Performing space by Baliwe Nosipho Sibisi

Performing Space

Public Space as an instrument for urban revival in Delft South

Baliwe Nosipho Sibisi SBSBAL001 UCT M.Arch (Prof) 2016

Performing Space

Public Space as an instrument for urban revival in Delft South Baliwe Sibisi CONVENOR:

Associate Professor Nicholas Coetzer

SUPERVISORS:

Melinda Silverman

Fadly Isaacs (First semester)

Mike Louw (Second semester)

This dissertation is presented as part fulfilment of the degree of Master of Architecture (Professional) in the School of Architecture, Planning and Geomatics, University of Cape Town

Date:

19 December 2016

“I hereby: Grant the University free license to reproduce the above dissertation in whole or in part, for the purpose of research. And declare that: The above dissertation is my own unaided work, both in conception and execution, and that apart from the normal guidance of my supervisors, I have received no assistance apart from that stated below: UCT BArch Honours Studio and Masters – Space of Good Hope research studio Except as stated below, neither the substance nor any part of the dissertation has been submitted for a degree in the University or any other university. I am now presenting the dissertation for examination for the degree of Master of Architecture (Professional)” Plagiarism Declaration: 1. I know that plagiarism is wrong. Plagiarism is to use another’s work and pretend that it is one’s own. 2. I have used the Chicago footnote convention for citation and referencing. Each contribution to, and quotation in, this report from the work(s) of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. 3. This report is my own work. 4. I have not allowed, and will not allow, anyone to copy my work with the intention of passing it off as his or her own work.

Signature 19 December 2016

Sibisi!Mahlase! Wen’ obhincis’ umuntu ngojojoAbanye bebhinca ngobuhlalo nobusenga Gumede! Izibisi zikaSishakaMlom’ obomvu namachwane azo Bhovugana! Izingubo zokwembatha zikaZulu ezidla uselwa. Onkomo inezitho ezinhlanu, othanda ukuhlephula kwasayo kodwa kungapheli. Wen’ osilevu side singange sempongo. Izibisi zomshayi wodaka kuvele amanzi, kwavela uPhongolo Mlotshwa! Mncube! Nomashila kaMbango Nsuku kaMagawula Mavela! Nina bakwaZith’ ezinhlanu Othandayo makaxebul’ esakhe Nin’ enaseng’ inkomo nadl’ ubisi Kant’ inkomo ifuyelwe inyama. Ngiyanibonga ngakhokonke, ukungisenga nokungipha amandla. My family’s sacrifice and their belief in me gave me strength while pursing my studies. I would like to express my appreciation to Sarah Patterson and Renske Haller for their devotion and assistance over the past few months. I would like to extend my gratitude to Melinda Silverman, Fadly Isaacs and Mike Louw for their guidance over the last year. This thesis would not have been possible without the residents Delft, I would like to thank them for allowing us into their space and sharing their rich knowledge of the area and of themselves with us. A very big thank to all who directly and indirectly lent their helping hand on this venture.

Finally I give thanks to my creator who has been always my source of strength.

Abstract Public spaces mirror the quality of urban societies: as historic social bonds have weakened and cities have become collections of individuals, public open spaces have also changed from being embedded in the social fabric of the city to being a part of more impersonal and fragmented urban environments. Can making of public spaces address the issue of fragmentation, where accessible public spaces are created though an inclusive process? Delft South Main Road is a street that has obtained its life from informal trade, social patterns as well as housing; this was a manifestation of members of the community not being able to carry out their day-to-day activities within the household premises. Present on the Main road are a few small to medium scale social facilities that contribute significantly to the public activity present on this strip, however the larger social infrastructure fails to do so. The term social infrastructures refers to buildings like the library, the church and school, which are all public amenities meant for all to utilise. However they do not seem to feed into or out of the Delft Main Roadâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; vibrant public activity.

The dissertation seeks to answer the question of how can public programmes; relationships between private and public realms as well in use intensity can assist in anchoring public spaces in a lowincome community, in this case Delft South. Anchoring public space by using public programme and an adaptable building is an architectural research project that seeks to address the issue of social infrastructure within Delft South. The focus is on what art and culture means for the Delft south community in both architectural form as well as its social network.

Contents Introduction section 01

Modernist planning and its effects

11 14

section 02 Social Value of Public Spaces Social Urbanism Constructing positive public spaces The public and private realms Use intensity Economic opportunities (VPUU)

23 24 25 25 28 32

section 03 Introducing Delft South Delft History Method one: Mapping Delft South spatially Delft South Open Spaces Delft South Main Road Case Studies (Public facility scales) Case Study01: Small scale facilities Dwelling Retail Case study 02: Medium scale facilities Case Study 03: Large scale facilities

37 38 40

43 46 55 55 57 61 65 69

Case Study 04: Extra-Large facilities 70 Method two: Mapping Delft South 80 socially (Workshop Outcome) Conclusion 82 section 04 Temporary Public Spaces 87 (tent structures) Photo Essay 90 section 05 Site 95 Site Selection 95 Site Analysis 98 Urban Approach 102 section 06 Design Proposal 109 Programme 109 Design project principles 112 Concluding Thoughts 126 References 128 Table of figures 132

Introduction

Haarhoff. E. J (2010). Appropriating modernism: Apartheid and the South African township. School of Architecture and Planning University of Auckland, NEW ZEALAND 1

Correa, C. (1989). The New Landscape - Urbanisation in the Third World. Butterworth Architecture. 2

When looking at the urban landscape of Cape Town, it is has become apparent thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s its current conditions are hugely influenced by modernist planning. Modernist planning was used as a tool in the South African context to create racial segregation;1 it resulted in the separation of home from work, where majority who go into the city for employment opportunities live on the outskirts of the city centre. It is evident that the modernist planning strategy put low-income areas in a disadvantaged position, the emphasis within low income areas is placed on the housing model which forms part of the private realm,2 and as a result the public realm appears not to have been properly dealt with. Public spaces are not treated as essential integral element in the lives of low-income community residents, given the fact that most of their activities and function of the everyday takes place outside the private realm. Instead the condition of public spaces is that they are neglected and deteriorating due to the lack of articulation but most importantly management and ownership and thus produce monotonous environments. Whilst the individual dwelling units are rolled out, the social fabric on the other hand is being neglected. The intention of the dissertation is to address how public spaces within Delft South can be anchored: by giving a vast lost space a new configuration and meaning, the project also looks at how temporary public amenities can be constructed, tents have become 11

dominant temporary form of public space within Delft South and many other townships across South Africa. This starts to introduce a new way of how both built and landscape architecture should be able to accommodate informality and other uses; by programming both the form and landscape accordingly, they can easily become amenities that temporary structures can rely on and or act as an elastic element that introduces new or is an extension of what is already there. The dissertation will also look at the current conditions of public spaces in Delft South, in order to understand how they have become inhospitable, dangerous and frequently serve as dumping sites. The paper also seeks to address the issue of how public spaces in Delft South have become elements that have fragmented the community, however they do have the potential of becoming a reconnection catalyst across the urban fabric. The dissertation aims at rethinking the way in which public amenities are designed, not to see them only as service providers but as integral and essential structures that anchor public spaces by contributing to the daily activities of Delft South residents. The chosen site for this study lies between Delft Main Road and subsidised housing in Delft South. The site offers some conditions: the opportunity of connecting to present public street activities, to contain and define public space through a combination of public and private programmes in order to construct a positive public 12

space within the Delft South community whilst attempting to address some social issues present within the community. This paper is structured into six sections. The first section aims at understanding the effects of modernist planning in Cape Town, through fleshing out the ideas of modernist planning that were implemented during apartheid and what effects these had in lowincome communities. Section two looks at the social value of public spaces. Section three introduces the Delft South through studies that the Space of good hope research studio undertook, it will also review a series of case studies that range between small, medium, large and extra-large scales in order to understand how they hinder or contribute to public spaces. Section four looks at temporary public spaces, the main focus will be on the tent structure, this section shows how they get used within the Delft South community as well as other low-income communites. Section five introduces the site of intervention through site analysis and images. Section six deals with the design proposition, it also introduces programme and design principles that will be applied which aim at anchoring public spaces within Delft South by means of a building intervention.

section

Modernist planning and its effects â&#x20AC;&#x153;We live in a world of unprecedented opulence, of a kind that would have been hard even to imagine a century ago. There have also been remarkable changes beyond the economic sphere. The twentieth century has established democratic and participatory governance as the pre-eminent model of political organisation. Concepts of human rights and political liberty are now very much a part of the prevailing rhetoricâ&#x20AC;Ś And yet we also live in a world with remarkable deprivation, destitution and oppression. There are many new problems as well as old ones, including persistence of poverty and unfulfilled elementary needs, occurrence of famines and widespread hunger, violation of elementary political freedoms as well as of basic liberties, extensive neglect of the interests and agency of women, and worsening threats to our environment and to the sustainability of our economic and social lives. Many of these deprivations can be observed, in one form or another, in rich countries as well as poor ones. Overcoming these problems is a central part of the exercise of development.â&#x20AC;? (Sen, 1999: xi) The result of modernist planning within the South African context caused a segregated urban landscape. With the combination of land use zoning and concentration of public amenities within the city centre, it has resulted in some groups being driven away from these public amenities, access to well-maintained public spaces and thus the city is divided into different roles by zoning and land use governance. 15

Modernism brought in ideas of how the city should function and that this functionality would be the only manner in which the city survives. These ideas are still very present, most of South African cities configuration was driven by prediction and preparation for the apartheid era, and resulted in the debacle of planning method that was is favour of the social dynamics of that time.3 Many low-income communities are evident of an experience a physical and social landscape that favours separation rather than inclusion, in which most of its public space fails to perform its democratic role as a place of exchange, tolerance and healing. The richness of the city and its people is directly related to the quality of its public realms. Public facilities, spaces and institutionsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; location as structuring elements to urban form is therefore critical when attempting to address urban restructuring objectives which aim to improve social and economic integration; address the inequitable distribution of opportunities; and provide basic levels of access and convenience for a full range of people especially those residing in low-income communities. The issue that low-income communities face is that there is often inadequate private space within the house plot given to them and as a result very little opportunity for residents to perform their daily activities within such limiting spaces.4 This highlight that there is a need for public spaces within such communities where people will be able to carry out daily activities. 16

Todeschini, F. (2015) Lecture series part of Aspects of City Design elective course and Trancik, R. (1986). Finding Lost space: theories of urban design. John Wiley & Sons 3

Southworth, B. (2010). Making Public Space in 21st century Cape Town. In E. Pieterse, CounterCurrents. Auckland Park: Jacana Media. p. 103 4

Pieterse, E. (2013). Reimagining the City from a DifferentViewpoint. p. 186 5

Shortly after the end of the apartheid regime, the South African government (ANC) delivered subsidised housing in low-income communities, the form of public amenities that were provided with houses were mainly public schools, health facilities and open space that were allocated with the desire to further develop them into shared community facilities of which some till this day have not been developed into such spaces. The South African urban condition indicates that the focus was placed on the individual dwelling unit and basic services were provided around this private investment. Public spaces such as parks, street and community are a distinct indication of abandonment.6 Delft South is no exception to the concerns stated above. Delft South residents hugely depend on the spaces outside their private homes to enhance their social life as well as their economic well-being. This can be seen in the manner in which the public spaces mainly Delft Main road is currently being utilised. Delft Main Road currently accommodates a series of public activities due to the inadequate public spaces provided which are unable to accommodate the activities that the Main Road currently accommodates and serves as public amenities connecting tissue. There is an urgent need to address alternative development that seeks to meet the balance between growth and access to public spaces within low-income communities. 17

The post-apartheid urban structure is fast becoming exclusionary, this raises a number of questions regarding the impact on the higher number of the urban poor and their ability to access the city and well developed public spaces. It is crucial to adapt the changing needs of all residents of cities. However when actions of some groups (private and individual interests) start to influence the quality of life of other groups (public and the community at large) and the quality of the urban landscape, for example the development of gated communities, serious concerns emerge. This dire conditions of the post-apartheid urban landscape has been used as a point of departure for my enquiry, public spaces within low-income communities need to be enhanced and anchored in order to allow equal opportunity of low-income community residents such as Delft South to improve their living conditions as well as their day to day needs. The most utilised public space in Delft South is the Main Road, it is a fundamental element of the public realm, and it accommodates a variety of public as well as private activities that the space of a private dwelling unit fails to accommodate. In the book The New Landscape - Urbanisation in the Third World, Charles Correa states that the act of living is not only dependant in the use of one room but spreads across four major elements, firstly a space needed by the family to carry out private activities, secondly a space for intimate 18

Correa, C. (1989). The New Landscape - Urbanisation in the Third World. Butterworth Architecture. p. 33 6

Ibid. p. 36

members can gather or interact with one another and lastly and urban area that can be used by the entire city.6 When looking at Delft South one can see how the dwelling unit only responds to the first element and partially to the second one. These two components form a small portion of the urban fabric. The life of communities do not only depend on these, what is central to the communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ability to function properly is the public gathering space. Within a Delft South there large vast open spaces that have become dumping sites and very little well maintained public spaces and as a consequence the urban landscape is monotonous. Charles Correa explains the value of open-to-sky spaces, he states that the housing crisis, of unfolding a high number of housing units in one location without any concern of the other spaces that form the urban fabric often leads to inhumane and uneconomical environments.7 This approach tends to fail at acknowledging public spaces as an asset within low-income communities.

Figure 01: An open public space within Delft, currently being used as a dumping site.

section

Social Value of Public Spaces

Madanipour, A. Design of Urban Space. (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 1996), p. 146 8

Ibid.

Hajer, M. & Reijendorp, A. (2001). In Search of NewPublic Domain. Rotterdam:NAi Publishers. p. 8 10

Alexander, C., Ishikawa,S. & Silverstein, M. (1977).A Pattern Language. NewYork: Oxford University Press. p. 337 11

The lack of profitable public spaces within the Delft South community has resulted in very little public platforms residents to interact with one another. Public space can be regarded as space which people can share and interact with one another in; it is a space for religion, politics, sports, commerce and peaceful co-existence.8 In most parts of the world public spaces are often provided by the state, they are meant to be in all parts of the urban fabric that can be easily accessed both physically and visually by the public.9 An ideal public space is one that plays the role of aiding social cohesion as well as economic activities within low-income communities whilst Delft South however lacks such spaces and has resulted in members of the community not being able to engage with either other at a larger scale. Public spaces in Delft South are currently contributing very little towards aiding social cohesion within communities as it provides opportunities for social engagement and economic opportunities.10 In the book titled A Pattern language by Christopher Alexander, states that shared public spaces serves the role of, one allowing people to function and work outside their private spaces thus giving into the notion that members of the community are part of a larger social network and two this allows public space to become a shared facility amongst the residents of that community.11

A space where community members can engage with one another in Delft South is much needed. Such a space should be a space that the community residents can take ownership of, thus creating a safe gathering space, this in turn will result in the space being maintained by the Delft South residents and also aid people in uplifting their social and economic conditions. Social Urbanism In the case of Medellin it has become apparent that innovative urbanism has gone beyond a physical make over. Economic development has been enhanced by a series of catalytic interventions that address the former industrial sites as well as the issues of violence within the area. Social urbanism is described as a condition both architecture and public spaces employed to intensity social purpose.12 In relation to Delft South it is important to understand what the social purposes are. There is an urgency to obtain a space in which Delft South residents can share and utilise to address social issues which include but are not limited to unemployment, violence, lack of learning and recreational facilities. The conservation of such a space should grow of the residents wanting to use and profit from such a space.

McGuirk, J. (2014). Radical Cities. London: Verso. p. 244 12

Constructing positive public spaces The following sub section focuses on the various methodologies of creating prosperous public spaces. The focus will be placed on the relationships between the private and public realms, use intensity as well as economic opportunities

Madanipour. A. Public and Private Spaces of the City. (Oxon & Canada: Routledge), p. 2 13

Madanipour, A. Design of Urban Space. (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 1996) 14

15 Future of Places . â&#x20AC;&#x153;Future of Places | 3 ali Madanipourâ&#x20AC;?. Filmed [June 2013]. YouTube video, 34.02. Posted [November 2014]. https://www. youtube.com/ watch?v=R5yO1ijVRME .

The public and private realms The importance and balance of both the public and private realms play a crucial role in the life of communities.13 The difference in these realms is identified and further explained by Ali Madanipour in Public and Private Spaces of the City.14 He aims to uncover the role that each of these realms play in our societies and the changing relationships between the two realms. He goes on to state that these two realms are the manifestation of the relationships that occur between spaces in our current communities and these in turn form other relationships within the society and its members. What can be analysed within Delft South is the social and physical boundary between the two realms. There is almost no distinct demarcation between the public and private realm within the community, especially in the open spaces: a number of informal traders have portions of public spaces as a space they utilise every day for economic opportunities (figure 02). When the intensity between the public and private realms changes, the features of society and its spaces also change,15 25

Figure 02: Public space is â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;privatisedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; by the ladies selling clothes on Sibanye Square for personal financial gain, individuals are forced to move around the claimed retail spaces.

Madanipour, A Public and Private Spaces of the City. (Oxon: & Canada Routledge, 2003). p. 110 16

17 Dewar, D., &Uytenbogaardt, R. South African Cities, p.17

Ibid. p.15

and therefore alters the character of the area. Madanipour states that the private realm can be referred to as the space in which more private functions and activities take place, he further speaks of how public spaces can also act as spaces where communication and interpersonal encounters can take place.16 The composition of these spaces is often an outgrowth of individuals being able to act independently outside the spatial constrains of a particular society.17 In the case of Delft South, one can see how individuals have adapted the spaces with what they have in order for these spaces to perform according to their needs. There appears to be an encroachment of private spaces onto public space. Programmes responds to the needs of the people, which in turn have an impact on the life of social spaces. 18 â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;It is the identification of these needs which is the basis of relevant ideas and which provides critical capacity of reviewing or developing urban plans.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Dewar, D., & Uytenbogaardt: 1991). This speaks to the notion of the social activities intensifying in particular parts of the communities.

Use intensity The use of a public space depends on its location, time, the function the space is intended to serve as well as the physical environment which is one of the factors that influence the activities to various degrees, and this notion is further explored by William Whyte in his The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces.19 He looks at how people use the space and what attracts them to that particular space, the more people occupying the space the more is has the ability to draw more people into it. Safety is seen to be one of the contributing factors in positive public space. This notion is explored by Jane Jacobs in his writing titled The Death and Life of Great American Cities.20 Jacobs states that safety is an asset in public spaces; it is triggered by eyes on the space.21 Ultimately if space is occupied and visible to more people, the perception may be that the space is much safer. Safety however is not permanent due to the fact that the number of people either occupying or looking into the space fluctuates. This implies that the presence of others is not consistent throughout the course of the day and therefore adds a temporality dimension to public spaces, this is evident in Delft South as public presence on public spaces differs during the course of the day. In the book Life in between buildings,22 Jan Gehl analyses public spaces through various criteria in order to understand the way in which they function. He focuses on the physical environment of 28

Whyte, W. The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces (Washington, D.C: Conservation Foundation, c1980) 19

Jacobs, J. The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House Inc, 1961) 20

Ibid,. p.147

Gehl, J. Life in between Buildings: Using Publis Space (Washington: Island Press, 2011) 22

Richard T. LeGates ed & Frederic Stout ed The City Reader (London, 2016). p 208 23

Gehl, J. Life in between Buildings: Using Publis Space (Washington: Island Press, 2011).p 13 24

these spaces as well as the climateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s conditions which influence temporality. Another fundamental aspect that influences the temporality layer in public spaces is the diversity of uses.23 The diversity of use is constituted by the number of different activities that the space can cater for. Not only is it the activities within the space that are a contributing factor, the spaces and supporting activities around the public space also play a role in creating diversity. The space being able to accommodate various activities, allows for the space to be used at different times of the day and for various events. This allows for the space to be used differently and thus having a daily life of its own, therefore reducing singular use of space and encouraging access to various activities which provoke social cohesion. Madanipour also speaks about social exclusion in his writing titled Social exclusion and space where he states that cities have always had the ability to draw people from different parts of the world due to their various activities, and similar people cannot bring the city into existence.24 These aspects can be seen as fundamental in creating social cohesion and further intensifying public activity.

In order to gain more insight into what type of activities aid positive public spaces, focus will be placed on the different categories of public spaces in order to flesh out what either promotes or hinders uses intensity within public spaces. Jan Gehl explains that outdoor (public) activities can be divided into three categories and each of these has different physical environmental needs. Firstly, necessary activities are the daily activities that are more or less compulsory. These include going to work, shopping and commuting between destinations - it is almost as if the participants have no choice. Both the physical and climate conditions do not alter the participation of users in this space. Secondly, optional activities are those in which the participants take part only if they wish to do so. These activities are hugely influenced by exterior conditions such as weather and the physical planning of the spaces. Gehl states that if these spaces are of good quality they can be used at approximately the same frequency as necessary spaces.25 This suggests that maintenance and management of space can either promote or hinder the activity that takes place. When the quality of an outdoor space is good, optional activity frequency increases, as the activity frequency increases so does the number of social activities.26

Gehl, J. Life in between Buildings: Using Publis Space ( (Washington: Island Press, 2011).p 13 25

Ibid.

Lastly, social activities are those that require the presence of others in the space. Such activities occur with connection to other activities due to the fact that people are in the same space, and interact with each other. This activity evolves from activities linked to the two activity categories mentioned above. Together, these three categories underpin the use intensity of public spaces. A diversity of uses in public spaces allows more activities to take place. The character of public space varies depending on the context in which they occur. Two of the influential contexts are the public and private realms as these can either hinder or provoke social activities as well as allow economic opportunities.

Economic opportunities (VPUU as precedent) One of the major issues within South African low-income communities is the lack of well kept public spaces, there is no sufficient funding to further maintain or manage these spaces. Low-income communities are also faced with very few employment opportunities and high order facilities. Residents have no choice but to travel long distances to more well established areas to find means of employment.27 Public interventions that are made in urban setting should aim at increasing economic activities in such places.28 Public spaces often require to be sustained by financial means, however this is not the case for many public spaces within Delft South, a way in which these spaces are maintained need to be explored in order to device methods in which public spaces can ensure financial feasibility. This subsection will look at the VPUU model as a case study that has employed a method in which to address financial feasibility of public spaces that were previously neglected and resulted in unsafe spatial conditions. The Violent Prevention though Urban Upgrading (VPUU) programme identified a series of nodes in Khayelitsha which were considered unsafe public spaces and therefore a hindrances on social integration, positive public activity and economic opportunities. The VPUU project has addressed these issues and used a network of public spaces in order to connect community amenities, 32

27 Low, I. (2012). Signs from the Margins: Design as intrument of empowerment in the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;newâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; South Africa. In G. Bruyns, & A. Graafland, African Perspectives - [South] Africa. City, Society, Literature and Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers. p. 167

Correa, C. The New Landscape - Urbanisation in the Third World. p. 21 28

Cooke, J. The Violence Prevention through Urban Upgrading (Vpuu) Programme – Khayelitsha. ARCHITECTURE: JOURNAL OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTS SOUTH AFRICA, (2011) p.18 VPUU. Violence Protection through Urban Upgrading: A manual for safety as public good (2014). p. 135 30

such as recreation spaces, parks and schools. The project has ‘nurtured civic responsibility and community cohesiveness; and it has sparked economic activity, employment and training opportunity.’29 This was achieved through the use of six design principles which ensure protection, surveillance, defined access, territoriality, image and aesthetics, physical barriers, maintenance as well as management defined access. Harare Square, which forms part of the nodes that the VPUU project identified as unsafe space, has been redeveloped into a well-managed and well used space in the Harare neighbourhood. Both pedestrian safety and recreation activities are catered for by the development. Prior to the square’s development, Harare square consisted of a supermarket, pension pay point, councillor offices, an underutilised municipal building which faced away from the square, informal traders, and a large vacant undeveloped open space.30 The square forms part of a pedestrian route which connects Khayelitsha train station to Monwabisi Park, an informal settlement with about twenty five thousand residents. The square was identified as a crime generator; the public programme was only situated on two sides of the square, and as a result the square lacked containment due to a lack of supporting programme. It was thus perceived as unsafe.

The community leadership of Harare and Khayelitsha expressed the desire to develop the square as a hub for youth development and local business opportunity. The intervention secures money from the city as well as independent patrons in order to sustain the public buildings and the open public spaces. On top of this they used a top down management methodology consisting of the community members, City of Cape Town, VPUU and NGOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (figure 03) .31 Having a caretakers flat, live-work unit (figure 04) as well as other actors within the urban strategy has offered job opportunities within the community of Khayelitsha

Ibid. p. 23

Figure 03: Community participation at VPUU.

Figure 04: The livework units on Harare Square which are rented out in order to generate income for VPUU whilst offering economic opportunities for Khayelitsha residents.

section

Introducing Delft South

CBD

AIRPORT DELFT

Figure 05: Locating Delft South within the Cape Peninsula. 37

Delft History Delft is a low-income community located approximately twenty five kilometres from Cape Town’s CBD (figure 05). Government started planning Delft in 1987 to be a settlement that would accommodate people of colour with low incomes. The houses were initially sold with a government subsidy in order to encourage a sense of private ownership.32 Delft South was planned as a post-apartheid an area where mainly Xhosa speaking people would live. Delft South’s shape is a manifestation of the location of the airport on the west and the R300 serving as a barrier on the east (figure 05). With Delft South being of later establishment than that of Delft North, one can pick up the difference both at the urban and social scales. Delft South’s urban fabric has transformed since areas primary construct. In order to gain more knowledge of the area and how people make use of the urban milieu, two methods were used to obtain this information, these methods will be further explained in this section.

Delft South, Available: http:// www.publicgallery.nl/ delft=here%20sa%20 eng.htm 32

Figure 06: Delft South Planned development 39

Method one: Mapping Delft South spatially The first visit to Delft South was under the Space of Good hope research studio. The group walked through the Main Road, this exercise made the community members pay attention that there was a foreign group of people within the area. This allowed the residents to interact with the group, however it also influenced the manner in which the members of the community portrayed themselves. When I returned to Delft south without the rest of the group, I was able to engage with some of the residents who spoke Xhosa, a language they can truly express themselves in. This allowed me to study the area as an outside without having any sort of impact on the events and activities unfolding at that time. Delft South was planned to create an efficient and sustainable living environment where the residents of the community would be able to fulfil their needs. The plan was designed to cater to a pedestrian town with a few principles in mind, such as a walking for twenty minutes between two points along the activity spine, creation of neighbourhoods within the area, even distribution of facilities, housing density as well as storm water drainage system.32 For the purpose of this dissertation, this section will focus on the manifestation of activity along the Main Road (activity spine/ high street) to see how the community members have appropriated and capitalised Delft South spatial configuration to cater to both individual and collective needs. 40

MLH Architects & Planners. (1995). Delft South: An amendment to the Blue Downs Delft local structure plan. Cape Town. p. 12 33

The planning of Delft south did not follow the traditional grid typology, instead it followed the concept based on a linear â&#x20AC;&#x153;high streetâ&#x20AC;? with loop roads feeding into it. The high street typology came about in the twenty first century and examples include Main Road in Cape Town as well as Voortrekker Road. The main objective of this spine was to encourage community, economic and social activities.

Figure 07: Main Road with loop roads that acts as connecting armatures 42

Dewar, D., &Uytenbogaardt, R. South African Cities, p.57 34

Social infrastructure is referred to as infrastructure supporting social housing which has potential to generate social cohesion. These buildings include schools, libraries, clinics or any other buildings that are ran for the public to use. 35

Delft South Open Spaces Instead of viewing the public spaces in Delft South in isolation, one must try and understand them as a network (figure 07 & 08). They cannot be seen functioning independently from the movement network as the armature that seems to connect most of the public space is the Main Road. Present in these space is a hierarchy of public spaces, they range from necessary to social activities as well as small to medium scale facilities, and these in turn create a family of spaces. These spaces grow at different scales and forms.34 This section looks at the initial design decision taken in order to construct Delftâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spatial structure, I will focus mainly on the Main Road and its immediate actors to further understand the mode in which they contribute to the life of public spaces with Delft. When looking at the current situation of Delft south public spaces, both open and built, one can see how they have been underutilised and neglected. The street appears to fulfil the role that social infrastructure35 would otherwise fulfil. Main Road has become essential to the Public life in Delft and social interaction appears to be more prominent along the Main Road strip.

Figure 08: Indicates the range of public spaces within the Delft community. The yellow indicates the network of streets, the red highlights the open public spaces (optional activities) of which some are underutilised. The black shows the connection between the social infrastructure (necessary activities) and open spaces. 44

Figure 09: Delft South open and public space network. 45

Delft South Main Road A Street can be seen as a path along which observers occasionally move along. This is where people observe the city and its spaces while moving through.36 Delft Main Road was perceived to be a space that would contribute in the growth of the community whilst fulfilling the role of a linear high street.37 The south portion of Main Road was constructed in the initial Delft South construction phase, this allowed time for Main Road to be enhanced as the major route within the community. In 2007 Symphony way was constructed, by this time Main road had become a well-established activity spine. Even with the addition of Symphony way, Main Road still functions productively. The street was intended to be easily readable and plays the role of attracting people through creating business opportunities. Delft Main Road plays the role of being the most utilised public space within Delft and has thus had a great impact on the socio-economic status of the community. How people and vehicles move through and use this street determines the activity that takes place along the strip.

Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City, The Massachusetts Institute of Technology, USA, Library of Congress Catalog, 1960, p. 47 34

MHL Architects and Planners, Delft South: An amendment to the Blue-Downs Delft local structure plan, (Ref .No.: 94930C15.95). p. 5 37

Figure 10: Delft South Main road highlighted in red.

With activities taking place along the Main Road spine, there is also an increase in social interaction and communication. Spaces where the greatest interaction and encounters take place tend to be the places with great opportunity. The way in which streets are built can either promote or delay both the formal and informal interactions and opportunities.38

Dewar, D., &Uytenbogaardt, R. South African Cities, p.17 38

Figure 11: Main road active edges indicated in red. 49

The public presence on Delft Main road appears to be consistent during the day, but is enhanced in the evening and morning by the children going to school and residents moving in and out of the community. The street is predominantly occupied by vehicles throughout the day therefore pushing people onto the pavement and street edges. The pace at which the pedestrians move has allowed for informal activity to flourish along the street edge. The overlapping of programmes and activities along the Main Road has resulted in high use intensity around the Delft South SPAR supermarket area (figure 11). Here one notices the hierarchy of private- public spaces as well as the overlap between the public and private realms. The private dwellings along the spine captalise on the economic opportunities whilst contributing to the life of the street.

Figure 12: Plan showing arrangement of informal economic activity.

Barbara Southworth states that public spaces in poorer communities are important as these spaces play a role of extending the space of a private home.39 In Delft South one can see how Main Road is almost an extension of the houses along the strip, the household business sprawls out onto the pavement. The very same street is seen as an opportunity to generate income, utilised as a gathering space in front of the house, and also acts as a space where members of the community can participate in political activities (figure 12). Houses along the Main Road play a vital role in contributing to the public presence on the street. The fact that houses are located along the edge of the street ensures that the Main Road spine is under surveillance and therefore makes it a much safer place to occupy. In the case of Delft South the street appears to be the ideal spot to linger due to the nature of being within close proximity to oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s house and is thus a great platform to interact both with strangers and friends.40 To a certain extent the houses are the structural elements that enclose and further define the spine.

Southworth, B. Making Public Space in 21st century Cape Town. In E. Pieterse (ed), Counter-Currents (pp. 100-109) (Auckland Park: Jacana Media, 2010) p.103 39

Gehl, J. Life in between Buildings: Using Publis Space (Washington: Island Press, 2011).p. 25 40

Figure 13: Main Road just South of Delft South library was used as a space where members of the community were able to participate in the affairs of their community. 53

Delft South Main Roadâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s diversity is obtained through the housing, distribution of public facilities and informal economic trade activities taking place on the edge of the pavement and by how easily this space is accessible to both people on foot and those needing to use public transporting moving along the spine. Most of the buildings along the Main Road go up two storeys, therefore it could be perceived that the space is not intimate as intimacy is gained through enclosure, however the activity that takes place on the pavement edges give the Main Road a certain degree of containment and definition.

Koolhaas. R. & Mau. B.(1995) S, M, L XL. The Monacelli Press 41

Case Studies (Public facility scales) The following case studies have been selected from Delft South and Durban in order to aid the design intervention as well as to further understand how social interactions and public spaces manifest. The case studies will be drawn from the network of public spaces along the Main Road in order to see how these public amenities have been created at their respective scales. The nature of the issue of vast open land and negative public spaces in Delft South calls for layering of scale as well as overlapping of both the private and public realms which will make it possible to see these spaces within a larger network rather than in isolation These case studies have been categorized looking through the Lens of Rem Koolhaasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Small, Medium, Large and Extra-large.41 The small and medium address scales ranging from the domestic to the public while the large scales address public facilities of Bigness. Finally Extra-large refers to the urban configuration developed as a result of the combination of the small, medium and large.

Figure 14: The network of the varying scales along the Main Road are highlighted in red.

Case study 01: Small Scale facilities Dwelling unit When one looks at the houses located in Delft South, one has seen how these may fall under small scale although they fall within the private realm, some however have been extended to enhance household income by use of containers, additional building and in some cases reconfiguration of spaces such as the parking garage (figures 14-18). Containers, informal trading structures and house extensions are examples of small scale public facilities found in Delft South.

Figure 15: A study showing how Delft South residents have altered their homes over the past twenty years. Additions vary between additional living spaces, service providers and retail.

Figure 16: A small dwelling unit with no enclosure, surrounded by an open space that serves as a short-cut.

Figure 17: Street view of a spaza shop that is attached to a dwelling unit.

Figure 18: Garage space used as a hair salon.

Figure 19: Small dwelling unit, with permeable fence.

Retail structures Sibanye Square along Delft South Main Road is a public square where the public and private spaces are blurred and the transition between the two is not clear. The square is a bustling hub where unofficial capitalists prey on the non-affiliated traders. Sibanye Square is layered with legality and illegality, tangled relationships between the traders and unconventional ways of trading and unorthodox manner of allocating space which illustrates the ambiguous relations between the ‘formal’ and ‘informal’. The trading spaces are not in the form of formal shops.

Figure 20: Sibanye Square which is located along the Main Road is one of the open public spaces that many traders gravitate towards.

Sibanye square invites a large number of residents as it is a hub for traders occupying compact trading spaces. The square succeeds because there in an under-supply of retail within the Delft South community. The retail typology found in Delft South is not conventional street level, inner city or shopping mall, however one can easily read the square as a combination of both these spaces. The structure that appears to be in high use especially in Sibanye square and along the Main Road corridor is the small scale structure which consists of mobile trader, informal structures that traders set up and dismantle on a daily basis as well as the fixed retail structures. These structures play a vital role in generating income for Delft South residents as well as sustaining social interactions within the community. These small scale infrastructures are mostly used for business or available to be rented out. Without these informal businesses and socio-economic interactions within Delft South would not take place.

Figure 21: Clustering of small scale reatil typologies

Figure 22: Mobile trade, example of small scale public facility

Figure 23: Small scale temporary trading structure

Figure 24: Fixed small scale trading strucure

Case study 02: Medium Scale facilities The medium scale appears to be the most dominant type of built public facilities in the Delft South urban landscape. The most detectable medium scale present within the Delft South community are schools which in comparison to suburban school only amount to half the size, community clinic, library, a community hall, sports complex and religious institutions. In total there are nine schools, one under construction, some are dispersed in the community and some located along the Main Road corridor. There is are one clinic, one sports facility, one library and one community hall as well as seventeen religious institutions which are scattered across Delft South.

Figure 25-26: Spatial study of Masibambisane Secondary, example of Medium scale public facility

Figure 26

High School Primary School Community Clinic Sports facilites Delft South SPAR Delft South library Community Hall

Figure 27: Location of medium scale public facilities 68

Case Study 03: Large facilities An observation that has been drawn upon looking at public facility scales in Delft South, one can see that apart from the Main Road, there is an absence of permanent large scale public facilities. Public facilities of this scale such as recreational and sport facilities in Delft South are in a degraded state and as a result the community is unable to move to a greater level of environmental and social development. It is therefore crucial for the government and the private stake holders to intervene in the supply of such public facilities. This has been used as an informant for my design intervention.

Case Study 04: Extra-large facilities (Warwick Junction as example) Warwick Junction, which is also referred to as Warwick triangle, is situated on the edge of the Durban City centre. Over the years it has become an integral facility within the primary transport interchange which is estimated to accommodate an average of four hundred and sixty thousand commuters a day.42 The taxi, bus and train transport infrastructure has generated opportunities for street traders and as a result developed into an informal structured market. This however wasn’t always the case. Prior to its success of being a vibrant market, the location of the market was determined by local authorities during the apartheid regime. ‘Historically South African local authorities kept street traders away from city centres and tourist areas and generally regarded them as a nuisance rather than an asset’.43 The traders almost had no choice but to situate themselves in Warwick Junction.

42 eThekwini Mnicipality. 2007. Proposed inbound Warwick flyover: appendix F: Impact assessment report, Rev No.2, Prject No. 9009, Ref No. DM/0066/06. p10 Available:http:// www.durban.gov. za/Documents/ CityServices/ Engineering/2_ Appendix_F_ Impact_Assessment_ Report_11-12-07__ rev2_marked_u. pdf?Mobile=1

Dobson, R. & Skinner, C. 2009. Working in Warwick: Including street traders in urban plans. (Durban: University of Kwa-Zulu Natal, 20090,p. 1 43

Figure 28: The extent of Warwick Junction is highlighted in red.

Warwick Junction has received both international and national acclaim for its active support for street traders.44 The project responds to the urban issues and design challenges around a primary Durban transport node, this resulted in street traders being incorporated into urban planning. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The project realised that street trading was an important part of the city, contributing to its economy and to employment,â&#x20AC;&#x2122;45 much like the role that public spaces play in the city and communities. The income generated in Warwick is utilised to support households in the community,the market is currently used by five thousand to eight thousand vendors that trade in nine district markets; namely the Muthi market, the English market, the Bovine market, early morning market, Berea Station Market, Music Bridge Market, Brook Street Market, Lime Market and various other trading activity that takes place along the streets. The variety of goods found in the market appeal to most consumers and are able to draw a large number of Zulu people due to the fact that the goods found in the market are not available in convention malls or retail outlets.

Ibid.

Rd ML Sultan Market Rd

Durban Transport bus Depot Taxi rank

Old

ch R Dut

Bus Terminal

Canongate Rd Music Market Muthi Market Early Morning Market Berea Station Brook Street Market Bovine Market

English Market

Figure 29: Distribution of economic activities in Warwick Junction

Over the years Warwick has been upgraded. One of the most promising places to trade was along Brook Street, the stairs situated on Brook Street have immediate access into the city from the train station. Before the area was upgraded, it was perceived to be dangerous and disorganised, and there were informal dwellings which reduced the size of the pathway for pedestrians. The development looked at redesigning the entire precinct over seven years. The focus was to design a market with a clear pedestrian route, connecting the market to the mezzanine level of the train station and the Muthi market, resulting in a variety of ways in which commuters could move through the market. By reducing congestion, it was easier for the space to be managed and maintained. Furthermore, the trading surface along the street was also paved to contribute to the maintenance of the precinct. The Brook Street market and the entire Warwick triangle has the potential to be a one-stop retail space which caters for certain clientele. Most of the goods sold in Warwick Junction are goods one would normally find in rural Kwa-Zulu Natal, therefore one could say that the goods sold at Warwick are a speciality. The life of the space appears to be sustained by the fact that Warwick Junction commuters are able to buy goods upon arriving or departing from the city centre.

46 Turning Warwick around

Brook Street trading conditions before the Project interventions

Figure 30: Warwick Junction prior to development

Chapt

124 Conclusion

Figure 31: Warwick Junction after development, trading space used for a religious ceremony

The diversity of the space has been able to draw many people from different parts of Durban throughout the day. One of the contributing factors of Warwick Junction is its location. Warwick Junction is located around three major transportation nodes; taxi ranks, bus terminals and the train station. It is located where most of the people move. Due to the size of the precinct the traders have established a crime prevention strategy; this is an indication that there are traders who are dedicated to being the eyes across the space thus ensuring surveillance. This has been assisted by the fact that the marketâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s facilities has also improved over the years, the priority of the improvement was to articulate pedestrian routes and as a result disperse traders across Warwick through trading spaces that differ in speciality as well as scale. Warwick junction appears to be a living organism, there is a relationship between the walking distances between the different transport infrastructures as well as a relationship between formal and informal retail activities. The number of consumers and traders stimulate the diverse activities found in the node.46 The manner in which the issues were addressed, by the government including the traders, has resulted in a positive and bustling public space around an extra-large transport node in Durban, which is beneficial for both the consumers and traders.

Ibid.

When looking at Delft as a whole, it is noticeable that it has an intricate urbanity. In order to progress the urbanity to a level of refinement, both large and possibly extra-large facilities much like the mentioned, be provided in a way that accommodates and responds to the current communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s configuration.

Method two: Mapping Delft South socially (Workshop Outcome) During the first semester the Space of Good hope research studio carried out a workshop at the Delft South library. The objective of the workshop was to invite school primary as well as high school children who live in and around Delft to take part in the workshop. The workshop presented an opportunity to obtain more information about Delft South public spaces and how the children perceive as well as inhabit spaces every day. The space of Good hope research studio derived a series of fun exercises for the children in order to move away from the formal questionnaire that couldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve resulted in the children losing interest. I worked with the group that was looking at the daily life of a child, the intention of the group was to surface how children utilise public spaces within the community during the week as well as on weekends. The group decided to make fridge magnets to obtain information fromt the chilren through a fun method. The magnets represented either activity or location. The children were asked to place these magnets within the daily timeline as well as the weekend slot. The school children enjoyed participating in this activity and relevant information came up from it as they were tasked to give feedback on the various activities they took part in at the end of the workshop. 80

Figure 32: Fidge magnets used for life of a child research activity

Figure 33: Children map their daily activities on the time line

Figure 34: An activity that enabled children to re-imagine Delft open spaces, focus was placed on green spaces.

Figure 35: School children orientating themselves on the model. 81

The workshop provided very insightful information in terms of understanding how children occupy public spaces within Delft South. This information will be integrated into my design intervention. Conclusion After the analysis of public spaces both in Delft South and Warwick Junction, it is evident that public spaces encompass a wide arrangement of spaces, from old historic centres, to low income developments. The way in which public spaces are constructed, used, accessed and maintained raise a series of questions regarding urban planning on the local scale. Public spaces should be considered as an asset in the urban fabric as they have the ability to contribute to economy, health, how people move, how the city is connected to the rest of the world as well as the image of the city. The need and success of public spaces is predetermined by their ability to draw two main qualities which all other things depend on: accessibility and arrangement. The power of public spaces lies in their ability to bring different people together in a way that is inclusive, transparent as well as interactive in character. Upon drawing an analysis across varying scales of public spaces, it is clear that in urban configurations demands that desires from different stake holders need to combined and balanced; the private realm seeks space for business, 82

whilst the public presses for space that can be beneficial and shared by all, and the residents somewhat require the balance of both private and public spatial needs. The common thread found in these public spaces is that they all have a limited daily lifespan and that the public spaces assessed appear to be sustained by the presence of the youth and informal economic traders. Areas of movement such as the street play a vital role by connecting a series of public amenities and thus promoting social cohesion. Due to the nature of how the street is able to result in positive network, Delft South Main Road is fundamental to the public activity. The street, public spaces and supporting programmes within Delft South as well as Warwick Junction have developed out of the needs of the community (figures 35-36)jm 10. These needs are what enable diversity in use of the space and this has to be regarded as an asset as it indicates how people own and use public spaces.

Figure 36: Delft South original configuration

Figure 37: 2016 Delft South additons

section

Temporary Public Scaces (tent strucutres)

This section seeks to find out to what extent does the use of tensile membrane structures with Delft South go and how these structures perform as public temporary (in some cases permanent) buildings. The reasons I chose to look at tents was due to the interest of firstly how easily tensile structures can accommodate public programmes that would almost lose their essence should they be institutionalised and secondly their ability to extend public programme and give new life to public spaces as these have became a very dominant type of form in low-income communities arross South Africa. Through the mapping conducted by the Space of Good Hope research studio, we noticed that there were eight tents scattered across Delft South (figure 37).

Figure 38: Map indicating religous institurions in Delft South

With current land use zones in South Africa. The members of the Delft South community have erected tents in open spaces where it is deemed that no permanent structure and strip footing be built. The tent has been able to respond to the need of space, spatial enclosure and use of land. The tents used on these sites are tents that are hired and can house a variety of both social and cultural activities. The most prominent usage is that of a church. With the growth in density the conventional church can no longer accommodate the number of people and instead of building a permanent structure that is usually highly active for one day of the week, tents have been used across the township to house this programme. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;There are two different views on the significance of tensile structures: it can be dismissed as a useful through limited addition to modern day technology, or alternatively it can be seen as a valuable means of creating flexible responsive environments capable of adapted to the flux of lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Drew, 1979: 186). Conventional building materials such as concrete, wood, steel and masonry have two main properties that of gravity and rigidity these properties allow the structure composed of these materials to transmit loads. In tensile structures gravity and rigidity are not available as the critical structural properties as a result designers ought to seek ways in which tensile structures can be accommodated by conventional buildings.

Photo Essay

Figure 39: When the space of Good hope research studio arived at this particular tent, it was shut up and the grounds locked up. Apparently the pastor was touring the Eastern Cape with a youth soccer team. Apart from hosting weekend services, the church is used as a space to host extra-mural school programmes in the holidays.

Figure 40: The process of erenting a tensile membrane structure.

Figure 41: Membrane laid on the ground before being hoisted up.

Figure 42: When I drove past this tent it was being closed up , it is also fenced of from the public, this may indicated a slightly supervised entry into the structure.

Figure 43: Tent used for a child birthday party at a croner house in Gugulethu.

Figure 44: Delft South residents and surrounding areas attending service. Letter on cross read â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;inxeba likaJesu meaning. Jesusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; wound.

Figure 45: Tent was empty and closed up when I went to site, it is located along one of Delft Souths loop roads.

Figure 46: Tent closed of from Main Road Due to traffic, the pulpit sits on this side as well so that the congregation is not disturbed by passing traffic.

section

Site Site selection The choice of site was based on the interest of testing out the seven principles that aid positive public spaces; that of transforming a vast open spaces that appears to be lost and disconnects the urban fabric, into an active and well-articulated public amenity. This chosen site is located within the lower part of Delft Southâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Main Road and offers the opportunity to address some of the issues of public spaces within the community as well as connect the lost space to the urban fabric. After studying Delft South I realised that public spaces lack definition, whicch is normally obtained by means of a civic (considered large) scale intervention. The size of the site creates a massive gap along the Main Road edge, furthermore reducing public activity. The site is currently used by an informal trader who sells fresh produce, there is a tarred court in the middle of the site and it is home to the Delft South Municipal Advise office which is currently being rented out by the Rainbow Arts Organisation. The site is surrounded by residential units on three of its edges. Sibanye Square, Delft South public library, Delft South Primary School, Masibambisane Secondary school, Masonwabe Primary School, Sunray Primary School, a sports field, community clinic and the taxi rank are within a seven hundred meter radius of the chosen site, geographically one can say that the site is almost central to Delft South. 95

Figure 47: Map highlighting extent of site within Delft South in orange

Once the site was selected, I proceeded to document the site in order to gain information that would aid the design proposal, this was accomplished by site visits and site analysis.

Figure 48: The site chosen for intervention is located on Main Road Delft South is highlighted in orange

Site Analysis Having identified that the Main Road is a highly profitable space, I have decided to address the vast open space located on the strip. With this in mind I intend to find a solution which can be applied to creating a positive public space that positively contributes to the public activity present on Main road. The objective of the site analysis is to obtain design informants that can aid the existing public activity at both the urban and architectural scale. The analysis revealed that the site lacks spatial definition and disconnects the urban fabric. The Site has a flat topography with a sandy ground plane which can be easily manipulated by weather. The strong South Easter travels across the site, due to the single story dwelling units that surroung. Although there are some trees located on the site, they do little to block the prevailing winds. These outcomes made me consider an urban strategy that address spatial definition that could protect the site from weather conditions and give the site a civic scale. The interventionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spatial condition will reinforce the street edges, start to suggest the pace of the street, this can be mitigated further by introducing a public square. The desire lines across the site also begin to suggest a connecting route from the Main Road to the residential neighbourhood. 98

Figure 49: Site analysis

Figure 50: One fresh produce trade has made us of the public hard â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;landscapedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; park on site. The concrete benches seen here get utilised occasionally on Saturdays for picnics.

Figure 51: The large open space lack containment and the court does not have any support programme.

Figure 52: On four occasions I have been to site, the park has not had more than 6 children playing at once, the play equipment is in very bad conditions and the park is rather isolated from the neighbourhood.

100

Figure 53: Braai facilities on site which are currently being under utilised.

Figure 54: Inside Roinbow arts facilities.

Figure 55: Performancing taked place on traffic circle.

101

Urban approach Human interaction Public space should be seen as a vector in which people can come together to participate in public activities. Public spaces are essential when it comes to creating social cohesion. In his book Production of space, Henri Lefebvre describes that space is socially produced, encompasses social interaction, permits fresh actions to occur and implies a great diversity of knowledge. Lefebvre also makes a note of how spatial experience has changed depending on social circumstances.47 With that said, one can claim that public space should have the ability to change as the perceived and lived realities of the space and the needs they stem from also change. Public space should be seen as a vector in which people can come together to participate in public activities. Public spaces are essential when it comes to creating social cohesion. In his book Production of space, Henri Lefebvre describes that space is socially produced, encompasses social interaction, permits fresh actions to occur and implies a great diversity of knowledge. Lefebvre also makes a note of how spatial experience has changed depending on social circumstances. With that said, one can claim that public space should have the ability to change as the perceived and lived realities of the space and the needs they stem from also change. 102

Lefebvre, H. The Production of Space (London: Basil Blackwell, 1991) p. 73 46

Dewar, D., &Uytenbogaardt, R. South African Cities, p.17 47

Dewar and Uytenboogaardt suggest that public spaces should provide maximum freedom for individuals to act and participate. The creation of public space should be able to allow people to release their energies and talents in the making of environment.47 By this manner, truly diverse and stimulating social interactions and communities occur. Access and Transportation â&#x20AC;&#x153;The key feature of public space, however, is its accessibility.â&#x20AC;?48 Madanipour goes on to state that in order for a place to be public it has to be accessible to all members of the public. Essentially public spaces should be easy to get to and get through. This speaks to the notion of public spaces being within close proximity to public transportation and them having the ability to accommodate users with special needs.

103

Adjoining Programme By accommodating a variety of activities, there is a high probability of spaces being used in different ways and at varying times of the day, thus reducing the consistency of how the spaces gets occupied, used and in turn extends the daily life of the spaces. Public spaces that accommodate a diverse range of uses within or around them attract a range of different people, it is also a natural manifestation for people to gravitate where there are more people.49 Adjoining programme does not need to be a public space, it could be of private ownership but orientated towards the public realm such as retail and restaurants. The use of public space is dependent on the day as well as the activities taking place in that space at a particular time. As a result safety is enhanced by the presence of others, if a space is occupied by more people it is perceived to be safe.

104

Whyte, W. The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces (Washington, D.C: Conservation Foundation, c1980) 48

Jacobs, J. The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House Inc, 1961) 49

Surveillance Surveillance is consired to be a vital aspact when it comes to dealing with safety with low-income communites. What was drawn from studying Delft South is that there is a high level of public activity on the Main Road during the day, the informal traders as well as the children form a large part of this activity. In low-income communities there is an issue of how to sustain and maintain public activies throughout the day inorder to increase the perseption of the area being safe. The perception of safety is a huge contributor to whether urban spaces are used. People occupy spaces in which they feel safe. With this being said, the perception of safety can change throughout the course of the day. As people vacate a space or its surrounds, the eyes on that respective space decreases, which naturally results in the users of the space feeling unsafe. Having personally observed this transition it interested me. Particularly the manner in which the “daytime” identity will inevitably differ from the “night-time” identity of the same specific street. This condition is common amongst all spaces in urban environments. The objective should be for these spaces to be perceived as safe throughout the course of the day and night.

105

If one is within sight of many other people on a street the perception of safety is increased. Therefore, having houses facing onto a particular space greatly improves the perception of safety. When speaking to a resident who lives opposite the park along main road, she mentioned that she enjoyed the location of her house facing onto the park. This relationship between the houses and the park greatly contributes to the life of the park. The relationship between the houses and the park is mutually beneficial. Therefore, when activating the neglected open spaces it is important to encourage the houses that face onto it to provide surveillance onto the space. These spaces are located along the back lengths of the loop roads which are narrower. This width allows for there to be a direct relationship between the spaces in question and the houses opposite. This increase in surveillance will also encourage other houses within the area to contribute to the perception of safety. These houses will respond to the condition which manifests by also providing eyes onto the street and occupying the spaces immediately outside of their homes. Through the activation of a neglected space the surrounding houses will respond to this. The intention is for this to catalyse a change around the respective nodes as well as along the street. This increase in safety will allow for people to feel more comfortable in the space as well as its surrounds. For this to be successful, however, the spaces themselves needs to be activated through programme which attracts people towards it 106

Figure 56: Early sketch showing how design intervention can form part of the existing public space network through building articulation and public space.

Figure 57: Scheme B, Making two strong pedestrian routes and containing the public square

Figure 58: Scheme A, breaking up the site to allow more pedestrian movement routes across the site

Figure 59: locating programme across the site, sketch starts to looks at containment as well as edge conditions. 107

section

108

Design Proposal Programme The new reading of the urban fabric in Delft South suggests that the site be approached as a catalyst to give meaning to what one would regard as lost spaces. By retaining some of the vast space therefore reappropiating it as as positive open public space; becoming a rather relevant public amenity. Instead of this site reading as a disconnected and deteriorating open space, the site offers an opportunity to connect to the present public life in Delft South through performance spaces, outdoor sport facilities, retail structures and residential units. The programme has been suggested by what is currently on site and the workshop outcome. The intervention aims at creating a shared public space and accommodating the following : Extension of the Rainbow Arts Organisation Theatre/ hall Rehearsal spaces Workshops Computer labs Homework facilities Outdoor court/ 5 a side pitch Outdoor green park Residential units Retail (formal and informal) ECD centre 109

Most of these programmes have the potential to generate income in order to maintain the space to a certain extent. Other role players will include NGOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and the City of Cape Town. The programmes vary in scale, however they all aim at catering to the Delft South communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s social and urban needs.

110

Figure 60: Reconstructing the public realm in Delft South through a civic intervention that looks at employment opportunities well defined outdoor spaces.

111

Design Principles Integrating land use By integrating a civic program beneficial to the Delft South community as well as open public space that offers well equipped sport and outdoor play areas, the variety of use across the site has the potential to create a vibrant public space that gets utilised at different times of the day as well as through a variety of ways instead of a mono-functional infrastructure.

112

Cross programming The primary program of the building is performance spaces providing facilities such as a theatre, rehearsal rooms and workshops, this currently happens on site but at a much smaller scale. The diversity of programme currently on site has indicated that it would be beneficial to bring these programs together through a more articulate manner. The theatreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s supporting programmes will be articulated in a manner that allows the indoor facilities to be used in conjunction with outdoor activities.

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Shared amenities Within close proximity of the site are seven schools. Although the schools have their own play areas and some may have fields, the current situation is that the open space is fenced off from the public and as a result the spaces are only accessible to the children attending the school. In most schools the courtyard is a space where outdoor activity would take place and as a result limiting the sport types that can be played in the space. The outdoor court as well as the rehearsal spaces is intended to become a shared space between the residents and school children by providing some of the facilities that local schools lack. The outdoor court can be a covered space that can be used for ceremonial, social and religious gatherings or as an extention of the performance space.

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Sustaining livelihood The informal economic trade present in Delft South grew out of financial need from the residents and unfortunately the residential model is designed in such a way that is does not accommodate retail space. Containers and informal structures have been set up by residents on the site, however are not anchored by any programme and people only make purchases as they pass by, thus the site does not read as a destination. The proposed cluster of retail and workshop spaces offers economic opportunities both within the proposed intervention as well as the street edges.

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Generating a new active node By containing a public space and defining it in Delft South, more people will be drawn to the space and therefore draw public presence down from SPAR. Creating an active edge in the area consisting mainly of a vast open space was initial in the design consideration of Delft South.

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Figure 61: Initial concept model, dealing with private and public spaces, scale and shared spaces

Figure 62: The model was used to investigate the skyline and how the building will start to talk to the existing scale and suggesr cicpresence

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Figure 63: Bulk of Site

Figure 64: Highlighting existing route through site.

Figure 65: Generation of public spaces

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Figure 66: Responding to surrounding context.

Figure 67: Creation of vibrqant street edges.

Figure 68: Phase 1 of project to to allow for visual connection and stand out as a civic space.

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Figure 60: Early sketch of Main road elevation.

Figure 69: Ground Floor Plan

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10 9 8

16 5

4 3

2 16

1. FEMALE CHANGE ROOM 2. MALE CHANGE ROOM 3. WARDROBE 4. WORKSHOP YARD 5. STUDIO 6. GREEN ROOM 7. MALE ABLUTIONS 8. FEMALE ABLUTIONS

9. FEMALE ABLUTIONS 10. CLASSROOM 11. RAINBOW ARTS OFFICE SPACE 12. THEATRE MANAGERS OFFICE 13. 14. COMPUTER ROOM 15. UPPER LOBBY 16. PHASE 2 PROPOSED RESIDENTIAL UNIT.

FIRST FLOOR 1:200

Figure 70: First Floor Plan

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Figure 71: Initial section through theatre and outdoor space.

Figure 72: Initial Main Road Elevation

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MAIN ROAD APPROACH

Figure 73: 3D Study of Main road approach

OUTDOOR COURT

Figure 74: 3D Study of Outdoor court

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Figure 75: View from Traffic circle

Figure 76: Internal circulation space

TRAFFIC CIRCLE VIEW

UPPER LOBBY

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Concluding Thoughts Modernist planning resulted in impoverished public spaces within low-income communities. The lack of public facilities in low-income areas renders socio-economic growth. The city had planned to include community orientated intervention across such communities, however this has not been the case as one is still faced with dirt filled vast open spaces that are zoned for community usage. In the case of Delft South the socio-economic imbalance is being amended by the informal economic traders along the Main Road. This is part of the reason why I have chosen to focus on public spaces in terms of what they can contribute to the community as well as what to understand what social value public spaces possess. The original Delft development plan, stimulated Delft to become what we see today, the area has created its own diverse character with very minimal formal structures put in place. Sibanye Square is a good example of diversity of programme within a public space, for it is this diversity that allows a public space to thrive. It is evident that public spaces within low-income communities need to be improved, their current dire conditions do not allow residents to carry out individual and cooleective day to day activities as the private space which is prioritised over the public realm fails to accommodate most of the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spatial needs.

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In order to enhance diversity and activity in public spaces, the design intervention should be able to accommodate informality whilst responding the socio-economic challenges of Delft South community residents. Architects and Urban designers have a social role to play, we need to consider what type of public spaces, squares and building we are constructing within low-income communities. Architects ought to seek opportunities in such communities. Currently our cities grapple to accommodate people who are outsiders (low- income community residents come to the city to either as workers or consumers). If we relook at smaller towns and even distribution of resources, this could ease the pressure placed on the city centre. There is an urgency to create a profitable public realm within low income communities, which are able to adopt over time and respond to socio-economic needs of a particular community.

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Madanipour. A. (2003). Public and Private Spaces of the City (Oxon: Routledge) Madanipour. A. Social exclusion and Space in Richard. T. LeGates ed & Frederic Stout ed The City Reader: Fifth Edition (Oxon & Canada: Routledge, 2011) McGuirk, J. (2014). Radical Cities. London: Verso. MHL Architects and Planners, Delft South: An amendment to the Blue- Downs Delft local structure plan, (Ref .No.: 94930C15.95) NM & Associates. (2010). Quality Public Spaces: Programme Evaluation. Southworth, B. Making Public Space in 21st century Cape Town in E. Pieterse ed), Counter-Currents (pp. 100-109) (Auckland Park: Jacana Media, 2010) Todeschini, F. (2015) Lecture series part of Aspects of City Design elective course Trancik, R. (1986). Finding Lost space: theories of urban design. John Wiley & Sons VPUU. Violence Protection through Urban Upgrading: A manual for safety as public good (2014) Whyte, W. (c1980) The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces (Washington, D.C: Conservation Foundation, c1980)

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List of Figures Figure: 01-02- Andre le Roux (Space of Good Hope research studio, University of Cape Town: 2016) Figure: 03 How citizens and urabn design beat crime. https:// www.leekuanyewworldcityprize.com.sg/features_khayelitsha.htm (August, 20th 2016) Figure: 04- Cathy Skillicorn architects; Live/ work units I. http:// www.csarchitects.co.za/project/group-housing-khayelitsha/ (June, 4th 2016) Figures: 05, 11, 14, 20, 27, 40, 41-49,56-76- By author (2016) Figure: 06, 12, 15-19, 21-26,28-29, 32-39, 42, 50-54- Space of Good Hope research studio, University of Cape Town: (2016) Figures: 07, 08, 09, 10, 20, 28, 41- Modified by author, base image obtained from GIS data UCT Built Environment library (August 2016) Figure: 13- Tiaan (Space of Good Hope research studio, University of Cape Town: 2016) Figures: 30 & 31- Dobson, R. & Skinner, C. 2009. Working in Warwick: Including street traders in urban plans. (Durban: University of Kwa-Zulu Natal, 2009),p. 46 & p. 89

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Figure: 38- Source: Ryan, Dennis. “Digital Photograph - Holden Brothers Circus, ‘Big Top ‘ Circular Tent being Raised up Central Pole surrounded by Caravans & Tents, early 1930s.” Museum Victoria. http://museumvictoria.com.au/ collectionsitems/1689827/digital-photograph-holden-brotherscircus-big-top-circular-tent-being-raised-up-central-polesurrounded-by-caravans-tents-early-1930s?createComment=True (Accessed December, 16th, 2016) Figure: 40- Circus Historical Society, Inc. “How They Set Up the Big Tent”, Circus Historical Society 2003. http://www. circushistory.org/History/Tent.htm (December, 16th 2016) Figure: 55- Kasi-2-Kasi public arts festival facebook page. https://www.facebook.com/1765891346979663/photos/a.17716 79133067551.1073741829.1765891346979663/179167844106762 0/?type=3&theater (December, 16th 2016)

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