Thesis: Inclusive Global Cities by Bastiaan Vennink

Inclusive Global Cities Proposal for strategic development to empower children in segregated cities

Masterthesis 02-02-2017 Urban Design and Planning Eindhoven University of Technology Bastiaan Vennink 0756062

Urbanism studio 2016-2017: the Global City Eindhoven University of Technology

dr. S. Krishnamurthy drs. J.G.A. van Zoest prof.dr.ir. P.J.V. van Wesemael

"Reducing inequality through early childhood development reduces inequalities in ability, educational achievement, health status, and expected adult earnings, gains that are carried over throughout an individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life" - World Bank 2016 02

0.1 - Content Research Report Chapters 6

Abstract

Problem Statement

4.2.1 - Social infrastructure

Part 1. The Welfare State

4.2.2 - Physical infrastructure

4.2 - Spatial analysis

1.1 - Mindmap

4.2.3 - Destructive public space

1.2 - Welfare State 1.0

4.2.4 - Infrastructure for mobility

1.3 - Welfare State 2.0

4.2.5 - Nodes in the network

1.4 - Welfare State 3.0

4.3 - Clustering

23 Part 2. Inclusive Cities

4.4 - Design interventions

2.1 - Characteristics of social exclusion

4.4.1 - Behavioural nudging

2.2 - The shape of social exclusion

4.4.2 - Diversification of streets

2.3 - Locating social exclusion

4.4.3 - Slow traffic

2.4 - Strategic development

4.4.4 - Playstreets

37 Part 3. Strategy

4.4.5 - Greening

3.1 - What do children need?

4.4.6 - Community gardens

3.2 - Empowerment of children

4.4.7 - Sporting facilities

3.3 - Strategy of empowerment

4.4.8 - Natural playgrounds

3.4 - Design interventions

4.5 - Timeline of development

49 Part 4. Case Study

4.6 - Reflection on the strategy

91 Part 5. Bibliography

4.1 - Introduction

Figures 11 Mindmap

69 Overview of the strategy applied to the Schilderswijk

12 Development of socio-economic situation

70 Strategy: Implementation of nodes

17 Standardized income inequality

72 Strategy: Diversification of streets

17 Historic increase of housingprices

74 Strategy: Slowtraffic lanes

19 Distribution annual population growth

76 Strategy: Playstreets

19 Migration in the Netherlands

78 Strategy: Greening

25 Overview of definitions social exclusion

80 Strategy: Community gardens

29 Income level and ethnicity in The Hague

82 Strategy: Sporting facilities

29 Voting behaviour, build environment, density in The Hague

84 Strategy: Natural playgrounds

34 Negative spiral of social exclusion

86 Timeline of implementation

39 What makes a great place?

88 Overview of the complete strategy

41 Key aspects for child empowerment 51 Satelite image of the Schilderswijk 55 Spatial analysis of social infrastructure 57 Spatial analysis of physical infrastructure 59 Spatial analysis: Qualities of public space 61 Overview of the infrastructure in the Schilderswijk 63 Overview of nodes in the Schilderswijk 65 Section of the Schilderswijk 04

0.2 - Summary

Opportunity distinguishes the different socio economic classes in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s society. Whether you are part of the thriving or challenged group is determined by many factors. These factors are the result of a constant development of globalization, and are increasingly being represented by todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cities. Free market mechanisms have turned cities into increasingly segregated venues. Especially for migrants who live in foreign countries, it is hard to deal with this neoliberal system. They statistically have a less prosperous future ahead of them, and it is here where segregation becomes most evident. The differences in economic means have weakened the social cohesion in the international cities. The question that is researched follows from this; in what way is social exclusion an impediment to global city development, explored through the case of The Hague? Social exclusion thus is the result of a complex system of policy making and economic developments. Jehoel-Gijsbers breaks it down into four topics; 1) Insufficient access to social rights, 2) Material deprivation, 3) Low degree of social participation, and 4) a Lack of normative integration. Basically, these four topics determined by level of opportunity that one has in life. If the level of education decreases due too insufficient access to social services, changes of achieving a higher income decrease, which in its turn results in material deprivation. A lower income provides for less freedom of choice, which indirectly results in different norms and values.

Solving the segregation is not achievable with one intervention. Therefore, a strategy is proposed that targets the social and physical infrastructure of children. It is aimed for the interventions to take over some of the roles of the rolled back state, so the children become empowered. Together, the interventions provide the children tools for personal development, which consequently should lead to more opportunities in life. From statistical analysis, it is conducted that the Schilderswijk in The Hague copes with high levels of social exclusion, and is selected as a case study to test the strategy. The analysis of the social and physical infrastructure of the Schilderswijk lead to locations and interventions that are targeting real life problems. The strategy aims to redevelop the neighbourhood with three main interventions, namely nudging of behaviour, the layout of the streets, and redevelopment of nodes within its social network. The result is an upgraded neighbourhood that offers facilities for social activity, and stimulates social inclusiveness. Keywords; Social Exclusion, Spatial Segregation, Child Empowerment, Strategic Development, Globalisation.

0.3 - Problem statement

Neoliberalism has lead to increasing levels of social exclusion. The situation in which one group benefits maximally, while other groups are struggling is objectionable. However, segregation is a complex problem, one which cannot be solved with a single intervention. The whole system of a rolled back state, which has resulted in numerous social challenges, is in need of change. A political system, one that has enabled business to escape regulatory restrictions, needs to be replaced by one that offers more social security. Since welfare has been turned into workfare, the ones that are unemployed are the ones who are struggling. They have less access to services and facilities. Up to now, the socially excluded are on the weak side of the equation.

Purpose of this study is to propose short term interventions that already provide for some form of social security. Aim is to provide children with a neighbourhood infrastructure that offers grips so they can take control of their lives. Aim is for child empowerment, so children are provided with more opportunities. Firstly, the theoretical outlines of globalization, neoliberalism, and the welfare state are described. Secondly, the causes of social exclusion are identified, after which they are linked to a location. Thirdly, possible solutions are formulated, and a strategy is designed. Lastly, this strategy is tested with a case study, in the Schilderswijk in The Hague.

Since it is a global system, many societies are facing the same problem simultaneously. Together, they severely criticize the system of neoliberalisation, and ask for the return of more social security. Opposers of neoliberalism already had evident objections due to increasing numbers of unemployment, but the economic crisis of 2008 has put it over the edge. It has magnified the challenges that today's global system is facing. It became evident that the global economic system was unable provide society with a stable economic system. Socioeconomic segregation has never been larger, while cities have become their physical representations. Therefore, the following research question is the main focus of this report; In what way is social exclusion an impediment to global city development, explored through the case of The Hague? 06

The Welfare State Developments of the Welfare State, and its relation to Social Exclusion and cities

Neoliberal Cities

1.1 - Mindmap

Market capitalism

19th century Early 20th century

The development of the Welfare State is at the heart of today's growing segregation. This chapter investigates the developments of socio-economic climates throughout the last decades, and its role in this growing phenomenon, which is also shown in the mindmap to the right. The mindmap describes the most important developments. It displays the relation between the different socio-economic climates and social exclusion. This relation is subjected to constant change, and can be understood as a complex network. The topics decribed as causal factors for the social exclusion will be illustrated more detailed in the following chapters. On the outer ring (1), the relevant socio-economic constitutions are displayed. Each of the periods is characterized by one form of economic model, and most peroids also have complementing social models. The central part (2) is describing the different factors that originate from the developments of the Welfare State. Together these factors form the contextual risk factor of social exclusion. Also shown here, is that people who are socially exclused are subjected to a visious circle (3). Escaping from it is only achievable if one of these four is provided. In the lower part of the mindmap, it is providing three possible solutions for the phenomenon of social exclusion (4). These are the next steps that could be undertaken. Two of the options are used as today's solution, only to find out that they are not suitable anymore. There is need for a third option, one that tackles the problem at its core. Strategic development would provide for a more fundamental solution, in addressing the risk factors, rather than the symptoms of social exclusion. This new approach would transform the Welfare State into a new form. Together with the knowledge economy, this social model could be the next phase in the development of socioeconomic models (5).

Sources 1: 2: 3: 4: 5: 6: 7: 8: 9: 10: 11: 12: 13: 14: 15: 16: 17: 18: 19: 20:

Larner, 2000; Flucher, 2015; Garland, 2016. Steger, 2013; Garland, 2016. Larner, 2000; Brenner, 2002; Jenei, 2005; Frentrop, 2013. Steger, Roy, 2010; Garland, 2016. Marissing, Bolt, Kempen, 2006. Mahon, Macdonald, 2009. Saunders, 2010; Patel, Vella, 2013. Bolt, 2002; De Kam, Needham, 2003. Ostry, Loungani, Furceri (IMF), 2016. Boudreau, 2010; Brenner, 2011. Jehoel-Gijsbers, Vrooman, 2007. Kam, Needham, 2003; Dekker, Bolt, 2005; Jehoel-Gijsbers, Vrooman, 2007. Dekker, Bolt, 2005; Jehoel-Gijsbers, Vrooman, 2007; Garland, 2016. Dekker, Bolt, 2005; Jehoel-Gijsbers, Vrooman, 2007; Knoops, van den Brakel, 2010. Jehoel-Gijsbers, Vrooman, 2007; Hoff, Vrooman, 2011; WHO, 2008. McCann, 2013. Garland, 2016. Kam, Needham, 2003; Boschman, 2015. Jenei, 2007; Brenner, 2011; Garland, 2016. Arnstein, 1969; Marissing, Bolt, Kempen, 2006; PPS, 2016. Garland, 2016.

Figure 1; Mindmap of the development of the Welfare State

Embedded liberalism

Technical & Economic innovaton

Neoliberalism

Stagnating natural economic growth

Welfare state 1.0 Post WWII 1970’s

Welfare state 2.0 1970’s 2008

6 4

Government

Society of participation

Governance

Increased housing prices

Less choice for lower SES

Social reliability

Challenge in planning Pressure on urban space

Accumulation of nationalities and cultures Challenging aggregation

Increasing Migration

Segregation in SES

Increasing gap between rich and poor

Rapidizing urbanisation Education

Systems failure

Social exclusion

Approach

Opportunity

Employment

Income

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Funding instruments

Relocating the problem

Not feasible anymore

Strategic development

Knowledge economy Welfare state 3.0

Neoliberal Cities

1.2 - Welfare state 1.0 During a period of industrialisation, the economies of a lot of western countries changed. Country sides transformed from self-sufficient areas, into production facilities. Free markets allowed entrepreneurs to address new markets and target groups. This meant capital was flowing faster than ever. This dynamic change also imposed an important social structure on settlements (Fulcher, 2015). To enable factories to profit, it was in the best interest of factory owners to keep their working class satisfied. Employment, healthcare, and pensions were organised, so that workers felt no need to protest. The owner of the factory facilitated these services for its employees (Frentrop, 2013). Factories became small settlements in which life took place. While these industrial clusters increased in size, also public life surrounding it increased. Their dependence on their employer also meant that they had little freedom of choice of how their life was constituted. Employment depended on the economiccycles, and so did its accompanied services. Not all of its inhabitants were directly related to the work that was done inside of the factory. But also they searched for opportunities to enhance their way of living. Their independence also meant that they had no guarantee of a lot of social services, and with it a prosperous life. They could not enjoy all services that were offered by the factory owner. This high level of uncertainty and dependence caused a lot of resistance among the lower classes of society. By means of innovations, the working class started to organise themselves into labour unions. Through the leverages of the unions, they could demand better conditions. At first this was solely focussed at the factories itself, but later became a part of governmental decision making. This rise of power ignited a new constitution of socio-economic conditions. The system of market capitalism was transformed into a complementary system, with on the one hand the embedded liberalism of the market, and on the other hand the welfare state 1.0.

Market capitalism

Embedded liberalism Welfare state 1.0 World War II

Oil Crisis Neoliberalism Welfare state 2.0

Figure 2; Stepwise development socio-economic situation

During the Second World War, a high level of uncertainty confronted the Dutch society. Food and employment were scarce, while safety was massively pressured. These conditions confronted most of the inhabitants of The Netherlands. To make sure these kinds of dehumanizing conditions would never reoccur, new forms of social services were implemented. This meant the welfare state got expanded even more. Its main aim was for society to act as a whole. So not a individualized/liberal-right wing government, but a more collective and left-wing approach. The destruction of the build environment during the war had resulted in a high shortage of housing and infrastructure, which meant a lot of building activity was needed. This would trigger a period of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;wederopbouwâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. This period is known for its high pace of redevelopment. A period of uncertainty and scarcity of employment was followed by an increase in social and economic activity. The shortage of housing triggered a centrally organised rebuilding program. Lots of houses were built following a modernist point of view. The factory-like principles of building, originally introduced by Bauhaus and CIAM, offered great economic opportunities and lots of employment. Also due to the rise of car transportation, lots of new infrastructure was being produced, also generating great amounts of employment. With all these developments, other economic branches flourished as well. For instance, fossil fuels were needed for the increase of activity, and the increase of purchasing power meant that there was more room for consumerism. These prosperous times of labour also made the labour unions flourish. Their influence resulted in great conditions for the working class. Social services provided certainty for less fortunate, while pensions and health care benefits benefitted the workers themselves. The insecurity in employment for a few could be compensated by the employment of the many. Tax levels were aimed to level out income inequalities. In retrospect it can be noted that all ses-groups have benefited equally from the increase of economic activity during this period of time (Garland, 2016).

Neoliberal Cities

1.3 - Welfare state 2.0 Criticizing an obsolete system Under Welfare State 1.0, the power increase of labour unions pressured governments into left-wing decisions. The aim was to create the best conditions for the collective instead of the individual. However, slowly the rapid pace of the wederopbouw diminished, and with it its great level of employment. The decrease of economic activity meant that unemployment increased little by little. Consequently, this meant that the leverage of the labour unions decreased. While the Welfare State was under fire, the financial crisis and oil crisis of the 60â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and 70â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s caused a state of emergency in economic markets. Economic development stagnated, and so did employment. Eventually, due to disappointing market demand, the level of employment came to a lowest point in years. This gave an opportunity for liberal parties, who had been criticasters of the left policies, to step in and take control. They profiled themselves as the party that could get rid of the social burden that held back the economy for decades (Fulcher, 2015. Garland, 2016). Because all parties wanted back their economic prosperity, the liberal parties became more and more popular.

only be achieved with a limmited role of the government. During the period of embedded liberalism, the government had functioned as the regulator. This had resulted in extensive governmental bodies, which were expensive to maintain. Under Neoliberalism, the government was stripped from many tasks. By doing so, it privatized many companies. The Welfare State 1.0, in which the governement performed most of the takes itself, was transformed into Welfare State 2.0. Free market This shift of economic paradigm caused lots of disturbance in the socio-economic situation. To enable market parties to dictate the flows of economy, protectionism needed to be replaced by more permeable borders (Sassen, 1996; Larner, 2000). Policies needed to form regulations instead of limitations. An open policy transformed the way in which business operated and the working class got employed. Freedom of markets was at its core, so social security was replaced by freedom of choice. The impact of this new economic ideology on social security can hereby not be overestimated.

Within several years the system of embedded liberalism and the Welfare State 1.0 became obsolete. Powered by unemployment, the liberal parties got a hold of the power. The former constitution was actively being rejected and dismantled. Margaret Thatcher in the UK, and Ronald Reagan in the US, were liberal politicians who claimed it was time for change. They called the situation no longer untenable. They claimed a reform of policies, government, and economic market was the route to new economic prosperity (Steger, Roy, 2010). They introduced a reformed version of a liberal government, known as Neoliberalism.

With the introduction of the free market, the role of the government has changed indefinitely. Previously, distribution markets were mostly limited to national borders. It was not feasible to import goods due to taxes and restrictions set by the government. The opening of markets offered new opportunities for the economy to be constituted. New groups of potential customers presented themselves in foreign countries. This increasing level of consumers also demanded higher levels of production. These new levels of production, together with the competitive nature of the free labour market, meant that production facilities were moved to developing countries. Workers here accepted jobs for worse conditions and wages. Subsequently, this resulted in less manual labour jobs in developed countries and increasingly more in developing countries.

Most fundamental for both of its models was the accommodation of a free market. It was believed for economic markets to function as efficiently as possible, that regulations should be minimized. Since most of these regulations were set by governments, it was evident that this ideology could

Not only business is following the rules of a free market economy, but so are cities. Cities have become hotspots for economic activity. There are great financial benefits if cities can attract certain categories of business. They will become more popular for residents, and their economic power will increase.

To attract as many business as possible, they try to brand themselves with terms like ‘most innovative’, ‘sustainable’, or ‘creative’ (McCann, Roy, Ward, 2013). Cities have escaped the control of their host countries, as their economic power goes beyond borders. They have become players in a free market economy, competing for business activity, and foreign direct investment. It is hereby important that cities are well connected to the global network of cities, and their so called global cities. Air travel can be seen as the main mode of transportation, so airports function as hubs that connect them. Privatization For a free market economy to function well, it is believed that companies must operate independently from governments (Brenner, Theodore, 2012 & Harvey, 2007). Private companies are expected to handle operations more efficiently, and at lower costs than their governmental counterparts. During the Wederopbouw, many of the infrastructural and social services were provided by governmental institutions. After the introduction of Neoliberalism in the Netherlands, many of these institutions have been privatized. Companies like railway enterprises and housing corporations started to function as market driven ones. Their interests shifted from societal to more market driven ones. Society of participation As described in chapter 1.2 and 1.3, the society in the Netherlands operates on a neoliberal basis. While upper and middle class people voted for these reforms, it is the middle class itself who is not benefiting from the changed economy (Milanovic, 2016). To accommodate the free market, it is thought that the government should play a role at the sideline. This lead to a transformation of the government from an executive mechanism into a managerial one. This has resulted in less social services, and a greater responsibility of the citizens themselves. Instead of provision of social services by the government, citizens need to take on various tasks that were previously managed centrally (Mahon, Macdonald, 2009). Costs for supporting the individuals to take over these kind of tasks replaced the costs for service provision itself. Tasks like home care, organisation of social activities have activated a society of participation.

Neoliberal Cities

Segregation in Socio-Economic-Status Globalization has not only changed the geograhical scale of economies, but also increased a gap between wealthy and less wealthy people. Founded in 1944, the IMF is aimed at managing stable exchange rates and providing loans to countries for economic development. Due to their financial means, they have the power to demand changes in countriesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; economic policies. Since many of the powerfull countries behind the IMF operate following neoliberal policies, they also oblige countries to implement neoliberal reforms as well. However, in recent years there has been a rising level of rejection to these policies. In 2016, a group of researchers of the IMF conclude that, while benefiting the world economy, the neoliberal assumptions also have had a negative effect on income disparity (IMF, 2016). As shown by data in figure 3 from the Scientific Council for Government Policy, this disparty in the Netherlands has grown extensively throughout the last decades (WRR, 2014). These differences have been mainly concentrated in and surrounding the largest cities of the Netherlands (van den Brakel, Ament, 2010). The cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague, and Utrecht are where the spatial dimension of segregation is represented. The high level of migrants, students, and welfare recipients could explain a certain concentration of low income classes in cities. Migrants tend to cluster together due to cultural preferences and social networks. Optimal connections to services and the global economic markets make the upperclass prefer the urban areas. Their social network often extends beyond specific locations, and stretches continentally or globally.

Increasing housing prices Another contextual cause of segregation is the increasing price of real estate. Globalization and the free market should accommodate a system in which supply and demand is balancing prices. All SES classes should be equally supplied by corresponding housing units. It is however here that the free market is insufficiently able to offer adequate goods. Due to scarcity of housing provision, the prices have been rising (and continue to) for decades (see figure 4). The increasing values limit the freedom of choice for less fortunate citizens. Foreign direct investment is being used to purchase real estate in popular global cities. The investments have proven to be reasonably safe. Next to that, the privatization of housing corporations has resulted in a competing market of social housing. Competition should lead to reduction of housing prices for lower categories of dwellings. In reality the housing stock provision is mostly focused on middle and upper class, while lower classes are being neglected. This makes it harder for people with low incomes to find a suitable dwelling, and limiting their options to certain neighbourhoods. Both cost efficiency and cultural preferences result in clustering of ethnic groups (Bolt, 2002).

Figure 3; Standardized income inequality (WRR,2014) Since introduction of neoliberalism, socio-economic segregation has increased constantly. Top/base ratio

Gini coefficient 160

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Figure 4; Historic increase housingprices (Wegwijs) Since introduction of the free market, housing prices have increased constantly, resulting in higher levels of spatial segregation. 300.000 euro

Effective price

Average increase 250.000 euro

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Neoliberal Cities

Urbanisation During the period of industrialisation, many agricultural jobs have been replaced by manufacturing or service industry. Consequently, an increasing number of jobs have been created within city boundaries, instead of in rural area. Following this shift, many workers moved to cities, emptying rural villages (Saunders, 2010). Now the majority of people live in cities, pressuring their physical and social infrastructures (Brenner, 2011). Roads, dwellings, facilities, shops, and business are intensively being used. Good maintenance is hereby essential. Being active in the global economy for instance, demands a living place near hub of the global infrastructure. Transportation by air is the most suitable for traveling on a global scale, so airports give new incentives to move to cities. Technological innovations made it possible for cities to become denser and more efficient. Healthcare, modes of transport, and building techniques have all been innovated, so cities could operate in a safe and healthy state. The total complexity stresses the need for good maintenance. As has always been the case, care for healthy and clean conditions is a major priority, but also needs a lot of investment. Because the socially excluded tend to live in dense neighbourhoods, it is extra important to be aware that additional investments need to be made in the poorest areas.

Increasing migration As employment is managed on a global scale, migration has followed accordingly. Workers move towards more prosperous places to find a better life. Previously, this was bound to national cities, as protectionism was holding back both foreign direct investment and migration. Domestic workers were protected against foreign workers, who could accept lower wages. With the opening up of borders, new opportunities arose. Internal migration still leads to urbanisation in local cities, but numerous people now try to find a better life in a more developed country. Caused by the changes of policies, the labour market changed rigoursly. They followed the entrepreneurial globalization, and are now employees on a worldwide scale. This process is rapidized by advanced social security systems in many developed countries. The leftovers of the rolled back Welfare State still provide many services for the less fortunate. On top of that, during periods of wederopbouw, working-class migrants have been invited in many western countries to help rebuild the countries after the war. Many migrants had the intension to stay for a couple of years and, after the rebuilding was done, return to their countries of origin. However, many of them have integrated in their new home countries, and have become part of communities, and stayed after those activities were done. Afterwards they were joined by their relatives, increasing migration further.

Figure 5; Distribution annual population growth - G4 and other municipalities (CBS) During the last decade, population growth has increasingly moved to the four largest municipalities in the Netherlands, pressuring urbanisation.

% 100

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Figure 6; Migration in the Netherlands (CBS) The permeable borders have resulted in constant flows of people, pressuring urbanisation. 200000

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Neoliberal Cities

1.4 - Welfare state 3.0

The situation in which one group benefits maximally, while other groups are struggling is objectionable. It however is a complex problem, one which cannot be solved with a single intervention. The whole system of a rolled back state, which has resulted in numerous social challenges, is in need of change. A political system, one that has enabled business to escape regulatory restrictions, needs to be transformed. Since welfare has been turned into workfare, the ones that are unemployed are the ones who are struggling. They are left out of the evolution of developed countries. Untill now, the socially excluded are on the weak side of the equation. Since it is a global system, many societies are facing the same problem simultaneausly. Together, they severely criticize the system of neoliberalization, and ask for the return of more social security. The opposing side already had evident objections, due to increasing number of unemployment, but the economic crisis of 2008 has put it over the edge. It has magnified the challenges that today's global system is facing. It became evident that the global economic system was unable provide society with a stable economic system. Socioeconomic segregation has never been larger, while cities have become their physical representation. Therefore, the following research question is the main focus of this report; In what way is social exclusion an impediment to global city development, explored through the case of The Hague? So if the system is facing challenges that it can not overcome easily, everything should be done to start this transition. The economic model as it exists need to be replaced, but how to achieve this?

One solution that is being investigated is an universal basic income. With pilot projects in Finland, Scotland, Africa, India, and the Netherlands (Independent, 2017), it is seriously being considered. It is a radical different approach to provide people with income, and changes the incentives for labour completely. Hereby, it also expected that the level of segregation can be decreased. People do not necessarily need a form of employment, but still have the means to puchase goods. In fact, people would have more time to provide informal care in the neighbourhood. Voluntary jobs would need less incentives for residents to participate. However, before these pilots result in functioning economic system, decades could have passed. Another solution could focus on some minor aspects of socioeconomic model. It should try and evolutionary change the neoliberal system. Because of the complexity of the economic models, the transformation should be ignited by small aspects of the systems. Together, these strategically chosen pivot points could change the system as a whole. Some smaller nudged together should be able to turn some of the gears. Since both of these models are rather aimed on the long term, the reality of today will benefit directly. Therefore, these slow movements need to be accompanied by short term strategies. This study proposes short term interventions, that already initiate some of the fundamental changes of the second path. Aim is to provide socially excluded with grips so they already can take control of their lives.

Neoliberal Cities

Inclusive Cities How is Social Exclusion influencing people's lives, and how is it visible in physical terms?

Social Exclusion

2.1 - Characteristics of social exclusion Social exclusion thus is a negative result of a very complex system. The rapid changing economy, social structures, and political climates are all influencing the way in which society functions, and how social bounds are constituted. It is however unclear what the definition of social exclusion is, and how it influences peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lives. A combination of sources with different perspectives are used to create an elaborate understanding of what social exclusion entails, and how it is connected to the living environment. While offering different perspectives, the different authors overlap on a number of dimensions. In general terms they agree that social exclusion is the inability to participate in activities, and/or consume services that one wants to. As Schuyt describes in his essay De exclusieve stad (2005), this inability could be defined in multiple dimensions. However, the different authors describe these dimensions in deferring characteristics, while corresponding to the same topics. These will be described and combined here, and can be found in table 1. Most fundamental characteristic of social exclusion is the inequality of economic means. In a society where consumerism is the main social and economic ideology, financial means are essential. An income can provide for a place to live, and access to services and facilities (Jehoel-Gijsbers, 2004). Also the quality of the places, services, and facilities that are accessed are dependent on finance. A higher quality comes at a higher price, excluding less fortunate groups of society. The level of income thus specifies the degree in which freedom of choice is experienced. It is hereby important to note that this inequality within the economic dimension functions as a self-reinforcing mechanism. The material deprivation of parents leads to access of lower quality services for their children, consequently resulting in less financial means for them. The increasing level of segregation in society also causes a divergence in moral statuses. Because groups of lower Socio-Economic-Status (SES) tend to have less elaborate social networks (Bolt, 2002), they rely on their fellow

neighbourhood-residents for normative integration. However, since different SES groups live in different neighbourhoods, a mixture of norms and values is missing (Jehoel-Gijsbers, 2004). Consequently, segregation is allowing for deviant behaviour to be reinforced by peers. This results in a higher level of tolerance of deviant behaviour, and a lower degree of social participation. As Dekker & Bolt (2005) discuss in their paper, social cohesion -and therefor social inclusion- is very much depended on liveability and the level of tolerance within community. The liveability of the public domain can be influenced by minor social things. For instance, if the public domain is actively being used by a local community (say young families), this could make other social units within the same neighbourhood tend to feel excluded (say childless couples). They might have little overlap in lifestyle, and have other demands for public space. Next to that, it can be noted that a strong social cohesion at a more local level can be at the expense of social cohesion at a wider level as well. A strong community could reinforce deviant behaviour, which is being rejected by groups outside of this community. Also, if a group has actively claimed the public domain in the neighbourhood, this can make visitors feel not welcome. A fourth dimension of social exclusion can be found in the lack of access to social services. Welfare State services are offered for securing workers with an income, and additional services. However, if these services cannot be reached by the people in need, they are not used as was intended. As Muster et al (2015) describe, this seclusion of groups could have various causes. The extensive bureaucratic bodies could overwhelm people, so they have no understanding how to reach certain services. Most municipalities attempt to address this issue by providing facilities directly inside the neighbourhood, and they function as an well informed access point. They can help ignorant residents to find the right services. These neighbourhood facilities could also help in overcoming linguistic barriers. The spatial dimension of social exclusion is represented by physical segregation of SES (Nieuwenhuizen, 2006). Due to profiting knowledge workers in developed countries,

the gap between rich and poor increased. Cities turned into metropolises, in which real estate and land prices are unaffordable for the labour class. Upper-class is investing in expensive properties and urban environments, leading to segregated cities. The segregation is strengthened by the clustering of cultures. On the one hand, for instance, first generation migrants are particularly oriented towards their own group with respect to their social networks. They prefer to live in areas collaboratively with equivalent cultures (Bolt, 2002). At the other end, the higher educated groups have less affection with their residential neighbourhood. Often they have the means to go out more often, have friends living further away, and have large-scale professional networks. The increasing segregation has also its impact on the type of usage of public space. To accommodate all these groups in singular spaces seems difficult. There is a possibility in which public can be designed with a very specific target group in mind. This group of people can use the space intensively, but this will also exclude some groups. If chosen for a more nuanced approach, space could be designed more moderately, so anyone could use it a little. This also means there is no direct target group in mind, which risks the space is too neutral, resulting in a space that is used by none (Wekker, 2016).

An example of neighbourhoods where public space is being rejected are modernistic neighbourhoods. The neutrality of public space within the modernist neighbourhoods makes it anonymous (Blom et al., 2004). Modernist ribbons of housing are positioned independently of the surrounding infrastructure. By doing so, it is neglecting the traditional role of the street. Building blocks are beyond human proportions, alienating the space surrounding it. Hardly anyone feels attached to the scale less developments of the modernists, leaving rejected public spaces. However, there are also neighbourhoods where its public space is being fully endorsed. For instance, full endorsement of public space can be found in what is known in the Netherlands as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;cauliflower neighbourhoodsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. These neighbourhoods are built in critique of neutral modernist neighbourhoods, and based on humanistic proportions. Here, young families make great use of the playgrounds, which they not only use for their children to play, but also to extend their social network. During this process of social interaction, the neighbourhood becomes part of their lifestyles (Kam & Needham, 2003; Blokland, 2008).

Table 1; Overview of social exclusion definitions

Schuyt, 2005

Musterd et al, 2015

Jehoel-Gijsbers, 2004

Nieuwenhuizen, 2006

Dekker, Bolt, 2005

General perspective

Policy perspective

Peoples perspective

Societal perspective

Economic dimension

Income inequaltiy

Material deprivation

Less financial means

Lack of freedom of choice

Moral dimension

Welfare regime

Low degree of social participation

Cultural background

High tolerance of deviant behaviour

Psychological dimension

Lack of normative integration

Less opportunities due to lower education

Subculture induces strained relation mainstream society

Juridical dimension

Housing regime

Insufficient access to social rights

Spatial dimension

Globalization and economic restructuring

Clustering of cultures

Social Exclusion

2.2 - The shape of Social Exclusion Now that these dimensions of social exclusion have been identified, it is interesting to see how these phenomena are visible in contemporary cities. If the phenomena are recognizable, it is possible to locate social exclusion in existing cities, after which proposals for improvement can be made. Therefore, the risk factors that are caused by the process of globalisation, neoliberalism, and the developments of the Welfare State have to be linked to their physical counterparts. These physical representations however differ for developed and developing countries. Conditions of cities are changed by the socio-economic circumstances. They are a representation of their societal developments. Therefore, context seems to be one of the main determinants of the needs that are relevant. Due to the basis of research on neighbourhoods in the Netherlands, the perspective of the developed countries is leading. For connecting the risk factors to their physical counterparts, the topics described in part 1 are used. During this matching, some connections may carry more weight than others. It is also important to note that there are two levels of factors that influence the risk level; contextual factors acting on macro and meso scale, and personal factors on micro scale. First the consequences of contextual risk factors are described, since these correlate with the developments of globalisation and governance. Secondly, relevant personal conditions are analysed, connecting more abstract definitions to real life situations. Social exclusion, described as the disability to fully participate in parts of society, has much to do with social and spatial policies. Alterations in methods of government changed the role of cities, and the way in which municipalities can control them. First, it were the governments that could prescribe regulations for cities. Now however, cities have escaped. Their economic power exceeds their parental ones, enabling them to determine policy directions. Cities, together with institutions have taken over many duties. Municipalities now provide services that formerly were centrally organized. It has resulted

in closer connections between citizens and municipalities. Knowledge economies have made it able to offer a high density of jobs within the city centers of large cities. Office towers offer many workplaces, but are most of them are solely for higher educated people. These higher educated employees generate more income for the cities, and are therefore in high demand. Cities compete with one and other, so they attract most knowledgeable people. In its wake, this should supply other citizens with better services as well (source). It is here that the free market deals with a dilemma. Spill over effects should enable less fortunate citizens with more facilities, however the facilities themselves are dealing with a free market as well. For these facilities the free market has changed the incentives for their duties. Where at first the aim was for the best suitable care and provision, these are now of minor importance due to cost efficiencies. Social housing associations now have to choose between better quality of their dwellings versus long term financial management. Due to budget cuts and such, the quality of services seems to be deceived. To cope with that, society has become more dependent on their individual ability to be self-sufficient. As described in previous chapter, it is here where some people are insufficiently able to provide for themselves. Being unable to provide for these needs leads to situations in which people are socially excluded. And this directly has its impact on the daily lives of people. Access to healthy food, exercise, (healthy modes of) commuting, leisure, and internet are all part of todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s society (Barton & Grant, 2013). The lack of access to these services makes these groups very dependent on their neighbourhood, in both social as commercial terms (Raspe, 1996). Poorer neighbourhoods are provided with less services, and the ones that they offer are of less quality (Volkskrant, 2015). Education, for instance, is often performing less well in poor neighbourhoods, then they are in their wealthier counterparts. This is important, because education forms the basis for the job opportunities one gets. So if one is inadequately educated, changes are, that as an adult, the child will have a low income as well. This lower income results in less opportunities, for instance when choosing for a place to live (Patel & Vella, 2013).

Less means thus mean that one is subjected to less expensive dwellings, which mostly are located in poorer neighbourhoods. After that, the story starts all over again. Physical segregation is thus a phenomenon that is self-reinforcing, and one which is visible within the structures of cities. So, the number of services, and their quality is an indicator of low socio-economic neighbourhoods. These neighbourhoods are more likely to be facing social exclusion.

micro level is thus heavily influenced by the living environment that is being offered on larger scales. The combination of social and physical infrastructures thus is a representation of the contemporary state of a city.

Another indicator of neighbourhoods that are facing social exclusion is voting behaviour. People who are socially excluded often feel they have little grip on the contextual risk factors. They feel their vote makes little to no difference of changing the system democratically. It is therefor recognized that a population's voting behaviour represents an indicator of social exclusion (de Voogd, 2014). This can be seen in two ways. On one hand there are the attendance rates. Because socially excluded feel their vote has no impact on the system, they tend not to vote at all. This results in attendance rates that are very low compared to cities' average, and thus can easily be recognized. Secondly, because they feel that the ruling parties are not adequately managing to represent their needs, they tend to vote for populist parties, who often promise a radical change. This also can be recognized within the outcomes of elections on neighbourhood level. The way in which services are offered is dependent on multiple levels of policies. The national government determines the main strategy for that country's economic model. This macro level thus influences the level protectionism of that economy. From a central organized government, decentralisation and free market competition restructured the whole. Policy levels turned to the management instead of offering services themselves. In a neoliberal economy, cities also have many opportunities to develop their own strategies on a meso level (Jenei et al., 2005). This has its impact on the institutions and services that are handling the interaction with the clients. These institutions are both constituted out of commercial and public parties. They function as a facility that performs according to the guidelines the government set. Organised throughout the neighbourhoods, these facilities function as the hands-on facilities. Within these cities, neighbourhoods and its facilities have to operate for the needs of the people. This Social Exclusion

2.3 - Locating Social Exclusion

Due to free market mechanisms, socio-economic groups have been spatially separated in cities. This means that interventions should be aimed at neighbourhood level. To link social exclusion to specific locations in the Netherlands, various statistics that represent the characteristics of social exclusion are analysed. The data that is being used is provided by CBS, VU, RIVM, GGD, and Municipalities.

The Hague In GGD reports it has been found that The Hague has a high level of social exclusion compared to the G4 (also nieuwenhuizen, 2005), but no neighbourhoods have been specified (van Bergen & Gilissen; 2015). To be able to advance the research, an inventory of the different neighbourhoods of The Hague has to be made. The selection is being based on demographic profiles, which are based on the indicators found in the literature. The GGD did confirm the earlier findings that lower educated, unemployed, and ethnic groups face social exclusion more often, and that there is a causal relation between social exclusion and health. Next to that, there is also a direct relation between voting behaviour and social cohesion (de Voogd, 2014). It can be noted that people who do not feel part of society â&#x20AC;&#x201C;or status quo- tend not to vote, if they vote they change political preferences more often, and are overall more susceptible for populist parties. Various topics have been identified earlier, which are now portrayed and analysed using multiple maps; Age, Voting behaviour, Nationality, Age of the build form, Infrastructure.

Income level Income is one of the causes of segregation in The Hague. Residents prefer to live close to wealthier residents (Kam & Needham, 2003; Boschman, 2015). The higher income groups live in the northern parts of the city, where density is lower. These high socio economic groups are settled inbetween the city center of The Hague and the North Sea. The central neighbourhoods are average when it comes to income. This correlates to the real estate prices that come with living in the dense areas. They are mostly working professionals, with small family sizes. Lower economic groups are settled in the southern and western parts of the city. Real estate prices are relatively low here, while still offering proximity to the city center with all its services. All aspect which are prefered by low economic groups (Larson, 2015). Four neighbourhoods stand out as being relatively poor. They are located directly next to the city center, and in-between the main infrastructural corridors. The Schilderswijk is located closest to the center, and has the lowest income level. Next to it are Transvaal, Moerwijk, and Laakkwartier. Together these neighbourhoods form a poor cluster, which is mostly occupied by ethnic people.

Ethnicity The neighbourhoods previously coming forward as less fortunate, also have higher rates of non-western immigrants. These ethnic groups tend to cluster together (Bolt, 2002), as they are relatively dependent on their social networks. Immigrants' their preferred neighbourhood has a high density, has close proximity to the city center, and offers lots of cheap housing (Saunders, 2010). The Schilderswijk fits this profile best, and has the highest rate of up to 85%. It not only has the highest rate, but also the widest variety of countries of origin. The neighbourhood is known as being vital, but also challenged. The neighbourhoods with the least non-western immigrants only have rates 5-10% of their population, and are located in the north, and closest to the North Sea. Since The Hague is internationally oriented for politics and law, there are also many migrants with higher incomes. So next to the large part of native Dutch people, there is a large international group of expats and representatives.

Social Exclusion

Age per neighbourhood For this analysis of age groups, five categories are used to identify which part of society tend to live where. The first two categories, which contain youth of 0-15 and 15-25, are centrally locate in the neighbourhoods on the south western side of Centrum. These neighbourhoods are also the ones with the lowest income level. Also Belgisch Park, next to Scheveningen, scores above average, however income level is average. So the youngest groups tend to live closest to the city center, which is positive for the number of facilities that are

within reach. Then, for the mean class of 25-45, also known as young professionals, it can be recognize that they are located in the more central neighbourhoods, but with higher incomes and less density. These neighbourhoods are also close to the business district, and easily accessible by train or car. The last two categories of 45-65 and 65+ are located in the suburbs of The Hague. These neighbourhoods are located furthest from the city center, and have the lowest density. These neighbourhoods are also the ones with the highest income levels.

Social Exclusion

Voting behaviour Measured are the level of attendance and the winner per neighbourhood. The neighbourhoods where there is a low rate of attendance are also the ones in which populist parties tend to win. These are the same neighbourhoods where there is a low income level, and a relative young population. The most popular parties are either the PVV (anti-immigration) or Islamic Democrats. It is interesting to see that both type of neighbourhoods lay directly next to each other, and all at the south western part of the city center. On the other side, the richer and relatively aged population tend to vote for conventional parties, with neoliberal assumptions. It is the inability to take control over the constitution of their live, that causes this voting behaviour. The inhabitants of the poorer neighbourhoods have no -or little- control over their lives. Because many are dependent on governmental services and subsidies, they vote in an attempt to enhance their situation. This time it is the left party, next time it is the right. It can be seen as a voice that is hardly heard. Social services should be directly located within the neighbourhood, so they are accessible.

Form of the built environment There is a great distinction between the ages of the build form and their demographic characteristics. Most of the poorer neighbourhoods have been build following a stamp pattern, and the majority has been built just before or after WO2. The conditions created during post-war rebuilding were not quite sufficient. In large parts of neighbourhoods redevelopments have updated the buildings to modern standards. The level of public space seems to be an important difference between richer and poorer neighbourhoods. Also the type of public space is different. In poorer neighbourhoods public space is mostly focused on functionality, whereas in richer neighbourhoods they have a more recreational character. As described, it can be found that multiple of the characteristics overlap in certain neighbourhoods. Social segregation can be found in denser neighbourhoods with lower amounts of public space. Their voting behaviour is populistic, and the level migrants is higher. Now, a zoom-in can provide insights in the socio-economic infrastructure used within the neighbourhoods that came forward. An overview of locations where interaction takes place and average commuting times can help address to specify conditions further.

Density Neighbourhoods with higher density are more attractive to migrants, as they are more dependable on their social network (Saunders, 2010). While clustering together in cultural groups, they tend to face higher level of social exclusion. Language barriers and unemployment segregates these groups from the rest of the city. So the neighbourhoods which are occupied by larger families, more migrants, and lower incomes tend to be more dense than the ones without it. The same neighbourhoods that stood out negatively in most other topics, also have a higher density than average. The Schilderswijk, Transvaal, and other central districts score high on density. Their proximity to the city center makes up for this, and some spatial services can be found in locations such as Zuiderpark. Still, due to their relative low buildings, the density still results in poor spatial qualities. An exception could be made for the city center. This area needs to offer a wide variety of services and facilities on a city scale, so there is less opportunity for empty space. Also the buildings in the city center are far higher than average, resulting more people per square meter.

Neighbourhood From data of the municipality, CBS, government and VU, it is deducted that neighbourhoods at the south-western area of the city centre qualify most often. Its inhabitants have a lower than average income, and have far higher densities. They are occupied by a people with a wide variety of backgrounds. Especially in the Schilderswijk, this profile fits well. Its income, level, ethnicity, age group composition, voting behaviour, built environment and density are all scoring high on the characteristics of social exclusion. Its average income is lowest of The Hague, and it has the highest percentage of ethnic inhabitants. The large households, and its young population, in combination with its high density suggests that many families live in small houses, close to each other. In the latest municipal elections the attendance was relatively low, and the preference of people who did vote were parties in favour of the welfare system. Together, all these characteristics suggest that the Schilderswijk is a neighbourhood which faces high levels of social exclusion. Further social and spatial analysis are used to provide conformation. Social Exclusion

2.4 - Strategic Development Social exclusion thus is a complex problem. It is influenced by factors that are beyond control of individuals. It therefore goes beyond the proportions of this paper to change the whole system of neoliberalisation or to totally transform the welfare state. There are however three paths that could lead to a decrease of social exclusion, being gentrification, institutional funding, or strategic development. Firstly, the path that for the last decade was in general use within the practice of architecture and urbanism, is gentrification. This is a method to develop more expensive real estate within less valuable areas, to attract higher incomes. General aim for this strategy was the belief for these higher income populations to mix with groups of lower socioeconomic states, whereby the lower classes would improve their own situation. In reality the process of gentrification lead to contrary processes. The presence of higher income groups transformed the area, making it more attractive for other high income residents. This rise in demand however, made the land values go up. As a result of the more expensive properties, the less fortunate who were already living in the area, are not able to afford their homes anymore. Consequently, they have to move to cheaper dwellings in poorer neighbourhoods in the city, where the process would start all over again. Gentrification thus would not solve the problem of social exclusion, but only relocate the problem, after which it occurs repeatedly. The second option is institutional funding of facilities. This path is similar to the services that were offered by the Welfare State that was rejected by the neoliberals. In current times of economic independence, the centralized funding of facilities is not feasible any more. Demands for healthcare go beyond the means that are available for the government. That is why responsibilities have moved more to society itself. On top of that, there is a low level of support for these kinds of programs, which might has to do with a misinterpretation of the social security offered by the Welfare State (Garland, 2016). By many citizens, and even policy makers, it is believed that the Welfare State is being misused by many unemployed,

Education

Opportunity

Employment

Income Figure 7; Negative spiral of social exclusion. One of the aspects should be targeted for the situation to be improved. For children education is the most evident, as they are still in school, are open-minded, and have many opportunities left.

while not providing additional services for the hard working citizens. There is however a third option, which directly targets some of the issues with the other lines of thought. Strategic development is used for improving facilities, directly in collaboration with its users, and funded on a project basis. This way, it is possible to try and come up with interventions that could intervene in some key aspects in the system, with minor forms of funding. These nudges could transform nodes in the network. The situation could structurally be improved, by interrupting the vicious circle of figure 7. These nudges should be aimed at decreasing the risk levels that socially challenged people face. However, as described in previous chapters, these risk factors depend on contextual and personal conditions. It is due to this complexity that it is unrealistic to target all inhabitants. Every demographic group has their unique situation, and is being exposed to specific risk factors. This means that the nudges that will be proposed should target a specific demographic group. It is evident that lower socio-economic groups are more in need of an improved system than others. So one demographic group that is represented massively in low SES neighbourhoods are children. Because they are just in the beginning of their socio-economic development, for them it is especially important to be provided by quality services. As the World Bank states in its report 'Taking on Inequality', the environment in which they grow up is vital. The inequality arising from the differences between facilities at birth, has its impact throughout a person's life. It is therefore important to reduce this inequality, and provide children in low SES neighbourhoods with the same opportunities as their equivalents in higher SES neighbourhoods.

Additionally, children are more open-minded for behavioural change. They lack certain levels of experience, and are discovering lots of aspects in life. Hereby, in the Netherlands, they are part of the obligatory education system, in which they are thought knowledge and behaviour. Children have the future. They are still to make important life decisions.

Social Exclusion

Strategy For the empowerment of children

Strategy

3.1 - What do children need? To understand what aspects could be improved in low socioeconomic neighbourhoods, first a program of requirements for children is needed. Following this framework of child empowerment, the strategy will be tested in a case study; the Schilderswijk in The Hague. To be able to decrease the level of risk that children are exposed to, aim is at improvements of the living environment. The uncertainty that people find in their personal and institutional situations could be made more tolerable by a solid and functioning living environment. Poor neighbourhoods tend to have high turnover rates, resulting in lower levels of social cohesion. For their personal development, children need to be able to explore their personal social network. Social networks have an important role in the development of norms and values. Each individual has a different form of social network. However, due to its local character, they tend to overlap for neighbours. Most of nodes in the social networks of lower SES-groups are shared facilities in the neighbourhood. These are less expensive to reach, and correspond to their cultural preferences. The range of children is even smaller than their neighbouring adult residents. Specifically, for children these primarily exist out of local services and facilities such as schools, neighbourhood houses, sporting facilities, playgrounds, and shops. Many of these nodes in children their social networks also collaborate. Schools use sporting facilities for physical education, so they do not need investments in new facilities. This also has the benefit that children already get familiar with them. In turn, these sporting facilities offer discounted memberships for the children to additionally join after school hours. Community centers also offer activities after school hours, and do collaborate with nearby playgrounds and sporting facilities. They offer classes and activities related to all kinds of cultures and interests. This benefits children in

that they are confronted with different cultures, and thus with different norms and values. This reduces the risk of children to develop deviant behaviour towards other cultures. It creates an important level of open-mindness, not only for the children themselves, but also for their parents. It is recognized that children take home their new learned norms and values, and that it influences their parentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perspective as well (GGD; Municipality of The Hague). This way, children educate their parents, reducing the risk that they develop deviant conceptions of norms and values. They enhance the process of normative integration (see also table 1). The social network of children thus has an important role in development of them. For a social neighbourhood to function well, this social infrastructure should be accommodated properly by its physical counter part. Together, the social and physical infrastructure form the basis of a functioning neighbourhood unit. This physical infrastructure should address the same focus points as the ones of the social infrastructure, and it also should build on its existing, functioning basis. The social and physical infrastructure strengthen one and other, and should accommodate its target group in its social activities. They should empower the children. In the Schilderswijk, currently most of the attention is paid the social infrastructure. The collaboration between services and facilities is one example of this. However, to empower the children, an improvement in its physical infrastructure is needed as well. To understand which parts of the contemporary infrastructure need to be improved, first a more general strategy is formulated. This strategy formulates the main aspects which are important for the empowerment of children. It provides the optimal spatial conditions for children in the Schilderswijk grow up in. It provides the best circumstances for children which they have the highest rate of opportunity.

Figure 8; Key aspects that together make a great place (PPS).

Strategy

3.2 - Empowerment of children The strategy is aimed at creating an ideal situation for children living in low socio-economic neighbourhoods. It proposes improvements for both its social and physical infrastructure. The strategy is developed so it can be applied in any neighbourhood. However, actual implementations should be finetuned, based on local needs and preferences. The conversion from generic proposals into need driven interventions is performed using incremental design. It is a collaborative process in which a dialogue between experts and neighbourhood residents is central. These neighbourhood residents are the ones who are faced by the problematic situations each day, so they have a feeling of what needs to be improved. Also, they are the ones the interventions are designed for, so a collaboration between expert and public results in better suitable solutions with wider support in the neighbourhood. The design transformation of the generic proposals into individual interventions, consequently results variable importance of aspects. Where in one place new sporting facilities are priority, in another the need for infrastructural redevelopment is more important. Some of the interventions are aimed at the network as a whole. Some are aimed to improve particular nodes in the network, while others improve the routes in-between these nodes. Together they form an integral strategy that empowers of children. This empowerment is based on the improvement of six factors that determine the level of opportunities that children can have (see figure 9). In many low socio-economic neighbourhoods, there is a high level of turnover (The Hague). This means that the composition of the neighbourhood constantly changes. Neighbours who collectively build a community are faced by a high level of leavers and newcomers. These entrants have to reintegrate into the community. Due to this high level of change, the depth in which community can be built, differs as well. Where normally social relations amongst neighbours forms an important aspect of the participatory society, these get

endangered in poorer areas. They are constantly subjected to change, and breaking up the social networks that have been built. Within these dynamics, it is more difficult for newcomers to mix in with the existing social fabric. A steady social network could benefit children in their developments. Since this turnover occurs so rapidly, the process of integration might be smoothened by external factors. The social aspects are under pressure, so instead physical factors could smoothen this process (PPS). The space in which social activity could accommodate easier integration. It could be the improvements of the social and physical infrastructure of the neighbourhood itself that contribute to the community. And a closer community enhances the level of safety for children to freely develop themselves. Next to safety, education could be used to improve the child friendliness of challenged neighbourhoods. For instance in Amsterdam, a project in collaboration with local schools resulted in Kindlinten. Kindlinten are child friendly routes through a neighbourhood with additional attributes that help navigate within the social network. The schools help to educate the children about them (Wassenberg & Milder, 2008). Children learn about traffic rules, to be cautious, and how to behave on the street. Creativity is also important for children's development. They are necessary topics for personal development, and should be offered from early one. Physical infrastructure has the ability to offer challenging environments in which creativity is stimulated. Examples are natural playgrounds, and interactive games. Mobility is important for the accessibility of services. Children's options are limited to walking, cycling, and public transport. These should therefore be adequately offered, in a safe and affordable manner. Good health is a fundamental right, so the difference in life expectancy for different socio-economic groups should be minimalised. Creating awareness and the stimulation of healthy foods and exercise could decrease this difference.

(Karsten, 2016)

Safety

(Kennisplatform, 2008)

(Jehoel-Gijsbers)

Receation

Mobility

(Alterra, 2007)

(Worldbank, 2016)

Creativity

Health

(Wassenberg, 2006)

Education

Incremental design (Marissing, Bolt, Kempen, 2006)

Sporting facilities

Greening

Public domain (PPS)

(Stadsgesprekken, 2016)

Collaborative (Meier, 2009)

(Karsten, 2016)

Diversification of streets

Streets for staying (PPS, 2016)

(Karsten, 2016)

Increased safety

Connecting initiatives

(Karsten, 2016)

(Wassenberg, 2006)

Physical Infrastructure

Social Infrastructure

Safe cycling routes

Pop-up Innitiatives

Informal education

(Interviews, 2016)

(Lust)

(CROW)

Mental health (Rettman, 2016)

Community gardens

Healthy playgrounds

Commitment to location

Community building

(Posad)

(Kennisplatform, 2008)

(Blokland, Potters, 2008)

(Blokland, 2008)

Figure 9; Key aspects for child empowerment. Together, the topics of the physical and social infrastructure create an environment for children that creates more possibilities. Strategy

3.3 - Strategy of empowerment All the topics described in the strategy are thus impacting both by the physical and social infrastructure of the neighbourhood. The interventions together form the strategy of child empowerment. A process of incremental design is used to combine the individual interventions into real-life proposals. They are targeting the topics education, mobility, health, creativity, recreation, and safety. The interventions are focused on the nudging of behaviour, street layout, and the facilities in the neighbourhood. This differs from contemporary proposals being offered by the architectural profession, where most attention is paid to the housing itself. Social oriented design addressed by architects is mostly relating social housing. In terms of building requirements, this mostly means that the dwellings need to be affordable, and suitable for its target audience. The basic needs for a prosperous social life seems to be of minor importance. Also, the dwellings themselves are not so much embedded in the urban block. Pritzker prize winner Alejandro Alvares has critique on this way of designing; “It would be great, with more than one million architects in the world, that more solutions and more proposals try to address the issue” (Dezeen, 2016). Following this line of thought, architects should gradually try and develop a democratic urban environment. Space that is meant for everyone, used by anyone. Kent Larson describes the task of urban designers to find a new balance within the social bonds of the city (Financieel Dagblad, 2015). The right balance between density, accessibility of services, and diversity is essential. It increases the number and level of social relations being formed. Within this balance, the homes of people get a new role – as is also following the developments of modern technology. Anyone is connected to anything through the internet, making it possible for people to work, be educated, entertained, and cared for at home. The aim for collectively transforming social structures, and offering others new possibilities can be seen as the revaluation of the ‘wijkgedachte’. This trend was introduced after the Second World War in Rotterdam. In The Hague, political and locals values were appreciated over this new trend. But after it

started bearing fruits in other cities, it also got wider support in The Hague (Compact en Harmonisch, 2016). It is now time to reinstate this role of the neighbourhood unit. The revaluation of this approach results in a low scale strategic development. To verify that the strategy incorporates the needs of the residents living in the neighbourhood, the strategy is composed out of suggestions and previously built projects. The suggestions are deducted from interviews and questionnaires with schools, community centers and residents of low SES neighbourhoods. This results in a collaborative, well formulated strategy which targets to actual needs of children of the neighbourhoods. The public space is being altered so it offers more opportunity for the children itself. Because of this approach the funding could also be put forward in smaller segments. Its low scale invites small projects to be developed in collaboration with all the different stakeholders. This replaces the need for centrally organized institutional funding, which is phased out. The interventions target three main topics, namely nudging of behaviour, the layout of the streets, and redevelopment of nodes with its social network. Nudging of behaviour - To accommodate normative behaviour, and stimulate extra education, extra interventions are needed. The living environment is used for interventions that offer complementary services. Since the neighbourhood is a suitable scale for children to explore, they can be used as the boundaries of the interventions. These spaces they are familiar with, and are close to their homes. The interventions themselves are targeting actual topics, and should be interactive and offer education in an informal way. Residents, schools, industrial designers, architects, and urban designers could propose interventions here. Connecting elements - To enable children to travel to these interventions and the nodes of their social network, the infrastructure will be adapted as well. These interventions consist out of three topics, being diversification of streets, slow traffic streets, and playstreets. The latter two are part of the former. Diversification of streets targets the whole neighbourhood as a whole, and proposes for a more nuanced hierarchy within the patterns of streets. Slow traffic streets

are on class within this hierarchy, but also connecting the neighbourhood with its surrounding neighbourhoods. Playstreets are functioning on the lowest scale, and are also part of the hierarchy. They accommodate local usage, and are closed of from outside traffic. Nodes of the network - In low SES neighbourhoods, there is little public life on the streets, and often there is little commitment to the public domain (Ruimtevolk, 2010). Revaluation of social nodes could lead to more communal activity, and enable public life to take place in public spaces again. This makes it easier for new residents to blend in, and will strengthen the existing social network. It takes away barriers. A combination of community gardens, sporting facilities, and natural playgrounds will function as the basis for this. They all have a slightly different role, which is described in the strategy itself. The revaluation of these different social nodes in children's network will lead to more social activity and more opportunities.

Strategy

3.4 - Strategy I

Pop-up nodging To incentivize enviable behaviour, small interventions will be made throughout the neighbourhood. It is meant for children to become more aware of their behaviour, and educate them with topics of actuality. On various spots in the neighbourhood, with regularly intensive traffic, such as at schools, there will be tree houses places that measure the air quality. If the quality improves, it will send out free Wifi for the children playing around the

Diversification of streets The contemporary street layour will be rearanged following new levels of hierarchy. Tree levels will distinct the different functions that the streets have. On city level this means that motorized transportation will be restructured. The traffic will be rerouted around the neighbourhood units, transforming the living environments safer and calmer. The neighbourhood will be connected with the rest of the city by a couple of

III Slow traffic While streets are being transformed for the right kind of usage, some of the streets will be redeveloped more activity based. Some of the streets are made safe for slow traffic. This enables children to safely travel to school, either with their parents or on themselves. Additionally, this enables some new functions to be added as well. People traveling by car are distanced from their surroundings, making it harder to interact with

Playstreets Following the diversification of streets, some streets will be transformed into pedestrian zones. These are the streets that are inbetween building blocks, and have no direct role in the traffic system on a neighbourhood level. They are used by a mixture of users, who all are part of its local community. During day time the streets are suitable for playing children, while after office hours, a small number of cars is allowed to park there. The absence of

hotspot. To let children learn how business work, small popup shops could open in empty lots, in collaboration with the community houses. Next to that, they will be teached about climate adaptation. On certain locations, a band will display the extreme conditions that are the result of a changing climate. Rain barrels will be set out to collect rain, which can then provide for the community gardens. Also, sporting markers will be located throughout the neighbourhood. Together these are

linked by an app for smartphones, which reward exercise with discounts at shops. The competition and some minor financial incentive will stimulate children to exercise more often. Lastly, to show children their possibilities, they occasionally will be presented with role models.

intersections at the borders. It needs to be unfeasible to travel through the neighbourhood, if one is no part of local traffic. This means that the infrastructure on a neighbourhood level changes as well. The blocks in the center of the area will be accessible by small one-way streets, looped through particular areas. Self-containing cycling streets offer safe mobility routes through the neighbourhood, so children can safely cycle to school. For the lowest scale: there will be smaller streets, which will be transformed into pedestrian zones. This enables

children to play on the street, while also stimulating street life. The children are now able to play outside within close proximity to their homes, instead of staying inside in the corridors of the building.

them. Facilities and shops are more accessible for cyclists and pedestrians. Next to adding new functions, the slow traffic corridors form the physical component in the social network of children. They connect the various social nodes within the social networks of the children. Playgrounds, schools, and

communal houses are physically being connected. With the redevelopment also comes a rebranding of the new hierarchy. The slow traffic lanes will be recognizable corridors through the neighbourhood. This creates awareness for drivers, making it safer for the cyclists.

high-speed traffic allows children to play here in the evening as well. The smooth transition from private into public space will enable communities to interact on an informal basis. Commitment from the different residents can originated new forms of trust. The presence of small communities will enable parents to let their children play on the streets. They do not need to watch their children while they play outside, because they are right in front of the house. So not only children can

benefit from these redeveloped streets, but also social life will increase. Street furniture will have new dimensions to them, by additionally offering children playground equipment. Lampposts can be used as swings, benches as soccer goals, and bins as ramps. The whole street will be visually transformed, and it gets updated to modern standards, so it stands out compared to other streets.

Strategy

Greening Current layout of the neighbourhood is based on a dense structure, with few open spaces for greenery. The few open spaces that are present in the neighbourhood are playgrounds, which are mostly build out of concrete. The environment is unsustainable because of it. Water is not infiltrated, while co2 is not being absorbed. Now, streets are mainly functioning for mobility reasons, but these will be transformed into more sustainable ones.

Community gardens The implementation of community gardens will also enhance the level of greenery in the neighbourhood. Most importantly, it creates a space which provides residents to collectively develop something. Cocreation could help inhabitants to interacts. Placed within the different building blocks, the gardens will function as the center piece of the neighbourhood units. They desire a level of commitment, which enhances the bond of residents

VII Sporting facilities Some of the exiting playgrounds are not beeing used, because they are mismatched with the demands. Upgrading these could lead to new usage. Various foundations are already redeveloping playgrounds in the area, so this network could be expanded. To complement the offering in the Schilderswijk, the implementation of outdoor sporting facilities have to be implemented in unconvenional ways. Due to the scarcity of space,

VIII Natural playgrounds Redevelopment of the exiting playgrounds will offer the children more inspirational playgrounds. Here, children can play, uncover, and learn simultaneously in a healthy environment. Because most playgrounds are near primary schools, the educational curriculum could make use of the natural space. Some schools already posses such a playground, but others were also interested. Changing the character will result in less

Large paved areas are being dismanteled, and opened up to let rainwater infiltrade into the ground. Trees will be added to the stony environments. Also facades will added. These offer room for animals to nest, and beautify the area. Some green spaces can be used by youth to exercise, and blow off steam. Additionally, there will be community gardens that are maintained by residents. The presence of green areas will also enhance the health of the inhabitants. The quality of their living environment will increase, and so will its value.

By collaboratively transforming the neighbourhood, attention is paid to the specific needs of the residents. Resulting in a design in which the local needs and values are embbeded. The environment should offer a pleasant places to spend time. Trees should be huggable instead of dissuasive. The culture of a vandalism-proof environment should be replaced by one that invites for affection. Energetic activities, together with the affection for ones surroundings discourages the needs of destructive behaviour.

with their living environment. It offes a form prosperity. They offer a basis of social activity in which newcomers can join, and migration into the neighbourhood is smoothened. It will be a place in which groups of all ages meet, and learn each other skills of gardening. Cocreation here, also functions as a form of informal education. Education in which children get to use their creativity. They are challenged to develop themselves, while contributing to the improvement of their living environment. Next to the social benefits, the gardens will also generate

healthy food products. These can be consumed collectively, melting the people together. Small forms of interaction can contribute to a safer neighbourhood, because people get more familiar with their neighbours. The products also could be consumed at home, with which living costs are reduced, but products still are healthy. Community garndes will not only beautify the area, but also add some functionality to certain locations in the area. It will complement the functions already present in the area.

some facilities the neighbourhood with exterior space could be redeveloped. Public facilities will become multidimensional nodes where outdoor activity is stimulated. The extra social interaction it generates spills over to the accompanying facilities. Smaller sportyards could be placed on roofs or be intertwined with the street pattern. Playstreets could provide space for running tracks. Physical infrastructure and movement go hand in hand. The implementation of interactive

sport meters could trigger children to become more active. Competitions with neighbours could stimulate for exercise. Also, there has to be made room for smaller clubs, so they can locate within the existing urban fabric. New facilities would profile the neighbourhood as healthy and active, attracting new residents. The overall quality of life would benefit from it.

loitering youth, and more possibilities for children to explore. Risk is that vandalism could partly destroy the playgrounds. Therefore they will be maintained by a facilitator of the municipality. If the playgrounds are combined with other functions such as sporting facilities or community gardens, this responsibility is partly transferred to the community. Combining the playgrounds with other facilities also lowers the

barrier to visit such a place. Parents could socialize, while their children play and explore. Communities start to cluster around them. Constantly will the additional greenery be displayed throughout the area. The result will be a well maintained, educational and inspirational environment for all. The initiators of the playground will take care of the environment, creating commitment to the area.

Strategy

Case Study An emperical implementation of the strategy

Case Study

4.1 - Introduction

As mentioned in chapter 3.2, the strategy is developed so it is applicable to many neighbourhoods. To learn how the strategy could be implemented, it is now being applied to an actual neighbourhood in the Netherlands. As described in chapter 2.3, the Schilderswijk in The Hague is facing many of the risk factors of social exclusion. To identify the challenges that the Schilderswijk is facing, first a spatial analysis of the neighbourhood is made. This will highlight the current state of the neighbourhood, and will provide the needs of its inhabitants. It will also provide for locations that are already sufficient, and the ones that could be improved. Part of the analysis are interviews with inhabitants, and schools in the area. After the spatial analysis, the strategy will be applied to the Schilderswijk. Interventions that would improve the neighbourhood are proposed. However, elaboration of the interventions should be performed in collaboration with the residents.

Figure 10; Satelite image of the Schilderswijk

Case Study

Spatial analysis Analysis of the Social and Physical infrastructure of the Schilderswijk, in The Hague

Spatial Analysis

4.2.1 - Social Infrastructure The contemporary social infrastructure of the Schilderswijk is constituted out of a diverse range of facilities. Due to its status of Krachtwijk, extra attention is paid to it by institutional governmental services. For children this means there are many playgrounds, a mixture of schools and neighbourhood centers, and several sporting facilities. Most of the facilities are offered in close range to the multiple neighbourhood units. For most dwellings, there is at least one school, and one playground within 500 meters. Most of the community centers are functioning for a wider area. There are four larger community centers, and a handful of smaller ones. All these locations that have an important place in childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s social networks are accentuated in figure 11. The neighbourhood also has areas where facilties are concentrated more intensely. These clusters have a high density and mixture of the different important facilities. These clusters of facilities have its advantages. For instance, many schools collaborate with sporting facilities that are nearby, so they are not in need of their own gym. In these sporting facilities, children can exercise under direct supervision of a sports teacher. There are three main clusters, with each its defining characteristics. In Cluster A a multitude of schools are found. Each of the schools has a different set of religion or philosophy behind it. These distinct sets of cultural characteristics also attract pupils from outside of the neighbourhood. This gives a extra dimension to the social networks of the local children. The multitude of schools is complemented by a place of wisdom, a large playground and a large sporting facility. The children subscribed to one of the schools also have the opportunity to own an discounted membership at one of the sporting clubs in the sportcenter. The large Richard Krajicek Playground Vermeerpark is facilitating the loan out of toys and materials. This is being managed by someone of the municipality. The playground is one of the multifunctional playgrounds in the city. It offers various forms of sporting and a large play area. At night the playground is closed, so no loiterers can access it.

Cluster B is characterized by its many open spaces, and it stretches a wider area. Hereby, facilities in this cluster are targeting a wider group of children. Here too, the schools provide children with a mixture of cultural backgrounds, also attracting children from outside the neighbourhood. Within the larger open areas, there are various playgrounds located. They all have their own identity, and have been developed during different periods of time. This also has its impact on the materials used and layout of the playgrounds. One is implemented with a mixture of sporting and recreation, one is just one field of grass, and the one most recently developed is built using more natural materials. All of the larger public spaces are accompanied by at least one school. However, none of the schools use the open spaces during school hours. They all have their own protected schoolyard. Therefore there could be additional functions added to the existing spaces, which do complement the needs of the schools. Cluster C is a combination of more local communal services. A small theatre functions as a social hub in the neighbourhood. It offers a diverse range of activities, organized by and for the community itself. It is also a place where different social groups meet, as there are activities for children, teenagers, adults, and elderly. This mixture results in an unique composition of visitors. The cluster also contains a large sportcenter, in which all kinds of indoor sports can be performed. The schools in the area collaborate with it, and it functions as a hotspot throughout the day. It is important to note that most of these nodes are freely accessible, but all inhabit some form of management. They all are controlled by some party, which creates a barrier for the accessibility of the facilities. Places and streets that are freely accessible are being experienced unsafe in the evening and night, as schools in the neighbourhood point out. In the evening therefore, most of the playgrounds are being closed, and the ones who stay open are occupied by loiterers. The community centers are opened most of the day, providing a safe haven for youth in the evening. So the nodes of the social infrastructure which are managed are being experienced safe, while the unmanaged public space is being experienced unsafe.

500 meter

Educational services

Community services

Sporting services

Figure 11; Spatial analysis of social infrastructure. Spatial Analysis

4.2.2 - Physical Infrastructure

It is the unsafety of the public space that for a certain level prohibits social development of the children. Whenever they play, children are accompanied by their parents, who need to watch over them. They cannot freely travel through the neighbourhood, and discover things on their own. This is where the physical infrastructure is also falling short. The physical infrastructure of a neighbourhood provides its residents with space to use. It accommodates the space for social activities that are happening. To pinpoint locations where the physical infrastructure could be improved, an assessment of the contemporary neighbourhood has to be made. Characteristics of the way in which the social and physical infrastructures interact can be found in the materials and typologies that are used in its built environment. Most of the public functions are located on the two main axis that connect the neighbourhood with the rest of the city. This means that many functions are located in close proximity of residential areas. The various typologies present in the Schilderswijk are accessible by public roads, most of which designed for car transportation. The streets are dense and directly surrounded with four layers of dwellings, intensifying the cramped character. This feeling gets strengthened by the harsh materials used in the streets and buildings. Most of the materials used are traditional Dutch brick, and paving stones. The Schilderswijk is largely composed out of residential typologies. The buildings are narrow and often form closed building blocks. Within the strategy it is aimed for these building blocks to function as a neighbourhood unit. Their

physical characteristics makes them well suitable. Most dwellings have shared corridors or share their entrance. This collectiveness in the building block is not represented in the accompanying public space. Because of the density of the Schilderswijk, the open spaces scarce, and thus valuable. The quality of these spaces, like the dwellings, need to be reconsidered. The supply does not correspond to the needs the inhabitants. The neighbourhood thus is built out of dense blocks. Inbetween these blocks, a wide network of streets is located. They offer space for activities, and generate social activity. It is therefore unfortunate that most public spaces are closed off during the evening and night. Public space itself is further analysed by means of three categories. Firstly, the behavioural side of the living environment is analysed. Does the living environment encourage children to behave in certain ways, and does it provide a healthy basis in which children grow up? Secondly, the different modes of mobility are analysed. The socioeconomic status of the neighbourhood also has it influence on the methods used to transport. Are these represented adequately, and do they offer suitable opportunities for children to move freely and safely throughout the neighbourhood? Thirdly, the different nodes in the physical network are tested. Do these correspond to the demands from the inhabitants, and do they offer suitable locations for children to spend their time?

Figure 12; Spatial analysis of physical infrastructure. Spatial Analysis

4.2.3 - Destructive public space As the newly developed buildings in the Schilderswijk are based on the existing urban fabric, most of the characteristics of the space remained the same. The multi-layered dwellings are located directly near the sidewalks. Because of the height of the buildings, and their direct presence, the streets have a severe appearance. Renewal could improve the conditions that the residents are facing. People feel alienated from their direct living environment because it is not inviting. The space is detached from peoplesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; relation with the area. The buildings are still being built using Dutch brick, recreating the same atmosphere. To stay closer to the cultures that are present in the neighbourhood, some of the buildings could be redeveloped in collaboration with its future residents (Schmitz, 2006). This could be used not only to develop new styles of dwellings, but also to create new social processes amongst its inhabitants. With Le Medi, a redevelopment project in a low SES neighbourhood in Rotterdam, such a redevelopment has proven to be successful (Meier, 2009). Here, a combination of a Dutch building block is filled in with distinct ethnic typologies of housing. Also the relation of building block and public space is redeveloped. The public streets are gradually overlapping with semi-private spaces, which in their turn act together with the adjacent private spaces. Public life is hereby gradually mixed with private life, contributing to decreasing the barriers of segregation. The courtyards are being maintained by the residents themselves, enabling the residents to participate even more, and creating a collaborative process. For children this means that the inner courtyards become more suitable to play in. It becomes a safer place within direct proximity of the familiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; home. Children are awarded with more independence, as social control is forthcoming. Neighbourhoods with low SES-groups often lack a form of greenery, and so does the Schilderswijk. Greenery is more expensive to maintain, whereas incomes out of the area minimal. Next to the extra expenses, greenery is also more vulnerable for vandalism. The detached character

of the environment does not invited to get involved in the maintenance. By doing so, the neighbourhood misses out on various benefits. Enhancing the level of greenery provides its residents with numerous advantages. Greenery directly increases the health thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s being experienced in that particular environment (Rettman, 2016). Also, it could drastically change the perception of residents in the Schilderswijk, as its (healthy-) life expectancy is considerably lower compared to richer neighbourhoods (Knoops & Brakel, 2010). Thus, an increase of greenery could contribute to the health of people, and enhance the commitment of residents to its neighbourhoods. When public space of the Schilderswijk is redesigned for children, it can also contribute to their educational experiences. Formal education happens during school hours, which predominantly happens inside class rooms. For schools within the area it is important to fill these hours with the basic curriculum, so that children learn the basic skills, which improves their changes in the long term. Additionally, budget cuts and additional requirements have made it more difficult for schools to offer extra material. Since these allocated educational hours occupy 25 percent of children's time, it leaves a couple of hours per day in which children can be addressed by informal education. By turning the public space into an interactive environment, children can learn various themes. Good behaviour will result in small rewards. Saunders describes the relativity of the level of education that needs to be adapted to the inhabitants of the particular neighbourhoods; so for instance how to eat healthy, where does food come from, learn how to read. In this case, children could learn about the environment, health, and culture. An example of how this physically could be implemented can be found in Amsterdam. Here, 'Kindlinten' form safe routes through the neighbourhood, and by doing so, teaches the children about traffic safety (Wassenberg, 2010). If implemented correctly, public space can bring people together, offer additional services, create awareness, and can discourage bad behaviour.

Figure 13; Spatial analysis: Qualities of public space. Spatial Analysis

4.2.4 - Infrastructure for Mobility The pattern of streets found in the Schilderswijk have its origin in the late 19th century. Most of its structure, important axis, and main travel routes have been around for decades. It connects the neighbourhood with the rest of The Hague. Its mainly focussed on one type of transport, which is motorize transport. Stops for public transport can be found at the edges of the neighbourhood. This distribution results an unequal access to them, which also has its impact on the remaining structure of streets. Most of the streets are built for car usage, and the system has a flat hierarchy, while the importance of streets is divers. A couple of main corridors connect the neighbourhood with other parts of the city. These are built for intensive usage, with multiple lanes in each direction. In essence these function as inner-city highways, offering commuters with direct connections to their own neighbourhoods. Within the Schilderswijk itself there is one main street, the Hoefkade. This is where most social activities are happening for most of the social groups. On a lower scale, the building blocks are surrounded by a network of smaller streets. The layout of these local streets is based on one-way traffic, with traffic lanes on both sides. The city of The Hague has restructured its traffic routing. Parts of the city center have been redeveloped, and with that some streets have been shutoff. The restructuring of traffic often comes with the side effect that there is an increase of traffic in other locations. Since the Schilderswijk is next to the city center, it was expected that it would face an increase of traffic. After questioning them, residents of the Schilderswijk did indeed mention an increase in traffic in their neighbourhood. They indicated that the main corridors have a higher intensities during rush-hour, and it has become increasingly unsafe to travel there by bike. Also the smaller roads are increasingly being used by car traffic. Some routes through the area are used for cut-through traffic, to surpass the busy corridors.

Since most of the streets are oriented towards car transportation, it is expected this is also the preference of the majority of the inhabitants. However, after interviews it turned out not to be the case. Many residents are not able to own a car, due to the restrictions that come with many forms of subsidies (GGD). Also low incomes itself make it illogical to have a preference on car transportation. Ownership is expensive, and traveling with it even more so (source). Lacking this form of mobility, most are subjected to other forms of transport; preferably public transport, or cycling and walking. Since most streets are equally important in the contemporary network, no distinct places are used for staying or mobility. This results in unclear hierarchy for pedestrians and cyclists. Sidewalks are narrow, so playing on them is a dangerous activity. Next to that, due to high crime levels, parents donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t trust their children to stay outside on their own. Social life increasingly takes place behind closed doors, not on the streets. Empty streets make the streets even less attractive. Playgrounds could function as an alternative, although practically these are neglected most of the time. Because playgrounds are experienced unsafe for children to play independently (according to parents and schools in the neighbourhood), they rely on parents to take them there. However, many parents neglect this task, and stay home. This means that kids are subjected to playing in the courtyards -if any available- or in the corridors inside their residential buildings. (Karsten, 2016). Due to less means of personal transport, the danger is that lower socio-economic families become less mobile. Low means of mobility could decrease the changes that people have in life. They are less able to reach locations of education, jobs, or social spots. It is therefore important that the government remains to offer low cost alternatives for students. The biking programs of the community houses contribute to this as well. It should be stimulated for youth to travel outside of their living environment to meet new cultures and people.

Figure 14; Overview of the infrastructure in the Schilderswijk. Spatial Analysis

4.2.5 - Nodes in the network

The Schilderswijk is composed out of many outdoor facilities for children, which are the nodes that form the network. Each of these nodes is fulfilling a different task, but all are offering some form of communal activity. Generally considered, the nodes are to be divided in three categories, namely community gardens, (indoor-) sporting facilities and playgrounds. The quality however diverse, and so does its suitability. Some community gardens already can be found in the neighbourhood. Some are collaborative, while others are divided in individual parts. Recreation is central within the organisation of the municipality. Social dimensions are mostly missing. However, one of the gardens is being maintained in collaboration with the adjacent school. The collective social activities connects the people, and offer the opportunity to interact with neighbours. The sporting facilities that are present, are indoors. While these can be used throughout the year, they are expensive to maintain and also forces people to stay inside. Most are operating in collaboration with schools. So they target a limited group of residents. The proposition of a more diverse sporting landscape could draw more people to exercise. Next to the health aspect, it also contributes to the education of children. Children have to learn how to adapt to new situations, learn teamwork, skills, and have to be creative in the process. The combination of sporting skills and social skills challenges the children constantly. Additionally, the sporting activities will mix the different age groups, and enable children to meet their

rolemodels. They benefit from the activities and communal approach that is offered by these sporting facilities. Next to the facilities themselves, physical exercise could also be performed outdoors. However, due to its current urban fabric, this is hard to achieve in the Schilderswijk. Small sidewalks and a scarcity of public space challenges people to find exercise space elsewhere. Outside of the neighbourhood there are multiple facilities, but this turns out to be a barrier for some. For children, some of the playgrounds offer sporting possibilities. These however offer specific types of sports. Next to sporting, the playgrounds should offer locations for children to play. However, schools in the neighbourhood mention that these are unable to meet the demands of the children. The playgrounds do not correspond to the children's level of experience, after which they become limbo. Most of the playgrounds are built out of concrete and rubber. The already harsh environment is being accompanied by unimaginative playground. Generic materials also invite for generic behaviour. They do not challenge the imagination of the children, nor does it teach about natural processes. It is rated that natural playgrounds challenge the imagination of children in increasing levels (Alterra, 2007). Because the demands are not met, attachment that is found in other parts of the neighbourhood is missing by the playgrounds. Consequently, some playgrounds belong to the street. They become loitered, and less well maintained. In the afternoon, loitering youths are occupying the empty playgrounds. Safety is hereby discarded, scaring away younger children.

500 meter

Community garden Playground Sport facility

Figure 15; Overview of nodes in the Schilderswijk. Spatial Analysis

Community Sporting Playgrounds facilities gardens

4.3 - Clustering

Now that the social and spatial qualities of the Schilderswijk are analysed, a smaller area in the neighbourhood is selected. This smaller area is used for the proposed interventions. Some of the interventions however are proposed on neighbourhood scale, so the their influence will also be considered. The application of the strategy offers an insight of what the consequences of implementation could be. The area selected is located within Cluster B, as desribed in chapter 4.2.1. It is a representation of the situation in the Schilderswijk, as many facilities are located here. There are multiple schools, a large community center 'de Mussen', and a large sportcenter. Also the neighbourhood's main corridor the Hoefkade is located in the area.

Figure 16; Section of the Schilderswijk, used for implementation. Spatial Analysis

Design Interventions The parameters of design, applied to the Schilderswijk in The Hague

Design Interventions

Education facility Slow traffic

Natural playground

Sporting

Cycling rout

Play street

Community facility

Education facility

Community gardening

Figure 17; Overview of the strategy applied to the Schilderswijk. Design Interventions

Figure 18; Strategy: Implementation of nodes.

WiFi-birdhouse

Murals

WiFi-birdhou

Green facade

Murals

Climbing wall Green facade Green facade

WiFi-birdhouse

4.4.1 - Behavioural nudging

use

As the build environment is quite monotonous, the area could use a refreshment. Within the selected area, there are little objects or attributes that stimulate certain kinds of behaviour. This enables the interventions to address different kind of topics. Collaboratively they form a network.

Education

Crafting

The Jacob van Campenplein is quite minimalistic, so there is enough room for interventions. The borders of the square can be used for wall murals, as there are some empty walls. These could entail messages or art. Small units of with educational purposes can be added throughout the area. As the Jacob van Campenplein will be redeveloped entirely, these can be incorporated from the beginning. The van Ostadeplein is recently redeveloped. The concrete playground has been transformed in a natural playground, already inviting for different kinds of behaviour. Interventions should built on the initiatives already started, and incorporate different facilities around. Crossings with the Hoefkade can be used for traffic regulatory interventions. New materials, pavement, and location markers can create more awareness of these crossings. Car traffic knows that children are around, while children learn to deal with cars.

Design Interventions

Figure 19; Strategy: Implementation of the diversification of streets.

High level

Low level street

Mid level street

Low level street

4.4.2 - Diversification of streets

street

The streets will be rearranged following new levels of hierarchy. To achieve this, three levels are introducted; pedestrian zones on low scale, neighbourhood level on medium scale, and city level on large scale. Streets within building blocks are turned into pedestrian zones. They are enabling residents to reach their homes. Streets surrounding the Jacob van Campenplein and van Ostadeplein are enclosed for traffic. Only in the evening it is possible to park here, so children can play safely. Traffic is of secondary importance. It are the pedestrians who priority.

Low level street

Access roads that connect the various zone of the neighbourhood are transformed into slow traffic zones. Space is allocated for traffic to use, so a clear distinction is being made. The roads however are designed to discourage fast traffic. They provide for safer mobility through the neighbourhood, so cyclists can safely cross the area. The Hoefkade is the main axis of this network, and is has multiple branches into the neighbourhood. The area is being surrounded by more heavy traffic corridors. Motorized transportation will be structured around neighbourhood units. Crossings of mid-level roads and the corridors are designed with traffic lights. The corridors are aimed to incorporate the heavy traffic flows, alleviating the traffic flows inside the Schilderswijk. This results in safer and calmer living environments, which are still provided by good accessibility.

Design Interventions

Figure 20; Strategy: Implementation of the slowtraffic lanes.

Hoefkade

Mid scale slowlane

4.4.3 - Slow traffic

Streets of a lower scale need to be made safe for slow traffic. This enables children to safely travel to school, either with their parents or on their own. The slow traffic corridors cross the neighbourhood next to community center the Mussen. It is an important social node within this part of the Schilderswijk. It is therefore important to connect it with the physical infrastructure of the children. Since the center is also used by children outside of the area, the slow routes can provide for more accessibility. Next to the Mussen, all the local social nodes are connected to a slowlane. The slowlanes start to physically connect the playgrounds, schools, theatres, sports areas, and community gardens in the neighbourhood. It becomes a representation of the strategy that is implemented.

Design Interventions

Figure 21; Implementation of playstreets.

Playstreet

Multifunctional playstreet

Multifunction playstreet

Playstreet Play area

Playstreet

nal

4.4.4 - Playstreets

Following the diversification of streets, some streets will be transformed into pedestrian zones. These local streets will provide space that allows children to play here. This will enable parents to watch their children while they play outside, and in front of the house. Within the building blocks, most streets will be turned into playstreets. As described in previous chapter, some streets will be part of the slowlane network, and the rest will become playstreets. The streets perpendicular to the Hoefkade are now solely providing parking space. Parking spaces will be replaced by wider sidewalks, which will be suitable for playing. Street furniture will have an extra role as playing equipment. The parking spaces are incorporated in the new street design, as most cars are only parked there in the evening anyway. The new streets enable social life to take place here. Children can play here close to their homes, and still be outside. Social surveillance should enable children to safely occupy the street.

Design Interventions

Figure 22; Implementation of greening.

4.4.5 - Greening

Current layout of the neighbourhood is based on a dense structure, with few open spaces for greenery. The streets are mainly functioning for mobility reasons, which has resulted in a stony-environment. The greening of the neighbourhood will not only beautify the area, but also enhance the health of its inhabitants. The absence of trees in the Schilderswijk will be compensated. Clusters of trees on the natural playgrounds will green the open spaces in the area, while streets will be accompanied by trees every few meters. This way, the redevelopments should become recognizable, and introduce more appreciable elements. Within the squares, natural playgrounds and community gardens will create more interactive greenery. Trees should become huggable instead of dissuasive. The culture of a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;hufterproofâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; environment should be replaced by one that invites for affection.

Design Interventions

Figure 23; Implementation of community gardens.

Schoolgarden Het Startpunt

De Mussen

4.4.6 - Community gardens

The implementation of community gardens will enhance the bounding that the inhabitants share. Placed within the different building blocks, the gardens will function as the center piece of the neighbourhood units. They create commitment, and offer prosperity. They offer a basis of social activity in which newcomers can join, and immigration is smoothened.

Hannemantuin

The van Ostadeplein recently has been redeveloped. During this process, a community garden was implemented and was named Hannemantuin. It was initiated by the adjacent school, day-care, and residents, and is being maintained collectively. The result is a garden that not only adds green to its environment, but also creates new social bounds. The different facilities collaborate with the neighbouring residents, which increases tolerance and decreases vandalism. Next to the social and visual additions, the gardens will also provide for healthy food products against low prices, so healthy eating standard is less dependable on economic means. Additionally, the produced fruits and goods can be consumed collectively at long tables, generating more activities in the community.

Design Interventions

Figure 24; Implementation of sporting facilities.

De Haagse Sporttuin Schilderswijk

Jacob van Campenplein

Running track route

4.4.7 - Sporting facilities

Due to the scarcity of space, larger sporting facilities will have to be implemented in more unconventional ways. The two squares in the area offer some space, but the van Ostadeplein is already fully developed. There is however still space on the Jacob van Campenplein. What now is an empty field of grass, could be transformed into a running track. It could be combined with other sporting facilities, as the indoor sports center is just at the edge of the field. Also the school could be involved in this process. Hereby, the facilities will be combined with public facilities, which will strengthen its position. Next to the large facilities has to be made room for smaller indoor clubs. They need some minor spaces in which they can locate within the existing urban fabric. Next to the open spaces, sports could be facilitated throughout the redeveloped street pattern. The slowtraffic lanes could be accompanied by running track markers, so incentives are created to run specific routes. On a larger scale, these routes can be connected with external routes and the Zuiderpark which facilitates outdoor sporting as well.

Design Interventions

Figure 25; Implementation of natural playgrounds.

Jacob van Campenplein

Playground Rijswijksestraat

4.4.8 - Natural playgrounds

van Ostadeplein

It is rated that natural playgrounds challenge the imagination in increasing levels (Alterra, 2007). This in contrast with the existing playground on the Jacop van Campenplein. There is one soccer arena, but the other 6,000 m2 is only filled with grass. Recently, the concrete playground on the van Ostadeplein has been redeveloped into a more natural one. This same need is expressed on the Jacob van Campenplein. The school is willing to participate in the development of a natural playground, so that children can play here during their breaks. It would be encourage the revaluation of a playground that is rejected by the community. If it gets redeveloped, it creates a place in which children can play, uncover, and learn simultaneously in a healthy environment. A beneficial effect is the way in which communities tend to cluster around them. In interviews, parents seem to be more willing to take their child. While doing so they can interact with other visiting neighbours. Lastly, the initiator of the playground will take care of the environment, guaranteeing the area to be proper.

Design Interventions

Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4 Year 5

6.Social nodes are taking over more roles from the municipality

5.Children are getting used to new facilities

4.Increasing importance of social nodes

3.Completion of first interventions

2.Collaborative design process

1.Introduction of strategy

Figure 26; Timeline of implementation.

Municipality

Schools

Neighbourhood facilities

Playground managers

Parents

Children

Year 6

Implementation of the strategy will be proceeded in several phases. Throughout this process, the different stakeholders will fulfil changing roles. Responsibility will change accordingly. General aim is for residents and facilities to collaboratively enable children to utilize the public space. The stakeholders thus fulfil a supportive roles in this process.

9.A balanced socio-cultural balance is found

8.Participatory groups take over more responsibility

7.Communities are visible in the neighbourhood

4.5 - Timeline of development

Currently, the main responsibility of maintenance is located at the municipality. Their policies and implementations have developed the Schilderswijk into what is now is. Aim is for these responsibilities to be transferred to the different stakeholders.

Rate of responsibility

Since education is an important aspect of achieving higher standards for the children, the role of schools is increasingly important. They already function as the corner stone of children their development, and their role is expanded accordingly. To accomplish this, the schools in the Schilderswijk should be allocated with additional funding, so they can offer additional services.

Year 7

Year 8

Year 9

Most facilities are upgraded so they function better in the social networks of children. With this development, also their importance increases. When offering better services, it is likely they are getting used more. It is therefore important that the quality is maintained for a longer period of time. Combined, the facilities, parents, and institutions form the basis for a safe and exiting living environment. In the end, it are the children themselves who have the responsibility to make use of the opportunities that are offered.

Design Interventions

Figure 27; Overview of the complete strategy.

Education facility Slow traffic

Natural playground

Sporting

Cycling route

Play street

Community facility

4.6 - Reflection on the strategy

The strategy is aimed at both the social and physical infrastructure of the children in the Schilderswijk. There are many initiatives to build on, however a central strategy could organize them better. The execution of this strategy should however be managed on a local scale, in collaboration with the inhabitants themselves. Unfortunately, due to busy schedules of social workers, budget cuts in schools, and publicity of the Schilderswijk, this was not achievable within the coverage of this report.

Education facility

Community gardening

It was however possible to interview inhabitants of the Schilderswijk, and inquire needs of them and their relatives. Many of the interventions proposed by the strategy were indicated to be suitable in one or more locations. Additionally, schools in the neighbourhood indicated that facilities should be redeveloped, so they correspond to the demands of todays' children. Most fundamental point of attention was said to be safety, closely followed by education. The neglectance of some public spaces result unsafe areas, as do the fast driving cars on the narrow roads. For outdoor time, children are subjected to the availability of their moderators or parents. Individual exploration hereby does not belong to the possibilities. The lack of safety makes personal discovery of secondary importance. Children are thus in need of this redeveloped public space. Lost spaces should be turned into lively ones. Ones that are occupied by communities. The neighbourhood unit can fill the gap that was left by the rolled back state. Participation can contribute to the development of these lost spaces. Together, the community can offer the children new possibilities.

Design Interventions

Bibliography References, appendices

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