻭﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻴﺴﻭﺍ
ﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺒﻅﻼل ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺘﺼﻑ
ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻴﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ؛ )ﺝ( ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﺒﻨﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﻬﺎ.
)ﺩ( ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ؛ )ﻩ(
ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻭﻴﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻕ.
ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ. .3ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل: )ﺃ(
ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ،
)ﺏ(
ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ
)ﺝ(
ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﹼﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻴﺨﻀﻌﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺎﺀﺍﺕ ،ﻜﺎﺴﺘﻐﻼل
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ )ﺯ( ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ
ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻟﺴﺒل
ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻡ. .2ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل: )ﺃ(
ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ )ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ( ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺩﻗﹼﺔ؛
)ﺏ( ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺤﺼﺭﻱ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘ ﻡ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ
ﻟﻌﺎﻡ 2001؛ )ﺝ( ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ؛
ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺴﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ؛
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺒﻤﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ،
)ﻭ( ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀ )ﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ( ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؛
ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ؛
ﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ؛ )ﺩ(
ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ
ﻤﻥ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ.
.4ﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻵﺨﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل:
)ﺃ( ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻷﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺃﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻴﺴﺘﺄﺠﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﹰ
)ﺏ( ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺹ ﻟﻠﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻲ؛ )ﺝ( ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﺤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل؛ )ﺩ( ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ؛ )ﻩ( ﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺘﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ،ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺩ
ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﺩل. ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ:
.5ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل: ل )ﺃ( ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤ ّ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ؛
)ﺏ( ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ،ﻤﺜل ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﹼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ؛
)ﺝ( ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ؛
)ﺩ( ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻟﻼﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2006ﺒﺸﺭﻁ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ.
.6ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻼﻋﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺘﺠﻨﹼﺏ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ. .7ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﻨﺒﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﺼﻨﹼﻑ ﻟﻸﺤﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ. ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ: ﺙ .8ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ،ﻭﺤ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ: )ﺃ( ﺠﻌل ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻋﺎﻡ 2002ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ،1973 ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ؛ )ﺏ( ﻭﻀﻊ ﺤ ﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ
ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻓﻀل.
ﻋﻤﺎﻥ /ﺒﺭﻭﻜﺴل 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ iii
6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺭﻗﻡ 40
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ .1
ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ :ﺸﻌﺏ ﻤﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﹼﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ 700.000ﻨﺴﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺼﻐﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﹼل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ،ﻭﺇﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻁﺒﻘﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ .ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺴﺒﺏ
ﺫﻟﻙ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺼﻭل ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ ،ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻵل ﺴﻌﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ،ﻗﺩ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل .ﺇﻥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ،ﻭﺒﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ
ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ، ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺃﺼ ﹰ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﻐﺯﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻭﺃﻁﺎﺤﻭﺍ
ﺒﺈﺩﺍﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻥ).(1
ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﹼﻡ
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤ ﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ .ﻭﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ 290.000
ﺸﺨﺹ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﺎﹰ ،ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ 40ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ)،(2 ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ – 213.000ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ -2001ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻭﻥ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻜﹼﻠﻭﻥ 64ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ).(3 ﺃ .ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ
ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ،ﻭﺒﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻟﻌﺒﺕ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺁل )(4
ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻴﻤﻨﹰﺎ .ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ
1961ﻭ ،1999ﺘﻡ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﺘﻠﺨﻴﺹ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺒﻥ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ،ﻭﺃﺨﻴﻪ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ
ﺒﻥ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ .ﺇﻥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ،ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﻭﺍ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺤﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ
ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ،ﻗﺩ
ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﺼﻭل
ﺴﻌﻭﺍ ﻟﺩﻋﻡ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺘﹸﻌﻬﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ
ﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤل ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ،ﺇ ﹼ
)(2
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ 36ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 1991ﻋﻥ 31
)(3
ﺇﻥ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ
ﻗﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﻟﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻫﺎﺠﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﻭل ﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭﻨﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ
ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ،1981ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ.
ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺱ – ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ -ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﻔل ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴل ﺍﻟﻬﺭﻤﻲ
ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺜﹼﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ،ﻴﺸﻜﹼﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ،ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ.
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ
ﻭﻀﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ – ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﺩﺭ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ﺒﺴﺒﻌﻴﻥ 70ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺠﺭﻴﻥ 31 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2003ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ،ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﹼﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻭﺜﻭﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻲ
ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ .ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺘﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻜﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺩﻫﻡ –ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻨﺸﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ -ﻻ ﺘﹸﺩﺭﺝ ﻀﻤﻥ
ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺭﺒﻴﻥ.
)(4 )(1
ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ
ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺠﻭﺍﻥ ﻜﻭل" ،ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻜﺭﺱ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺤﺭﺏ
ﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔ :ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ" Juan Cole, Sacred Space and Holy War: The Politics, Culture and History of ) Shi`ite Islamﻟﻨﺩﻥ ،(2002 ،ﺍﻟﻔﺼل .3
ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻑ ﻟﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ،
ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﻴﻙ ﻫﻭﻏﻠﻭﻨﺩ" ،ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" ،ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﻠﻴﻥ ﺴﻲ .ﻤﻴﺘﺯ ،ﻤﻁﺒﻭﻉ ،ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ :ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ )ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺩﻱ ﺴﻲ :ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓEric Hooglund, "Bahrain", in Helen C. Metz, ed., (1994 ، Persian Gulf States: Country Studies (Washington DC: U.S. ) ، Government Printing Office, 1994ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .123
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ
ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺯﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ( ،1973ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ
ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ().(5
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 2
ﺏ .ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻘﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 1994ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ) .(8ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ
ﺍﻟﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ :ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺸﺴﺘﻴﺔ؛ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ
ﻟﻘﺩ ﻋﺎﺸﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻑ
ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؛ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ؛ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺒﺎﺓ
ﻨﻅﹼﻡ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻀﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ) .(6ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒ ﹰﺔ
ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻴﻥ ﺃﺠﺎﻨﺏ؛
ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ
ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺘﺒﻨﹼﻭﺍ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 1973
ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ ،ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤ ﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ .ﻭﻗﺩ
ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 1975ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺤﺠﺯ ،ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ،ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻫﻡ
ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ "ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻸﻤﻥ
ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ") .(7ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺘﹼﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻭﻥ ،ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺭﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﻋﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺏ )ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ( ،1975ﻗﺎﻡ
ل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ،ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻟﺘﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ،ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺒﺤ ّ
ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺨﻼل ﺸﻬﺭﻴﻥ .ﻭﻴﻅل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﺤﻅﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ :ﻓﻔﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﻴﻥ،
ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺒﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺸﺭﻋﻲ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ(
.1975ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻁﻔﺢ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻜﻭﺀ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ
ﻟﻴﺘﺤﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻤل ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺸﺘﺒﻜﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻋﻨﻴﻑ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻋﻘﺩ ) 5ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ(.
)ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻴﺯ( ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻜﺩ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻜﹼل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠﻴﻥ،
ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ
)(8
ﻼ ﻷﺼل ﻭﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻔﺼﻴ ﹰ
ﻋﺎﻡ ،1994ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ،ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺼل .4ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﻤﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺨﺭﻭ" ،ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ :ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ" ،ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﺭﻱ ﺠﻲ .ﺴﻴﻙ ﻭﻟﻭﺭﻨﺱ ﺠﻲ.
ﺒﻭﺘﺭ )ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﺭﻴﻥ( ،ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﻴﺔ :ﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ
ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ،(1997 ،ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ 18-167؛ ﺠﻭ ﺴﺘﻭﺭﻙ" ،ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﻭﺀﹰﺍ""The Uprising in Bahrain: An Assessment", ، in Gary G. Sick and Lawrence G. Potter (eds.), The Persian Gulf at the Millennium: Essays in Politics, Economy, Security, and Religion (New York, 1997), pp. 167-188; Joe " ، Stork, "Bahrain's Crisis Worsensﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺭﻗﻡ ،204ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ )ﺘﻤﻭﺯ – ﺃﻴﻠﻭل /ﻴﻭﻟﻴﻭ – ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ،(1997ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ 35-33؛ ﻭﻟﺅﻱ ﺒﺤﺭﻱ" ،ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" ،ﻤﺠﻠﺔ
ﺭﺒﻊ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻴﺔ ،ﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ،11ﺭﻗﻡ ) 3ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ،(2000ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ 143-129؛ ﻭﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺨﻠﻑ" ،ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ :ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺒﻲ"،
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ ،ﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ،9ﺭﻗﻡ ) 100ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ /ﺃﺒﺭﻴل ،(2000ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ 13-6؛ ﻭﻨﺎﻋﻭﻤﻲ ﺼﻘﺭ" ،ﺨﻭﺍﻁﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ :ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺩ
)(5
ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ
ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ" ،ﺘﻌﺴﻑ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ ،ﺭﻓﺽ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ :ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ
ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" Human Rights Watch, "Routine Abuse, Routine Denial: Civil Rights and the Political Crisis in " ، Bahrainﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ،1997 ،ﺍﻟﻔﺼل .3ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﺠﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 2002؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺼﻭﺘﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺘﺭﺸﹼﺤﺕ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺭﺕ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ 1973ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭ. )(6
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﻁﺎﻭﻉ ،ﺯﻋﻴﻡ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ،
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ 12 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(7
ﺍﻗﺘﹸﺒﺴﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺴﻑ
ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ ،ﺭﻓﺽ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ" Human Rights Watch, "Routine Abuse,
" ، Routine Denialﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ،ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .18
ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ،
ﻤﺠﻠﺩ ،28ﺭﻗﻡ ،2ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( Naomi Sakr, ،2001 "Reflections on the Manama Spring: Research Questions Arising from the Promise of Political Liberalisation in Bahrain", British Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 28, no. ) ، 2 (November 2001ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ 231-229؛ ﻭﺠﻴﻪ .ﺇﻱ .ﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴﻭﻥ" ،ﺃﻭل ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ" J.E. Peterson, "Bahrain's
" ،First Reforms Under Amir Hamadﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﺴﻴﻭﻴﺔ )ﻟﻨﺩﻥ( ،ﻤﺠﻠﺩ
،33ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ،2ﺤﺯﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ(؛ ﻭﻓﺭﻴﺩ ﺇﺘﺵ .ﻻﻭﺴﻭﻥ" ،ﻗﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ" ،ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻴﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻜﺘﻭﺭﻭﻓﻴﺘﺵ )ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﺭ( ،ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ
ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻑ :ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﺒﻠﻭﻤﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥFred H. (2003 ، Lawson, "Repertoires of Contention in Contemporary Bahrain," in Quintan Wiktorowicz (ed.), Islamic Activism: A ).Social Movement Theory Approach (Bloomington, 2003
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 3
ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘ ﻡ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ
ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﻭﺃﻏﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﻴﻥ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘ ﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل
ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﺎﺴﻴﺔ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﺭﻯ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ
ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺜﻤﺭ ،ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ
ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻘﹼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ،ﻭﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺤﺭﺍﺭ
ﺍﻨﻔﺭﺍﺩﻱ ،ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ،ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺩ
ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ
ﻋﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ،ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ،ﻋﻘﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ
ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ).(9
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺇﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ .ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﺎ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺩﻥ ،ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻨﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ
ﻭﺘﻌﺫﻴﺏ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ).(12
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺤﺘﺠﺯ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ،ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺒﺱ ل ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﹼﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺭﻱ ﻭﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻫﺎﺏ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﻜ ّ
ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ) .(10ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ
ﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﺠﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﺀ
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ – ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﺸﻌﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ
ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ .ﻭﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻗﺩﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺫﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺼﻔﺎﺌﺢ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﺦ
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ
ﻜﻘﻨﺎﺒل ﺒﺩﻴﻠﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻗﺩ ﻫﺩﺃ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ
ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻋﺎﻡ .1999ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻫﻼﻜﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ،1997ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻗﹸﺘل ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﻤﺎل ﺒﻨﻐﺎﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺠﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻨﺎﺒل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻋﻡ) .(11ﺇﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ،ﻭﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﺠﻨﹼﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﺨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﻭﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﺼﺭﺓ
ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺫﻴﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﺔ. )(13
ل ﻭﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺤ ّ
.
ﺝ .ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺸﻴﻙ؟ ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻁﻭﺍل ﻋﺎﻡ
،2004ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﻁﻴل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻲ) .(14ﻭﻗﺩ
)(9
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺤﻜﹼﺎﻡ
)(12
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺎﺩل ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺴﻲ ،ﻨﺎﺸﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ
ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻴﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ،
ﺘﻡ ﺴﺠﻨﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺫﻴﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 5 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻨﺼﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﻡ.
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻭﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ،ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻐﻁﻲ ﺠﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ
ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺤﺜﹼﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺘﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ
)(10
)(13
ﻻﺤﻅﺕ Crisis Groupﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺴﺨﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ
ﻓﺨﺭﻭ" ،ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" ،ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ،ﺼﻔﺤﺔ -179
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺼﻭﺭ ﻭﺭﺴﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﺸﻬﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ
.180ﺇﻥ ﻓﺨﺭﻭ ﺘﺼﻑ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ "ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ
1980ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ 2002ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﹰﺎ .ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﻴﺔ
ﺃﻓﻀل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ .ﻭﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﻗﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻁﻤﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻵﺨﺭ.
ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ" ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺩ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل
ﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﻋﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ،ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 1982ﻗﺎﻤﺕ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ 72ﻋﻀﻭﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺂﻤﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻋﻭﻡ ﻟﻺﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ .ﻭﺘﻼﺤﻅ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ
ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺴﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺒﺎﺸﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺯل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺠﺩ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ
)(14
ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻏﻠﻑ ﺩﻴﻠﻲ ﻨﻴﻭﺯ 22 ،ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2004؛ Aljazeera.net
23 ،ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( .2004ﻟﻘﺩ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﻭل ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ 21ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ
ﺴﺎﺭ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 4.000ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ
ﺒﺄﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺘﻴﻥ :ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ
ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﻑ ﻭﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ .ﻭﻗﺩ
1971ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ،ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺴﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ
ﺃﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻁﻴﺔ ،ﺤﻴﺙ
ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻋﻤل ﺫﻟﻙ
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺩﺀ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( 1994
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ،ﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﻠﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﻋﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺠﺭﺍﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻭﺭﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻤﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻜﹼﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ،ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺫﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺭﺡ"،
ﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻤﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ
،1973ﻏﻴﺭﺕ ﻫﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ.
)(11
ﺇﻟﻰ ،24ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﻴﺎﺕ "ﺘﻌﺴﻑ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ ،ﺭﻓﺽ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ" ،ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ،ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .37
ﺃﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﺠﺭﻭﺡ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺯ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ
ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﺢ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻨﺘﺠﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻤﻁﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺎﺒﺕ ﻋﻨﻘﻪ .ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘ ﻡ ﻨﻘل
ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻘﹼﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻌﺭﻀﻪ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ .ﻭﻗﺎﻡ
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 4
ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ
ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ،ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ
ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ .ﺇﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﻘﺫﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺨﺭﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺤﺎﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﺠﻠﺴﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻴﺼﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ .ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﺃﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻐﺏ
ﻴﺴﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻘﺎﻗﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻤﺎﹰ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺭﻤﻭﺯ
ﻋﻥ 100ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻹﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺒﺈﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﹼﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻼﻋﻨﻑ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﹰﺍ
ﺒﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺄﺠﺠﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ
ﻭﺠﺯﻤﺎ ،ﺒﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﻭﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ
ﺍﻟﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ.
ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ) .(15ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﺎ،
ﻓﻘﺩ ﻟﺠﺄﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺠﺎﺌﺭﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ.
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﹼﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﻜﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ،ﺇﺫﺍ
ﺃﺨﺫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ) .(19ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻘﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ،
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻜﺸﹼﻔﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﻠﻭل )ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ(
ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺄﻭﻯ ﻀﻴﻕ ﻭﻓﻘﻴﺭ ﻤﺯﺩﺤﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻪ 65.000ﻨﺴﻤﺔ،
ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻭﻡ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ
ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ،
ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺘﻌﺴﻔﹰﺎ) .(16ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﻋﺎ
ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ Crisis Groupﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻗﺩ
ﻴﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ 4.000-3.000ﺸﺨﺹ) .(17ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﻭﻟﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ
ﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺤﻤﻠﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﹼﻌﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ،
ﻭﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ .2004ﻓﻔﻲ 25ﺃﻴﻠﻭل )ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ(،
ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ،ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻨﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ
ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻁﺏ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ؛ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻘﻨﺎﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻟﻭﺘﻭﻑ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺠﺩ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ
ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﹼﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ) .(18ﻭﻓﻲ 20
ﻼ "ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ Crisis Groupﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ ﻓﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻥ ﺒﺈﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻤﺎﺀ") .(20ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ
ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺤﺒﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ.
ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ،ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﻗﻠﻘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺁﺨﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻭﻥ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﻕ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻡ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺒﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻁﺢ") .(21ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻘﻠﺏ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﺸﻌﻠﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﻨﺸﺩﻭﻥ
ﻭﻴﺭﺩﺩﻭﻥ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺁل
ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺌﺭ ﻟﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﺒﻌﺯل ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ، ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ.
)(15
ﺇﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺘﻭﺍﻗﻴﻊ ﻟﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﺘﺨﻭﻓﻴﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ .ﻓﻔﻲ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ،2004 ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ
ﺙ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ) .(22ﻭﻓﻲ ﻟﺤ ﹼ
ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﺎﻡ 2004ﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻜﺭﻭﺍ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺠﺩ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺭﻤﺎﻥ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺠﻤﻊ
ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﺎﻡ ،2005ﻭﺒﻌﺩ
ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ.
ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻨﹼﻪ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺫﻟﻙ.
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺴﺠﻥ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ
ﺠﻤﻊ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ 75.000ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺴﻌﻰ ﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻤﻊ
)(16
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ"
ﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎﻤﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ،ﻭﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻟﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ.
)(17
)(19
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 5 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
ﻻ. ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﹼل ﻤﻭﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﺘﺩ ﹰ )(20
)(21
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺴﺘﺭﻩ 5 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺴﻜﻭﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻴﺱ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻘﻴﻡ
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺯﻋﻴﻡ
ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﻕ ﻓﻭﺯﻱ ﻏﻭﻟﻴﺩ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ
ل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ،2005 ﻤﺴﺘﻘ ّ
ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ،ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2004
)(18
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻟﻘﺩ
ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺜﺔ ﻟـ Crisis Groupﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ،
ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ" ،ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 9 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(22
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ4 ،
ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 5
ﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺘﺠﻨﹼﺏ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺤﺭﻴﻕ ﻫﺎﺌل ،ﺇ ﹰ
ﻭﻓﻲ 25ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ،2005ﻭﻗﺒل ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ
ل. ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺤ ّ
ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ
ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ،ﻁﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ Crisis Groupﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ ل .ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﻨﹼﺎ ﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺨﻁ" .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤ ّ
ﻨﻔﻜﹼﺭ ﺒﺄﺯﻤﺔ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ") .(23ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻫﻭ
ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺀﻩ ﻗﺩ ﺸﺠﺒﻭﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻪ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫ ﻴﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺼﺩﻯ ﻭﺘﺠﺎﻭﺒﹰﺎ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ
ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬ ﹼﺔ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺴﺭﻋﺔﹰ ،ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻓﻊ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل. ل ﻤﻥ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ﻭﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻜ ّ ل ﻤﻥ 2005ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺯﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻜ ّ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﺭﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ) (Bloggersﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﻀﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ
ﺍﻟﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭﺓ) .(24ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(، ﻗﺎﻡ 3.000ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺒﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻟﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ
ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ) .(25ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﺫﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﻀﻤﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻼﻥ) .(26ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺫﹼﺭﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺯﻋﻡ
ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺩﺏ ﺫﻜﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭﺍﺀ.
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺴﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺭﻤﻴﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ )ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ( ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺤﻅ ٍﺭ
ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺤﺎﺸﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﻟﻠﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺨﺭﺝ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ )(27
ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤ ﺩ ﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ
.ﻭﻗﺩ ﻫﺩﺩ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ
ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﹼﻤﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺴﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻏﻼﻗﻬﺎ
ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺅﻗﺕ ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺩﺍﺌﻡ) .(28ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ
Crisis Groupﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺨﺸﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ).(29
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺒل
ﻟﻼﺸﺘﻌﺎل .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺎﻁﺕ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺍﻟﻨﺠﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭ
ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﻫﺎﻨﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻭﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻡ .ﺇﻥ ﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭ ،ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻟﺠﻭﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ،ﺘﻌﻤل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺸﹼﺔ ﻟﻘﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﺘﻤﻠﻤل. ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﺨﺫﻭﺍ ﻴﻔﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺭ" ،ﻤﻬﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻴﻤﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ) ،(30ﻭﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺤﺴﻥ
ﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻊ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺴﺠﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻭﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺃ
ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ،ﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﻀﻐﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻔل ،ﺴﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻴﺠﺒﺭ ﺤﺘﹼﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺒﻬﺎ).(31
)(23
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ8 ،
ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(24
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻴﻭﻡ 12ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( 2005ﺘﺤﻔﻅﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ
ﻭﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠﻴﻥ .ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﹼﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺈﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺸ ﺩ ﻋﻨﻔﹰﺎ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﻓﺭﺍﺝ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﺭﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ﻭﺇﺴﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻨﻬﻡ. )(25 )(26
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 28 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005
ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻏﻠﻑ ﻨﻴﻭﺯ 7 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005
)(27
ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺭﻭﻴﺘﺭﺯ ﺃﻥ 80.000ﺸﺨﺹ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ،
ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ .50.000ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Group ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005 )(28
ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ 26 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005
)(29
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ 26 ،Crisis Groupﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005
)(31
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 1 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻟﻘﺩ
)(30
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﺭ( .2005
ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻊ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﺩﺩ
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
.2
ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ
ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ،
ﻭﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺄ ﺍﺨﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ – ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺍ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺤﻴل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ،ﺇﺫ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ
ﺘﻌﺭﻀﻭﺍ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻷﺸﻜﺎل
ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻫﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻋﺏ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﻭﻟﹼﺩ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 2004ﻭﺘﻭﻓﹼﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﻴﺏ ﻤﻅﻬﺭﹰﺍ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ. ﺃ .ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺨﻴﺏ ﻟﻶﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤ ﺭﻙ ﻤﺜﻴﺭ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺕ ﺨﻤﺱ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ،ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ
ﺤﻤﺩ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻀﺒﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 6
ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻲ ﻜﺄﻫﻡ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﺠﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺤل
ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ
ﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ.
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺤﺼل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ ،ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﻕ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ
،2001ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ
ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ "ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ" ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﻟﻪ ،ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻟﻠﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 1973ﺒﺩ ﹰ )(32
ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻴﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻟﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ
.ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ،
ﻓﻔﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ،2002ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ
ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ )ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻤﺴﺒﻕ( ﺒﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺸﻜل
ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺃﻋﻴﺩﺕ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺘﻪ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﺼﺩﻤﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻜﺭﺓ،
ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻨﺼﻭﺼﻪ ،ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ
ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﺤﻴﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ).(33
ﻟﻘﺩ ﻋﻤل ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻬﺎ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ
ل ﻓﻲ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻪ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺜﺎﺒﺕ).(34 ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺘﻅ ّ
.2000ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭل ﺴﻨﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻗﺩ
ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﻲ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﺭﺒﻊ ﻗﺭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﻭﻴﺔ ،ﻗﺩ ﺃﻨﻬﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺴﻭﺃ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺌﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻓﺘﺘﺢ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﺸﹼﺭ ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻨﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ
ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﺼﻭﺕ ﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟـ 98ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( 2001ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ
ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺒﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻏﺎﻤﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 1973ﻻﺴﺘﺤﺩﺍﺙ
ﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ. ﻭﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ،ﻓﻘﺩ
ﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﺩﺓ
ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺴﻌﺭ ﻤﺨﻔﹼﺽ ﻟﻠﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﻜﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﺭﺍﺘﺏ ﺸﻬﺭ
ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻭﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻋﻔﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ.
)(32
ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ 7ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ،2002ﻜﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ
ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺩل ﻟﻥ ﻴﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ،1973ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻭﻗﹼﻊ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻻﺤﻕ ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻌﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﺒﻭل ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل
ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ،ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ
ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺼﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ )ﻋﺎﻡ (1994ﻭﺘﻡ ﺴﺠﻨﻪ ﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻭﺠﻴﺯﺓ )ﻋﺎﻡ ،(1996ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(33
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﺒﻭل ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)(34
ل ﻋﻥ 100ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﹶﺸﻐل ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻘ ّ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ،572ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ 24ﻤﻥ 47ﻤﻨﺼﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ
ﺍﻻﺜﻨﻲ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺩل ﻭﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ .ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ –ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ
ﻴﻘﺎل ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ -300ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﻠﻨﻲ .ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺼﻐﺭ، ﺃﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ
ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻀﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ.
ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺨﻴل ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒـ"ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺓ":
ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺃﺘﻌﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 1.300ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ
ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻤل ،ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻐﺫﹼﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺨﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﹼﻕ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ .1973ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 7
ﻭﺘﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺜﹸﻠﺜﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ )(37
ﻼ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ ،ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺤﻴ ﹰ
.ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ
ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺘﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ
ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ 40ﻋﻀﻭﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ 40ﻋﻀﻭﺍ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﹼﻊ ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻤﺄﺯﻕ ،ﻓﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ
ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ،ﺒﺸﺭﻁ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﻬﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜ ﻡ ﻴﺠﺏ
ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻭﻩ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ .ﺇﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ
ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ
ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ،ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ
ﻴﺘﹼﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ .ﻭﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ.
ل ﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ ﻟﺘﻅ ّ
ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺎﻋﺩﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ 2002ﻗﺒل
ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﻤﻠﻜﻲ ،ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ
ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻔﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ
ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻁ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺴﻴﻡ
ل ﻨﺎﻓﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻅ ّ
ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ "ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﹼﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ").(35
ﻁﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺼﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺌﻬﺎ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ
ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻋﺎﻡ 1973ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻴﺩ
ﻴﺤﺘﺠﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺼﻐﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ
ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل ،ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺸﻬﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻥ
)(38
.
ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ،2001ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ
ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ .ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل
ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ) .(36ﻭﺒﺩ ﹰ
ﺤﻴﻨﺌ ٍﺫ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ .ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ
ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺭ.
ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ،ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ
ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ،ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺠﻴل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ
ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺭﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻭﺍ ﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﻬﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ 25ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ ﻭ 50ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺍﺘﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ 160ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ .ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ
2003ﻋﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺤﺭﻜﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﻜﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﺎﺕ ﻜﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﺴﻭﻕ
ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺒﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ،ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺠﻠﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﺔ
)(37
ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻤﺎﻴﻜل ﻫﻴﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻋﻥ
ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 2002ﺒﺄﻨﻪ "ﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺀ" ﻋﻥ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ
" :1973ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺒﺤ ﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ..
ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﺼﻭﺼﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ"،
ﻤﺎﻜﻜﻨﺯﻱ ﺁﻨﺩ ﻜﻭﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ ) (McKinsey & Co.ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
"ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ" ،ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ،ﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ،56ﺭﻗﻡ "Princes and Parliaments in the Arab World", Middle East 3 ) Journal vol. 56, no. 3ﺼﻴﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ،(2004ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .376
ﺠﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ،ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻼﻭﻱ ،ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ،ﺤﺴﻥ ﺭﺍﻀﻲ،
ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ،ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁ ،ﻜﺎﻨﺕ"ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ" ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ 10.000ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ )26.500
ﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻭﻻﺭ ) ($ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺘﻤ
ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ.
)(35
)(38
ﺇﻥ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺃﻭل ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ
ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ،ﺠﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻀﻲ ،ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل" ،ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﹼﻕ
ﺩﻭﻻﺭ( ﻟﻜل ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ،ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻜﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻼﺕ،
ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ( ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻜ ّ
ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ ،Crisis Groupﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ
Crisis Groupﺃﻥ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ،
ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ،ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ Crisis Groupﻟﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﹼﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ
ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ" ،ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .58ﻗﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻟﻔﻭﻥ ﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ .Crisis Group
)(36
ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺤﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ
ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻲ.ﺇﻡ.ﺩﺒﻠﻴﻭ ) .(BMWﻭﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ
ل .ﺇﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻥ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺘﻘ ّ
ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ .ﺇﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺩ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ،ﻗﺩ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺴﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﻗﺎل" ،ﺇﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ،ﻤﺠﺎﺩﻟﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﻌﻠﻭﺍ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ
ﻼ "ﻻ ﺒﺄﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﺅﺜﹼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻌﻲ ]ﻜﻨﺎﻗﺩ[ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺘﻲ" ،ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﻟـ Crisis Groupﺒﺄﻨﻪ "ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ" .ﻤﻘﺎﺒل Crisis Groupﻤﻊ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻴﺴﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل" .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ
ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ 2 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﺘﺩ ّ
Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎل ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 6 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﻤﻭﻋﺩ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ،ﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﺼﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ – ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺭﺃﺴﻪ
ﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩ -ﺒﻬﺫﺍ .ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺠﻴﺯ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺩﺍﺙ
ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺘﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 2002ﻓﻘﺩ
ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﹼل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺒﺭﻓﻊ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ.
ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ ) 16ﺘﻤﻭﺯ /ﻴﻭﻟﻴﻭ ،(2002ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﺈﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻟﻠﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻻ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻪ( ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺯﺍل ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻤﺴﺅﻭ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ .ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﻔﻭﻴﺽ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻻ
ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ/ﺃﻭ ﻤﺼﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ
ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ.
ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺸﺄ ﻤﺄﺯﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ،ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﺌﺘﻼﻑ
ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻭﺠﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ )ﺤﻴﺙ
ل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ( .ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺩﻴﺩﻴﻥ ،ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺘﻅ ّ
ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻪ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ
ﺸﺭﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﺴﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ) .(39ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺯﻋﻤﺕ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﻋﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﺩﺓ ،ﻭﺃﻜﺒﺭﻫﺎ
ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ،ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ،2002ﻜﻤﺎ
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 8
ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ "ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩﻴﺔ" ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ 1973ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ )(42
ﺍﻟﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ
.
ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻥ "ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ" ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻜ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ) .(43ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻅﻠﻭﻤﺔ .ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎﹰ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺘﺤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ،ﻜﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ
ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 2000؛ ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ –ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ -ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﻜﹼﺯ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ،ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ
ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺸﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ
ﺙ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻫﻭ "ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺍﺏ" .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤ ﹼ
ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ،
ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﺘﻜﺭﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺃﻜﺘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﹼﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ .ﻭﺍﻵﻥ ،ﻟﻡ
ﻴﻌﺩ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻜﺎﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﻤﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ،ﺒل ﻜﺨﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﻏﺩﺭ ،ﺤﻴﺙ
ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻫﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ. ﺏ .ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻥ) .(40ﺇﻥ
ﺇﻥ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ،ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻫﻭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺠﹰﺎ ﻟﻺﺭﺍﺩﺓ
ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟ ﹰﺔ ﺒﺸﺘﹼﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻟﺩﻓﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ،ﻓﺤﺘﻰ
ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻉ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ
ل ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﺤ ّ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ،ﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺩﺕ) .(41ﻭﻗﺩ ﻻﺤﻅ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺤﺎﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻅﺎﻡ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺴﺦ،
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﻭﻻﺀ .ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ
ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻨﹼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ
ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ،ﻴﺒﺩﻭ
ﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ" ،ﻤﻀﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﺃ
ﻕ ﺇﺴﻔﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺽ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩ ﹼ
ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ،ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻥ
ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ
)(39
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)(40
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ :ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﻲ ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺃﺩﻨﺎﻩ.
)(41
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ،ﻭﻫﻲ
ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻴﻭل ﻨﺎﺼﺭﻴﺔ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 7 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻟﻘﺩ ﻻﺤﻅ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻔﻘﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ،ﻗﺩ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺴﻭﺃ .ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺠﺤﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻫﻲ
)(42
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻬﺎﺘﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ ،ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ
)(43
ﺇﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻨﹼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ
ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ 20 ،ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( .2004
ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﻗﺹ ﻓﻲ
ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻴﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ .ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2005ﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻲ
ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻴﻔﻜﹼﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ
ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ،ﺒل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ".
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ" ،ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺠﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ .ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ،ﺘﺒﻘﻰ
ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺭﻴﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ .2006ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Group
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 9
ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﻗﺎل ﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻊ
ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺘﻪ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ
ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺼﺤﻴﺢ ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ
)ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ،(48)2004ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ
ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ" ،ﺇﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻁﻠﻕ" .ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﺌﻼﹰ" ،ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ
ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻟﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل
ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ") .(44ﻭﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ
ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻓﺎﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺒـ 27ﻤﻘﻌﺩ
ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ –ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻟﻭﻤﻨﻴﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل" -ﺠﻴﻭﺒﹰﺎ" ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ) .(45ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺨﺒﺭ
ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ Crisis Groupﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ
ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل 40ﻤﻘﻌﺩﺍ).(49
ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ )ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺠﻴﻥ( ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ :ﺍﻟﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻗﻴل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ
ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻭل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ
ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ )ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ( .ﻭﺘﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺢ
ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻤﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ -ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ
ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤ ﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ" ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ -ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ
ﻴﺸﺘﻜﻭﻥ").(46
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﻋﻥ
ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻔﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ )ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﻲ( ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ
ﻋﺩﺩ "ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺤﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ" ﻴﻘﻭل
ﻤﺄﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ :ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ
ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ) .(50ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ
ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ:
ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ 50.000ﺇﻟﻰ 60.000ﺸﺨﺹ ﻗﺩ
ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺭﺩﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭﻴﻴﻥ
ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ
ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻭﻅﻔﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﺕ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ
ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﻟﻸﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺵ
ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﻡ .ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ
ﻭﻀﻭﺤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﹼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻠﺔ
ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ .ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ
ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺒﺎﻋﺩ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ،ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ
ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻜﺘﻅ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺒﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺭﻗﻤﻴﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺘﻴﻥ) .(47ﻟﻘﺩ ﻟﻌﺏ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ
)(44 )(45
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 7 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ
ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﻺﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(46 )(47
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004
ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﺩ
ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻭﺯ ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ %50ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺇﺫﺍ
ﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ ،ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﻔﻭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ) .ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ 31–24ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل "ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ" (2002ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺩﻱ.ﺴﻲ .ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ
ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( .2002ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ :ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ 9ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ،ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ ،8ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ،8ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ
ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁ ،9ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ .6ﻭﻻﺤﻅﺕ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﻫﺎ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ 2003ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل "ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ 398ﻤﺜﹼﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﺔ
ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ 13655ﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ .ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ( –2001ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( 2003ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ،ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ .12
)(48
ﺃﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ
ﻭﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ .ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ
ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻔﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻨﹼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺸﺭﻁﺎ ﻤﺴﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل .ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ
ﻓﺎﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ
ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺘﻬﻡ ﻟﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(49
ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺨﻠﻑ " ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ :ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ" ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ
)(50
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 5ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
ﺩﻴﻠﻲ ﺴﺘﺎﺭ )ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ( 1ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( .2002
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 10
ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﻏﻀﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ .ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ 2003
ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻨﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 8000
ﺇﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ 572ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ
ﺃﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺘﻘﻴﻡ
ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ .ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ
ﻋﻥ Crisis Groupﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ
ﻭﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﺴﻭﻯ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ
)ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( 2004ﺸﺭﻴﻁ ﻓﻴﺩﻴﻭ ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻱ %21ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ .ﻭﻫﺅﻻﺀ
ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ
ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩل).(54
ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ" ﻤﺭﺘﺯﻗﺔ".
51
ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ:
ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻴﺤﺘل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ 101ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺃﻱ 18
ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ ﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﻫﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ )ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺴﻴﺭ( ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ 47ﺸﺨﺹ ﺒﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ
ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺯﻤﻥ ﻁﻭﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ .ﻭﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻤﻨﺩﻭﺏ
ﻻ ﺘﺸﻤﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ
ﻴﺸﺭﺡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ
ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ) .(52ﻭﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ
ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﻔﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ
ﺍﻹﻫﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻀﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺜل ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ
ﻨﻘل ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺤﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻴل ﺍﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﺘﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ %50ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ
ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻤﺎ
ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ.
ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( .2002ﻭﺭﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ
ﻭﻴﻘﺭ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ
ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻤﻭﻥ "ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺩﻭﻥ" ﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻫﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ
ﺍﻷﻗل ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ .ﻭﻗﺎل ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ
ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ 1000ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻻ ﻫﻭﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ
ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻋﺎﻡ .(53)2001
ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ" :ﻟﻘﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺕ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ 1979
ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ") ،(55ﻭﺃﻗﺭ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻭﻥ
ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ :ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ
ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻜﺩﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ
ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ
ﺒﺼﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺴﻌﺕ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺅﺨﺭﺍ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﻔﻭﻥ
)(56
ﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ .ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ
.ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺤﺎل ﻤﺎ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ
ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ
ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ
ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ .ﻭﻗﺎﺒﻠﺕ Crisis Group
ﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ
ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ
ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ
ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ
ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺄﺱ .ﻭﻟﺩﻯ ﺴﺅﺍﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺩﻡ 51
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﺼﺒﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(
.2005ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺠﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﺎﻨﻬﻡ ﻻ
ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﻭﺍ ﺠﺯﺀﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ )ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺠﻴﻥ( ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ. )(52 )(53
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004 ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004
)(54
ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ "ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ :ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ
ل ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ" ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( 2003ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ،10ﻭﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﺘﺤﻠﻴ ً ﻟـ 32ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ. )(55
)(56
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﺸﻴﺭ ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ
ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 9ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 11
ﻁﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺠﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻤل
ﻭﻤﻜﺘﻅﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ
ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ"؟) ،(57ﻭﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺸﺎﺏ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ 21ﻋﺎﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﻡ
ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﺨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ
ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭﻯ) .(62ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻟﺩ
ﺸﺎﺏ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﺯ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ" :ﻻ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ
ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺸﻐﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ).(63
ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺴﺭﺍﺤﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﺠﻥ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺴﺕ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﺎ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻗﺭﻴﺏ ﻟﺴﺠﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻗﺎل ﺃﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﻪ ﻟﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ
ﺭﻓﺽ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺨﻁﺭﺍ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺎ).(58
ﺍﻟﻔﺼل .ﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﻜﺎﻥ
ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻥ .ﻓﻔﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺝ -ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻠﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻼ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺫﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻥ
ﺍﻟﻌﻤل .ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺼل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ
ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ
%15ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻜﺜﻴﺭ ،ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ .ﻭﻗﺎل ﺸﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ
ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ :ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ
ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﻲ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺡ ﻟﻠﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ) .(59ﻭﻗﻴل ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ
2013ﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ .(64)%35ﻭﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺨﻼل
ﻟﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ) .(60ﺃﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﹼﺎﻉ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺤﻲ ﻤﺯﺩﻫﺭ
ﺴﺘﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ 40.000ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ) .(65ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ
)ﺭﻓﹼﺎﻉ( ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﺤﻅﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ
ﻏﺭﺏ )ﺭﻓﹼﺎﻉ( ﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ
ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﺈﻴﻌﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ
ﻴﺤﻅﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ
ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ 100.000ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ
ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻴﺒﻌﺩ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻕ ﻤﻌﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ
ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻴﺸﻙ
ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍ ﻭﺒﺅﺴﺎ .ﻭﻫﺫﺍ
ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺘﺤﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺏﺀ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ.
"ﻀﺎﻨﺎ ﻤﻭل" ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺒﻴﺱ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ
ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﻭﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻜﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺩﻟﻴل ﺇﻀﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ "ﻨﻬﺏ" ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ
ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ %3ﻓﺎﻥ
ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻜﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻟﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ
ﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ -ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ )(66
ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻟﻠﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺡ
)(67
ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻭﺭﻱ
.ﻭﺤﺙ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ
.ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻟﻡ
ﺸﺢ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ) ،(61ﻭﻴﻀﻁﺭ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻓﻘﻴﺭﺓ )(62
)(57
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﺯ 5ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(59
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ
)(58
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻓﻲ -ﺴﺘﺭﻩ 11 -ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ 11ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(60
ﻭﻟﺩﻯ ﺴﺅﺍﻟﻪ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻗﺎل ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ
ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻟـ Crisis Groupﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻜل ﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻟﻸﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺘﺭﻓﺽ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ
ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ.
)(61
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻬل ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻅﺎﻅ
ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ .ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﻁﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(63
ﻟﻭﺴﻥ "ﺫﺨﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ" ﺭﺃﻱ.
)(64
"ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ" ﺩﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ
)(65
ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ.
ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ 23ﺃﻴﻠﻭل 2004ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .4 )(66
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻨﺒﻴل ﺭﺠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ
)(67
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ
ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ 8ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 12
ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻤﺎ
ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل) .(70ﻭﺘﺸﻜل
ﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ.
ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺩﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁل ﻋﻥ
ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﻗل .ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺭﺕ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ
ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻤﻌﻴل ﻟﻬﺎ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ) .(71ﻭﻻﺤﻅ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﺩ ﺒﺈﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ: ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ
ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ .2005ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﻤﺤﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ
ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ....ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻤﺎ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ
ﺘﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﻓﺎﻨﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻻ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻜﻠﻴﺎ ﻋﻤﻕ
ﺘﺫﻜﺭ ،ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻓﻕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ
ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺜﻠﺜﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﺘﺫﻤﺭ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ –ﻀﺩ ﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ-
ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ
ﻭﻜﻤﺅﺸﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ).(68
ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ %70ﻤﻊ
ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ .2013ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻟﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﻴﻨﺔ .ﻓﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ 84000ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ 1990
ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺘﻬﻡ .ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ
ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺭﻭﺍﺘﺏ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ 200ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 530
ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 1990ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ 420
ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ
ﻴﺘﻤﻜﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﻭﺭ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻬﻡ
ﻭ 2002ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﺎﻥ 67000ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ
ﻤﻊ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ.
ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ .ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ %80ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﻤﻥ
ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﻭﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ 2002ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ
ﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ) .(69ﻭﻴﻜﺴﺏ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ %53ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل
ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﺇﻟﻰ 352ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ .ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺘﻴﺭﺓ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ 200ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ
ﻓﺎﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ 2013ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﺴﻴﺤﺼل
) 350ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ 928ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ( ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻷﺴﺭﺓ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ 300ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ).(72
ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ Crisis Groupﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻘﺭﺍ ﻭﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ .ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ
)(68
ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ،ﺘﺠﺫﺒﻬﻡ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻼﺩﻫﻡ .ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻷﺨﺫ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ
ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻭﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ .ﻭﺃﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻤﺎل ﺃﺠﺎﻨﺏ Crisis Groupﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻭﻥ ﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺍﺕ
ﺩﺨﻭل ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ )ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ 1000ﺇﻟﻰ 1500ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ
ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﺩل 2643ﺇﻟﻰ 3979ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ( ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﻴﻘﻀﻭﻥ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﺴﺩﻴﺩ ﺜﻤﻨﻬﺎ .ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻟﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺘﻌﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺘﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ.
)(69
"ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ" ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ،3ﻭﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ
ﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ
) %113ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﺩل 110ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ( ﺃﻤﺎ ﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺘﺒﻠﻎ 150ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ( ﺼﻔﺤﺔ.10
ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻬﺩﻤﺔ .ﻭﺘﺴﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ
ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﻭﺍﺥ ﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻏﺭﻑ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻟﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻜﻭﺙ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻴﻭﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻤﺎ
ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﻅﺭﻭﻓﺎ ﻴﺎﺌﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ .ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ
40000ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ
)(70
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 7ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( 2005؛ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ 9 ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ( .2004 )(71
.2004 )(72
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺎ 4ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(
"ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ" ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .4
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ) .(73ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﻤﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﺏ
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 13
.3
ﺍﻟﺨﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ
ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﻪ ﻟﻠﻌﻤل ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻴﺄﺱ ﻟﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﺭ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺵ ،ﺃﻭ ﻷﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ
ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺘﺫﻫﺏ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ) .(74ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻟﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ) .(75ﻓﻼ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ
ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎل ﺘﺩﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺒل ﻓﻘﻁ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﻭﻱ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭﺕ ﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل
ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻀﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻜﻭﺍﺥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ
ﺃﻤل ﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻐﺎﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ).(76
ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ :ﺩﺤﺽ
ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ .ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ
ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻐﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺫﻤﺭ ،ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻁﻴﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ .ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺃﻭ
ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ .ﻫﺫﻩ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﺸل ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ
ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻘﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ
ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻤﺼﺤﻭﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﻐﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻋﺯﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎﻫﻡ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ
)(73
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ
)(74
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻗﺭﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺒﺱ ﻭﺩﻴﺭﺍﺯ
)(75
ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺅﺨﺭﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
11ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻭﺴﺘﺭﻩ؟ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺌﺢ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ،ﻓﻔﻲ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( 2003ﺃﻭﺸﻙ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻗﺎﻥ
ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭﺸﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ .ﻭﺸﻜل ﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ 1200ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻭﺀ
ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺃﻭﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻟﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ .ﻭﻗﺎل ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﻟـ
" :Crisis Groupﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻼﻋﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ 26ﺴﻨﺔ ،ﻭﻗﺩ ﺁﻥ
ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻥ ﻟﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ" .ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻁﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﺭﺽ
ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺴﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ
ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺯﺯﺕ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻁﻠﻕ
ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ "ﺒﺎﻟﻬﻼل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ" -ﻫﻼل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻭﻴﻀﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ
ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ) .(77ﻭﺴﺒﺏ ﺜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻕ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺜﻴﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ.
ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ .ﺇﻥ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ،ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﻁﺎﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﺫﻭ
ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺒﺭ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ .ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺘﺒﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺁﺨﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ:
ﻷﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻜﺄﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﺫﻟﻙ
ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻟﻠﺸﻬﻭﺩ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( 2004ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺙ ﺒﻌﺽ
ﻤﻥ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻷﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ) ،ﺴﻭﺍﺀ
ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ .ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﻔﺫﺕ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺩﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﻴﻥ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis
ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ( ،ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ
Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻫﻭﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 7ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2004
)(76
ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ –ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻡ
ﻻ ﺘﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻑ ﻭﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ
ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ Crisis Groupﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ %300ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ
ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﻥ .ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻌﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ
ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﺭﻫﺎ – ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ .ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ
ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﺴﻊ .ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ
ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺃﺠﻤل ﻭﺃﻏﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ .ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﻀﻐﻁ ﻫﺎﺌل ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺠﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ،ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺼل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ %3ﻭﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ
ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺭﻱ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻨﻔﻲ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ ﻭﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ
)(77
ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒﻭﺴﺕ 8 ،ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( .2004
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 14
ﻼ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ -ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺸﻜ ﹰ
ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ
ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ).(78
ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ
ﻻ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ،ﻻ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺜﻴﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ .ﻭﺒﺩ ﹰ
ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ
ﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﻟﻠﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ).(79 ﺃ .ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ
ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل
ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻤﺕ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ،ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ
ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ،1979ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ
ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻟﻙ
ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻁﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻭﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﻭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ،ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻘﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ،1980ﺒﺯﻋﻡ ﺇﺜﺎﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ) .(80ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ
ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ،ﺠﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻨﺏ ﻤﻊ
،1996ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﻓﻭﺍ ﺒﺘﻠﻘﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻷﻋﻤﺎل
ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ، ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ).(82
ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻻ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻭﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ؛ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻗل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺯﻋﻡ
ﻋﻨﻪ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ
ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻀﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ .ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﹰﺎ .ﻓﻘﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ ،1979ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ
ﺘﻨﺘﻬﺞ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ،ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ )(83
ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ
.
ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻼ" :ﻗﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ ،1979ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺴﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﺤﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺯﻤﺎﻨﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ،ﺍﻨﺤﺎﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ" .ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻥ ،ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ ،ﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ
ﻟﻌﺏ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ .ﻭﻻﺤﻅ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻕ
ﺃﺨﻴﻪ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻴﺩﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ )ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ( ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻘﻀﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ
ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ) .(81ﻭﺇﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ،ﺫﹸﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﺎﻤﺕ
)(82
ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺘﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﻡ )ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ( .ﻭﻗﺩ
ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺴﻌﺕ ﻟﺸﻥ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﻗﻨﺎﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ 1995ﻫﻭ
)(78
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ Crisis Groupﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺭﻗﻡ " :37ﻓﻬﻡ
)(79
ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ.
ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" 2 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ،2005ﺹ.20
)(80
ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻵﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ
ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻊ Crisis Groupﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ
ﺼﺤﻴﺢ .ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻜﻴﻨﺙ .ﻡ .ﺒﻭﻻﻙ ،ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ :ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ، Kenneth M. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict ) ، Between Iran and Americaﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ (2004ﺹ .281-280ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺜﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ،ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺏ ﻓﺈﻥ
ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ .ﻭﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﻭﻻﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻵﺘﻲ" :ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺒﺭﻴﺌﻴﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﹰﺎ :ﻓﻘﺩ ﻤﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﻭﺴﺎﻋﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ
ﺒﻥ ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ،ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﺃﺏ
ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺎﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻜﻨﻭﻫﻡ
ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺼﻔﻪ.
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺀ ،ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ
)(81
ﺠﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻓﻭﻟﺭ ﻭﺭﻨﺩ ﺭﺤﻴﻡ ﻓﺭﻨﻜﻲ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ :ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻴﻭﻥGraham Fuller and Rend Rahim Francke, The Arab ،
) ، Shi`a: The Forgotten Muslimsﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ،(1999ﺹ.134
ﻜﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻜﺘﻔﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎﹰ ،ﻭﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ. )(83
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺒﺄﻥ "ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻟﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ
ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ").(84
ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ
ﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ "ﻁﺎﺒﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺨﺎﻤﺴﹰﺎ"؛ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻟﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ
ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ .ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﺫﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ،ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ،ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺃﺒﺩﻯ ﻤﻌﻠﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ:
ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺘﻔﺘﻴﺕ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒـ"ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ" ،ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻨﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ،ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﻡ.
ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏ،
ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻤﻬﻡ ﻟﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﺭﺍﺕ ،ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﹰﺎ
ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ – ﻭﻜﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺜﺒﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻓﻕ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻀﻴﻕ).(85
ﻟﻡ ﻴﻁﺭﺃ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ .ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﺎﻡ ،2005ﻟﻌﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ ،ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻟﻭﺤﻅ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ،ﻗﺩ ﻭﺠﻬﻭﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ
ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﺴﻕ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ.
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 15
ﺏ .ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ
ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ،ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﻫﻡ ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎ .ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ،ﺒﺩ ﹰ
ﺘﻐﻤﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺒﱠﺭ
ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ،ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ
ﻼ" :ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﺭﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ .ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ )(87
ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ"
.ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ،ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ) .(88ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺩﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﺏ ﺴﻨﹼﻲ ،ﺘﹸﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺒﺴﻭﺍﺀ ،ﻭﺍﺼﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﻴﺎﻫﻡ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﻼﺹ ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ
ﻼ" :ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺸﻌﺏ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ .ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﻼ" :ﺇﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺔ" .ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﻭﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻬﻴﺊ ﺍﻷﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ").(89
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﻤﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ )ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ( ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺜﺎﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ،ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ( ﺘﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻠﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ) .(90ﺇﻥ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ
ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﺠﻬﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺸﻬﺭ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ،2005ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺼﻭﺭ ﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺼﻭﺭ
)(87
ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﺸﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭﺍﺀ .ﻟﻘﺩ ﺫﻫﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ
ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻔﻴﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ،ﻤﻭﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻀﻠﻊ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ
ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻹﺸﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ).(86
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ،
)(88
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ ،ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ(-
)(89
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ 4ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(90
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ ،ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ(
– ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﹰﺍ. ﻓﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ
ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭﻱ ،ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻭﺸﻜل ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ
ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ،ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ .ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ
)(84
ﺤﺩﻴﺙ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻤﻲ ،ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ،
ﻻ ﻗﺩ ﻁﺭﺃ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ،ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ .ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ
)(85
ﻓﻭﻟﺭ ﻭﻓﺭﻨﻜﻲ )ﺃﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ( ،ﺹ.128
ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﺭﻕ ﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ،ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ
ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(86
ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ 12 ،ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005
ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ Crisis Groupﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ
ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺔ.
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 16
ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ( ﻴﺤﺘل ﻤﺭﻜﺯﹰﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺩﺓ
ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﻭ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ.
ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ
ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺠﺘﻬﺎﺩ" ،ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ
ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ").(91
ﺒﺩﻗﺔ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻡ).(94
ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ) .(95ﻭﻤﻊ
ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )(96
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺘﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ
.ﻭﻴﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ
ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺒﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ،ﻓﻲ
ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ،ﻭﻻ ﻴﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ
ﻴﺸﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﺼﺎﺒﻌﻬﻡ ﻟﺘﻭﺭﻁ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻋﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ،ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻩ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ
ﻜﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻟﻜل ﺭﺠل ﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ،ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ
ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺘﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﻨﻤﻭﹰﺍ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ
ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ .ﺇﻥ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺤﺴﻥ ﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﷲ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ
ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻀﺨﻡ .ﺇﻥ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ
ﺯﻋﻴﻡ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻭﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ( ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻴﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ،ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ
ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ،
ﺃﺭﺠﺎﺀ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ.
ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ .ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺒﻨﺎ ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ )ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ( ،ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ،
ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ .ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﻭﺴﻌﻬﻡ ﻀﻠﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺭﺭﻩ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ "ﻤﺭﺠﻊ" ،ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﺎﺓ) .(92ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ
ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻭﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ )ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻪ ﻭﺘﺭﺍﺜﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻗﺎﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ
ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻤﻘﻴﻡ) .(93ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ .ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻓﺭﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺒﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ .ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﻫﻡ ﺁﻴﺔ
ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ .ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﻜﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ .ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻀﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻭﺫ
ﺘﺒﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ
ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺘﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ .ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ
ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2002ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﻓﻌﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺎﺌﻁ ﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ).(97
ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻀل ﺍﷲ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ،ﻭﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺴﺘﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ،ﻭﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ .ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﻔﻘﻴﻪ ،ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ،ﺜﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺴﺘﺎﻨﻲ
)(94
ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ،ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ(،
ﻭﻜﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻘﻴﻕ ﻟﻪ )ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ( ﻭﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ )ﺸﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ( ،ﻭﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ،ﺍﺒﻥ ﺃﺥ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ. ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ 15 ،Crisis Groupﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ،ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺠﻭﺍﻥ ﻜﻭل ،ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔ ﻭﺤﺭﺏ ﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔJuan Cole, Sacred Space ،
، and Holy Warﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ. )(91
ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ،ﺹ.20
)(93
ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ
)(92 ﻤﻭﺠﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﻤﻥ ،ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲMoojan Momen, An ، Introduction to Shi`i Islam: The History and Doctrines of ) ، Twelver Shi`ismﻨﻴﻭﻫﻴﻔﻥ ،(1985ﺹ.188
ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺠﺎﺘﻲ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻴﻘﻲ. ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻴﻘﻭل ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ﺇﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﹼﺒﻌﻭﻥ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ.
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ
ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻗﻴل ﻟـ Crisis Groupﺒﺄﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﻐﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ
ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ. )(95
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﺊ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 1 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(96
ﻟﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻴﺅﻴﺩ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ .ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻪ
ﻴﻘﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺅﻴﺩ ،ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ
ﻤﻥ ﻴﺅﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺸﻜل ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ. )(97
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 17
ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻻ
ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺒﺘﻌﻬﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﺙ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ
ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ،ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻪ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ
ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ ،ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺼﺎل .ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻗﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ؛
ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﺤﻭل ﺤل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ.
ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻠﺼﻭﻥ).(101
ﻴﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺒﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ،
ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﻭﻀﺤﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺭﺍﺭ
ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ،ﻨﺎﻫﻴﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ) .(102ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﹰﺍ
ﻟﻘﻭﻟﻬﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ 1971 ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺼﻭﺘﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺭﻓﺽ
ﺇﻥ ﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﺤﻔﻴﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ
ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺘﺤﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ).(103
ﺃﻋﺭﺏ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺃﺒﺩﻭﺍ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ
ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺎﺩﺜﺕ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ Crisis Groupﺃﺼﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ
ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﻕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻼ" :ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﻤﺜل ﻓﻴﻪ %70ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺭﻴﺩﻩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ").(98
ﻭﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺠﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ "ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺩﻟﻴل ﻤﺎ ﺠﺭﻯ
ﻋﺎﻡ 2001ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ "ﺤﻤل ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺘﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺘﺎﻓﻬﻡ" .ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ
ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺭﺅﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ)" .(99ﻟﻡ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺎﻡ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺭﺒﻭﺍ ﻴﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ
ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ").(100
ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺸﺎﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻨﻅﻤﺕ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺤﺙ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ
ﺒﺭﻓﻊ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ .ﻭﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ 25ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(
ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ.
ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ –ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻟﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ ،ﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ،ﻓﺈﻨﻪ، ﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ .ﺇﻥ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﻌﻡ ﺒﻪ
ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺜﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺘﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻘﻕ
ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ .ﻭﺒﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ
ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺠﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ).(104
ﻻ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺭﻭﺯﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍ ﹰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ –ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻹﻀﻌﺎﻓﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺴﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ -ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺴﻭﻯ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ
ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻁﺭﻓﹰﺎ.
،2005ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺩﺍﺀ ،ﻭﺴﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﺤﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ
ﺍﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ﻟﻸﻤﺔ ﻭﻁﺎﻟﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ
)(101
ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ Crisis Groupﺒﺎﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ
50.000ﺇﻟﻰ 80.000ﺃﻟﻔﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﻜﻭﺍ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺭﻗﻡ ﻨﻘﻠﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻻﺤﻘﹰﺎ ﺭﻭﻴﺘﺭ
ﻟﻸﺨﺒﺎﺭ .ﻭﺫﻜﺭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺤﻀﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻴﻥ 20.000
ﺇﻟﻰ 30.000ﺃﻟﻔﹰﺎ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 25ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005ﻟﻘﺩ )(98
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(99
.2005 )(100
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺠﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺴﻴﺩ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 7ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ 7 Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ .2005
ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺘﺭﺩﻴﺩﺍ ﻟﺠﻬﺩ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ،
ﻭﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ،2005ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﺓ ﻟﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻟﻜﺄﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ 2006ﺠﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ،ﻟﻡ ﺘﺭﻓﻊ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺠﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ. )(102
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(.2005
)(104
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(.2005
)(103
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 6 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(.2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺝ -ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ
ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻴﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺒﻜل ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ،
ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺭﻜﹼﺯ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺸﺒﻪ ﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ) .(105ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺭﻴﺽ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ،ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ
ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺘﻌﺩﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ.
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﹰﺎ .ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺇﻟﻰ ،ﺃﻭ ﺘﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ،ﻭﻓﻀل ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ .ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ :ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ،ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ .ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2002ﻓﻘﺩ ﺸﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﺜﻨﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﻴﺩ
ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ .ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ "ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ" ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ. .1ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ
ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ) (65.000ﺃﻟﻑ ﻋﻀﻭ) .(106ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺘﺩ
ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ ،ﻤﻠﻤﺤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل).(107
ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺒل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﻤﻬﻥ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﻴﻥ ،ﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﺭﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ .ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﻱ
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 18
ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻻ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ .ﺒل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ
ﺘﺄﻭﻱ ﺘﻌﺩﺩﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ .ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺼﺭﺡ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ ،ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ
ﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ،ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ" :ﺇﻥ
ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻨﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻷﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻅﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺴﺏ ﻟﻼﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ").(108
ﺇﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺤﺼل ﻤﺅﺨﺭﹰﺍ .ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ،ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻠﺕ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ "ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" ،ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ) .(109ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺘﻀﻡ
ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻱ).(110
ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ "ﻗﻡ" ،ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻠﻘﹼﻰ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ .ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺨﻤﺱ
ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺩﻥ) ،(111ﻋﺎﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ
ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2001ﺇﻥ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ: ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻗﻴل ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ .(112)2002
.2ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ
ﺇﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ،ﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ،ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺯﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ
ﺍﺼﻁﻔﺎﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ،ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺠﺩ ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ
ﻟﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﻓﻀل ﺍﷲ.
)(108 )(109
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺘﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺩﻥ،
ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺒﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺘﻪ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻨﺎﻗﺩﹰﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ. )(105
ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ .ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻭﻟﺭ ﻭﻓﺭﺍﻨﻜﻲ )ﺫﻜﺭ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ(.
)(106
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 1
)(107
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﺌﻲ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ1 ،
ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻭﻟﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺒﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﺔ. )(110
)(111
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ،ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ
ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﻭﺘﺵ "ﺇﺴﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ"Human Rights Watch, ، " ،"Routine Abuse, Routine Denialﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺹ.33-28 )(112
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 19
ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ
ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻪ ﻴﺤﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻜﺜﻴﺭ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ
ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ،2002ﻓﺈﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ
ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻀﻴﻕ ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ .ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ ،ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻭﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ) .(113ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل
ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ، ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻭﻴﻭﺯﻉ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﻴﺠﻤﻊ "ﺍﻟﺨﹸﻤﺱ" .ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ
ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﻲ "ﻗﻡ" ﻭﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ
ﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ. ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ،ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﻨﻅﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ،ﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺠﺫﻭﺭﻫﺎ .ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻴﺙ ﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ
ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ %45ﺇﻟﻰ %55ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ).(114
ﻭﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻲ ،ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﻀل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ
)(115
.
.3ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ
ﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻭﺃﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ،ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ
ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺎل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺭﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ .2004ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل
ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 25ﺇﻟﻰ 30ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ،ﻓﺈﻥ
ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 100ﻋﻀﻭ) .(116ﻭﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺭ ،ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻅﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺎﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﻙ
ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ 1980ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ
ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ .ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ 99ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ
ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻓ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ
ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻭﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻭﻟﺩﻭﺍ
ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻌﺎﺸﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅ
ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺯل ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻨﻘﻀﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻴﻥ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ،ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻨﺼل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ
ﺘﺸﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ. ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺒﺴﻭﺍﺀ Crisis Group ،ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺎﻫﺯ ) (20.000ﻋﻀﻭ ﻤﺴﺠل ﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻗﺎﺩﺓ
ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺠﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻭل ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻋﺎﺸﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻥ .ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﺔ
ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ،ﺒل ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻲ ﺠﻠﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ.
ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﺎﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ، ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ –
ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺤﺩ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ .ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻭﺘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ
ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ .2001ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ )(114
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 12ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
ﺇﺼﺭﺍﺭ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ
)(115
ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﺎل ﻟـ Crisis Groupﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل
ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠل ﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ .ﺍﻷﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺒﺩ ﹰ
ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ،ﻤﺅﻜﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺌﺜﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ،ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺃﻗل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻻﺜﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ
)(116
)(113
ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺃﺒﻠﻐﻭﺍ Crisis Groupﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺘﺤﺩﻯ ﺤﻕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﺀﻭﺍ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﻤﺎ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺘﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ.
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ،ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ 11 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 20
ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻤل
ﺒﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل
ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ.
ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻴﻨﻅﻡ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻭﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2002ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ
ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ،ﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻻ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩل ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ،ﻴﺠﺩ ﺼﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﺩﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺤﻭل ﺃﻨﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﻹﺯﺍﻟﺔ
ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ،ﺃﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻭﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ –ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﻘﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ -ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ،ﻭﺃﻥ
ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻠﻌﺏ ﺴﻭﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ).(117
ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻻﺤﻅﻨﺎ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ،ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻙ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ .ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ،ﺘﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ
ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﻨﺎﺴﻕ ﻭﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻁﻠﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ
ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ،ﺃﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ
ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭ ،ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ "ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺩﻭﻟﺔ" ،ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺯﺍﻉ
ﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ – ﻫﻭ ﻗﻭل ﻴﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ).(118 ﺩ -ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ
ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ .ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ
)(117 )(118
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻼ" :ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﻭﻥ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻨﺭﻴﺩ ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ) .(119ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﺤﺎﺤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺩﻋﺎﺓ
ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ،ﻭﺍﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺼﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻗﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻉ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ
ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ .ﻭﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﺩﺍﺭ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ،ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻥ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ .ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ،ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ
ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ،ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ .ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺇﺴﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ،
ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﻭﺓ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻭﻴﻁﺎﻟﺒﻥ ﺒﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ.
ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺕ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2001ﻟﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻤﺎ ﻭﺼﻔﺘﻪ
ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( 2002
ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ،ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻭﺍﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺩﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺍﹰ ،ﻭﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻼﻤﺫﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﻡ )ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ( ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻀﻭﺍ
ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ .ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺘﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺤﺎﻓﻅﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ.
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺴﻡ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ،ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﺎﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺯﻋﻤﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﺎﻟﻑ )(120
ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ
.ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻴﻌﺎﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ
ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﺩ .ﻭﻗﺩ
ﺃﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺠﺏ ﺯﺍﻴﺩ ،Crisis Groupﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺃﻥ ﻨﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻸﺨﺫ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻨﺭﻴﺩ .ﺩﻋﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﻥ .ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ .ﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ" .ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻗﺎﻁﻊ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ .ﺴﺠل ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻭﻤﻨﺴﺠﻡ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ
1 Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ Crisis
)(119
ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺏ ،2001ﺃﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ،ﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ
ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻀﺩ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ
،Groupﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻌﻲ "ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل
ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ.
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ.
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺩﻭﻟﺔ" ،ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ
)(120
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺠﺏ ﺯﺍﻴﺩ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 8 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 21
ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل
ﻋﺩﻡ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ،ﺤﺘﻰ ﻜﺤﺩ
ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ) .(124ﺇﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ
ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ .ﺇﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺴﻠﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ،
ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ 25ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ،2005
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻭﺭﻴﺎﺀ ،ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﻁﻌﻭﺍ
ﺃﻭ ﺃﺴﻘﻁﺕ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻭﺩ
ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ،ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﻫﻭ
ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ،ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺭﻥ ﺇﻤﺎ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻡ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺴﻠﻁﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ
ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﻤل ،ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﺠﻌﻭﺍ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻨﻴل ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻤﺅﻗﺕ ﻟﻠﻭﻓﺎﻕ ،ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻌﺕ
ﻷﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل).(121
ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻨﻘﻴﻀﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺒﺊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ
ﻻ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﺠﻭﺓ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺸﻌﺭﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﺨﺫﻻﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻓﺸل
ﺘﺸﺎﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺤﻭل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ).(122
ﻫـ .ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل
ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2002ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻭﻥ
ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ. ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ،ﻤﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺠﻭﺏ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ .ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻐل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﺨﻁﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺫﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺨﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺒﺔ
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﻀﻴﺔ .ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﻭﺘﺸﻜل ﺼﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﺨﺎﺹ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ ،ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ
ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ –ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﻀﻌﻑ. ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻔﻘﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺄﻜﺒﺭ
ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻵﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ .ﺇﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺸﺩﺩﺍﹰ ،ﻫﻭ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻴﺅﺨﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻤل ﺍﻟﺠﺩ ،ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل
ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻴﻥ) .(125ﻭﺫﻜﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ "ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺼﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻨﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ )(126
ﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ
.
ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ،ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺠﺫﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻤﻲ ﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺫﺭ ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺤﺴﻥ
ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ "ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﺫﻭﺍ ﻴﺘﻤﻠﻤﻠﻭﻥ ،ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ،ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﺜﻘﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﺦ
ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺒﺩﺀﻭﺍ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل،
ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ،ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ "ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗل
ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ") .(127ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻓﺎﻕ ،ﻷﻨﻪ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺸﺩ
ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ .ﻭﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻁﺢ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ
ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2004ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﺸﺄ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ )ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ( ﻭﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺩﻋﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ .(123)2006ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ
)(121
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ 8 ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(122
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ
)(123
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ
ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 31ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ( .2005
ﻟﻼﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ .ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﻜﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ،ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ
ﺘﻘﻭل ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻭل ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005 )(124
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(125
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻱ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 1 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)(126
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 2 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)(127
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻲ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 1ﺸﺒﺎﻁ
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(.2005 ، )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 22
ﻤﻥ ﺃﺯﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺒﺩﻴل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ
ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ،ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ
ﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﻠﻤل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ.
ﺇﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ،2004ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﻟﺠﺄﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ،ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻤﻊ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ،ﻓﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻗﻼﻗل
ﺸﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﻨﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺠ َﻬ ﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻴﺤﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ،ﻭﻫﻭ ﻨﺩﺍﺀ
ﻟﻡ ﻴﻠﺘﻔﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻁﻴﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ) .(128ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻅﻬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ) .(129ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻼ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ
ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ،ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﻨﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ).(130
ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻌﺔ ﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ،ﻗﺩ
ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ .ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ ﻭﻗﻁﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻋﺯﺯﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻨﺎﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ- ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ .ﻓﻔﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( 2005ﺃﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﺨﻁﻁﻭﻥ ﻹﻨﺯﺍل ﻀﺭﺒﺎﺕ )(132
ﻀﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﻜﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺯﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭﺍﺀ
.ﻭﺫﻜﺭ
ﻗﺭﻭﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻊ ،Crisis Groupﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺒﺕ
ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﻋﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ "ﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﻤﺤﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ").(133
ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻴﻐﺫﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ
ﻭﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ) .(131ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ
)(128
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis Groupﻤﻊ ﺠﻠﻴل ﺴﻴﺩ ،ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 8 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(
.2005ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻟﻭﺤﻅ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﻨﺩﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺒﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺯﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ ،ﻭﺘﺒﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﺅﻗﺘﹰﺎ .ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻨﺸﺭﺕ
ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ .ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ Crisis
،Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 )(129
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
)(131
ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ )ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ( "ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ
)(130
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 4ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺒﺎﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﻤﺘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺤﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔ
ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ" ،ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ " ،Crisis Groupﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ" ،ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ،ﺼﻔﺤﺔ .10-9ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ
ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻋﺎﺘﻬﺎ ،ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ Crisis Groupﺭﻗﻡ 74ﺤﻭل ﺁﺴﻴﺎ" ،ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ
ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ :ﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺴﻭﻻﻭﻴﺴﻲ" Indonesia Backgrounder: Jihad
3 ، in Central Sulawesiﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( 2004؛ ﻤﻠﺨﺹ Crisis Groupﺭﻗﻡ 12ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ" :ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ
ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ :ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ"
20 ، Legacies of Historyﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( 2004؛ ﻤﻠﺨﺹ Crisis
ﻭﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ Crisis Groupﺭﻗﻡ 31ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ" ،ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ
Groupﺭﻗﻡ 13ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ" ،ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ :ﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﻭﻥ؟" Saudi Arabia Backgrounder:
20 ، Opportunityﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( 2004؛ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ Crisis Groupﺭﻗﻡ
)(132
ﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ :1ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ" Islamism in North Africa I: The
ﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ :2ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻤﺼﺭ" Islamism in North Africa II: Egypt's
29ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ" ،ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ..ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ..
Islamism, Violence, and
30 ، Reform in Algeria: Turning the Pageﺘﻤﻭﺯ )ﻴﻭﻟﻴﻭ( 2004؛
? 21 ، Who are the Islamistsﺃﻴﻠﻭل .2004 )(133
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ,Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ 11 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005 ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ،Crisis Groupﺴﺘﺭﻩ 5 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
.4
ﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ :ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ
ﻓﻲ ﺨﻀﻡ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺎﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ،ﺘﻅل ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ
ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﺅل .ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺭﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ –
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 23
ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺨﺸﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﺯﻤﺘﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﻤﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل،
ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻬﻥ ﺒﺎﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ. ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ -ﻴﺘﻠﻬﻔﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻕ
ﻭﺴﻨﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺅﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺘﻬﺩﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ
ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻁﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻟﻺﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ
ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩﻫﺎ .ﺤل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ .ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻊ .ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ
ﻤﺅﺨﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺠﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ.
ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ .ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ –ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺨﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ،ﻴﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺏ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ
ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻓﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺸﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ
ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ – ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ.
ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻤل .ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻊ –ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ -ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ .ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ
ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ،ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺽ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﺤﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻡ .ﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ،ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺽ،
ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ
ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺯﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ .ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻻ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ
ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻏﺎﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺘﺅﺩﻴﻪ ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﺭﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ.
ﺘﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺏﺀ .ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ
ﻤﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺯﻤﻥ ﻁﻭﻴل ،ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ
ﻻ :ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﹰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ،ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ،ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل
ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ،ﻭﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ.
ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ :ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﻀﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ،ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ
ﺫﻟﻙ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻨﺼﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ
ﻟﻠﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ .ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ
ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻠﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ
ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻡ. ﺇﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ
ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻅﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ،
ﻭﻴﻀﻊ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺎﻜﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ.
ﺜﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ :ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻔﺫ ﻭﻋﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻁﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ .2001ﺇﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ
ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺨﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻤل ﺸﺩﻴﺩﻴﻥ .ﺘﻠﻙ
ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ
ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺠﺴﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺒﻨﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ.
ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭ .ﻭﻟﺤل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ
ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻨﻭﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ .ﺇﻥ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ
ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ :ﺇﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺱ ،ﺃﻭ ﺒﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ
ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ .ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﻡ ،ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ
ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ.
ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺸﻙ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ
ﺃﻥ ﻴﺒﺘﻌﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺯﺍﺯﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ،ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻷﻭﻟﺌﻙ
ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ،ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻥ .ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 24
ﻼ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ ،ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻪ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴ ﹰ
ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﺔ .ﻭﻓﻲ
ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ .ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ
ﻟـ Crisis Groupﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻤل ﻀﻌﻴﻑ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ
ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ،ﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﺎﻋﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ
ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺤﻤل ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ
ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ
ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﺎﺤﺒﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺒﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ .2001
ﺇﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ
ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﺤﺒﻁﻭﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﻟﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ .ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﻏﺎﺏ ﻤﺜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺨل .ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻫﺒﺕ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ،ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﻐﻁ )(137
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﻬﻡ
.
ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ،ﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ،ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﺀﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل
ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ
ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻤل ،ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺤﺠﻡ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﺎﻋل ﻤﺅﺜﺭ .ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﺏ ﻤﻌﺘﺭﻑ
ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ .ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻁﺔ
ﻋﺎل .ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺒﻭﺵ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺤﻭﺍ
ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ-ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻗﻭﻴﺎﹰ ،ﻭﺃﻱ ﺘﺩﺨل ﻗﻭﻱ
ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺇﻀﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻴﺔ
ﻗﺩ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌل ﻗﻭﻴﺔ .ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ
ﹸﺘﻘﹾﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ .ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺸﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻌل
ﺒﻬﺎ) ،(134ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺎﺩﺌﺔ ﻤﺼﺤﻭﺒﺔ ﺒﺜﻨﺎﺀ
ﻟﻠﺤﻜﺎﻡ .ﻓﻔﻲ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﺠﺭﺱ ﻋﺎﻡ 2005ﻗﺎل
ﻭﺘﺴﻠﻴﻁ ﺍﻷﻀﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ،ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ .ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﺀ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ
ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ )ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ( ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ )(138
ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺒﻭﺵ "ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﺅﻤﻠﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﺘﻭﻁﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺱ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ
ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ
ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ،ﻤﺜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺢ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺭﺨﻲ ﻭﺘﺴﺘﺭﻴﺢ ﻓﻲ
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﻥ
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ") .(135ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ
ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﻌﺕ ﺃﺸﻭﺍﻁﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻭ
ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺠﻬﺩ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ) .(136ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ،ﻭﻋﻠﻰ
ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ،ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺒﺴﻭﺍﺀ ،ﻴﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺩﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﺭﺤﻴﺏ ﺒﺎﻨﻐﻤﺎﺱ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻟﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ
.ﻭﺒﺤﺩ
ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ،ﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ،ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻨﺸﺊ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﺼﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ.
ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻑ ،ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ،ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺴﻭﺃ ،ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻭﻟﻴﺴﻲ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ.
ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺁﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ :ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ
)(134
ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ،
ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻴﻌﺔ ،ﻓﻠﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﻅ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ.
ﻻﺤﻅﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ
ﻋﻤﺎﻥ/ﺒﺭﻭﻜﺴل 6 ،ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل" ،ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ...ﺘﹸﻨﺒﻬﻨﺎ" ،ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ،ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼل
ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ،ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ .ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻲ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻟﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ"،
ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ" ،ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ :ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻼﺕ
ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ،"2005-2004ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰhttp://www.state.gov/g/drl/ :
. rls/shrd/2004/43111.htm )(135
،205
ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺠﻭﺭﺝ ﺒﻭﺵ ،ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ 2 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(
ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ
ﻋﻠﻰ:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news
. /releases/2005/02/20050202-11.html
)(136
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( -ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( .2005
)(137 )(138
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺴﺘﺭﺍ 5 ،ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( .2005
ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ،Crisis Groupﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ 4 ،ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( .2005
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
2005 ( ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ6 – ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ40 ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ
25 ﺻﻔﺤﺔ
ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺃ ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ AL ¸ MUHARRAQ
50°30'
50°15'
Al Khubar
International Airport
Al
Al Mana- Muharraq mah
26°15' - Barbar King Fah d
SAUDI ARABIA
Jidd Hafs ¸ ¸
Ad Diraz
26°15'
AL MANAMAH
Khawr' al Qulay ah
Al Budayyi'
Ca use wa y
Al Muhammadiyah ¸ -
-irat an Jaz b-i Salih Na
- 'Isa' Town
Al 'Aziziyah Umm An Na'san
Al Jasrah
Karzakkan
Qassar ¸ ¸ - al Qulay'ah
ISA TOWN
Dumistan Ar Rifa' al Gharbi
PERSIAN GULF
- Marquban
CENTRAL 'Ali-
AL HADD ¸
Al Jufayr
¸ ¸ JIDD HAFS
NORTHERN Sar
Jiddah
50°45'
- al Jazirat Muharraq ¸
Ar Rifa' ash Sharqi-
SITRAH
Al - Ma'amir
Halat ¸ - Umm al Bayd¸
- Al Malikiyah Ra's Zuwayyid
-'Awali
Dar Kulayb
Ra's Abu- Jarjur
As¸ Sakhir ¸
'Askar Az Zallaq
¸ Ra's Hayyan Jabal ad Dukhan
Ra's Abu- al Mawj Al Wasmiyah
AR RIFA'
Umm Jalid
Jaww
26°00' Al 'Amar
Ra's Nawmah Ra's al Jaza'ir
26°00'
AND Ad Dur
WESTERN SOUTHERN Al Mamtalah ¸
Ra's al Qurayn Ar Rumaythah Cairn
Ra's al Mamtalah ¸ Cairn
Ra's an Niqah Hadd al Jamal
Jazirat Mashtan
Ra's al Barr
Qassar ¸ ¸ - Nun
Al Mu'tarid¸
- Nun Halat
Rabad¸ al Gharbiyah
25°45'
BAHRAIN
4 2
6
8
4
50°15' Map No. 3868 Rev. 2 UNITED NATIONS January 2004
10 km
Jazirat Hawar ¸ - al Suwad - Janubiyah
ia
n Gu lf BAHRAIN
QATAR of
2
- ash Suwad -Shamaliyah
S ea
0
GULF OF BAHRAIN
rs
0
25°45'
Pe
National capital Town, village Municipal boundary Highway Main road Secondary road Track Built-up area Sabkha
Rabad¸ ash Sharqiyah
Om
an
The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.
6 mi
50°30'
50°45' Department of Peacekeeping Operations Cartographic Section
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ 40ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – 6ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( 2005
ﺻﻔﺤﺔ 26
ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺏ ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻨﺘﺭﻨﺎﺸﻭﻨﺎل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ
ﺇﻨﺘﺭﻨﺎﺸﻭﻨل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ )ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ( ﻫﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺒﺤﻴﺔ
ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻴﺴﻲ( ﻭﻴﻌﻤل ﻤﺤﻠﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ 40ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ ﻟﻸﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻴﻌﻤل ﺒﻬﺎ )100ﻤﺎﺌﺔ( ﻤﻭﻅﻔﺎ ﻓﻲ ) 5ﺨﻤﺱ( ﻗﺎﺭﺍﺕ ،ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ
ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻗﺎﺭﺍﺕ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ،ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻨﺠﻭﻻ ،ﺒﻭﺭﻨﺩﻱ،
ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﻊ ﻭﺤل ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ.
ﻭﻜﻭﺕ ﺩﻱ ﻓﻭﺍﺭ ،ﻭﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻐﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ،
ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﻤل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ .ﻭﺘﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻕ ﻤﻥ
ﻭﺴﻴﺭﺍﻟﻴﻭﻥ ،ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺭﻴﺎ ﻏﻴﻨﻴﺎ ،ﺍﺜﻴﻭﺒﻴﺎ ,ﺍﺭﺘﺭﻴﺎ ,ﻭﺭﻭﻨﺩﺍ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻭﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﻥ,
ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺩﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻨﺩﻻﻉ ،ﻭﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ
ﺍﻭﻏﻨﺩﺍ ﻭﺯﻤﺒﺎﺒﻭﻱ .ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ،ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﻜﺸﻤﻴﺭ ،ﻜﺯﺨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﻭﻜﻴﺭﺠﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ،
ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺢ .ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺩﻫﺎ
ﻭﺇﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﻴﺎﻨﻤﺎﺭ/ﺒﻭﺭﻤﺎ ،ﻨﻴﺒﺎل ،ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﻭﻁﺠﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ،ﺘﺭﻜﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ
ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ،ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ،ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ
ﻭﺃﻭﺯﺒﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ؛ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ،ﻓﻲ ﺃﻟﺒﺎﻨﻴﺎ ،ﺃﺭﻤﻴﻨﻴﺎ ،ﺃﺯﺭﺒﻴﺠﺎﻥ ،ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻭﺴﻨﺔ
ﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ .ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺼﺩﺭ
ﻭﻫﻴﺭﺯﺠﻭﻓﻴﻨﺎ ،ﻭﺠﻭﺭﺠﻴﺎ ،ﻭﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ،ﻭﻤﻘﻭﺩﻭﻨﻴﺎ،ﻭﻤﻭﻟﺩﻭﻓﺎ ،ﻭﻤﻭﻨﺘﻨﺠﺭﻭ
ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻨﺸﺭﺓ ﺸﻬﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ CrisisWatchﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ 12
ﻭﺼﺭﺒﻴﺎ؛ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻤﺎل ﺇﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ
ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ
ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ،ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻟﻭﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺩﻴﺯ.
ﻟﻠﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ.
ﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ،ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭﻴـﺔ،
ﺘﻭﺯﻉ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺭﻭﻨﻲ
ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻴﻴﻥ .ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻜـﺎﻻﺕ
ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺒﻭﻋﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ،
ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﺭﻋﺎﺕ :ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺩﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ
ﻭﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺘﻭﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ
ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ
.www.crisisgroup.orgﺘﻌﻤل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ
ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻭﻟﻨﺩﺍ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻠﻨﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ
ﻭﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺜﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ،ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ،ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺘﻬﺎ
ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻴﺭﻟﻨﺩﻴـﺔ ،ﻭﻜﺎﻟـﺔ
ﻟﻸﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻟﻭﺼﻔﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ.
ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻭﻜﺴـﻤﺒﻭﺭﺝ ،ﻭﻜﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ
ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ،ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻟﺠﻠﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ .ﻴﺭﺃﺱ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻓﻨﻠﻨﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻤﺎﺭﺘﻲ ﺃﻫﺘﺴﺎﺭﻱ؛ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺘﺭﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺠﺎﺭﺙ ﺇﻴﻔﺎﻨﺯ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺸﻬﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ 2000ﻡ. ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻘﺭ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻭﻜﺴل ،ﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ،ﻭﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ﻭﻟﻨﺩﻥ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻜﻭ.
ﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﺍ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺎ)ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺒﻠﻐﺭﺍﺩ، ﺒﻭﻏﻭﺘﺎ ،ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ،ﺩﻜﺎﺭ ،ﺩﻭﺸﻨﺒﻪ ،ﺍﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﺎﺩ ،ﺠﺎﻜﺎﺭﺘﺎ ،ﻜﺎﺒﻭل ,ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ، ﺍﻭﺵ،ﺒﺭﻴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺎ ،ﺒﺭﻴﺸﺘﻴﻨﺎ ،ﻜﻭﻴﺘﻭ ،ﺴﺭﺍﻴﻴﻔﻭ ،ﺴﻜﻭﺒﻲ،
ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻭﺯﻴﻼﻨﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻥ )ﺘﺎﻴﻭﺍﻥ( ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺭﻭﻴﺞ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻭﻴﺩﻴﺔ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻴﺴﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺎ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤـﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻤﻭﻨﻭﻴﻠﺙ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ،ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ. ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨـﺎﺹ، ﺃﺘﻠﻨﺘﻙ ﻓﻴﻼﻨﺘﺭﻭﺒﻴﺯ ،ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻨﻴﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ،ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻓﻭﺭﺩ ،ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ
ﺒل ﻭﻤﻠﻴﻨﺩﺍ ﺠﻴﺘﺱ ،ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻓﻠﻭﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﻭﻟﺕ ،ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻫﻨﺭﻱ ﻟـﻭﺱ، ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺩ .ﻭﻜﺎﺜﺭﻴﻥ ﺕ .ﻤﺎﻙ ﺁﺭﺜﺭ ،ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺠﻭﻥ ﻤﻴﺭﻙ ،ﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺔ ﺸﺎﺭﻟﺯ ﺴﺘﻴﻭﺍﺭﺕ ﻤﻭﻁ ،ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺃﻭﺒﻥ ﺴﻭﺴـﻴﺘﻲ ،ﺼـﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺒﻼﻭﺸـﻴﺭﺯ، ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺴﻴﺠﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻭﺯﻨﺞ ،ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺴﺴﺎﻜﺎﻭﺍ ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻡ ،ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺔ ﺴـﺎﺭﻟﻭ، ﻭﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻡ ،ﻭﻓﻨﺩﺠﺎﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﻴﻨﺕ. ﺃﻴﺎﺭ 2005
ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻜﻡ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ www.crisisgroup.org
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
2005 ( ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ6 – ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ40 ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ
27 ﺻﻔﺤﺔ
ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺝ
2002 ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ
EGYPT/NORTH AFRICA∗
ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT
Diminishing Returns: Algeria’s 2002 Legislative Elections, Middle East/North Africa Briefing Nº1, 24 June 2002 Algeria: Unrest and Impasse in Kabylia, Middle East/North Africa Report N°15, 10 June 2003 (also available in French) The Challenge of Political Reform: Egypt after the Iraq War, Middle East Briefing Nº9, 30 September 2003 Islamism in North Africa I: The Legacies of History, Middle East and North Africa Briefing Nº12, 20 April 2004) Islamism in North Africa II: Egypt's Opportunity, Middle East and North Africa Briefing Nº13, 20 April 2004 Islamism, Violence and Reform in Algeria: Turning the Page, Middle East and North Africa Report Nº29, 30 July 2004 (also available in Arabic and in French) Understanding Islamism, Middle East Report N°37, 2 March 2005
A Time to Lead: The International Community and the IsraeliPalestinian Conflict, Middle East Report N°1, 10 April 2002 Middle East Endgame I: Getting to a Comprehensive ArabIsraeli Peace Settlement, Middle East Report N°2, 16 July 2002 Middle East Endgame II: How a Comprehensive IsraeliPalestinian Settlement Would Look, Middle East Report N°3; 16 July 2002 Middle East Endgame III: Israel, Syria and Lebanon – How Comprehensive Peace Settlements Would Look, Middle East Report N°4, 16 July 2002 The Meanings of Palestinian Reform, Middle East Briefing Nº2, 12 November 2002 Old Games, New Rules: Conflict on the Israel-Lebanon Border, Middle East Report N°7, 18 November 2002 Islamic Social Welfare Activism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: A Legitimate Target?, Middle East Report N°13, 2 April 2003 A Middle East Roadmap to Where?, Middle East Report N°14, 2 May 2003 The Israeli-Palestinian Roadmap: What A Settlement Freeze Means And Why It Matters, Middle East Report N°16, 25 July 2003 Hizbollah: Rebel without a Cause?, Middle East Briefing Nº7, 30 July 2003 Dealing With Hamas, Middle East Report N°21, 26 January 2004 (also available in Arabic) Palestinian Refugees and the Politics of Peacemaking, Middle East Report N°22, 5 February 2004 Syria under Bashar (I): Foreign Policy Challenges, Middle East Report N°23, 11 February 2004 (also available in Arabic) Syria under Bashar (II): Domestic Policy Challenges, Middle East Report N°24, 11 February 2004 (also available in Arabic) Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens, Middle East Report N°25, 4 March 2004 The Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative: Imperilled at Birth, Middle East Briefing Nº13, 7 June 2004 Who Governs the West Bank? Palestinian Administration under Israeli Occupation, Middle East Report N°32, 28 September 2004 (also available in Arabic and in Hebrew) After Arafat? Challenges and Prospects, Middle East Briefing N°16, 23 December 2004 (also available in Arabic) Disengagement and After: Where Next for Sharon and the Likud?, Middle East Report N°36, 1 March 2005
IRAQ/IRAN/GULF Iran: The Struggle for the Revolution’s Soul, Middle East Report N°5, 5 August 2002 Iraq Backgrounder: What Lies Beneath, Middle East Report N°6, 1 October 2002 Voices from the Iraqi Street, Middle East Briefing Nº3, 4 December 2002 Yemen: Coping with Terrorism and Violence in a Fragile State, Middle East Report N°8, 8 January 2003 Radical Islam in Iraqi Kurdistan: The Mouse That Roared? Middle East Briefing Nº4, 7 February 2003 Red Alert in Jordan: Recurrent Unrest in Maan, Middle East Briefing Nº5, 19 February 2003 Iraq Policy Briefing: Is There an Alternative to War?, Middle East Report N°9, 24 February 2003 War in Iraq: What’s Next for the Kurds?, Middle East Report N°10, 19 March 2003 War in Iraq: Political Challenges after the Conflict, Middle East Report N°11, 25 March 2003 War in Iraq: Managing Humanitarian Relief, Middle East Report N°12, 27 March 2003 Baghdad: A Race against the Clock, Middle East Briefing Nº6, 11 June 2003 Governing Iraq, Middle East Report N°17, 25 August 2003 Iraq’s Shiites under Occupation, Middle East Briefing Nº8, 9 September 2003
∗
The Algeria project was transferred from the Africa Program to the Middle East & North Africa Program in January 2002.
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
28 ﺻﻔﺤﺔ
2005 ( ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ6 – ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ40 ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ
Iraq: Can Local Governance Save Central Government?, Middle East Report N°33, 27 October 2004 (also available in Arabic) Iran: Where Next on the Nuclear Standoff, Middle East Briefing N°15, 24 November 2004 What Can the U.S. Do in Iraq?, Middle East Report N°34, 22 December 2004 (also available in Arabic) Iraq: Allaying Turkey's Fears Over Kurdish Ambitions, Middle East Report N°35, 26 January 2005 (also available in Arabic) Iran in Iraq: How Much Influence?, Middle East Report N°38, 21 March 2005
The Challenge of Political Reform: Jordanian Democratisation and Regional Instability, Middle East Briefing Nº10, 8 October 2003 (also available in Arabic) Iran: Discontent and Disarray, Middle East Briefing Nº11, 15 October 2003 Dealing With Iran’s Nuclear Program, Middle East Report N°18, 27 October 2003 Iraq’s Constitutional Challenge, Middle East Report N°19, 13 November 2003 (also available in Arabic) Iraq: Building a New Security Structure, Middle East Report N°20, 23 December 2003 Iraq's Kurds: Toward an Historic Compromise?, Middle East Report N°26, 8 April 2004 (also available in Arabic) Iraq's Transition: On a Knife Edge, Middle East Report N°27, 27 April 2004 (also available in Arabic) Can Saudi Arabia Reform Itself?, Middle East Report N°28, 14 July 2004 (also available in Arabic) Reconstructing Iraq, Middle East Report N°30, 2 September 2004 (also available in Arabic) Saudi Arabia Backgrounder: Who are the Islamists?, Middle East Report N°31, 21 September 2004 (also available in Arabic)
OTHER REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS For Crisis Group reports and briefing papers on: • Asia • Africa • Europe • Latin America and Caribbean • Thematic Issues • CrisisWatch please visit our website www.crisisgroup.org
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
2005 ( ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ6 – ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ40 ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ
29 ﺻﻔﺤﺔ
ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ
Former President of European Parliament
Chair Lord Patten of Barnes
Ruth Dreifuss
Former European Commissioner for External Relations, UK
Pat Cox
Former President, Switzerland
Uffe Ellemann-Jensen Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Denmark
Mark Eyskens Former Prime Minister of Belgium
Stanley Fischer Vice Chairman, Citigroup Inc.; former First Deputy Managing Director of International Monetary Fund
Leslie H. Gelb President Emeritus of Council on Foreign Relations, U.S.
Bronislaw Geremek
President & CEO Gareth Evans Former Foreign Minister of Australia
Executive Committee Morton Abramowitz Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to Turkey
Emma Bonino Member of European Parliament; former European Commissioner
Cheryl Carolus
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Poland
Former South African High Commissioner to the UK; former Secretary General of the ANC
I.K.Gujral
Maria Livanos Cattaui*
Former Prime Minister of India
Secretary-General, International Chamber of Commerce
Carla Hills
Yoichi Funabashi
Former U.S. Secretary of Housing; former U.S. Trade Representative
Lena Hjelm-Wallén
Chief Diplomatic Correspondent & Columnist, The Asahi Shimbun, Japan
Former Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister, Sweden
William Shawcross
James C.F. Huang
Journalist and author, UK
Deputy Secretary General to the President, Taiwan
Stephen Solarz*
Swanee Hunt
Former U.S. Congressman
Chair of Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace; former U.S. Ambassador to Austria
George Soros
Asma Jahangir
William O. Taylor
UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions; former Chair Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
Chairman Emeritus, The Boston Globe, U.S. *Vice-Chair
Chairman, Open Society Institute
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Senior Advisor, Modern Africa Fund Managers; former Liberian Minister of Finance and Director of UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa
Adnan Abu-Odeh
Shiv Vikram Khemka
Kenneth Adelman
Founder and Executive Director (Russia) of SUN Group, India
Former U.S. Ambassador and Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
James V. Kimsey
Former Political Adviser to King Abdullah II and to King Hussein; former Jordan Permanent Representative to UN
Founder and Chairman Emeritus of America Online, Inc. (AOL)
Ersin Arioglu
Bethuel Kiplagat
Member of Parliament, Turkey; Chairman Emeritus, Yapi Merkezi Group
Former Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kenya
Wim Kok Former Prime Minister, Netherlands
Trifun Kostovski Member of Parliament, Macedonia; founder of Kometal Trade Gmbh
Elliott F. Kulick Chairman, Pegasus International, U.S.
Diego Arria Former Ambassador of Venezuela to the UN
Zbigniew Brzezinski Former U.S. National Security Advisor to the President
Victor Chu Chairman, First Eastern Investment Group, Hong Kong
Wesley Clark Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander, Europe
ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ
30 ﺻﻔﺤﺔ
2005 ( ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ6 – ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ40 ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ
Lord Robertson of Port Ellen
Joanne Leedom-Ackerman
Former Secretary General of NATO; former Defence Secretary, UK
Novelist and journalist, U.S.
Mohamed Sahnoun
Todung Mulya Lubis
Special Adviser to the United Nations Secretary-General on Africa
Human rights lawyer and author, Indonesia
Ghassan Salamé
Barbara McDougall
Former Minister Lebanon, Professor of International Relations, Paris
Former Secretary of State for External Affairs, Canada
Salim A. Salim
Ayo Obe
Former Prime Minister of Tanzania; former Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity
Chair of Steering Committee of World Movement for Democracy, Nigeria
Douglas Schoen
Christine Ockrent
Founding Partner of Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates, U.S.
Journalist and author, France
Pär Stenbäck
Friedbert Pflüger
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Finland
Foreign Policy Spokesman of the CDU/CSU Parliamentary Group in the German Bundestag
Thorvald Stoltenberg Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Norway
Victor M Pinchuk
Grigory Yavlinsky
Member of Parliament, Ukraine; founder of Interpipe Scientific and Industrial Production Group
Chairman of Yabloko Party and its Duma faction, Russia
Uta Zapf Chairperson of the German Bundestag Subcommittee on Disarmament, Arms Control and Non-proliferation
Ernesto Zedillo Former President of Mexico; Director, Yale Center for the Study of Globalization
Surin Pitsuwan Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thailand
Itamar Rabinovich President of Tel Aviv University; former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. and Chief Negotiator with Syria
Fidel V. Ramos Former President of the Philippines
INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD Crisis Group's International Advisory Board comprises major individual and corporate donors who contribute their advice and experience to Crisis Group on a regular basis.
Rita E. Hauser (Chair) Tilleke & Gibbins International LTD
George Kellner
Marc Abramowitz
George Loening
Anglo American PLC
Baron Ullens
Douglas Makepeace
John Chapman Chester
Stanley Weiss
Anna Luisa Ponti
Peter Corcoran
Westfield Group
Quantm
Credit Suisse Group
Yasuyo Yamazaki
Michael L. Riordan
John Ehara
Sunny Yoon
Sarlo Foundation of the Jewish Community Endowment Fund
Equinox Management Partners JP Morgan Global Foreign Exchange and Commodities
SENIOR ADVISERS Crisis Group's Senior Advisers are former Board Members (not presently holding executive office) who maintain an association with Crisis Group, and whose advice and support are called on from time to time.
Simone Veil Michael Sohlman Leo Tindemans Ed van Thijn Shirley Williams
As at May 2005
Matt McHugh George J. Mitchell Mo Mowlam Cyril Ramaphosa Michel Rocard Volker Ruehe
Alain Destexhe Marika Fahlen Malcolm Fraser Max Jakobson Mong Joon Chung Allan J. MacEachen
Oscar Arias Zainab Bangura Christoph Bertram Jorge Castañeda Eugene Chien Gianfranco Dell'Alba