التحدي الطائفي في البحرين

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ‪i...............................................................................‬‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺸﻌﺏ ﻤﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ‪1....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺃ‪-‬‬

‫‪.2‬‬

‫ﺏ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ‪2 ................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺝ_‬

‫ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺸﻴﻙ ؟ ‪3 .....................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ‪6..................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺃ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺨﻴﺏ ﻟﻶﻤﺎل ‪6 ...........................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺏ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ‪8 ...............................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺝ_‬

‫‪.3‬‬

‫ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪1 .....................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ‪11 ...................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ‪ :‬ﺩﺤﺽ ﺍﻟﺨﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ‪13 .......................................‬‬ ‫ﺃ‪-‬‬

‫ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ‪14 ................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺏ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ‪15 ................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺝ_‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ‪18 ..................................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫‪.4‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ‪18 ...................................................................................................................‬‬

‫‪.2‬‬

‫ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪18 ..............................................................................................‬‬

‫‪.3‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ‪19 ...................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺩ‪-‬‬

‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪20 ..................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل ‪21 ..............................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ‪23...........................................................................................‬‬

‫ﻤﻼﺤـــــــــﻕ‬ ‫ﺃ‪-‬‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ‪25 .................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺏ‪-‬‬

‫ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻨﺘﺭﻨﺎﺸﻭﻨل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ‪26 ..................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺝ‪-‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ‪27 .............................‬‬

‫ﺩ‪-‬‬

‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ‪29 .....................................................................................‬‬

‫‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪40‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﺨﹼﺹ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ‬

‫ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﹼﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﺨﻁﺔ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻔﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺤﺭﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭ‪‬ﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺸﹼﺔ ﻓﺠﺄﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺃ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﺘﺤﻠﹼل‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﺯﻴﺞ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻼﺸﺘﻌﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤ‪‬ﺸﺔ –ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺸﻜﹼل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 70‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﹼﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻁﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻜﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻘﺒﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺸﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﻔﹼﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺩﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺤ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2001‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺴﺒ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴ‪‬ﺎﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﻟﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻭ‪‬ل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻭﻏﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬ ‫ل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻴﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻜﻜ ّ‬

‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﻴﺜﻭﺭ ﻏﻀﺒﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸ ‪‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﹼﻕ ﺒﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ‬

‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁﻬﻡ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜ ّ‬

‫ﺹ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺘ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﺭﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﺸﻬﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤ‪‬ﺕ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭ‪‬ﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻟﻬ ‪‬ﻡ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﺠﺄ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﻟﻴﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺸﺴﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺘﹸﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺂﻜل ﻭﺍﻹﻨﻬﺎﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻓﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺩﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺅﺨﹼﺭﹰﺍ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻴﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻭﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﻜﺎﺸﻔﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺭﺴ‪‬ﺦ‬

‫ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺨﺘﻼل ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺨﻔﻘﺕ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻴﻔﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ل‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯٍ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﹼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻨﻪ ﻜﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺘﻘ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﺎﻤﺘﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﹼﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺒﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴ‪‬ﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺄ ‪‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪ii‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺩ( ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﻗﹼﻑ‬

‫)ﺃ(‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺱ )ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ( ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻸﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ؛‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻩ( ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﹼﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬

‫)ﺏ( ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻬﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻴﺴﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺒﻅﻼل ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺘﺼﻑ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ؛‬ ‫)ﺝ( ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﺒﻨﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺩ( ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ؛‬ ‫)ﻩ(‬

‫ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻭﻴﺤﺭ‪‬ﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺃ(‬

‫ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺤﺭﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‪،‬‬

‫)ﺏ(‬

‫ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺝ(‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﹼﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺨﻀﻌﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺎﺀﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫)ﺯ( ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤ‪‬ﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴ‪‬ﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻟﺴﺒل‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺩ‪‬ﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺃ(‬

‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ )ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ( ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻜﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺩﻗﹼﺔ؛‬

‫)ﺏ( ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻨﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل‬ ‫ﺤﺼﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘ ‪‬ﻡ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪2001‬؛‬ ‫)ﺝ( ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ؛‬

‫ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺴﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ؛‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪،‬‬

‫)ﻭ( ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀ )ﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ( ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؛‬

‫ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ؛‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ؛‬ ‫)ﺩ(‬

‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻵﺨﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬

‫)ﺃ( ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﺠﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻷﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ؛‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﺄﺠﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺎ ﹰ‬

‫)ﺏ( ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺹ ﻟﻠﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻲ؛‬ ‫)ﺝ( ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل؛‬ ‫)ﺩ( ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ؛‬ ‫)ﻩ( ﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺘﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺘﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﺩل‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬ ‫ل‬ ‫)ﺃ( ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ؛‬

‫)ﺏ( ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﻤﻜﺘﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﹼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ؛‬

‫)ﺝ( ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ؛‬

‫)ﺩ( ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩ‪‬ﻡ ﻟﻼﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2006‬ﺒﺸﺭﻁ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .6‬ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻼﻋﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺘﺠﻨﹼﺏ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﻨﺒﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﺼﻨﹼﻑ ﻟﻸﺤﻭﺍل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺙ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺃ( ﺠﻌل ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪،1973‬‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫)ﺏ( ﻭﻀﻊ ﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻓﻀل‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤ‪‬ﺎﻥ‪ /‬ﺒﺭﻭﻜﺴل ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪iii‬‬

‫‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪40‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫‪.1‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩ‪‬ﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺸﻌﺏ ﻤﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﹼﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 700.000‬ﻨﺴﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺼﻐﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﹼل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻁﺒﻘﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺴﺒﺏ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺼﻭل ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻵل ﺴﻌﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﻐﺯﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻭﺃﻁﺎﺤﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺒﺈﺩﺍﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻥ)‪.(1‬‬

‫ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﹼﻡ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ‪290.000‬‬

‫ﺸﺨﺹ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ‪ 40‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ)‪،(2‬‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ –‪ 213.000‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ -2001‬ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﻴﺸﻜﹼﻠﻭﻥ ‪ 64‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ)‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻟﻌﺒﺕ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺁل‬ ‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻴﻤﻨﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ‬

‫‪ 1961‬ﻭ‪ ،1999‬ﺘﻡ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﺘﻠﺨﻴﺹ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺒﻥ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‬

‫ﺒﻥ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺠﻬﻭﺍ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺤﺎﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﺼﻭل‬

‫ﺴﻌﻭﺍ ﻟﺩﻋﻡ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺘﹸﻌﻬﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺩ‪‬ﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤل ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇ ﹼ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ ‪ 36‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1991‬ﻋﻥ ‪31‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻭ‪‬ﺍﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻫﺎﺠﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﻭل ﺴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1981‬ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺱ – ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﻔل ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴل ﺍﻟﻬﺭﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺜﹼﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺸﻜﹼﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﻭﻀﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ – ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﺩ‪‬ﺭ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ﺒﺴﺒﻌﻴﻥ ‪ 70‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺠﺭﻴﻥ‪ 31 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ .2003‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﹼﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻭﺜﻭﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺘﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻜﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺩﻫﻡ –ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻨﺸﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﻻ ﺘﹸﺩﺭﺝ ﻀﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺭﺒﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(4‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺠﻭﺍﻥ ﻜﻭل‪" ،‬ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻜﺭ‪‬ﺱ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺤﺭﺏ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩ‪‬ﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ" ‪Juan Cole, Sacred‬‬ ‫‪Space and Holy War: The Politics, Culture and History of‬‬ ‫‪) Shi`ite Islam‬ﻟﻨﺩﻥ‪ ،(2002 ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ‪.3‬‬

‫ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻑ ﻟﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﻴﻙ ﻫﻭﻏﻠﻭﻨﺩ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﻠﻴﻥ ﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻴﺘﺯ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ )ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺩﻱ ﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪Eric Hooglund, "Bahrain", in Helen C. Metz, ed., (1994 ،‬‬ ‫‪Persian Gulf States: Country Studies (Washington DC: U.S.‬‬ ‫)‪ ، Government Printing Office, 1994‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.123‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﻤﻬﻤ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺯﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ( ‪ ،1973‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ()‪.(5‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪2‬‬

‫ﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1994‬ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ)‪ .(8‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺸﺴﺘﻴﺔ؛ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻋﺎﺸﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻑ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؛ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ؛ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺒﺎﺓ‬

‫ﻨﻅﹼﻡ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻀﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ)‪ .(6‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒ ﹰﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭ‪‬ﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻴﻥ ﺃﺠﺎﻨﺏ؛‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺘﺒﻨﹼﻭﺍ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1973‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﺩ‪‬ﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1975‬ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺤﺠﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻫﻡ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ "ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻸﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ")‪ .(7‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺘﹼﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺭﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺏ )ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ( ‪ ،1975‬ﻗﺎﻡ‬

‫ل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻟﺘﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺒﺤ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺨﻼل ﺸﻬﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻅل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﺤﻅﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺒﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺸﺭﻋﻲ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ(‬

‫‪ .1975‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻁﻔﺢ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻜﻭﺀ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻴﺘﺤﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻤل ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺸﺘﺒﻜﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻋﻨﻴﻑ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻋﻘﺩ )‪ 5‬ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ(‪.‬‬

‫)ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻴ‪‬ﺯ( ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺭ‪‬ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻜﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻜﹼل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠ‪‬ﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬

‫)‪(8‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻷﺼل ﻭﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻔﺼﻴ ﹰ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1994‬ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺼل ‪ .4‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﻤﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺭﻭ‪" ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﺭﻱ ﺠﻲ‪ .‬ﺴﻴﻙ ﻭﻟﻭﺭﻨﺱ ﺠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﻭﺘﺭ )ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﺭﻴﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ ،(1997 ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪18-167‬؛ ﺠﻭ ﺴﺘﻭﺭﻙ‪" ،‬ﺃﺯﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﻭﺀﹰﺍ"‪"The Uprising in Bahrain: An Assessment", ،‬‬ ‫‪in Gary G. Sick and Lawrence G. Potter (eds.), The Persian‬‬ ‫‪Gulf at the Millennium: Essays in Politics, Economy,‬‬ ‫‪Security, and Religion (New York, 1997), pp. 167-188; Joe‬‬ ‫"‪ ، Stork, "Bahrain's Crisis Worsens‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ ،204‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ )ﺘﻤﻭﺯ – ﺃﻴﻠﻭل‪ /‬ﻴﻭﻟﻴﻭ – ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،(1997‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪35-33‬؛ ﻭﻟﺅﻱ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺭﻱ‪" ،‬ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ"‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺭﺒﻊ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،11‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪) 3‬ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،(2000‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪143-129‬؛‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺨﻠﻑ‪" ،‬ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺒﻲ"‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،9‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪) 100‬ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ‪ /‬ﺃﺒﺭﻴل ‪ ،(2000‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪13-6‬؛‬ ‫ﻭﻨﺎﻋﻭﻤﻲ ﺼﻘﺭ‪" ،‬ﺨﻭﺍﻁﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺩ‬

‫)‪(5‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪" ،‬ﺘﻌﺴ‪‬ﻑ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺽ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" ‪Human Rights Watch, "Routine‬‬ ‫‪Abuse, Routine Denial: Civil Rights and the Political Crisis in‬‬ ‫"‪ ، Bahrain‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ ،1997 ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ‪ .3‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺠﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2002‬؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺼﻭﺘﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺘﺭﺸﹼﺤﺕ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺭﺕ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1973‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(6‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﻁﺎﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﻴﻡ ﻋﻤ‪‬ﺎﻟﻲ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪ 12 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(7‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﹸﺒﺴﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺴ‪‬ﻑ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺽ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ" ‪Human Rights Watch, "Routine Abuse,‬‬

‫"‪ ، Routine Denial‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.18‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ" ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﺠﻠﺩ ‪ ،28‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ ،2‬ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( ‪Naomi Sakr, ،2001‬‬ ‫‪"Reflections on the Manama Spring: Research Questions‬‬ ‫‪Arising from the Promise of Political Liberalisation in‬‬ ‫‪Bahrain", British Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 28, no.‬‬ ‫)‪ ، 2 (November 2001‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪231-229‬؛ ﻭﺠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺇﻱ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴﻭﻥ‪" ،‬ﺃﻭل‬ ‫ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ" ‪J.E. Peterson, "Bahrain's‬‬

‫"‪ ،First Reforms Under Amir Hamad‬ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﺴﻴﻭﻴﺔ )ﻟﻨﺩﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ‬

‫‪ ،33‬ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ‪ ،2‬ﺤﺯﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ(؛ ﻭﻓﺭﻴﺩ ﺇﺘﺵ‪ .‬ﻻﻭﺴﻭﻥ‪" ،‬ﻗﻭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ" ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻴﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻜﺘﻭﺭﻭﻓﻴﺘﺵ )ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭ‪‬ﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻑ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﺒﻠﻭﻤﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‪Fred H. (2003 ،‬‬ ‫‪Lawson, "Repertoires of Contention in Contemporary‬‬ ‫‪Bahrain," in Quintan Wiktorowicz (ed.), Islamic Activism: A‬‬ ‫)‪.Social Movement Theory Approach (Bloomington, 2003‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪3‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘ ‪‬ﻡ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﻭﺃﻏﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘ ‪‬ﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﺭﻯ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺜﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻘﹼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺤﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻔﺭﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺩ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻋﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ)‪.(9‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺇﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺭ‪‬ﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻨﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺫﻴﺏ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ)‪.(12‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺤﺘﺠﺯ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺒﺱ‬ ‫ل ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﹼﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺭﻱ ﻭﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻫﺎﺏ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﻜ ّ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ)‪ .(10‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﺠﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ – ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﺸﻌﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻗﺩﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺫﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺼﻔﺎﺌﺢ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﺦ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻜﻘﻨﺎﺒل ﺒﺩﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻗﺩ ﻫﺩﺃ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .1999‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻫﻼﻜﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ ،1997‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻗﹸﺘل ﺨﻤﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎل ﺒﻨﻐﺎﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺠﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻨﺎﺒل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻋﻡ)‪ .(11‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﺠﻨﹼﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﺨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﺼﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺫﻴﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(13‬‬

‫ل ﻭﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺤ ّ‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺝ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺸﻴﻙ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻁﻭﺍل ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ ،2004‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﻁﻴل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻲ)‪ .(14‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫)‪(9‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒ‪‬ﻌﺩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺤﻜﹼﺎﻡ‬

‫)‪(12‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺎﺩل ﺍﻟﻌﺒ‪‬ﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﺸﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻴﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﺘﻡ ﺴﺠﻨﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺫﻴﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 5 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻨﺼﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻭﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻐﻁﻲ ﺠﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺤﺜﹼﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺘﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫)‪(10‬‬

‫)‪(13‬‬

‫ﻻﺤﻅﺕ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺴﺨﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻓﺨﺭﻭ‪" ،‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪-179‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺼﻭﺭ ﻭﺭﺴﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﺸﻬﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ .180‬ﺇﻥ ﻓﺨﺭﻭ ﺘﺼﻑ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ "ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ‬

‫‪ 1980‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﻗﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻁﻤﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻵﺨﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺭﻴﻔﻴ‪‬ﺔ" ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻴ‪‬ﺩ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل‬

‫ﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﻋﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1982‬ﻗﺎﻤﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ‪ 72‬ﻋﻀﻭﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺂﻤﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻋﻭﻡ ﻟﻺﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻼﺤﻅ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺴﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺒﺎﺸﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺯل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺠﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬

‫)‪(14‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻏﻠﻑ ﺩﻴﻠﻲ ﻨﻴﻭﺯ‪ 22 ،‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2004‬؛ ‪Aljazeera.net‬‬

‫‪ 23 ،‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪ .2004‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﻭل ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ‪ 21‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺴﺎﺭ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 4.000‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤ‪‬ﻊ ﺩﺍﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴ‪‬ﺘﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﻑ ﻭﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫‪ 1971‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺴﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺃﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ‪‬ل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﺍﺘﺵ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻋﻤل ﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺩﺀ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( ‪1994‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﻠﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﻋﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺠﺭﺍﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻜﹼﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺫﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺭ‪‬ﺡ"‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻤﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ‬

‫‪ ،1973‬ﻏﻴ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﻫﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(11‬‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ،24‬ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫"ﺘﻌﺴ‪‬ﻑ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺽ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.37‬‬

‫ﺃﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﺠﺭﻭﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﺭ‪‬ﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠ‪‬ﺢ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻨﺘﺠﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻤﻁﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺎﺒﺕ ﻋﻨﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘ ‪‬ﻡ ﻨﻘل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻘﹼﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻌﺭ‪‬ﻀﻪ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ‪‬ل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪4‬‬

‫ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ‬

‫ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﻘﺫﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺨﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺎﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﺠﻠﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻴﺼﺭﻭ‪‬ﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ‪‬ل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﺃﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻐﺏ‬

‫ﻴﺴﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻘﺎﻗﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺭﻤﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ‪ 100‬ﺸﺨﺹ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻹﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺒﺈﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﹼﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻼﻋﻨﻑ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬

‫ﺒﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺄﺠ‪‬ﺠﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺠﺯﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﻭﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴ‪‬ل ﻟﻠﺩﻤﻭﻉ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ)‪ .(15‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻟﺠﺄﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺠﺎﺌﺭﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺩ‪‬ﻋﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﹼﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﻜﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺃﺨﺫﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ)‪ .(19‬ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻘﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻜﺸﹼﻔﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﻠﻭل )ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ(‬

‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺄﻭﻯ ﻀﻴﻕ ﻭﻓﻘﻴﺭ ﻤﺯﺩﺤﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻪ ‪ 65.000‬ﻨﺴﻤﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻭﻡ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺘﻌﺴﻔﹰﺎ)‪ .(16‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﻋﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﻴﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 4.000-3.000‬ﺸﺨﺹ)‪ .(17‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﻭﻟﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺤﻤﻠﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﹼﻌﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2004‬ﻓﻔﻲ ‪ 25‬ﺃﻴﻠﻭل )ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ(‪،‬‬

‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻨﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﻌﺒﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻁﺏ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ؛ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻘﻨﺎﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻟﻭﺘﻭﻑ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺠﺩ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﹼﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ)‪ .(18‬ﻭﻓﻲ ‪20‬‬

‫ﻼ "ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻥ ﺒﺈﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻤﺎﺀ")‪ .(20‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺤﺒﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﻗﻠﻘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﻗﻀﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺁﺨﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻭ‪‬ﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﻕ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻡ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺒﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻁﺢ")‪ .(21‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻘﻠﺏ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﺸﻌﻠﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﻨﺸﺩﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﺩ‪‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺁل‬

‫ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺌﺭ ﻟﻠﻘﻭ‪‬ﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﺒﻌﺯل ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(15‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺘﻭﺍﻗﻴﻊ ﻟﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﺘﺨﻭ‪‬ﻓﻴﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ‪،2004‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺙ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ)‪ .(22‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺤ ﹼ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﺩ‪‬ﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻜﺭﻭﺍ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺠﺩ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺭﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺠﻤ‪‬ﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ(‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2005‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ‬

‫ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﹼﻪ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺫﻟﻙ‪.‬‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﻭﺴﺠﻥ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺠﻤﻊ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ‪ 75.000‬ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺴﻌﻰ ﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻤﻊ‬

‫)‪(16‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ"‬

‫ﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎﻤﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻟﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(17‬‬

‫)‪(19‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 5 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫ﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﹼل ﻤﻭﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﺘﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪(20‬‬

‫)‪(21‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺴﺘﺭﻩ‪ 5 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺴﻜﻭﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻘﻴﻡ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺯﻋﻴﻡ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 2 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﻕ ﻓﻭﺯﻱ ﻏﻭﻟﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪،2005‬‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘ ّ‬

‫ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﹼل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 4 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫)‪(18‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻟﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺜﺔ ﻟـ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻤ‪‬ﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 9 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(22‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪4 ،‬‬

‫ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪5‬‬

‫ﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﻭ‪‬ﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺘﺠﻨﹼﺏ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺤﺭﻴﻕ ﻫﺎﺌل‪ ،‬ﺇ ﹰ‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ ،2005‬ﻭﻗﺒل ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬

‫ل‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺤ ّ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ‬ ‫ل‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﻨﹼﺎ‬ ‫ﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺨﻁ‪" .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤ ّ‬

‫ﻨﻔﻜﹼﺭ ﺒﺄﺯﻤﺔ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﺩ‪‬ﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ")‪ .(23‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻫﻭ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺀﻩ ﻗﺩ ﺸﺠﺒﻭﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫ ﻴﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺠﺎﻭﺒﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬ ﹼﺔ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺴﺭﻋﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻓﻊ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل‪.‬‬ ‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ﻭﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻜ ّ‬ ‫ل ﻤﻥ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺯﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺭ‪‬ﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻜ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﺭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ )‪ (Bloggers‬ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﻀﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﺩ‪‬ﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭﺓ)‪ .(24‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻡ ‪ 3.000‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺒﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻟﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ)‪ .(25‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺘﺤﺫﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﻀﻤﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻼﻥ)‪ .(26‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺫﹼﺭﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺯﻋ‪‬ﻡ‬

‫ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺩﺏ ﺫﻜﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺴﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺭﻤﻴﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ )ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ( ﺒﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻱ ﺤﻅ ٍﺭ‬

‫ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺤﺎﺸﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﻟﻠﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺨﺭﺝ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫)‪(27‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻫﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ‬

‫ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﹼﻤﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺴﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻏﻼﻗﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺅﻗﺕ ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺩﺍﺌﻡ)‪ .(28‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‬

‫‪ Crisis Group‬ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺨﺸﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ)‪.(29‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺒل‬

‫ﻟﻼﺸﺘﻌﺎل‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺎﻁﺕ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺠﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﻫﺎﻨﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻟﺠﻭﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻤل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺸﹼﺔ ﻟﻘﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﺘﻤﻠﻤل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻼ "ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒ‪‬ﻭل ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﺨﺫﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻔﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺭ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻬﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻴﻤﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ)‪ ،(30‬ﻭﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺤﺴﻥ‬

‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺴﺠﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻭﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺃ ‪‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤ‪‬ﺎ ﺒﻀﻐﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺴﻔل‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺠﺒﺭ ﺤﺘﹼﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺒﻬﺎ)‪.(31‬‬

‫)‪(23‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪8 ،‬‬

‫ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(24‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻴﻭﻡ ‪ 12‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ 2005‬ﺘﺤﻔﻅﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻋﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺠ‪‬ﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﹼﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺈﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺩ‪‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭ‪‬ل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺸ ‪‬ﺩ ﻋﻨﻔﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﻓﺭﺍﺝ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﺭﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ﻭﺇﺴﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻨﻬﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(25‬‬ ‫)‪(26‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 28 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻏﻠﻑ ﻨﻴﻭﺯ‪ 7 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(27‬‬

‫ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺭﻭﻴﺘﺭﺯ ﺃﻥ ‪ 80.000‬ﺸﺨﺹ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ .50.000‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪،Crisis Group‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(28‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ 26 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(29‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ 26 ،Crisis Group‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(31‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 1 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻟﻘﺩ‬

‫)‪(30‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 4 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻊ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﺩ‪‬ﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫‪.2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺄ ﺍﺨﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ – ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺍ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺤﻴل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻤ‪‬ل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺭ‪‬ﻀﻭﺍ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻷﺸﻜﺎل‬

‫ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺤﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻫﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻋﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻭ‪‬ﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﻟﹼﺩ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩ‪‬ﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﹼﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻴﺏ ﻤﻅﻬﺭﹰﺍ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺨﻴ‪‬ﺏ ﻟﻶﻤﺎل‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤ ‪‬ﺭﻙ ﻤﺜﻴﺭ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺕ ﺨﻤﺱ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺤﻤﺩ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻀﺒﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪6‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻲ ﻜﺄﻫﻡ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﺠﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺤل‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺤﺼل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﻕ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ ،2001‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ "ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ" ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻟﻠﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1973‬ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪(32‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻴﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻟﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ ،2002‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ )ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻤﺴﺒﻕ( ﺒﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺸﻜل‬

‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺃﻋﻴﺩﺕ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺼﺩﻤﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻜﺭﺓ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻨﺼﻭﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﺤﻴﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ)‪.(33‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻋﻤل ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺤﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ‬

‫ل ﻓﻲ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻪ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺜﺎﺒﺕ)‪.(34‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺘﻅ ّ‬

‫‪ .2000‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭل ﺴﻨﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺭ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﺭﺒﻊ ﻗﺭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﻨﻬﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺴﻭﺃ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺌﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻓﺘﺘﺢ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺘﺒﺸﹼﺭ ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻨﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺼﻭ‪‬ﺕ ﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟـ‪ 98‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ 2001‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺒﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻏﺎﻤﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1973‬ﻻﺴﺘﺤﺩﺍﺙ‬

‫ﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴ‪‬ﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺴﻌﺭ ﻤﺨﻔﹼﺽ ﻟﻠﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﻜﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﺭﺍﺘﺏ ﺸﻬﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻋﻔﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(32‬‬

‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 7‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ ،2002‬ﻜﺭ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺩ‪‬ل ﻟﻥ ﻴﻐﻴ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1973‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻪ ﻭﻗﹼﻊ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻻﺤﻕ ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻌﻪ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒل ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺴﺒﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل‬

‫ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﺭ‪‬ﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ‬

‫ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺼﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ )ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ (1994‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺴﺠﻨﻪ ﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻴﺯﺓ )ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(1996‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 2 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(33‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﺒﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 2 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)‪(34‬‬

‫ل ﻋﻥ ‪ 100‬ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﹶﺸﻐل ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻘ ّ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ‪ ،572‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ 24‬ﻤﻥ ‪ 47‬ﻤﻨﺼﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺜﻨﻲ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺩل ﻭﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ –ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻴ‪‬ﻘﺎل ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ -300‬ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺼﻐﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻀﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺨﻴل ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﻴ‪‬ﻌﺭﻑ ﺒـ"ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪‬ﺓ"‪:‬‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺃﺘﻌﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 1.300‬ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻐﺫﹼﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺨﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﹼﻕ ﺒﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .1973‬ﻭﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪7‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺜﹸﻠﺜﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ‬ ‫)‪(37‬‬

‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺤﻴ ﹰ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ‬

‫ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺘﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭ‪‬ﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪ 40‬ﻋﻀﻭﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭ‪‬ﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪ 40‬ﻋﻀﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﹼﻊ ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻤﺄﺯﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺸﺭﻁ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﻬﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜ ‪‬ﻡ ﻴﺠﺏ‬

‫ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻭﻩ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻭ‪‬ﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‬

‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ‬

‫ﻴﺘﹼﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ل ﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ ﻟﺘﻅ ّ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻀﻴ‪‬ﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺎﻋﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﻗﺒل‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﻤﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻔﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻁ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺴﻴﻡ‬

‫ل ﻨﺎﻓﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻅ ّ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ "ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﹼﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ")‪.(35‬‬

‫ﻁﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺼﻭ‪‬ﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺌﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1973‬ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻴ‪‬ﺩ‬

‫ﻴﺤﺘﺠ‪‬ﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺼﻐﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺸﻬﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ‬

‫)‪(38‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2001‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ)‪ .(36‬ﻭﺒﺩ ﹰ‬

‫ﺤﻴﻨﺌ ٍﺫ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺠﻴل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺭﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻭﺍ ﻟﻜﻔﻴﻠﻬﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ ﻭ‪ 50‬ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺍﺘﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ‪ 160‬ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ 2003‬ﻋﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺤﺭ‪‬ﻜﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﻜﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺴ‪‬ﻔﺎﺕ ﻜﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﺴﻭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻭﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺠﻠﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(37‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻤﺎﻴﻜل ﻫﻴﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ "ﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺀ" ﻋﻥ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪" :1973‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺒﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ‪..‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﺼﻭﺼﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩ‪‬ﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ"‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﺎﻜﻜﻨﺯﻱ ﺁﻨﺩ ﻜﻭﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ )‪ (McKinsey & Co.‬ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫"ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،56‬ﺭﻗﻡ‬ ‫‪"Princes and Parliaments in the Arab World", Middle East 3‬‬ ‫‪) Journal vol. 56, no. 3‬ﺼﻴﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(2004‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.376‬‬

‫ﺠﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴ‪‬ﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻼﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ ﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ"ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ" ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ‪ 10.000‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ )‪26.500‬‬

‫ﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻭﻻﺭ )‪ ($‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺘﻤ ‪‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(35‬‬

‫)‪(38‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺃﻭل ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺠﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﺒﻭل‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﹼﻕ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭ( ﻟﻜل ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻜﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻼﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ(‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻜ ّ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ‬

‫‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻥ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻟﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﹼﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪ .58‬ﻗﺩ‪‬ﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻟﻔﻭﻥ ﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪.Crisis Group‬‬

‫)‪(36‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺤﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻲ‪.‬ﺇﻡ‪.‬ﺩﺒﻠﻴﻭ )‪ .(BMW‬ﻭﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬

‫ل‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻭ‪‬ﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺘﻘ ّ‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺴﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻗﺎل‪" ،‬ﺇﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﺎﺩﻟﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﻌﻠﻭﺍ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺩ‪‬ﻤﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻼ "ﻻ ﺒﺄﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﺅﺜﹼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻌﻲ ]ﻜﻨﺎﻗﺩ[ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺘﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﻟـ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ "ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ"‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻴﺴﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل"‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ 2 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ل ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﺘﺩ ّ‬

‫‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎل‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 6 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﻤﻭﻋﺩ ﻤﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﺼﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ – ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺭﺃﺴﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻤ‪‬ﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩ‪ -‬ﺒﻬﺫﺍ‪ .‬ﻜﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺠﻴﺯ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺩﺍﺙ‬

‫ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺘﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﹼل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺒﺭﻓﻊ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪) 16‬ﺘﻤﻭﺯ‪ /‬ﻴﻭﻟﻴﻭ ‪ ،(2002‬ﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﺈﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻟﻠﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺯﺍل ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺅﻭ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﻔﻭﻴﺽ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻻ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻀﻤ‪‬ﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‪/‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺼﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺸﺄ ﻤﺄﺯﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﺌﺘﻼﻑ‬

‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻭﺠﻴ‪‬ﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻜﻭ‪‬ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ )ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺩﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺘﻅ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻪ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬

‫ﺸﺭﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻻﺴﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ)‪ .(39‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺯﻋ‪‬ﻤﺕ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﻋﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺒﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2002‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪8‬‬

‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ "ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩﻴﺔ" ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1973‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ‬ ‫)‪(42‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ "ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ" ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻗﻀﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻜ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ)‪ .(43‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻅﻠﻭﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺘﺤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2000‬؛ ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ –ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﻜﹼﺯ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺸﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴ‪‬ﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺙ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻫﻭ "ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺍﺏ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤ ﹼ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﺘﻜﺭﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺃﻜﺘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﹼﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻡ‬

‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﻴ‪‬ﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﻤﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻜﺨﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﻏﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺘﹼﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻫﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺅﺴ‪‬ﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻥ)‪ .(40‬ﺇﻥ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺠﹰﺎ ﻟﻺﺭﺍﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟ ﹰﺔ ﺒﺸﺘﹼﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻟﺩﻓﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻉ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ل‬ ‫ﻼ "ﺇﻥ ﺤ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺩﺕ)‪ .(41‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻻﺤﻅ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺤﺎﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺴﺦ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﻭﻻﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻨﹼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ‬

‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﺩﻭ‬

‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻀﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﺃ ‪‬‬

‫ﻕ ﺇﺴﻔﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺽ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩ ﹼ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ‬

‫)‪(39‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)‪(40‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤ‪‬ﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﻲ ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺃﺩﻨﺎﻩ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(41‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬

‫ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻴﻭل ﻨﺎﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 7 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻻﺤﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻔﻘﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺴﻭﺃ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺩ‪‬ﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺠﺤﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻫﻲ‬

‫)‪(42‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺘﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(43‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻨﹼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ 20 ،‬ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( ‪.2004‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺘﺒﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﻗﺹ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻴ‪‬ﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2005‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻴﻔﻜﹼﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ"‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪" ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺠﺎﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻘﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺭﻴﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2006‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪،Crisis Group‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪9‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻗﺎل ﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺘﻪ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫)ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ‪ ،(48)2004‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ‪" ،‬ﺇﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻁﻠﻕ"‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﺌﻼﹰ‪" ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‬

‫ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻟﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ")‪ .(44‬ﻭﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻓﺎﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺒـ‪ 27‬ﻤﻘﻌﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ –ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻟﻭﻤﻨﻴﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪" -‬ﺠﻴﻭﺒﹰﺎ" ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ)‪ .(45‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺨﺒﺭ‬

‫ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ‪ 40‬ﻤﻘﻌﺩﺍ)‪.(49‬‬ ‫ ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ )ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺠﻴﻥ( ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻴل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻭل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ )ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ(‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺢ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻤﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ‪-‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤ ‪‬ﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪" ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ‪ -‬ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺸﺘﻜﻭﻥ")‪.(46‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻔﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ )ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﻲ( ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻋﺩﺩ "ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺤﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ" ﻴﻘﻭل‬

‫ﻤﺄﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ)‪ .(50‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 50.000‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 60.000‬ﺸﺨﺹ ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺭﺩﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻭﻅﻔﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﺕ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﻟﻸﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺵ‬

‫ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻀﻭﺤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﹼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺴ‪‬ﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺒﺎﻋﺩ‬ ‫ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻜﺘﻅ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺒﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺭﻗﻤﻴﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺘﻴﻥ)‪ .(47‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﻟﻌﺏ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ‬

‫)‪(44‬‬ ‫)‪(45‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 7 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻺﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 12 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(46‬‬ ‫)‪(47‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 4 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻭﺯ ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ %50‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺇﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﻻﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﻔﻭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ‪ 31–24‬ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل "ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ" ‪ (2002‬ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( ‪ .2002‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪ 9‬ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ ‪ ،8‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ‪ ،8‬ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁ ‪ ،9‬ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ .6‬ﻭﻻﺤﻅﺕ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2003‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل "ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ‪ 398‬ﻤﺜﹼﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ 13655‬ﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻤﺭﺸﺢ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ( ‪ –2001‬ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( ‪ 2003‬ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.12‬‬

‫)‪(48‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻔﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻨﹼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺸﺭﻁﺎ ﻤﺴﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻟﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺘﻬﻡ ﻟﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(49‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺨﻠﻑ " ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ" ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬

‫)‪(50‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﻤﻀﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 5‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫ﺩﻴﻠﻲ ﺴﺘﺎﺭ )ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ( ‪ 1‬ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ( ‪.2002‬‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪10‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﻏﻀﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2003‬‬

‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻨﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪8000‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 572‬ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺘﻘﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﺴﻭﻯ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫)ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ 2004‬ﺸﺭﻴﻁ ﻓﻴﺩﻴﻭ ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻱ ‪ %21‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺅﻻﺀ‬

‫ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩل)‪.(54‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ" ﻤﺭﺘﺯﻗﺔ"‪.‬‬

‫‪51‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻴﺤﺘل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ‪ 101‬ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺃﻱ ‪18‬‬

‫ﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ ﻴﺩ‪‬ﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﻫﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ )ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺴﻴﺭ( ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ‪ 47‬ﺸﺨﺹ ﺒﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺯﻤﻥ ﻁﻭﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻤﻨﺩﻭﺏ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﺸﻤﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺸﺭﺡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ)‪ .(52‬ﻭﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﻔﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻫﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻀﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺜل ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻨﻘل ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺤﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻴل ﺍﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﺘﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ‪ %50‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ‬

‫ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ‪ .2002‬ﻭﺭﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻴﻘﺭ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻤﻭﻥ "ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺩﻭﻥ" ﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻫﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻗل ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 1000‬ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻻ ﻫﻭﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.(53)2001‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪" :‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺕ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1979‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ")‪ ،(55‬ﻭﺃﻗﺭ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬

‫ ‬

‫ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻜﺩﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺒﺼﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺴﻌﺕ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺅﺨﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﻔﻭﻥ‬

‫)‪(56‬‬

‫ﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺤﺎل ﻤﺎ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ‬

‫ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﺒﻠﺕ ‪Crisis Group‬‬

‫ﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﺩ‪‬ﻋﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬

‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺄﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺩﻯ ﺴﺅﺍﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﺼﺒﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 2‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‬

‫‪ .2005‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺠﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﺎﻨﻬﻡ ﻻ‬

‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﻭﺍ ﺠﺯﺀﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ )ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺠﻴﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(52‬‬ ‫)‪(53‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2004‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫)‪(54‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ "ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬

‫ل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ" ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( ‪ 2003‬ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪ ،10‬ﻭﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﺘﺤﻠﻴ ً‬ ‫ﻟـ‪ 32‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(55‬‬

‫)‪(56‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﺸﻴﺭ ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 9‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪11‬‬

‫ﻁﻠﺒﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺠﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻤل‬

‫ﻭﻤﻜﺘﻅﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ"؟)‪ ،(57‬ﻭﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺸﺎﺏ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 21‬ﻋﺎﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﻡ‬

‫ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﺨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭﻯ)‪ .(62‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻭ‪‬ﻟﺩ‬

‫ﺸﺎﺏ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﺯ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ‪" :‬ﻻ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺸﻐﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ)‪.(63‬‬

‫ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺴﺭﺍﺤﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﺠﻥ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺴﺕ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﺎ ﻷﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺭﻴﺏ ﻟﺴﺠﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻗﺎل ﺃﻥ ﻁﻠﺒﻪ ﻟﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺽ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺨﻁﺭﺍ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺎ)‪.(58‬‬ ‫ ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼل‪ .‬ﻴﺩ‪‬ﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻠﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﻼ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺫﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺼل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ‬

‫‪ %15‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻜﺜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﺸﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﻲ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺡ ﻟﻠﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ)‪ .(59‬ﻭﻗﻴل ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ‬

‫‪ 2013‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ .(64)%35‬ﻭﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﻟﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ)‪ .(60‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﹼﺎﻉ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺤﻲ ﻤﺯﺩﻫﺭ‬

‫ﺴﺘﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 40.000‬ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ)‪ .(65‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ‬

‫)ﺭﻓﹼﺎﻉ( ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﺤﻅﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ‬

‫ﻏﺭﺏ )ﺭﻓﹼﺎﻉ( ﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ‬

‫ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﺈﻴﻌﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻴﺤﻅﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ‪ 100.000‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻴﺒﻌﺩ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻕ ﻤﻌﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻴﺸﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍ ﻭﺒﺅﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺘﺤﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺏﺀ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪.‬‬

‫"ﻀﺎﻨﺎ ﻤﻭل" ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺒﻴﺱ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺠﻤ‪‬ﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻜﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺩﻟﻴل ﺇﻀﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ "ﻨﻬﺏ" ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ‪ %3‬ﻓﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻜﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻟﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ‬

‫ﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫)‪(66‬‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻟﻠﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺡ‬

‫)‪(67‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺙ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻟﻡ‬

‫ﺸﺢ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ)‪ ،(61‬ﻭﻴﻀﻁﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻓﻘﻴﺭﺓ‬ ‫)‪(62‬‬

‫)‪(57‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺭﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(59‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(58‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻓﻲ ‪-‬ﺴﺘﺭﻩ‪ 11 -‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ ‪ 11‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(60‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﺩﻯ ﺴﺅﺍﻟﻪ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻗﺎل ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‬

‫ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻟـ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻜل ﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺘﺭﻓﺽ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ‬

‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(61‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻬل ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻅﺎﻅ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﻁﻭ‪‬ﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(63‬‬

‫ﻟﻭﺴﻥ "ﺫﺨﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ" ﺭﺃﻱ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(64‬‬

‫"ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ" ﺩﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(65‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ‪ 23‬ﺃﻴﻠﻭل ‪ 2004‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.4‬‬ ‫)‪(66‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻨﺒﻴل ﺭﺠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬

‫)‪(67‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ‪ 8‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪12‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل)‪ .(70‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜل‬

‫ﺘﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺩﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁل ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﻗل‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻤﻌﻴل ﻟﻬﺎ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ)‪ .(71‬ﻭﻻﺤﻅ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﺩ ﺒﺈﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2005‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﻤﺤﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ....‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ‬

‫ﺘﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﻓﺎﻨﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻻ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻜﻠﻴﺎ ﻋﻤﻕ‬

‫ﺘﺫﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻓﻕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺜﻠﺜﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺫﻤﺭ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ –ﻀﺩ ﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪-‬‬

‫ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ‬

‫ﻭﻜﻤﺅﺸﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ)‪.(68‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ %70‬ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2013‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻟﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 84000‬ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪1990‬‬

‫ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺭﻭﺍﺘﺏ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 200‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪530‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1990‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ‪420‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻤﻜﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﻭﺭ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻭ‪ 2002‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﺎﻥ ‪ 67000‬ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ %80‬ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﻭﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ)‪ .(69‬ﻭﻴﻜﺴﺏ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ %53‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 352‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺘﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 200‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2013‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﺴﻴﺤﺼل‬

‫‪) 350‬ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 928‬ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ( ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻷﺴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ‪ 300‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ)‪.(72‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻘﺭﺍ ﻭﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ‬

‫)‪(68‬‬

‫ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺘﺠﺫﺒﻬﻡ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻼﺩﻫﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻷﺨﺫ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻭﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻤﺎل ﺃﺠﺎﻨﺏ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻭﻥ ﺘﺄﺸﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺨﻭل ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ )ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1000‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 1500‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﺩل ‪ 2643‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 3979‬ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ( ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻴﻘﻀﻭﻥ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﺴﺩﻴﺩ ﺜﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻟﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺘﻌﺭﻀﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺘﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(69‬‬

‫"ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ" ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪ ،3‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬

‫‪) %113‬ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﺩل ‪ 110‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ( ﺃﻤﺎ ﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺘﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 150‬ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭ( ﺼﻔﺤﺔ‪.10‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻬﺩﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺴﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﻭﺍﺥ ﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻏﺭﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻟﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻜﻭﺙ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻴﻭﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﻅﺭﻭﻓﺎ ﻴﺎﺌﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ‬

‫‪ 40000‬ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‬

‫)‪(70‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 7‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪2005‬؛ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺃﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ( ‪.2004‬‬ ‫)‪(71‬‬

‫‪.2004‬‬ ‫)‪(72‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺎ ‪ 4‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(‬

‫"ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ" ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.4‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ)‪ .(73‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﻤﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﺏ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪13‬‬

‫‪.3‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﻪ ﻟﻠﻌﻤل ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﻌﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻴﺄﺱ ﻟﻌﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﺭ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻷﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺘﺫﻫﺏ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ)‪ .(74‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻟﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ)‪ .(75‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎل ﺘﺩﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺒل ﻓﻘﻁ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﻭﻱ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺜﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭﺕ ﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل‬

‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺤﻭ‪‬ل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻀﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻜﻭﺍﺥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ‬

‫ﺃﻤل ﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻐﺎﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ)‪.(76‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺤﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻐﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺫﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻁﻴﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﺸل ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻘﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺤﻭﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﻐﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻗﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺯﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎﻫﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫)‪(73‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(74‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻗﺭﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺒﺱ ﻭﺩﻴﺭﺍﺯ‬

‫)‪(75‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺅﺨﺭﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫‪ 11‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻭﺴﺘﺭﻩ؟ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺌﺢ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( ‪ 2003‬ﺃﻭﺸﻙ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻗﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭﺸﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺸﻜل ﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ‪ 1200‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻭﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺃﻭﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻟﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﻟـ‬

‫‪" :Crisis Group‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻼﻋﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ‪ 26‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻥ ﻟﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ"‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻁﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﺭﺽ‬

‫ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﺴﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺯﺯﺕ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻁﻠﻕ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ "ﺒﺎﻟﻬﻼل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ"‪ -‬ﻫﻼل‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴ‪‬ﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻀﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ)‪ .(77‬ﻭﺴﺒﺏ ﺜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻕ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻜﻡ ﺜﻴﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﻁﺎﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﺫﻭ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺒﺭ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺘﺒﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺁﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪:‬‬

‫ﻷﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻜﺄﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻟﻠﺸﻬﻭﺩ ﻟﻤﺩﺓ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( ‪ 2004‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺙ ﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻷﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪) ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﻔﺫﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺩﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪Crisis‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ‬

‫‪ Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻫﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 7‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(‬ ‫‪.2004‬‬

‫)‪(76‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ –ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻡ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻑ ﻭﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ‪ %300‬ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻏﻭﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻌﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﺭﻫﺎ – ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﺴﻊ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺃﺠﻤل ﻭﺃﻏﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﻀﻐﻁ ﻫﺎﺌل ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺠﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺼل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ %3‬ﻭﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺭﻱ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻨﻔﻲ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ ﻭﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫)‪(77‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒﻭﺴﺕ‪ 8 ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ( ‪.2004‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪14‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ -‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺸﻜ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ)‪.(78‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺜﻴﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺩ ﹰ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ)‪.(79‬‬ ‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل‬

‫ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻤﺕ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1979‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻁﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻭﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﻭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻘﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1980‬ﺒﺯﻋﻡ ﺇﺜﺎﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ)‪ .(80‬ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺠﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻨﺏ ﻤﻊ‬

‫‪ ،1996‬ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﻓﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺒﺘﻠﻘﻴﻬﻡ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬

‫ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ)‪.(82‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻻ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻭﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ؛ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻗل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺯﻋﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻀﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1979‬ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﺩﺙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ‬

‫ﺘﻨﺘﻬﺞ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫)‪(83‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﻗﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1979‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺴﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﺤﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺯﻤﺎﻨﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﺤﺎﺯﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ‬

‫ﻟﻌﺏ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﺤﻅ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻕ‬

‫ﺃﺨﻴﻪ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻴﺩﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ )ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ( ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻘﻀ‪‬ﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ)‪ .(81‬ﻭﺇﺒ‪‬ﺎﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺫﹸﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﺎﻤﺕ‬

‫)‪(82‬‬

‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺘﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﻡ )ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ(‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺴﻌﺕ ﻟﺸﻥ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﻗﻨﺎﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1995‬ﻫﻭ‬

‫)‪(78‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪" :37‬ﻓﻬﻡ‬

‫)‪(79‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪ 2 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ ،2005‬ﺹ‪.20‬‬

‫)‪(80‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻵﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻊ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ .‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻜﻴﻨﺙ‪ .‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺒﻭﻻﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪Kenneth M. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict‬‬ ‫‪) ، Between Iran and America‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ‪ (2004‬ﺹ‪ .281-280‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺜﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺏ ﻓﺈﻥ‬

‫ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﻭﻻﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻵﺘﻲ‪" :‬ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺒﺭﻴﺌﻴﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻤﻭ‪‬ﻟﻭﺍ ﻭﺴﺎﻋﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺒﻥ ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﺃﺏ‬

‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺎﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻜﻨﻭﻫﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺼﻔﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺀ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ‬

‫)‪(81‬‬

‫ﺠﺭﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻓﻭﻟﺭ ﻭﺭﻨﺩ ﺭﺤﻴﻡ ﻓﺭﻨﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻴﻭﻥ‪Graham Fuller and Rend Rahim Francke, The Arab ،‬‬

‫‪) ، Shi`a: The Forgotten Muslims‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ‪ ،(1999‬ﺹ‪.134‬‬

‫ﻜﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻜﺘﻔﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(83‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 2‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺒﺄﻥ "ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ")‪.(84‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ "ﻁﺎﺒﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺨﺎﻤﺴﹰﺎ"؛ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻟﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﺫﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬ ‫ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺒﺩﻯ ﻤﻌﻠﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺘﻔﺘﻴﺕ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒـ"ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻨﺎل‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻤﻬﻡ ﻟﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﹰﺎ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ – ﻭﻜﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺜﺒﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻓﻕ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻀﻴﻕ)‪.(85‬‬

‫ﻟﻡ ﻴﻁﺭﺃ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2005‬ﻟﻌﺒﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻟﻭﺤﻅ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﻭﺠ‪‬ﻬﻭﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﺴﻕ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪15‬‬

‫ﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﻫﻡ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬

‫ﺘﻐﻤﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺒﱠﺭ‬

‫ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻌﺒ‪‬ﺭ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﺭﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫)‪(87‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ"‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ)‪ .(88‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬ ‫ﻨﺩﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﺏ ﺴﻨﹼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﹸﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﺒﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺼﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﻴﺎﻫﻡ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﻼﺹ ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ‬

‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺸﻌﺏ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﻭﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻬﻴﺊ ﺍﻷﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ")‪.(89‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﻤﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ )ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ( ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺜﺎﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ(‬ ‫ﺘﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻠﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ)‪ .(90‬ﺇﻥ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﺠﻬﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺸﻬﺭ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ ،2005‬ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺼﻭﺭ ﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺼﻭﺭ‬

‫)‪(87‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﺸﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 12 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺫﻫﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ‬

‫ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻔﻴﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻀﻠﻊ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻹﺸﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ)‪.(86‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ‪،‬‬

‫)‪(88‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ(‪-‬‬

‫)‪(89‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ ‪ 4‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(90‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ(‬

‫– ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﹰﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻭﺸﻜل ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ‬

‫)‪(84‬‬

‫ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻻ ﻗﺩ ﻁﺭﺃ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ‬

‫)‪(85‬‬

‫ﻓﻭﻟﺭ ﻭﻓﺭﻨﻜﻲ )ﺃﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.128‬‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﺭﻕ ﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 2‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(86‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ 12 ،‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ‬

‫ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪16‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ( ﻴﺤﺘل ﻤﺭﻜﺯﹰﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﻭ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺠﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪" ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ")‪.(91‬‬

‫ﺒﺩﻗﺔ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻡ)‪.(94‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ)‪ .(95‬ﻭﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‬ ‫)‪(96‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺘﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺒﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ‬

‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﺼﺎﺒﻌﻬﻡ ﻟﺘﻭﺭﻁ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻋﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻩ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻜﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻟﻜل ﺭﺠل ﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺘﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﻨﻤﻭﹰﺍ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺤﺴﻥ ﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻀﺨﻡ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ‬

‫ﺯﻋﻴﻡ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ( ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻴﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺃﺭﺠﺎﺀ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ )ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﻭﺴﻌﻬﻡ ﻀﻠﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺭﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ "ﻤﺭﺠﻊ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﺎﺓ)‪ .(92‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻭﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ )ﻭﻻﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻪ ﻭﺘﺭﺍﺜﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻗﺎﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻤﻘﻴﻡ)‪ .(93‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺭﺠﺎل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺒﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﻫﻡ ﺁﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﻜﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻀﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻭﺫ‬

‫ﺘﺒﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺘﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2002‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﻓﻌﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺎﺌﻁ ﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ)‪.(97‬‬

‫ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻀل ﺍﷲ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺴﺘﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ‪ .‬ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ‬ ‫ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺴﺘﺎﻨﻲ‬

‫)‪(94‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ )ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ(‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻘﻴﻕ ﻟﻪ )ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ( ﻭﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺼﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ )ﺸﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺃﺥ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ 15 ،Crisis Group‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ .2005‬ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‬ ‫ﺠﻭﺍﻥ ﻜﻭل‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔ ﻭﺤﺭﺏ ﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔ‪Juan Cole, Sacred Space ،‬‬

‫‪ ، and Holy War‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(91‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.20‬‬

‫)‪(93‬‬

‫ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬

‫)‪(92‬‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺠﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ‪Moojan Momen, An ،‬‬ ‫‪Introduction to Shi`i Islam: The History and Doctrines of‬‬ ‫‪) ، Twelver Shi`ism‬ﻨﻴﻭﻫﻴﻔﻥ ‪ ،(1985‬ﺹ‪.188‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﺠﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻴﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻴﻘﻭل ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ ﺇﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﹼﺒﻌﻭﻥ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻗﻴل ﻟـ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﻐﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(95‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﺊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 1 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(96‬‬

‫ﻟﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻴﺅﻴﺩ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻪ‬

‫ﻴﻘﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺅﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻴﺅﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺸﻜل ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(97‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 4 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪17‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻻ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺒﺘﻌﻬﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﺙ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ‬

‫ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻪ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺼﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻟﻴل‬ ‫ﻗﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ؛‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﺤﻭل ﺤل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻠﺼﻭﻥ)‪.(101‬‬

‫ﻴﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺒﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﻭﻀﺤﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﻴﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ)‪ .(102‬ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬

‫ﻟﻘﻭﻟﻬﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺸﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1971‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺼﻭﺘﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺭﻓﺽ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﺤﻔﻴﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺘﺤﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ)‪.(103‬‬

‫ﺃﻋﺭﺏ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺃﺒﺩﻭﺍ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺎﺩﺜﺕ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﺼﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﻕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﻤﺜل ﻓﻴﻪ ‪ %70‬ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺭﻴﺩﻩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ")‪.(98‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺠﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ "ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺩﻟﻴل ﻤﺎ ﺠﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2001‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ "ﺤﻤل ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺘﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻜﺘﺎﻓﻬﻡ"‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺭﺅﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ)‪" .(99‬ﻟﻡ ﻴﺸﻜل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺎﻡ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺭﺒﻭﺍ ﻴﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﻏﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ")‪.(100‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﺸﺎﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻨﻅﻤﺕ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﺙ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﺒﺭﻓﻊ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ(‬

‫ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ –ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﻌﻡ ﺒﻪ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺜﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺘﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻘﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﺠﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ)‪.(104‬‬

‫ﻻ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺭﻭﺯﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ –ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻹﻀﻌﺎﻓﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺴﺨﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺴﻭﻯ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻁﺭﻓﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ،2005‬ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﺤﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻼﻓﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻭﻻﺌﻬﻡ ﻟﻸﻤﺔ ﻭﻁﺎﻟﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫)‪(101‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫‪ 50.000‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 80.000‬ﺃﻟﻔﹰﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﻜﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺭﻗﻡ ﻨﻘﻠﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻻﺤﻘﹰﺎ ﺭﻭﻴﺘﺭ‬

‫ﻟﻸﺨﺒﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻜﺭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺤﻀﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪20.000‬‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 30.000‬ﺃﻟﻔﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪ .2005‬ﻟﻘﺩ‬ ‫)‪(98‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(99‬‬

‫‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(100‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺠﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 7‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ 7 Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺘﺭﺩﻴﺩﺍ ﻟﺠﻬﺩ ﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ ،2005‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﺓ ﻟﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻟﻜﺄﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﺠﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻡ ﺘﺭﻓﻊ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺠﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(102‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(104‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(103‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 6 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻴﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺒﻜل ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺭﻜﹼﺯ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺸﺒﻪ ﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ)‪ .(105‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺭﻴﺽ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‬

‫ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺩﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻀ‪‬ل ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2002‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬ ‫ﺸﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﺜﻨﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ "ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ"‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ )‪ (65.000‬ﺃﻟﻑ ﻋﻀﻭ)‪ .(106‬ﻭﻴﺩ‪‬ﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺘﺩ‬

‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻠﻤﺤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻨﺼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل)‪.(107‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺒل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺠﺎل‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﻤﻬﻥ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﺭﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﻱ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪18‬‬

‫ﻜﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻻ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺭﺅﻯ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﺒل ﺇﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺘﺄﻭﻱ ﺘﻌﺩﺩﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺼﺭﺡ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‬

‫ﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻨﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻷﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﻅﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺴﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ")‪.(108‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺤﺼل‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺨﺭﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻠﺕ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ "ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ)‪ .(109‬ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺘﻀﻡ‬

‫ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺯﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻱ)‪.(110‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ "ﻗﻡ"‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻠﻘﹼﻰ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺨﻤﺱ‬

‫ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺩﻥ)‪ ،(111‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2001‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻗﻴل ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪.(112)2002‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺯﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺍﺼﻁﻔﺎﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺠﺩ ﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻟﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﻓﻀل ﺍﷲ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(108‬‬ ‫)‪(109‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺘﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺩﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺒﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺘﻪ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻨﺎﻗﺩﹰﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(105‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻭﻟﺭ ﻭﻓﺭﺍﻨﻜﻲ )ﺫﻜﺭ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ(‪.‬‬

‫)‪(106‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪1‬‬

‫)‪(107‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪1 ،‬‬

‫ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺒﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(110‬‬

‫)‪(111‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻫﻴﻭﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍﻴﺘﺱ ﻭﻭﺘﺵ "ﺇﺴﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻲ"‪Human Rights Watch, ،‬‬ ‫"‪ ،"Routine Abuse, Routine Denial‬ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺹ‪.33-28‬‬ ‫)‪(112‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪19‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻪ ﻴﺤﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻜﺜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ‪ ،2002‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻀﻴﻕ ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻭﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ)‪ .(113‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻭﻴﻭﺯﻉ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺠﻤﻊ "ﺍﻟﺨﹸﻤﺱ"‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﻲ "ﻗﻡ" ﻭﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‬

‫ﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺭﺒﻼﺀ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﻨﻅﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻙ‪ ،‬ﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺠﺫﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻴﺙ ﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬

‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ ‪ %45‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ %55‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ)‪.(114‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺘﻁﺭﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﻀل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬

‫)‪(115‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻭﺃﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺎل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺭﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2004‬ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 25‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 100‬ﻋﻀﻭ)‪ .(116‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻅﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺎﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1980‬ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ‪ 99‬ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻓ ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻭﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻭﻟﺩﻭﺍ‬

‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻌﺎﺸﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻔﻭﻅ‬

‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺯل ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻨﻘﻀﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻨﺼل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺘﺸﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺒﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ Crisis Group ،‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺎﻫﺯ )‪ (20.000‬ﻋﻀﻭ ﻤﺴﺠل ﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺩ‪‬ﻋﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻗﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺠﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻭل ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻋﺎﺸﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻲ ﺠﻠﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺜﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺸﺎﻁﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ –‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺤﺩ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻭﺘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2001‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ‬ ‫)‪(114‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 12‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫ﺇﺼﺭﺍﺭ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ‬

‫)‪(115‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﺎل ﻟـ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠل ﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺠﻊ‬ ‫ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﻜﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺌﺜﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺃﻗل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻻﺜﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫)‪(116‬‬

‫)‪(113‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺃﺒﻠﻐﻭﺍ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺘﺤﺩﻯ ﺤﻕ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﺀﻭﺍ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺘﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ‪ 11 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪20‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻤل‬

‫ﺒﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬

‫ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻴﻨﻅﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻭﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2002‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ‬

‫ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩل ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻵل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﺩ ﺼﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﺩﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺤﻭل ﺃﻨﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﻹﺯﺍﻟﺔ‬

‫ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻭﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ –ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﻘﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‪ -‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻠﻌﺏ ﺴﻭﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ)‪.(117‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻻﺤﻅﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻙ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﻨﺎﺴﻕ ﻭﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻁﻠﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻌﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ "ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺩﻭﻟﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺯﺍﻉ‬

‫ﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ – ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻭل ﻴﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ)‪.(118‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬

‫ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ – ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ‬

‫)‪(117‬‬ ‫)‪(118‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻨﺭﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ)‪ .(119‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﺤﺎﺤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺩﻋﺎﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺼﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻗﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻉ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﺩﺍﺭ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺇﺴﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﻭﺓ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻭﻴﻁﺎﻟﺒﻥ ﺒﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺕ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2001‬ﻟﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻭﺼﻔﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻴﻀﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ‪2002‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ‬ ‫ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻭﺍﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺩﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬ ‫ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻼﻤﺫﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﻡ )ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ( ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻀﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺘﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺤﺎﻓﻅﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺴﻡ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﺎﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺯﻋﻤﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﺎﻟﻑ‬ ‫)‪(120‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻴﻌﺎﺭﻀﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺠﺏ ﺯﺍﻴﺩ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﻨﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻸﺨﺫ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻨﺭﻴﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺭﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻗﺎﻁﻊ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺴﺠل ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻭﻤﻨﺴﺠﻡ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ‬

‫‪ 1 Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ .2005‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ ‪Crisis‬‬

‫)‪(119‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺏ ‪ ،2001‬ﺃﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻀﺩ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬

‫‪ ،Group‬ﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻌﻲ "ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل‬

‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ‬

‫)‪(120‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺠﺏ ﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 8 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪21‬‬

‫ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬

‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻜﺤﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ)‪ .(124‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺴﻠﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪،2005‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻭﺭﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﻁﻌﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﺴﻘﻁﺕ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﻫﻭ‬

‫ﺃﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺭﻥ ﺇﻤﺎ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻡ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺴﻠﻁﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﻤل‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﺠﻌﻭﺍ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻨﻴل ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻤﺅﻗﺕ ﻟﻠﻭﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻌﺕ‬

‫ﻷﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل)‪.(121‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻨﻘﻴﻀﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺒﺊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻻ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﺠﻭﺓ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺸﻌﺭﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﺨﺫﻻﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻓﺸل‬

‫ﺘﺸﺎﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺤﻭل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ)‪.(122‬‬

‫ﻫـ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل‬

‫ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2002‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺠﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻐل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﺨﻁﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺫﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺨﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺒﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﻀﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺸﻜل ﺼﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ –ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﻀﻌﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻔﻘﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺄﻜﺒﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻵﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻋﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺸﺩﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻴﺅﺨﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻤل ﺍﻟﺠﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬

‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻴﻥ)‪ .(125‬ﻭﺫﻜﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ "ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺩﻟﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺼﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﺇﻨﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫)‪(126‬‬

‫ﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺠﺫﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻤﻲ ﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺫﺭ ﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺤﺴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ "ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﺫﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻤﻠﻤﻠﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﺜﻘﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬

‫ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺒﺩﺀﻭﺍ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل‪،‬‬

‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ "ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗل‬

‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ")‪ .(127‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﺜل‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻴﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺸﺩ‬

‫ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻁﺢ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2004‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﺸﺄ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫)ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ( ﻭﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺩﻋﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .(123)2006‬ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬

‫)‪(121‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ 8 ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(122‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ‬

‫)‪(123‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 31‬ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ )ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻟﻼﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ‪ .‬ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﹰﺎ ﻜﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺘﻘﻭل ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻭل ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(124‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(125‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 1 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)‪(126‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 2 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)‪(127‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 1‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‪.2005 ،‬‬ ‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪22‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﺯﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺒﺩﻴل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﻠﻤل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﺍﺠﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2004‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﺃﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻟﺠﺄﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻤﻊ ﺁل ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻗﻼﻗل‬

‫ﺸﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل )ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ( ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﻨﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺠ َﻬ ‪‬ﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﺤﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻨﺩﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻟﻡ ﻴﻠﺘﻔﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻁﻴﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ)‪ .(128‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻅﻬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ)‪ .(129‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺒ‪‬ﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺌ ﹰ‬

‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﻨﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ)‪.(130‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺴﺘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﻌﺔ ﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻜﻭﻙ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ ﻭﻗﻁﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻋﺯﺯﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻨﺎﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪ 2005‬ﺃﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﺨﻁﻁﻭﻥ ﻹﻨﺯﺍل ﻀﺭﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫)‪(132‬‬

‫ﻀﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﻜﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺯﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻜﺭ‬

‫ﻗﺭﻭﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻊ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺒﺕ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﻋﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ‬ ‫"ﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﻤﺤﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ")‪.(133‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻴﻐﺫﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ)‪ .(131‬ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ‬

‫)‪(128‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﻤﻊ ﺠﻠﻴل ﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 8 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‬

‫‪ .2005‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﻟﻭﺤﻅ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﻨﺩﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺒﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺯﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺒﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﺅﻗﺘﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻨﺸﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ‪ .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪Crisis‬‬

‫‪ ،Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 4 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫)‪(129‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 4‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(131‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ )ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ( "ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(130‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ ‪ 4‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﻤﺘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺤﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺩﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ‪" ،Crisis Group‬ﻓﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ‪ .10-9‬ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻋﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 74‬ﺤﻭل ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪" ،‬ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺴﻭﻻﻭﻴﺴﻲ" ‪Indonesia Backgrounder: Jihad‬‬

‫‪ 3 ، in Central Sulawesi‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪2004‬؛ ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ‪Crisis‬‬ ‫‪ Group‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 12‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪" :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ :‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ"‬

‫‪ 20 ، Legacies of History‬ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( ‪2004‬؛ ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ‪Crisis‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 31‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪" ،‬ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ‬

‫‪ Group‬ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 13‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﻭﻥ؟" ‪Saudi Arabia Backgrounder:‬‬

‫‪ 20 ، Opportunity‬ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( ‪2004‬؛ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺭﻗﻡ‬

‫)‪(132‬‬

‫ﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ :1‬ﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ" ‪Islamism in North Africa I: The‬‬

‫ﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ :2‬ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻤﺼﺭ" ‪Islamism in North Africa II: Egypt's‬‬

‫‪ 29‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ‪..‬‬

‫‪Islamism, Violence, and‬‬

‫‪ 30 ، Reform in Algeria: Turning the Page‬ﺘﻤﻭﺯ )ﻴﻭﻟﻴﻭ( ‪2004‬؛‬

‫?‪ 21 ، Who are the Islamists‬ﺃﻴﻠﻭل ‪.2004‬‬ ‫)‪(133‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ,Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻤﺔ‪ 11 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺴﺘﺭﻩ‪ 5 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫‪.4‬‬

‫ﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺨﻀﻡ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺎﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺘﻅل ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﺅل‪ .‬ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺭﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ –‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪23‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺨﺸﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﺯﻤﺘﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﻤﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻬﻥ ﺒﺎﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ -‬ﻴﺘﻠﻬﻔﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻕ‬

‫ﻭﺴﻨﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺅﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺘﻬﺩﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻁﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻟﻺﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺤل ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻊ‪ .‬ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺨﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺠﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ –ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺨﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺏ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻓﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺸﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ – ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻤل‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻊ –ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺽ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺇﺤﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤ‪‬ﺭﺽ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺯﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻻ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻏﺎﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺘﺅﺩﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﺭﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺏﺀ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ‬

‫ﻤﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺯﻤﻥ ﻁﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ‬

‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﻀﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻨﺼﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻠﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻅﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻀﻊ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺤﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺎﻜﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻔﺫ ﻭﻋﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻁﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2001‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺨﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻤل ﺸﺩﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺠﺴﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺒﻨﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺤل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻨﻭﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺸﻙ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﺒﺘﻌﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺯﺍﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻷﻭﻟﺌﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪24‬‬

‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻪ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﺩﻴ ﹰ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻟـ‪ Crisis Group‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻤل ﻀﻌﻴﻑ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﺎﻋﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺤﻤل ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﺎﺤﺒﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺒﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.2001‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﺤﺒﻁﻭﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﻟﻼﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺏ ﻤﺜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺨل‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻫﺒﺕ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﻐﻁ‬ ‫)‪(137‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﻬﻡ‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﺀﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل‬

‫ﻨﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺤﺠﻡ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﺎﻋل ﻤﺅﺜﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﺏ ﻤﻌﺘﺭﻑ‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻁﺔ‬

‫ﻋﺎل‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺒﻭﺵ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺤﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻗﻭﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﺘﺩﺨل ﻗﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻟﻺﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺇﻀﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻗﺩ ﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌل ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﹸﺘﻘﹾﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺸﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻌل‬

‫ﺒﻬﺎ)‪ ،(134‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺎﺩﺌﺔ ﻤﺼﺤﻭﺒﺔ ﺒﺜﻨﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﺠﺭﺱ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2005‬ﻗﺎل‬

‫ﻭﺘﺴﻠﻴﻁ ﺍﻷﻀﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﺀ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬

‫ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ )ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ( ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫)‪(138‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺒﻭﺵ "ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﺅﻤﻠﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﺘﻭﻁﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺱ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﹼﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺢ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺭﺨﻲ ﻭﺘﺴﺘﺭﻴﺢ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ")‪ .(135‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﻌﺕ ﺃﺸﻭﺍﻁﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻁ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺠﻬﺩ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ)‪ .(136‬ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺒﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺩﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﺭﺤﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻨﻐﻤﺎﺱ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻟﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺤﺩ‬

‫ﺃﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺸﺊ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﺼﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺃﺴﻭﺃ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻭﻟﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺁﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬

‫)‪(134‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﻅ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻑ‪.‬‬

‫ﻻﺤﻅﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪/‬ﺒﺭﻭﻜﺴل‪ 6 ،‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل‪ ...‬ﺘﹸﻨﺒﻬﻨﺎ"‪ ،‬ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻟﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ"‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪" ،‬ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ‪ ،"2005-2004‬ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‪http://www.state.gov/g/drl/ :‬‬

‫‪. rls/shrd/2004/43111.htm‬‬ ‫)‪(135‬‬

‫‪،205‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺠﻭﺭﺝ ﺒﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ‪ 2 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‬

‫ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪:‬‬

‫‪http://www.whitehouse.gov/news‬‬

‫‪. /releases/2005/02/20050202-11.html‬‬

‫)‪(136‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ(‪ -‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ )ﻤﺎﺭﺱ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫)‪(137‬‬ ‫)‪(138‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺴﺘﺭﺍ‪ 5 ،‬ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ )ﺃﺒﺭﻴل( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪ ،Crisis Group‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻕ‪ 4 ،‬ﺸﺒﺎﻁ )ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ( ‪.2005‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

2005 (‫ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ‬6 – ‫ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬40 ‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ‬

25 ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺃ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬ AL ¸ MUHARRAQ

50°30'

50°15'

Al Khubar

International Airport

Al

Al Mana- Muharraq mah

26°15' - Barbar King Fah d

SAUDI ARABIA

Jidd Hafs ¸ ¸

Ad Diraz

26°15'

AL MANAMAH

Khawr' al Qulay ah

Al Budayyi'

Ca use wa y

Al Muhammadiyah ¸ -

-irat an Jaz b-i Salih Na

- 'Isa' Town

Al 'Aziziyah Umm An Na'san

Al Jasrah

Karzakkan

Qassar ¸ ¸ - al Qulay'ah

ISA TOWN

Dumistan Ar Rifa' al Gharbi

PERSIAN GULF

- Marquban

CENTRAL 'Ali-

AL HADD ¸

Al Jufayr

¸ ¸ JIDD HAFS

NORTHERN Sar

Jiddah

50°45'

- al Jazirat Muharraq ¸

Ar Rifa' ash Sharqi-

SITRAH

Al - Ma'amir

Halat ¸ - Umm al Bayd¸

- Al Malikiyah Ra's Zuwayyid

-'Awali

Dar Kulayb

Ra's Abu- Jarjur

As¸ Sakhir ¸

'Askar Az Zallaq

¸ Ra's Hayyan Jabal ad Dukhan

Ra's Abu- al Mawj Al Wasmiyah

AR RIFA'

Umm Jalid

Jaww

26°00' Al 'Amar

Ra's Nawmah Ra's al Jaza'ir

26°00'

AND Ad Dur

WESTERN SOUTHERN Al Mamtalah ¸

Ra's al Qurayn Ar Rumaythah Cairn

Ra's al Mamtalah ¸ Cairn

Ra's an Niqah Hadd al Jamal

Jazirat Mashtan

Ra's al Barr

Qassar ¸ ¸ - Nun

Al Mu'tarid¸

- Nun Halat

Rabad¸ al Gharbiyah

25°45'

BAHRAIN

4 2

6

8

4

50°15' Map No. 3868 Rev. 2 UNITED NATIONS January 2004

10 km

Jazirat Hawar ¸ - al Suwad - Janubiyah

ia

n Gu lf BAHRAIN

QATAR of

2

- ash Suwad -Shamaliyah

S ea

0

GULF OF BAHRAIN

rs

0

25°45'

Pe

National capital Town, village Municipal boundary Highway Main road Secondary road Track Built-up area Sabkha

Rabad¸ ash Sharqiyah

Om

an

The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.

6 mi

50°30'

50°45' Department of Peacekeeping Operations Cartographic Section

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 40‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ – ‪ 6‬ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ( ‪2005‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪26‬‬

‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺏ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻨﺘﺭﻨﺎﺸﻭﻨﺎل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ‬

‫ﺇﻨﺘﺭﻨﺎﺸﻭﻨل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ )ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ( ﻫﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺒﺤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻴﺴﻲ( ﻭﻴﻌﻤل ﻤﺤﻠﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 40‬ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ ﻟﻸﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻴﻌﻤل ﺒﻬﺎ ‪)100‬ﻤﺎﺌﺔ( ﻤﻭﻅﻔﺎ ﻓﻲ ‪) 5‬ﺨﻤﺱ( ﻗﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻗﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻨﺠﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺒﻭﺭﻨﺩﻱ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﻊ ﻭﺤل ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﻭﺕ ﺩﻱ ﻓﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻐﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻋﻤل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻕ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺴﻴﺭﺍﻟﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺭﻴﺎ ﻏﻴﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺜﻴﻭﺒﻴﺎ‪ ,‬ﺍﺭﺘﺭﻴﺎ‪ ,‬ﻭﺭﻭﻨﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻭﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﻥ‪,‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺩﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻨﺩﻻﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻭﻏﻨﺩﺍ ﻭﺯﻤﺒﺎﺒﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺸﻤﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﺯﺨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﺭﺠﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺇﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﻴﺎﻨﻤﺎﺭ‪/‬ﺒﻭﺭﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻨﻴﺒﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺠﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﻜﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻭﺯﺒﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ؛ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻟﺒﺎﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﻤﻴﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺯﺭﺒﻴﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻭﺴﻨﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺼﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻴﺭﺯﺠﻭﻓﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻭﺭﺠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻘﻭﺩﻭﻨﻴﺎ‪،‬ﻭﻤﻭﻟﺩﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﻨﺘﻨﺠﺭﻭ‬

‫ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻨﺸﺭﺓ ﺸﻬﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ ‪ CrisisWatch‬ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪12‬‬

‫ﻭﺼﺭﺒﻴﺎ؛ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻤﺎل ﺇﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻟﻭﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺩﻴﺯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺘﻭﺯﻉ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺭﻭﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻜـﺎﻻﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺒﻭﻋﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﺭﻋﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺩﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺘﻭﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ .www.crisisgroup.org‬ﺘﻌﻤل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻭﻟﻨﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻠﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺜﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻴﺭﻟﻨﺩﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻟـﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻸﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﺘﻭﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻟﻭﺼﻔﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻭﻜﺴـﻤﺒﻭﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬

‫ﻴﻀﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻟﺠﻠﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻴﺭﺃﺱ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ‬ ‫ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻓﻨﻠﻨﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻤﺎﺭﺘﻲ ﺃﻫﺘﺴﺎﺭﻱ؛ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺘﺭﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺠﺎﺭﺙ ﺇﻴﻔﺎﻨﺯ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺸﻬﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪2000‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻘﺭ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ل ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻭﻜﺴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ﻭﻟﻨﺩﻥ ﻭﻤﻭﺴﻜﻭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﺍ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺎ)ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻠﻐﺭﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﻭﻏﻭﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻜﺎﺭﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﺒﻭل‪ ,‬ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺵ‪،‬ﺒﺭﻴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻴﺸﺘﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻴﺘﻭ‪ ،‬ﺴﺭﺍﻴﻴﻔﻭ‪ ،‬ﺴﻜﻭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻭﺯﻴﻼﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻥ )ﺘﺎﻴﻭﺍﻥ( ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻤﺭﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺭﻭﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻭﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻴﺴﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻤﻭﻨﻭﻴﻠﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨـﺎﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺘﻠﻨﺘﻙ ﻓﻴﻼﻨﺘﺭﻭﺒﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻨﻴﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻓﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺒل ﻭﻤﻠﻴﻨﺩﺍ ﺠﻴﺘﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻓﻠﻭﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﻭﻟﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻫﻨﺭﻱ ﻟـﻭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﺜﺭﻴﻥ ﺕ‪ .‬ﻤﺎﻙ ﺁﺭﺜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺠﻭﻥ ﻤﻴﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﺭﻟﺯ ﺴﺘﻴﻭﺍﺭﺕ ﻤﻭﻁ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺃﻭﺒﻥ ﺴﻭﺴـﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺼـﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺒﻼﻭﺸـﻴﺭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺴﻴﺠﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻭﺯﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺴﺴﺎﻜﺎﻭﺍ ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺔ ﺴـﺎﺭﻟﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻨﺩﺠﺎﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﻴﻨﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻴﺎﺭ ‪2005‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻜﻡ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ‪www.crisisgroup.org‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

2005 (‫ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ‬6 – ‫ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬40 ‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ‬

27 ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺝ‬

2002 ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ‬

EGYPT/NORTH AFRICA∗

ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT

Diminishing Returns: Algeria’s 2002 Legislative Elections, Middle East/North Africa Briefing Nº1, 24 June 2002 Algeria: Unrest and Impasse in Kabylia, Middle East/North Africa Report N°15, 10 June 2003 (also available in French) The Challenge of Political Reform: Egypt after the Iraq War, Middle East Briefing Nº9, 30 September 2003 Islamism in North Africa I: The Legacies of History, Middle East and North Africa Briefing Nº12, 20 April 2004) Islamism in North Africa II: Egypt's Opportunity, Middle East and North Africa Briefing Nº13, 20 April 2004 Islamism, Violence and Reform in Algeria: Turning the Page, Middle East and North Africa Report Nº29, 30 July 2004 (also available in Arabic and in French) Understanding Islamism, Middle East Report N°37, 2 March 2005

A Time to Lead: The International Community and the IsraeliPalestinian Conflict, Middle East Report N°1, 10 April 2002 Middle East Endgame I: Getting to a Comprehensive ArabIsraeli Peace Settlement, Middle East Report N°2, 16 July 2002 Middle East Endgame II: How a Comprehensive IsraeliPalestinian Settlement Would Look, Middle East Report N°3; 16 July 2002 Middle East Endgame III: Israel, Syria and Lebanon – How Comprehensive Peace Settlements Would Look, Middle East Report N°4, 16 July 2002 The Meanings of Palestinian Reform, Middle East Briefing Nº2, 12 November 2002 Old Games, New Rules: Conflict on the Israel-Lebanon Border, Middle East Report N°7, 18 November 2002 Islamic Social Welfare Activism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: A Legitimate Target?, Middle East Report N°13, 2 April 2003 A Middle East Roadmap to Where?, Middle East Report N°14, 2 May 2003 The Israeli-Palestinian Roadmap: What A Settlement Freeze Means And Why It Matters, Middle East Report N°16, 25 July 2003 Hizbollah: Rebel without a Cause?, Middle East Briefing Nº7, 30 July 2003 Dealing With Hamas, Middle East Report N°21, 26 January 2004 (also available in Arabic) Palestinian Refugees and the Politics of Peacemaking, Middle East Report N°22, 5 February 2004 Syria under Bashar (I): Foreign Policy Challenges, Middle East Report N°23, 11 February 2004 (also available in Arabic) Syria under Bashar (II): Domestic Policy Challenges, Middle East Report N°24, 11 February 2004 (also available in Arabic) Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens, Middle East Report N°25, 4 March 2004 The Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative: Imperilled at Birth, Middle East Briefing Nº13, 7 June 2004 Who Governs the West Bank? Palestinian Administration under Israeli Occupation, Middle East Report N°32, 28 September 2004 (also available in Arabic and in Hebrew) After Arafat? Challenges and Prospects, Middle East Briefing N°16, 23 December 2004 (also available in Arabic) Disengagement and After: Where Next for Sharon and the Likud?, Middle East Report N°36, 1 March 2005

IRAQ/IRAN/GULF Iran: The Struggle for the Revolution’s Soul, Middle East Report N°5, 5 August 2002 Iraq Backgrounder: What Lies Beneath, Middle East Report N°6, 1 October 2002 Voices from the Iraqi Street, Middle East Briefing Nº3, 4 December 2002 Yemen: Coping with Terrorism and Violence in a Fragile State, Middle East Report N°8, 8 January 2003 Radical Islam in Iraqi Kurdistan: The Mouse That Roared?

Middle East Briefing Nº4, 7 February 2003 Red Alert in Jordan: Recurrent Unrest in Maan, Middle East Briefing Nº5, 19 February 2003 Iraq Policy Briefing: Is There an Alternative to War?, Middle East Report N°9, 24 February 2003 War in Iraq: What’s Next for the Kurds?, Middle East Report N°10, 19 March 2003 War in Iraq: Political Challenges after the Conflict, Middle East Report N°11, 25 March 2003 War in Iraq: Managing Humanitarian Relief, Middle East Report N°12, 27 March 2003 Baghdad: A Race against the Clock, Middle East Briefing Nº6, 11 June 2003 Governing Iraq, Middle East Report N°17, 25 August 2003 Iraq’s Shiites under Occupation, Middle East Briefing Nº8, 9 September 2003

∗

The Algeria project was transferred from the Africa Program to the Middle East & North Africa Program in January 2002.

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

28 ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬

2005 (‫ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ‬6 – ‫ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬40 ‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ‬

Iraq: Can Local Governance Save Central Government?, Middle East Report N°33, 27 October 2004 (also available in Arabic) Iran: Where Next on the Nuclear Standoff, Middle East Briefing N°15, 24 November 2004 What Can the U.S. Do in Iraq?, Middle East Report N°34, 22 December 2004 (also available in Arabic) Iraq: Allaying Turkey's Fears Over Kurdish Ambitions, Middle East Report N°35, 26 January 2005 (also available in Arabic) Iran in Iraq: How Much Influence?, Middle East Report N°38, 21 March 2005

The Challenge of Political Reform: Jordanian Democratisation and Regional Instability, Middle East Briefing Nº10, 8 October 2003 (also available in Arabic) Iran: Discontent and Disarray, Middle East Briefing Nº11, 15 October 2003 Dealing With Iran’s Nuclear Program, Middle East Report N°18, 27 October 2003 Iraq’s Constitutional Challenge, Middle East Report N°19, 13 November 2003 (also available in Arabic) Iraq: Building a New Security Structure, Middle East Report N°20, 23 December 2003 Iraq's Kurds: Toward an Historic Compromise?, Middle East Report N°26, 8 April 2004 (also available in Arabic) Iraq's Transition: On a Knife Edge, Middle East Report N°27, 27 April 2004 (also available in Arabic) Can Saudi Arabia Reform Itself?, Middle East Report N°28, 14 July 2004 (also available in Arabic) Reconstructing Iraq, Middle East Report N°30, 2 September 2004 (also available in Arabic) Saudi Arabia Backgrounder: Who are the Islamists?, Middle East Report N°31, 21 September 2004 (also available in Arabic)

OTHER REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS For Crisis Group reports and briefing papers on: • Asia • Africa • Europe • Latin America and Caribbean • Thematic Issues • CrisisWatch please visit our website www.crisisgroup.org

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

2005 (‫ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ‬6 – ‫ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬40 ‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ‬

29 ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ‬

Former President of European Parliament

Chair Lord Patten of Barnes

Ruth Dreifuss

Former European Commissioner for External Relations, UK

Pat Cox

Former President, Switzerland

Uffe Ellemann-Jensen Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Denmark

Mark Eyskens Former Prime Minister of Belgium

Stanley Fischer Vice Chairman, Citigroup Inc.; former First Deputy Managing Director of International Monetary Fund

Leslie H. Gelb President Emeritus of Council on Foreign Relations, U.S.

Bronislaw Geremek

President & CEO Gareth Evans Former Foreign Minister of Australia

Executive Committee Morton Abramowitz Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to Turkey

Emma Bonino Member of European Parliament; former European Commissioner

Cheryl Carolus

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Poland

Former South African High Commissioner to the UK; former Secretary General of the ANC

I.K.Gujral

Maria Livanos Cattaui*

Former Prime Minister of India

Secretary-General, International Chamber of Commerce

Carla Hills

Yoichi Funabashi

Former U.S. Secretary of Housing; former U.S. Trade Representative

Lena Hjelm-Wallén

Chief Diplomatic Correspondent & Columnist, The Asahi Shimbun, Japan

Former Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister, Sweden

William Shawcross

James C.F. Huang

Journalist and author, UK

Deputy Secretary General to the President, Taiwan

Stephen Solarz*

Swanee Hunt

Former U.S. Congressman

Chair of Inclusive Security: Women Waging Peace; former U.S. Ambassador to Austria

George Soros

Asma Jahangir

William O. Taylor

UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions; former Chair Human Rights Commission of Pakistan

Chairman Emeritus, The Boston Globe, U.S. *Vice-Chair

Chairman, Open Society Institute

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Senior Advisor, Modern Africa Fund Managers; former Liberian Minister of Finance and Director of UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa

Adnan Abu-Odeh

Shiv Vikram Khemka

Kenneth Adelman

Founder and Executive Director (Russia) of SUN Group, India

Former U.S. Ambassador and Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

James V. Kimsey

Former Political Adviser to King Abdullah II and to King Hussein; former Jordan Permanent Representative to UN

Founder and Chairman Emeritus of America Online, Inc. (AOL)

Ersin Arioglu

Bethuel Kiplagat

Member of Parliament, Turkey; Chairman Emeritus, Yapi Merkezi Group

Former Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kenya

Wim Kok Former Prime Minister, Netherlands

Trifun Kostovski Member of Parliament, Macedonia; founder of Kometal Trade Gmbh

Elliott F. Kulick Chairman, Pegasus International, U.S.

Diego Arria Former Ambassador of Venezuela to the UN

Zbigniew Brzezinski Former U.S. National Security Advisor to the President

Victor Chu Chairman, First Eastern Investment Group, Hong Kong

Wesley Clark Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander, Europe

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

30 ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬

2005 (‫ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ )ﻤﺎﻴﻭ‬6 – ‫ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬40 ‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻴﺴﺯ ﺠﺭﻭﺏ ﺭﻗﻡ‬

Lord Robertson of Port Ellen

Joanne Leedom-Ackerman

Former Secretary General of NATO; former Defence Secretary, UK

Novelist and journalist, U.S.

Mohamed Sahnoun

Todung Mulya Lubis

Special Adviser to the United Nations Secretary-General on Africa

Human rights lawyer and author, Indonesia

Ghassan Salamé

Barbara McDougall

Former Minister Lebanon, Professor of International Relations, Paris

Former Secretary of State for External Affairs, Canada

Salim A. Salim

Ayo Obe

Former Prime Minister of Tanzania; former Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity

Chair of Steering Committee of World Movement for Democracy, Nigeria

Douglas Schoen

Christine Ockrent

Founding Partner of Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates, U.S.

Journalist and author, France

Pär Stenbäck

Friedbert Pflüger

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Finland

Foreign Policy Spokesman of the CDU/CSU Parliamentary Group in the German Bundestag

Thorvald Stoltenberg Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Norway

Victor M Pinchuk

Grigory Yavlinsky

Member of Parliament, Ukraine; founder of Interpipe Scientific and Industrial Production Group

Chairman of Yabloko Party and its Duma faction, Russia

Uta Zapf Chairperson of the German Bundestag Subcommittee on Disarmament, Arms Control and Non-proliferation

Ernesto Zedillo Former President of Mexico; Director, Yale Center for the Study of Globalization

Surin Pitsuwan Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thailand

Itamar Rabinovich President of Tel Aviv University; former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. and Chief Negotiator with Syria

Fidel V. Ramos Former President of the Philippines

INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD Crisis Group's International Advisory Board comprises major individual and corporate donors who contribute their advice and experience to Crisis Group on a regular basis.

Rita E. Hauser (Chair) Tilleke & Gibbins International LTD

George Kellner

Marc Abramowitz

George Loening

Anglo American PLC

Baron Ullens

Douglas Makepeace

John Chapman Chester

Stanley Weiss

Anna Luisa Ponti

Peter Corcoran

Westfield Group

Quantm

Credit Suisse Group

Yasuyo Yamazaki

Michael L. Riordan

John Ehara

Sunny Yoon

Sarlo Foundation of the Jewish Community Endowment Fund

Equinox Management Partners JP Morgan Global Foreign Exchange and Commodities

SENIOR ADVISERS Crisis Group's Senior Advisers are former Board Members (not presently holding executive office) who maintain an association with Crisis Group, and whose advice and support are called on from time to time.

Simone Veil Michael Sohlman Leo Tindemans Ed van Thijn Shirley Williams

As at May 2005

Matt McHugh George J. Mitchell Mo Mowlam Cyril Ramaphosa Michel Rocard Volker Ruehe

Alain Destexhe Marika Fahlen Malcolm Fraser Max Jakobson Mong Joon Chung Allan J. MacEachen

Oscar Arias Zainab Bangura Christoph Bertram Jorge Castañeda Eugene Chien Gianfranco Dell'Alba