THE LABOUR MIRACLE
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE: THE LABOUR MIRACLE
ERIK BEAN /
STUDIO 3A. PROTECT. PROVIDE. PARTICIPATE.
THESIS REPORT SUPERVISOR. CJ LIM AARHUS SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE SPRING 2018
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CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 1] Jeremy Corbyn has an idea, return the city to the public.
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/ CONTENTS 01/ ABSTRACT 02/ DEFINITIONS 03/ INTRODUCTION RESEARCH 04/ UTOPIA / UTOPIAN 05/ URBAN IDEOLOGY AND PRAGMATISM 06/ PLANNING / PARTICIPATION / PERIPHERY 07/ PROTECTING POLITICAL PUBLIC SPACE PROGRAMME 08/ PROJECT CONCEPT 09/ PROJECT GOALS 10/ SCOPE 11/ RELEVANCE / NEGLECT 12/ REALISING PUBLIC SPACE 13/ LAND ACQUISITION STRATEGY 14/ FUNDING STRATEGY
4 7 9 13 19 29 35 43 44 45 47 55 59 65
SITE 15/ SITE 77 16/ DESIGN STRATEGY 79 APPENDIX 17/ TEXT REFERENCES 18/ IMAGE REFERENCES
84 87
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01 / ABSTRACT This thesis explores how the effects of a changing climate can be harnessed to positively influence the formation and critical engagement of public urban space. The formulation of a hypothetical narrative situation is utilized as a tool to critique 20th and 21st century Urban Idealism, examining the threshold between ideology and pragmatism.
The project proposes a hypothetical narrative
situation in which Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party of the United Kingdom are pressured to prove the validity of their most ideologically radical left wing ideas. Capital for the Collective: The Labour Miracle is Jeremy Corbyn’s response, a sovereign Labour Party propaganda city on the site of sea level rise inundated London and the Thames Estuary. The Labour Miracle is the realization of optimistic Labour potential, where exaggerated ideology is realized in pragmatic formations of public space. The Labour Party slogan For the Many, Not The Few is interpreted through the dedication of public space in the formation of an ideal city.
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THE LABOUR MIRACLE
The thesis is therefore based upon three premises.
First, the exploration of the relationship between political idealism and urban formation within the changing local and global context of climate change.
Second, historic experiments in urban idealism
throughout the 20th and 21st century have seen dubious success. How can the construction of a politically ideal city be used as a tool to critique the threshold between ideology and pragmatism?
Third, in an idealized city, how can the effects of
climate change and sea level rise be harnessed to return urban space to the public realm by empowering public altruism, civic philanthropy, and enhanced participation? The formation of the city explores how and by which means individuals can engage in new and different ways with the construction, participation, and demolition of their own community.
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[Fig. 2] Jeremy Corbyn the official opposition and Theresa May the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.
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02 / DEFINITIONS Jeremy Corbyn Jeremy Corbyn is the primary narrative protagonist. Corbyn is a British politician currently serving as the Leader of Labour Party and the official opposition. He is known for his outspoken left wing values and policies. The Labour Party Founded in 1900 the Labour Party is a centre-left political party in the United Kingdom. The party’s platform emphasizes larger state intervention, social justice, and strong worker’s rights. Theresa May Theresa May is the current Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the leader of the Conservative party of Britain. The Conservative Party The Conservative Party is a politically conservative unionist party in the United Kingdom. Its platform supports free markets and individual achievement as primary factors for economic prosperity. The Momentum Group Momentum is a left wing British political organization developed as a supportive grassroots movement for Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party.
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[Fig. 3] Jeremy Corbyn reviews plans for “Capital for the Collective: The Labour Miracle” along with his shadow cabinet.
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THE LABOUR MIRACLE
03 / INTRODUCTION For the Many, Not The Few, the slogan for Jeremy Corbyn and the United Kingdom’s Labour Party during the 2017 general election, represents a socialist utopian sentiment. For the Many speaks to a fundamental notion of democracy, equality, and a collective vision of politics. The slogan criticizes the consolidated power of the status quo and expresses the political ambition to uproot the wealthy and politically wellconnected: The Few. The slogan led a political campaign that empowered large numbers to vote Labour, resulting in the largest increase in the Labour vote share since the end of the Second World War. The campaign represented a unified public who felt participatory inclusion in a Labour platform promising an idealistic and inclusive version of public politics.
For the Many, Not The Few is used to investigate
the role of utopian thinking, urban idealism, and the role of public space in city planning. Urban idealism and its relationship to public urban space are highly politicized and ideologically charged issues which form the theoretical underpinning of this thesis. How does the politically ideological statement reflect the idealistic urban planning carried out during the current and previous century? What is the relationship between politics, participation and public space?
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RESEARCH
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[Fig. 4] Thomas More’s “Utopia” Where housing is nationalised, agriculture is collectivised, and there is no unemployment.
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04 / UTOPIA/UTOPIAN Capital for the Collective: The Labour Miracle uses a utopian hypothetical narrative in order to analyse and critique urban idealism and the role of public space within the city. In Ruth Levitas’s 2003 book Utopia as Method she describes how “the critical edge of utopianism depends upon an imagined alternative possessing a reasonable degree of internal coherence and theoretical possibility” (p.7). With this in mind the Labour Miracle contextualizes itself within real world climatic and political parameters.
Climate change will see the Earth’s surface
temperature warm by 2°C over the next 100 years according to the more aggressive projections released by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s 2013 report. The threat of sea level rise to the Thames Estuary is based on the impact of this warming on ocean thermal expansion, melting mountain glaciers and ice caps, and the depletion of the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets (Levermann et al. 2013, p.1).
Scientific data and the political zeitgeist are
derived from current events, statistics, and journalism. The value of the hypothetical utopian narrative is also “fundamental to democratic debate,” due to its envisioning of “images of the good society buried in the constant
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[Fig. 5] Still from “Flood” a film dramatising a catastrophic flood event along the River Thames (Mitchell, 2007).
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THE LABOUR MIRACLE
barrage of political rhetoric and politics” (Levitas, 2013 p.18). The utopian scenario is therefore an apt tool for examining the politically charged nature of public space and political propaganda.
The Labour Miracle proposes a paradigm shift
in the way that the public engages with public space. Inhabitants of the Labour Miracle contribute wilfully and selflessly to the good of the society, which is built For the Many, and not The Few. This new public altruism represents a utopian way of thinking and engaging with public space. It is a reflection of stereotypically ‘Labour’ left wing idealism, a caricature of what it means to be a selfless civic philanthropist. The feasibility of this methodology is less important than the exploration of the “kinds of people we want to become,” and how “our institutional arrangements affect the imagination and the reality of human flourishing” (Levitas, 2013 p.18).
Nevertheless, the utopian narrative is used not
as a method for demanding or predicting a specific future; doing so would ensure that it “necessarily fail” (Levitas, 2013 p.19). Utopian thinking and its inherent paradox is instead used to critique current ideology and propose a valuable interpretation of the future.
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[Fig. 8] Plan of Le Corbusier’s 1924 Ville Radieuse, his utopian vision of the future (Corbusier, 1924).
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05 / URBAN IDEOLOGY AND PRAGMATISM During the 20th and 21st century several new cities were founded on deeply utopian ideals. The motivations of idealistic modern urban experiments have typically not met expectations on a pragmatic level. However, modern urban idealism has engaged meaningfully with modern utopian discourse. Urban idealism was employed in the envisioning of the new cities of Brasilia, Brazil and Chandigarh, India. Both were executed with the intent of expressing utopian nationalist agendas without achieving their pragmatic requirements.
After the post-colonial division of India into
Punjab-majority
Pakistan
and
Hindu-majority
India,
the state of Punjab was sliced in two, leaving its capital Lahore inside the territory of Pakistan. The creation of a new Indian capital became the opportunity to “manifest its self-confidence and economic, cultural, and political aspirations� (Stierli 2010, p.230). Both of the design teams selected for the project subscribed to utopian planning schemes and idealistic urban formations. The
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[Fig. 9] Le Corbusier’s Plan of Chandigarh demonstrates a number of similar characteristics to Ville Radieuse (Corbusier, 1951).
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initial design team selection of Albert Mayer and Matthew Nowicki were influenced by the garden city movement. While the replacement team, of Jane Drew, Maxwell Fry, along with Le Corbusier were influenced by the principles Le Corbusier had set out earlier in his Plan Voisin for Paris. The city closely follows the tenets of the Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM) in the development of a modernist grid and an embrace of Le Corbusier’s technological fixation with the automobile.
Le Corbusier’s modernist urban idealism was
symbolically powerful, yet the city is criticized “for its poor adaptation to the realities of everyday Indian city life” (Stierli 2010, p.231). The city also “failed to provide dwellings for the poor,” and provided an “over dimensioned circulation system,” (Stierli 2010, p.231) in a city were most residents still bicycle or walk. More powerful, however, than the actual design of the city was the political intent undertaken by both Le Corbusier and India’s Prime Minister Nehru to create a “monumental statement towards
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CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 10] Lúcio Costa’s winning entry for the design of Brasilia, The Pilot Plan, in topographical context.
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a radically different, more democratic and affluent future” (Stierli 2019, p.233).
Undertaken almost in parallel to Chandigarh
was the construction of another capital city, Brasilia, also designed under the ethos of modern urban idealism. Brazil was looking to move the capital city away from the crowded coastal city of Rio de Janeiro and its negative colonial associations with the Portuguese, to the more geographic centre of the country on the Brazilian plateau. Like Chandigarh the city was “more of a symbol of a strong belief in the future than a real functional city” (Stierli 2010, p.233). The idealized vision of the city was selected through a national competition, with Oscar Niemeyer advising and designing the majority of the government buildings.
The plan was designed by Lúcio Costa and is
laid out in the ideologically powerful image of an airplane, evoked in Costa’s own naming of the plan as the Pilot Plan. The axial plan is made up of monumental super
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[Fig. 11] Public access is restricted in Chandigarh’s Capitol Complex (Bharne, 2008)
[Fig. 12] Due to a lack of adequate planning, novel housing solutions are required in Chandigarh (Baan, 2013).
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blocks of housing and civic buildings culminating in the Plaza of the Three Powers containing the parliament, the presidential residence, the supreme court and the executive headquarters. The plan also followed the example set out by CIAM combining urban life with large park-like expanses.
Similar to Chandigarh, Brasilia was criticized for
its “failure to accommodate for the traditional Brazilian ways of life as well as for the less affluent and the poor” (Stierli 2010, p.234). In other words, both cities failed to properly address how public space would be used by the cities’ real residents. The poor were shifted to the periphery and tucked away. According to architectural historian Alan Colquhoun both are “middle-class cities from which lower-paid workers… are excluded” (2002). Furthermore, planned representations of nature and public space are expressed through pre-planned, controlled, ordered arrangements.
Vehicle-oriented plans alienated
the scale of the public individual and the pedestrian.
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[Fig. 13] Pedestrian desire paths cut across wide park like expanses (Google Earth, 2013).
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Brasilia’s dedication to vehicular infrastructure uncoupled the scale of the city from its inhabitants, forcing residents to cross fast swatches of lawn. Wide open green spaces offer little engagement and are now criss-crossed with pedestrian desire paths expressing their impracticality. Public space in Chandigarh is similarly lacking, plazas surrounding the Capitol complex have fallen into disrepair and public access is restricted. While urban green spaces exist throughout the city they are unkempt and the public does not engage with the exposed and overly hot sunny corridors.
Urban Idealism visualized in both Chandigarh
and Brasilia were strongest before their realization. The idealistic utopian planning became undone through the physical manifestation of the utopia. While some consider the cities to be “fairly successful examples of living with modernity” (Stierli 2010, p.235), the cities neglect the pragmatic needs of The Many.
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[Fig. 14] Plan of the Ancient Agora of Athens.
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06 / PLANNING/PARTICIPATION/PERIPHERY Traditional public city planning tends to focus on the centre of the community, the typical core of participatory activity. This is the case for Chandigarh and Brasilia, both addressing the centre with detailed plans yet failing to properly consider their surrounding thresholds.
Historically
the
first
visions
of
public
programmed space were located at the central locus of the community. Specific infrastructure such as the Greek Agora operated as “the place of citizenship” (Hartley 1992, p.29). The public forum was designed to “expose different perspectives, experiences, and affiliations” (Young 1990, p.119). However, it is important to note that the public that gathered in these spaces was highly homogeneous, consisting of The Few: those with power and position. The Many, in this case women, foreigners, and slaves, were excluded. The highly regulated nature of historical public space makes a strong parallel to the selectively permissible state of Privately Owned Public Spaces in contemporary London where ambiguous and arbitrary rules are enforced in ways that assert control by corporate owners.
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In response to the restrictive regulation of
centralized public space the threshold or edge of the city consequently becomes the true locus of public space, albeit lacking the formal infrastructure of the centre. Participation, interaction, and commerce thrive due to lax regulations and programming allowing these peripheral thresholds to foster more diverse activities. Inhabitants must improvise upon existing and inadequate infrastructure and navigate ambiguous legalities, squatter structures, and forbidden activities. These participatory public actions “escape the oversight and regulation of the centre” (Sennett 2018, p.100). However, participation need not always be illegal, self-build projects such as Walter’s Way in Lewisham London allowed residents to improvise on architect Walter Segal’s instructions. By placing the responsibility of construction on the local community he empowered residents through participation creating a space for improvisation. In Chandigarh residents were forced into augmenting and amending the city’s
[Fig. 15 following page] Improvised peripheral public space in Kolkata, India. Outside regulatory control children have transformed train tracks into a football pitch (Das 2015). 28
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architecture, improvised housing in unplanned areas express the public’s response to its own needs.
Public space thresholds develop a dialogue
between what is permitted and restricted, between resistance and porosity. In the case of walled cities there is resistance in the intent to keep out, but there is porosity as the wall is an exclusive edge of interaction, activity, and exchange between outsiders and insiders. Informal spaces of public participation are spatially open-ended and allow for constant reinterpretation. Perpetual reinterpretation results in an “unresolved narrative” (Sennett 2018, p.100) or incomplete form in which public space’s interrelationship with the elements around it is complementary, expandable, and adaptable. The unresolved spatial narrative is a fundamental tenet of free public space, unstable and incomplete as new readings, additions, and appendages are added over time.
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[Fig. 16] A security guard watches over Granary Square, London, a privately owned public space (Pengilley 2017).
[Fig. 17] Police and political protesters of the Occupy Movement clash outside St. Paul’s, London (Getty, 2012).
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07 / PROTECTING POLITICAL SPACE Public participatory freedom also creates democratic space, “not in a legal sense, but as a physical experience” (Sennett 2018, p.101). The democratization of space is rare in contemporary urban environments as public participatory freedom is actively limited through regulation. Cities and governments regulate public space to provide a safe open space where the public is permitted for recreation and entertainment. However, governments seek to limit the definition of who the public consists of, and “banish them… in order to make room for legitimate public activities” (Mitchell 1995, p.118).
The city of London is politically motivated
to protect open space; however, open space differs fundamentally from public space. Open space provides spaces for light, recreation, and other positive physical functions but does not “fulfil the market and civic functions that mark the public space of the city” (Mitchell 1995, p.121). These functions form the politicized nature of public spaces making them “essential to the functioning
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[Fig. 18] Jeremy Corbyn shows of “For the Many, Not the Few” the 2017 Labour Party Manifesto. (Getty Images)
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of democratic politics” (Fraser, 1990). This is especially true for the homeless who can “represent themselves as a legitimate part of ‘the public’… only in public spaces” (Mitchell 1995, p.115) and whose rights and liberties have “already been all but eliminated in the interests of enhancing the quality of urban life” (Mitchell 2003, p.4). Protecting public urban space is a contemporary issue with “urban public space [suffering] major onslaughts in the last 20 years, from the increasing privatization encouraged by reliance on internet services to the expansion of the mall effect” (Vidler, 2001 p.4).
The two typologies of public space: regulated/
central and unregulated/threshold are represented by The Few and by The Many, respectfully. This dichotomy between the marginalized public The Many (the common public, the homeless, and political protesters) and The Few (property owners and city planners) “corresponds… with
Lefebvre’s
distinction
between
representational
space (appropriated, lived space; space-in-use) and
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CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 19] London City Hall plaza regulated by the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Kuwait prevented the Guardian from interviewing (iStock 2013).
RIVER THAMES POPS CITY HALL
CITY OF LONDON
[Fig. 20] Plan of Privately Owned Public space operated by Kewaiti owned “More London Estate” (Guardian, 2017).
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representations of space (planned, controlled, ordered space)� (Mitchell 1995, p.115). Centralised regulated public spaces originate from representations of space such as public buildings, plazas, or parks while the threshold is more concerned with representational space. However, the current nature of privately owned public spaces (POPS) in London blurs the distinction between these spaces, making it unclear who or what is represented by public spaces. The London City Hall, while appearing to belong to the city, is actually a misrepresented space, not civic at all but controlled by private interests. Sea level rise in London presents an opportunity to re-appropriate the entire city as a new representational space, co-opted for public uses and functions.
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THE LABOUR MIRACLE
PROGRAMME
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[Fig. 21] Aerial isometric view of “Capital for Collective: The Labour Miracle” looking East along the Thames Estuary.
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THE LABOUR MIRACLE
08 / PROJECT CONCEPT Capital for the Collective: The Labour Miracle is the architectural expression of the Labour Party and Jeremy Corbyn’s political ideals manifested in the form of a left wing Labour Party propaganda city. The foundation of the project is centred on the protection of labour, provision of public space, and altruistic public participation.
The thesis investigates how public spaces can be
activated in different ways across the territory of the city. Formulated on socialist principles the public engages directly with the production and maintenance of the city over time. Through public direct participation the Labour Miracle cultivates a system of self sufficiency, providing an enhanced environment, harnessing climate change advantageously, while protecting the labour of the collective.
The project questions how ideological and physical
thresholds can be negotiated with public space as a tool. How can public spaces operate as negotiators between climate, ideology, and function, questioning the relationships between how people live, arrive, and work inside the city? The Labour Miracle presents an optimistic vision of the future empowering its inhabitants through the protection of industry, the provision of public space, and the participation of its people.
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09 / PROJECT GOALS
Return the city to the public with the help of climate change
Show how altruistic participation can empower public ownership
Use public space as a tool to enhance the urban experience
Develop public cohesion through cooperation
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10 / SCOPE The focus of the project is to explore how members of the public form new interactive relationships with tectonic elements of the Labour Miracle through active participation. Public participation emphasizes how inhabitants can regain ownership of the public realm.
This is approached on two scales:
First, through the organization of large-scale urban gestures. How can urban territories be returned to public ownership through the reorganizational force of climate change? How can the city make physical, ideological, and symbolic connections across new and existing public space networks?
Second, on the scale of the building, individual
interaction, participation, and contribution influence enhance the tectonic form. The architecture of the city celebrates the public, and is an expression of community cooperation and cohesion.
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The ONLY thing we can agree on is that we feel neglected by Brexit!
REMAIN
IMMIGRATION Leaving will not solve the migration crisis but bring it to Britain’s doorstep.
IMMIGRATION Britain can never control immigration until it leaves the European Union.
CRIME Criminals convicted in Britain can be returned thanks to the European Arrest Warrant. Exit would stop justice being done.
CRIME The European Arrest Warrant allows British citizens to be sent abroad and charged for crimes in foreign courts, often for minor offenses. Exit would stop this.
TRADE 44% of exports go to the EU. Putting up barriers would be counterproductive.
TRADE Leaving would allow the UK to diversify its international links.
LAW It is better to shape EU-wide laws from the inside rather than walking away.
LAW Too many of Britain’s laws are made overseas. UK courts must become sovereign again.
JOBS Jobs are linked to the EU, businesses would be less likely to invest if the country was outside Europe.
JOBS Investment flourish like the Scandinavian countries outside the EU.
CLOUT In a globalising world the UK’s interests are best protected by remaining part of the EU block.
CLOUT Britain does not need the EU to prosper and can have just as much clout without the EU.
FINANCE Banks will flee the UK if Britain votes for exit, because the trading advantages of being inside the EU help boost banks' profits.
FINANCE London will remain a leading financial centre outside the EU and banks will still want to be headquartered in Britain due to low tax rates.
SOVEREIGNTY In a globalised world, every country must work closer with others if they want to flourish.
SOVEREIGNTY The British Parliament is no longer sovereign. It is best to call it quits before ties deepen with the EU.
DEFENCE Working together to combat these challenges is best – an effort that would be undermined if Britain turns its back on the EU.
DEFENCE Britain could soon be asked to contribute to a EU Army. That would erode the UK’s independent military force and should be opposed.
[Fig. 22] Key reasoning behind the Brexit Leave and Remain campaigns.
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LEAVE
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
11 / RELEVANCE/NEGLECT The physical and ideological reasoning underpinning the project’s location of London and the Thames Estuary is threefold: the EU referendum or Brexit, the dramatic threat of climate change to the South East of Britain, and the attack on public urban spaces in London. Each selection criteria reinforces site and influences the other criteria. The result is a project rooted strongly within its political, spatial, and climate context.
First, the June 2016 referendum over Article 50,
better known as Brexit, plunged the United Kingdom into an poisonous ideological schism. Brexit was highly politicized and the media fanned the divisive flames. Brexit saw 72.2% of the population vote, with 51.9% of ballots supporting the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union. After the results of the referendum were revealed there was widespread regret, especially in London, which represented a departure from the national results with the majority voting to remain in the EU.
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Working together Working to combat together these to challenges combat these is challenges Britain iscould soon Britain be asked could to soon contribute be askedtotoa contribute EU to a LIB EU DEM 70%LIB DEM best – an effort that bestwould – control an effort be undermined that would be if Britain undermined if Britain Army. That would Army.erode That the would UK’serode independent the UK’s independent Britain can never immigration until it leaves UKIP UKIP https://www.ft.com/content/4644d7e6-f3e6-11e4-a9f3-00144feab7de turns its back on turns the EU. its back on the EU. military force and military should force be opposed. and should be opposed. the European Union.
EU. sis but bring
NEGLECT: VOTE SHARE GAIN
GREEN GREEN Vote share for the Labour Party grew across London. The political platform put forth nancial centre CRIME by Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour party was extremely successful. CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE ELECTION: UNITED KINGDOM RESULT UNITED KINGDOM RESULT ELECTIO ll want to be BREXIT: be returned The European Arrest Warrant allows British citizens 2017 ax rates. t. Exit would to be sent abroad and charged for crimes in foreign MAJORITY LEAVE (270 AREAS) GREEN DUP PC SNP CON courts, often for minor offenses. would stop this. ELECTION: UNITED KINGDOM RESULT ELECTION: UNITED KINGDOM RESULT BREXIT: UNITED BREXIT: KINGDOM UNITED RESULT KINGDOM Exit RESULT ELECTION: LONDON ELECTION: RESULT LONDON MAJORITY REMAIN (129GAIN REMAIN) SF LOSS IND LD LAB 2017 2017 sovereign. It is TRADE MAJORITY LEAVE (270MAJORITY AREAS) LEAVE (270 AREAS) GREEN SNP DUP PC GREEN DUP 67.1% SNP CON PC CON n with the EU. 32% the UK to diversify TORY up barriers Leaving would allow itsLD LAB IND LD SF IND MAJORITY REMAIN (129 MAJORITY REMAIN) REMAIN (129 REMAIN) SF LAB international LAB links. 97.3% 2.7%
ribute to a EU independent m the inside d.
70% LAW LIB DEM Too many of Britain’s laws are made overseas. UK UKIP courts must become sovereign again. GREEN JOBS Investment flourish like the Scandinavian countries outside the EU.
would be less de Europe.
CLOUT ELECTION: LONDON RESULT
ests are best block.
Britain does not need the EU to prosper and can have just as much clout without the EU.
EEN
30% 100% 100%
NEGLECT OF UNDERSTANDING
The British media leads one to understand the 2017 polarized election in recent history. This is further provok seeded by the result of Brexit. The climate of politic exasperated by the perception of devisionLABOUR in the United K LABOUR LIB DEM CONSER LIB D
49 TRACKING THE RESULT: CORRELATING BREXIT AND ELECTION RESULTS NEGLECT: VOTE SHARE GAIN
49 3
LABOUR 49 213
FINANCE BREXIT: BREXIT: RESULT LONDON share for the Labour Party grewLONDON across London. TheRE p London will remain a leading financial centre While the Vote majority of the United Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour party was extremely su BREXIT outside the EU and banks will still want to be Kingdom by voted to Leave the headquartered in Britain due to low tax rates. European Union there was a pro-remain movement in urbanised SOVEREIGNTY areas. GAIN The British Parliament is no longer sovereign. It is These same areas tended to vote best to call it quits before ties deepen with the EU. Labour in the 32% In the TORY2017 election. London area this correlation is also LAB 97.3% DEFENCE seen. London also voted largely to Britain could soon be asked to contribute to a EU remain a part the Union. LIBofDEM 70% Army. That would erode the UK’s independent Understanding London a Labour and UKIP military force and should be opposed. pro remain enclave make it an TURNOUT: 69.6% TURNOUT: 69.6% LABOUR LIB DEM CONSERVATIVE appropriate site for the Labour GREEN 49 3 21 LEAVE REMAIN REMAIN Miracle. 1,513,232 2,263,519 2,263,519
tes for exit, ng inside the
must work sh.
hallenges is ned if Britain
TURNOUT
ELECTION: UNITED KINGDOM RESULT BREXIT: LONDON RESULT 2017 CON
SNP
PC
DUP
LAB
LD
IND
SF
REMAIN
ELECTION: LONDON RESULT
2,263,51 TRACKING CORRELAT ELECTION
GREEN
TURNOUT: 69.6%
REMAIN 2,263,519
LEAVE 1,513,232
LABOUR 49
LIB DEM 3
CONSERVATIVE 21
[Fig. 23] Maps showing the relationship between Brexit and the 2017 general election in the United Kingdom and London.
46
BREXIT: LONDON RESULT
While the Kingdom European pro-remain areas. These same Labour in t London are seen. Londo remain a pa Understand pro remain appropriate Miracle.
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
The results of Brexit directly influenced the general
election the following year which saw the Labour Party gain a 9.54% increase of the vote share under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn, the largest since 1945. Approximately one third of 30,000 voters interviewed for a British Election study singled out Brexit as “the single most important issue facing the country.” The Labour Miracle presents the opportunity to address those neglected by the outcome of Brexit using elements of public infrastructure to bridge ideological thresholds through public participation.
Second, public open space is under threat in
London. At the 2016 World Architecture Festival Patrik Schumacher, director of Zaha Hadid Architects in London put forth an urban policy manifesto in which he outlined eight demands. His demands read as a manifesto against public space promoting the abolishment of ‘all forms of social and affordable housing,” and “the privatisation of all streets, squares public spaces and parks, and possibly whole urban districts.”
47
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
PRIVATELY OWNED PUBLIC SPACES IN LONDON
SCHUMACHER’S URBAN POLICY MANIFESTO 1. Regulate the Planners: Development rights must be the starting point, then tightly define and circumscribe the planners' scope and legitimate reasons for constraining development rights: access/traffic constraints, infringements of neighbours’ property utilisation (rights of light), historic heritage preservation, pollution limits. Nothing else can be brought to bear – no social engineering agendas!
2. Abolish all land use prescriptions: The market should perhaps also allocate land uses, so that more residences can come in until the right balance with work and entertainment spaces is discovered. Only the market has a chance to calibrate this intricate balance.
3. Stop all vain and unproductive attempts at "milieu protection"
“WE MUST RECLAIM OUR PUBLIC SPACES FROM THE CORPORATE INTERESTS WHO WANT TO CONTROL THEM. OUR COUNTRY’S LAWS SHOULD GOVERN PUBLIC SPACE, NOT SECRETIVE PRIVATE RULES. CITY LIFE IS MADE RICH AND EXCITING BY OUR VARIED SHARED SPACES. THEY SHOULD BE RUN IN THE INTERESTS OF THE MANY NOT THE FEW.” -JEREMY CORBYN
4. Abolish all prescriptive housing standards: Planners and politicians should also stay away from housing standards in terms of unit sizes, unit mixes, etc. Here too the market has the best chance to discover the most useful, productive and life/prosperity-enhancing mix. The imposition of housing standards protect nobody, they only eliminate choices and thus make all of us poorer.Stop all interventions and distortions of the (residential) real state market. (All subsidised goods are oversupplied and thus partially wasted.)
5. Abolish all forms of social and affordable housing: No more imposition of quota of various types of affordable housing, phase out and privatise all council housing, phase out the housing benefit system (and substitute with monetary support without specific purpose allocation).
6. Abolish all government subsidies for home ownership like Help to Buy: This distorts real housing preferences and biases against mobility.
7. Abolish all forms of rent control and one-fits-all regulation of tenancies: Instead allow for free contracting on tenancy terms and let a thousand flowers bloom. Here is a recipe for the creation of the dense, urban fabric that delivers the stimulating urbanity many of us desire and know to be a key condition of further productivity gains within our post-fordist network society.
8. Privatise all streets, squares, public spaces and parks, possibly whole urban districts [Fig. 24] Map of POPS in central London (Guardian 2017) and Patrik Schumacher’s urban policy manifesto.
48
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
Schumacher’s remarks appeared prescient when a
2017 Guardian article revealed the “insidious creep of pseudopublic space in London” (Shenker, 2017). What the article unveiled was that a large number of what appeared to be public spaces such as squares, parks, and thoroughfares throughout London were in fact privately owned, and subject to the whims of the property owners. Owners are able to restrict use of these spaces based on an arbitrary definition of “acceptable behaviour,” those who infringe upon this undivulged criteria for reasons such as sleeping, photographing, or protesting are liable to be removed by a security guard. These Privately Owned Public Spaces (POPS) include important civic spaces such as City Hall. The current state of POPS and the general atmosphere of privatization in London is seen as diametrically opposed to the fundamental views of the Labour Party and their mantra For the Many, Not The Few. The Labour Miracle approaches the provision of public space as a method of opposing POPS and returning urban spaces to the public.
49
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
2025
1m SEA LEVEL RISE
2050
5m SEA LEVEL RISE
2075
7m SEA LEVEL RISE
2100
SITE BOUNDARY
10m SEA LEVEL RISE
SITE BOUNDARY
SITE BOUNDARY
SITE BOUNDARY
The 10m sea level rise boundary becomes the site of the labour miracle proposal
SITE BOUNDARY
[Fig. 25] Anticipated sea level rise along the Thames Estuary in aggressive climate change scenario.
50
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
The third angle of contextual relevance is the
impending and dramatic effect of climate change driven sea level rise along the River Thames. The impact is severe due to the warming climate, the low elevation of the Thames River valley, and the density of population located along the River Thames. London is the 23rd most populous city in the world, inhabited by more than 8,787,892 people (ONS, 2017). Furthermore, port facilities along the foreshore make the River Thames the second largest port in the United Kingdom, responsible for 50.38 million tonnes of goods shipped every year (PLA, 2017). The physical transformations to the landscape caused by climate change are the social and spatial catalysts required to provoke a paradigm shift in how the Labour Miracle addresses ideological differences through public space.
Locating the intellectual position of the project
within a contextual triumvirate allows for a clear formulation of project’s relevance. The real world context of the project supports the use of a utopian hypothetical narrative. Practical grounding makes the hypothetical narrative more plausible and effective, taking the project beyond satire and allowing it to be an effective tool for critiquing contemporary issues.
51
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 26] Public space lost. Bathers on the embankment at Tower Bridge, public space lost to privatisation (Grant, 1952).
[Fig. 26] Public space gained. Sydney Harbour Bridge, once a year reclaimed by the public for a picnic (EPA 2010). [Fig. 27 following page] Existing and proposed public space in the Labour Miracle. 52
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
12 / REALISING PUBLIC SPACE The extensive return of public space to the public realm from The Few to The Many is undertaken using several pragmatic strategies, the most important being the radical physical redefining of the territory through the effects of climate change driven sea level rise, its transformative power harnessed in an effective and plausible manner. The second arm of the strategy involves the economic valuation of public space. Critics of the Labour Government are quick to disregard the feasibility of the Labour Party’s ideas over its tax and income strategies. Therefore, any public space strategy undertaken in the Labour Miracle must address its financial feasibility and economic advantages.
53
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
54
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
EXISTING PUBLIC SPACE
PROPOSED PUBLIC SPACE
PUBLIC PARK OR GARDEN
LABOUR MIRACLE BOUNDARY
PLAYING FIELD
PUBLIC WATER WAY
SPORTS / PLAY SPACE
ALLOTMENTS
GOLF COURSE
LABOUR CITADEL
ALLOTMENTS
PROMENADE 55 GATE
RELIGOUS GROUND 0km
1
TIDAL WETLAND 2
5
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
“PUBLIC OWNERSHIP IS NOT JUST A POLITICAL DECISION, IT’S AN ECONOMIC NECESSITY.” -JOHN MCDONNELL Labour Shadow Chancellor Of The Exchequer
[Fig. 28] John Mcdonnell quoted regarding the costs of Labour public ownership plan (BBC 2018).
56
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
13 / LAND ACQUISITION STRATEGY How does the Labour Government acquire the territory? Most of the territory upon which the Labour Miracle is planned is currently owned by three majority land owners, the Crown Estate, the Port facility owners, and private owners.
The Crown Estate owns the River Thames up to its
high tide boundary. The Crown currently leases this land to the Port of London Authority which manages and regulates this marine territory and adjacent Port facilities under the 1968 Port of London Act. However, the Port of London Authority does not own the port facilities, much of which are owned by offshore holding companies. The balance of the flooded territory occupied by the Labour Miracle is made up of a mix of land owners, the majority being privately held. Sea level rise presents the opportunity to transfer currently privately held land. Under Crown law, property ownership can change if the boundaries of the foreshore change, “if land erodes and naturally converts to tidal, then it becomes the property of the tidal landowner� in most cases the Crown Estate.
57
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 26] Public space in London, aerial view of Hyde Park
58
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
Historically, during times of emergency the state
has annexed parts of the Royal Estate and private lands for the benefit of the country. This has included the conversion of the moat at the Tower of London and parts of the Royal parks into public allotments as well as the acquisition of Heathrow Airport during the First and Second World Wars. Jeremy Corbyn has also publicly supported the mechanisms for nationalising homes for those faced with an emergency, be it “occupy… compulsory purchase… or requisition” properties. Stating that “in an emergency, you have to bring all assists to the table in order to deal with that crisis.”
Climate change and sea level rise are national
emergencies, leading the Labour Government to implement Emergency Measures and officially request that the flooded territory be turned over to the government. The Crown Estate is pleased to turn over the land for a £1, 99 year peppercorn lease on the assumption that the Labour Miracle will increase the value of what would otherwise be worthless flooded land.
59
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 30] World War Two Tower of London allotment gardens .
60
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
The industrial territory inside the Labour Citadels
is primarily industrial. The Labour government has close ties with Labour Unions working in these port facilities, Allied Trade Union Membership in the Labour Party was 4.6 million in 1992 (Audickas, 2018 p.15). The Labour Government leverages this support to coerce the cooperation of the Port facility owners, arguing that the partial nationalization of their property is preferable to complete flooding should the protective Labour Citadels not be constructed. The Labour unions are also satisfied as they have protected their jobs and insured indefinite employment in the ongoing construction of the Labour Citadels.
61
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
PUBLIC SPACE EXISTING PUBLIC SPACE NEW PUBLIC SPACE
PUBLIC SPACE TYPOLOGIES AND AREAS OPEN WATER
EXISTING INDUSTRIAL AREA
INHABITABLE WALL
AREAS
AREAS
AREAS
25,625,372 m²
25,625,372 m² PROGRAMS
PROGRAMS
ECONOMY, HEALTH, HABITAT
ECONOMY
HABITAT, HEALTH, ENVIRONMENT
DESCRIPTION The open water areas are open to the public and house specialized fishing areas and the floating NES buildings.
DESCRIPTION New views and paths are established for public access, industrial education, and to the bioremedation red carpet.
DESCRIPTION Along its entire circumference is a public walkway linking small parks, playgrounds, and sports facilities.
CHAMPAGNE SQUARE
FLOATING ALLOTMENTS
HABITAT TIDAL WETLAND
AREAS
AREAS
AREAS
15,093,275 m²
147,812,949 m²
237,241,291 m²
PROGRAMS
PROGRAMS
PROGRAMS
ECONOMY
ECONOMY, HABITAT, HEALTH
HABITAT, HEALTH, ENVIRONMENT
DESCRIPTION The area below and on top of the Champagne Socialists functions as public plazas.
DESCRIPTION The public is free to boat around the floating structures but are restricted from tampering with the allotments.
DESCRIPTION Specific areas for hunting and bird watching. The wetland is productive and used to grow thatch reeds.
[Fig. 31] Diagram of proposed new public space areas in The Labour Miracle.
62
8,002,772 m²
PROGRAMS
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
14 / FUNDING STRATEGY How is the project financially justified? The Government of the United Kingdom has earmarked £3.7 billion dollars in flood spending nationally, £1.8 billion of this dedicated to the area along the Thames Estuary to be administered by the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs and the Environment Agency (Environment Agency, 2018). However, this amount is not significant in the face of what is required therefore additional financial justification is necessary.
Recent documents have outlined the intrinsic
economic value of public spaces in London. The Mayor of London’s 2017 Natural Capital Account for Public Green Space in London ascribed a £91 billion value to public space in London focusing on benefits to physical health, mental health, residential property amenity, and recreation. A 2018 Fields in Trust paper Revaluing Parks and Green Spaces: Measuring their Economic and Wellbeing Value to Individuals expands this research across the United Kingdom. The report estimates
63
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
PRIMARY SOURCES OF PUBLIC SPACE VALUE
BENEFIT TYPE
VALUE £BILLION
PERCENT
PHYSICAL HEALTH
11
12
MENTAL HEALTH
7
7
RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY AMENITY
56
61
RECREATION
17
19
OTHERS
1
1
GROSS VALUE
91
100
LONDON’S DESIGNATED PUBLIC OPEN SPACE PUBLIC OPEN SPACE
AREA (ha)
% OF LONDON
REGIONAL PARKS
6755
4.24%
METROPOLITAN PARKS
8065
5.06%
DISTRICT PARKS
4413
2.77%
LOCAL PARKS AND OPEN SPACES
5668
3.55%
SMALL OPEN SPACES
804
0.5%
POCKET PARKS
125
0.08%
LINEAR OPEN SPACES
2689
1.69%
TOTAL
28519
17.88%
[Fig. 32] London’s designated public open space and sources of public space Value (Mayor of London, 2017)
64
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
that the total wellbeing value associated with public space is ÂŁ34.2 billion per year and that parks and green spaces save the National Health Service ÂŁ111 million per year in reduced General Practitioner visits.
This research is used to develop a public space
strategy aimed at adding economic value to the Labour Miracle through the provision of public space in several ways. The research papers are used as the basis for understanding how public space is used to enhance the environment, habitat, health, and economy.
Environmental
value
is
generated
through increased air quality, carbon storage, water quality, temperature
control,
and
rainwater
retention.
These
environmental enhancements are provided through public space interventions on site; for example, trees saved from the flooded city’s parks, an intertidal salt water marsh surrounding the flooded area, and extensive phytoremediation vegetation planted within the Labour Citadels. The intertidal wet land is particularly valuable in its provision of environmental benefits
65
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
[Fig. 33] London’s Thames Barrier Park is an example of combing flood defence, public space, and bio-remediation habitat (Wong, 2012).
66
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
“storing more than 40% soil carbon… greater than the 0.5-2% carbon found in agricultural soils” (Nahlik and Fennessy, 2016 p.1).
Habitat enhancements are made through the
provision of public space in several ways. Providing biodiversity through extensive planting schemes, which provide expanded bird habitat, especially along the tidal marsh and re-wilded flooded structures. Furthermore, new grassland habitat is provided inside the Citadels along with open habitats like gardens and playing fields.
Public space inside the Labour Miracle also
provides health benefits through the development of spaces for increased physical health and mental health providing space for exercise and stress relief. Parks in London currently save £582 million per year in public health costs (City of London, 2013 p.10).
Public
spaces
also
have
direct
economic
contributions. Land value is increased, adding 1.9%-2.9% in value to homes located within 600 metres of a public
67
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
LONDON’S URBAN FOREST - KEY STATISTICS NUMBER OF TREES
TREE COVER
CANOPY COVER
MOST COMMON SPECIES
POLLUTION REMOVAL (PER ANNUM)
STORMWATER ALLEVIATION (PER ANNUM)
CARBON STORAGE (WHOLE VALUE)
CARBON SEQUESTRATION (PER ANNUM)
BUILDING ENERGY SAVINGS (PER ANNUM)
BUILDING AVOIDED CARBON EMISSIONS (PER ANNUM)
REPLACEMENT COST (WHOLE VALUE)
AMENITY VALUE (CAVAT) (WHOLE VALUE)
TOTAL ANNUAL BENEFITS
Total INNER LONDON
1,587,000
OUTER LONDON
6,834,000
INNER LONDON
13%
OUTER LONDON
14%
INNER LONDON
18%
OUTER LONDON
21%
INNER LONDON
14%
21% BIRCH, LIME, APPLE
OUTER LONDON
SYCAMORE, OAK, HAWTHORN
INNER LONDON
561 TONNES
£58 MILLION
OUTER LONDON
1680 TONNES
£68.1 MILLION
INNER LONDON
705,000M³
£568,935
OUTER LONDON
2,709,000M³
£2.2 MILLION
INNER LONDON
499,000 TONNES
£30.9 MILLION
OUTER LONDON
1,868,000 TONNES
£116 MILLION
INNER LONDON
15,900 TONNES
£987,000
OUTER LONDON
61,300 TONNES
£3.8 MILLION
INNER LONDON
£223,000
OUTER LONDON
£37,600
INNER LONDON
£23,600
OUTER LONDON
£31,000
INNER LONDON
£1.35 BILLION
OUTER LONDON
£4.77 BILLION
INNER LONDON
£17.6 BILLION
OUTER LONDON
£25.7 BILLION
INNER LONDON
£59.54 MILLION
OUTER LONDON
£73.16 MILLION
[Fig. 34] London’s urban forest, key statistics and values (Rogers et al, 2015).
68
8,421,000
£126.1 MILLION
£2.8 MILLION
£146.9 MILLION
£4.79 MILLION
£260,600.00
£54,600
£6.12 BILLION
£43.3 BILLION
£132.7 MILLION
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
park. Tourism is also a factor with 80% of tourists polled in a London survey listing public spaces as “important”. Using data derived from the Mayor of London Report public space is valued at an estimated £3,190,855 per hectare. The Labour Miracle provides six new public space typologies: open water, industrial area, habitable wall, champagne square, floating allotment, and habitat tidal wetland. The area of these new public space typologies provides a combined total of 45,940 hectares. This area is multiplied by the per hectare value and an estimated economic benefit of £1.5 trillion is calculated.
Several
additional
methods
of
economic
generation are also considered. The Conservative party leader Theresa May spoke out against the Labour Party’s spending plan saying “there is no magic money tree”. However, London is full of money trees. A report put out by the Forestry Commission and the Mayor of London found that urban trees in the city are worth £132.7 million per year in added benefits including pollution removal, stormwater alleviation, carbon storage, energy saving, and amenity value.
69
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
INCREASING TREND IN NUMBER OF ROUGH SLEEPERS 5,000
LONDON
REST OF ENGLAND
ENGLAND
NUMBER OF ROUGH SLEEPERS
4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
CURRENT DISTRIBUTION OF HOMELESS IN LONDON
0.000 - 0.050
RATE PER 1000 HOUSEHOLDS
0.051 - 0.100 0.101 - 0.200 0.201 - 0.500 0.501 - 1.000 1.001 - 7.080
GENDER OF HOMELESS MALES
FEMALES
GENDER NOT KNOWN
LONDON 0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
NATIONALITY OF HOMELESS UK NATIONALS
EU, NON-UK NATIONALS
NON-EU NATIONALS
40%
70%
UNKNOWN
LONDON 0%
10%
20%
30%
50%
AGE OF HOMELESS
60% UNDER 25
80%
OVER 25
90%
100%
AGE NOT KNOWN
LONDON 0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
[Fig. 35] Homelessness and rough sleeper statistics for England and London (Ministry of Housing, 2017).
70
90%
100%
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
In addition, the Labour Miracle enhances its
financial viability through the dignified resettling of the homeless. The homeless are provided with housing and additional services free of charge. Homelessness has increased over the last decade in London and the rest of England. In London alone there were 415 rough sleepers in 2010, a number which grew to 1,137 in 2017 (UK Gov). Furthermore, according to a University of York report it would save the public purse ÂŁ370 million if 40,00 people were prevented from becoming homeless for one year in England. The Labour Miracle invites the homeless from across the country to join the city, and in turn provide a net savings for the country.
The quantitative sum achieved through the
delivery of the key values above do not directly generate economic gain but offer methods of offsetting the project cost. This added financial benefit offsets the losses to London’s existing economy whose GDP in 2014 was £542 billion (Office for National Statistics).
71
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
72
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
SITE
73
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
10m SEA LEVEL RISE
SITE
[Fig. 36] Map of United Kingdom 10m sea level rise impact and site location along the Thames Estuary.
74
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
15 / SITE The site consists of the territory of climate change-induced sea level rise along the Thames Estuary and the city of London. London is one of the largest metropolitan areas in the world facing the immediate effects of climate change. Combined with its unique ‘Brexit’ situation the city is well suited for examining the implications and effects of social and physical thresholds related politics, public space, urban idealism, and climate change.
75
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
A GUIDE TO RELOCATION INSIDE THE
MIRACLE
[Fig. 37] Cover of a public service announcement for The Labour Miracle describing how to relocate to Labour Citadel homes. [Fig. 38 following page] Masterplan of Capital for the Collective the Labour Miracle and a tectonic overview. 76
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
16 / DESIGN STRATEGY Climate change is approached not as a design limitation rather as a unique design opportunity for the Labour Miracle to develop a tectonic approach to the provision of new public space. The inundation of the Thames Estuary necessitates the implementation of new architectural formations. The typologies engage and embrace the formative power of climate change and sea level rise.
The project uses the three P’s as strategies for the
formal development of the Labour Miracle: 1. Protect A series of Labour Citadels are positioned along the flooded territory protecting industry, employment, and labour. 2. Provide Each of the tectonic elements provides new public spaces. Spaces where the public engage with public space through engagement. 3. Participate A new paradigm of public participation redefines civic mindedness, encouraging altruistic public contribution.
77
LABOUR MIRACLE TECTONIC ELEMENTS 1
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
STRAWBERRY FIELDS FOREVER FLOATING ALLOTMENT GARDENS
2
3
MINISTER OF TAX AND SPENDING
NEW NATIONAL HEALTH SERVICE
JELLY AND JAM PRODUCTION
LABOUR CITADEL FOCUS
78
HEALTH SERVICES GATEWAY
4
LABOUR CITADEL HABITABLE WALL
5
6
NATIONAL EDUCATION SERVICE
CHAMPAGNE SOCIALIST
EDUCATION SERVICES
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
PRODUCTION AND CONSTRUCTION
79
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
80
THE LABOUR MIRACLE
APPENDIX
81
CAPITAL FOR THE COLLECTIVE
17 / TEXT REFERENCES BOP CONSULTING. 2013. Green Spaces: The Benefits for London. City of London Corporation. Available at: https://www.cityoflondon.gov.uk/business/economic-research-and-information/ research-publications/Documents/research-2013/Green-Spaces-The-Benefits-for-London.pdf [Accessed 12 March 2018]. COLQUHOUN, A. 2002. Modern Architecture. Oxford. Oxford University Press. EUROPEAN ENVIRONMENT AGENCY. 2017. Climate Change, Impacts and Vulnerability in Europe: An Indicator Based Report. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union. Available at: https://www.eea.europa.eu/publications/climate-change-impacts-and-vulnerability-2016 [Accessed 21 April 2018]. FIELDS IN TRUST. 2018. Revaluing Parks and Green Spaces: Measuring their Economic and wellbeing value to individuals. Available at: http://www.fieldsintrust.org/Upload/file/research/RevaluingParks-and-Green-Spaces-Summary.pdf [Accessed 20 April 2018]. HARTLEY, J. 1992. The Politics of Pictures: The Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media. London: Routledge. LEVERMANN, A. 2013. The Multi millennial sea-level Commitment of Global Warming. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (PNAS). 110(34), Available at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3752235/ [Accessed 15 February 2018] . LEVITAS, R. 2013. Utopia as Method: The Imaginary Reconstitution of Society. London: Palgrave Macmillan. MAYOR OF LONDON. 2017. Natural Capital: Accounts for Public Green Space in London. Available at: http://www.vivideconomics.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Natural-Capital-AccountsReport-GLA-NT-HLF.pdf [Accessed 12 March 2018].
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MICTCHELL, D. 2003. The Right to the City: Social Justice and the Fight for Public Space. New York: The Guilford Press. MITCHELL, D. 1995. The End of Public Space? People’s Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol.85, No.1. (March 1995) pp. 108-133), Available at: http://sites.middlebury.edu/igst404/files/2014/01/Mitchell-End-of-PublicSpace.pdf [Accessed 17 February 2018]. NAHLIK, A., and FENNESSY, M. 2016. Carbon Storage in US Wetlands. Nature. Available at: https:// www.nature.com/articles/ncomms13835 [Accessed 20 March 2018]. PLEACE, N. 2015. Crisis: At What Cost, An Estimation of the Financial Costs of Single Homelessness in the UK. Centre for Housing Policy, University of York. Available at: https://www.crisis.org.uk/ media/237022/costsofhomelessness_finalweb.pdf [Accessed 20 April 2018]. PORT OF LONDON AUTHORITY. 2015. Port of London Handbook 2015: PLA15. Norfolk: Compass Publications Ltd. Available at: https://pla.co.uk/assets/plahandbook2015.pdf [Accessed 10 March 2018]. ROGERS, K., SACRE, K., GOODENOUGH, J., AND DOICK, K. 2015. Valuing London’s Urban Forest: Results of the London i-Tree Eco Project. London: Hill & Garwood Printing Limited. Available at: https://www.forestry.gov.uk/pdf/LONDONI-TREEECOREPORT151202.pdf/$FILE/LONDONITREEECOREPORT151202.pdf [Accessed 21 April 2018]. RYAN, D. 2017. Rough Sleeping Statistics Autumn 2017, England (Revised). Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/ government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/682001/Rough_Sleeping_ Autumn_2017_Statistical_Release_-_revised.pdf [Accessed 21 April 2018].
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SENNET, R., 2018. The Open City. In: HASS, TIGRAN and WESTLUND, HANS. The Post Urban World: Emergent Transformation of Cities and Regions in the Innovative Global Economy. New York: Routledge, 97-106. SHENKER, J. 2017. Revealed: The Insidious Creep of Pseudo-Public Space in London. The Guardian, 24 July. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/jul/24/revealed-pseudo-publicspace-pops-london-investigation-map [Accessed 5 January 2018]. STIERLI, M. 2010. Monuments to Modernity. In: BAAN, IWAN. Brasilia-Chandigarh: Living with Modernity. Baden: Lars Muller Publishers, 230-238. VIDLER, A. 2001. Aftermath, A City Transformed: Designing ‘Defensible Space’. The New York Times. 23 September. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2001/09/23/weekinreview/aftermath-acity-transformed-designing-defensible-space.html [Accessed 20 April 2018]. YOUNG, I. 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
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THE LABOUR MIRACLE
18 / IMAGE REFERENCES [Fig 1]
AUTHOR, 2018, Jeremy Corbyn’s Idea.
[Fig 2]
AUTHOR, 2018. Jeremy Corbyn and Theresa May.
[Fig 3]
AUTHOR, 2018. Jeremy Corbyn and Shadow Cabinet plan the Labour Miracle.
[Fig 4]
MORE, T. 1516. Woodcut Cover of the Island of Utopia.
[Fig 5]
MITCHELL, T. 2007. Flood. [Film Still] Online Video. Lionsgate UK
[Fig 6]
GETTY IMAGES, 1947. A policeman uses a telephone from a boat in a flooded street in Bath.
[Fig 7]
CENTRAL PRESS, 1928. A section of the moat at the Tower of London under water during the London flood.
[Fig 8]
CORBUSIER, L. 1924. Ville Radieuse Plan.
[Fig 9]
CORBUSIER, L. 1951. Plan of Chandigarh, India.
[Fig 10]
COSTA, L. 1957. ‘Pilot’ Plan of Brasilia.
[Fig 11]
BHARNE, V. 2008. High Court, View from Esplanade. [Online Image] Available at: https://www.planetizen.com/node/42309 [Accessed 10 May 2018].
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GOOGLE. 2013. Desire Paths in Brasilia. [Screen Capture] Google Earth.
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[Fig 14]
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[Fig 15] DAS, D. 2015. A train rushes pas a group of children playing football on the train tracks. [Online Image] Available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ article-3097192/ The-filthy-dangerous-life-India-s-poorest-slum-children-play-train-tracks-parents- cook-bamboo-shelters-just-feet-away-onrushing-carriages.html [Accessed 10 May 2018]. [Fig 16] PENGILLY, T. 2017. The Privately Owned Public Space, Granary Square. The Guardian [Online Image] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/ jul/24/revealed-pseudo-public-space-pops-london-investigation-map [Accessed 10 May 2018]. [Fig 17] LLOYD, M. 2012. Occupy protesters on a Barricade outside St. Paul’s Cathedral. [Online Image] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/ jul/24/revealed-pseudo-public-space-pops-london-investigation-map [Accessed 10 May 2018]. [Fig 18]
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[Fig 19]
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[Fig 20] GUTIERREZ, P. 2017. The Privately Owned Public Space, Granary Square. The Guardian [Online Image] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/ jul/24/revealed-pseudo-public-space-pops-london-investigation-map [Accessed 10 May 2018]. [Fig 21]
AUTHOR. 2018. Aerial View of the Labour Miracle Looking East.
[Fig 22]
AUTHOR. 2018. Key Reasoning behind Brexit.
[Fig 23]
AUTHOR. 2018. Mapping Brexit and 2017 General Election.
[Fig 24] GUTIERREZ, P. 2017. The Privately Owned Public Space, Granary Square. The Guardian [Online Image] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/ jul/24/revealed-pseudo-public-space-pops-london-investigation-map [Accessed 10 May 2018]. [Fig 25]
AUTHOR. 2018. Sea Level Rise Along the Thames Estuary.
[Fig 26]
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[Fig 27]
AUTHOR. 2018. Existing and proposed public space, Thames Estuary.
[Fig 28]
AUTHOR. 2018. John Mcdonnell on Nationalisation.
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[Fig 29] MINISTRY OF INFORMATION. 1939-1945. Allotments in Kensington Gardens, London, all part of the ‘Dig for Victory’ scheme in 1942. [Online Image] Available at: http://www.iwmprints.org.uk/image/742988/ministry-of-information-photo- division-photographer-allotments-in-kensington-gardens-london-all-part-of-the- dig-for-victory-scheme-in-1942 [Accessed on 15 May 2018]. [Fig 30] MINISTRY OF INFORMATION. 1939-1945. Dig for victory: vegetable growing during WWII. [Fig 31]
AUTHOR. 2018. Labour Miracle Public Space
[Fig 32] MAYOR OF LONDON. 2017. Natural Capital: Accounts for Public Green Space in London. Available at: http://www.vivideconomics.com/wp-content/uploads/ 2017/11/Natural-Capital-Accounts-Report-GLA-NT-HLF.pdf [Accessed 12 March 2018]. [Fig 33] WONG, E. 2012. Thames Barrier Park. [Online Image] Available at: http://ericbwongderivatives.blogspot.dk/2012/06/thames-barrier-park.html [Accessed 15 May 2018] [Fig 34] ROGERS, K., SACRE, K., GOODENOUGH, J., AND DOICK, K. 2015. Valuing London’s Urban Forest: Results of the London i-Tree Eco Project. London: Hill & Garwood Printing Limited. Available at: https://www.forestry.gov.uk/pdf/ LONDONI-TREEECOREPORT151202.pdf/$FILE/LONDONI- TREEECOREPORT151202.pdf [Accessed 21 April 2018]. [Fig 35] RYAN, D. 2017. Rough Sleeping Statistics Autumn 2017, England (Revised). Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government. Available at: https:// assets.publishing. service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/682001/ Rough_Sleeping_Autumn_2017_Statistical_Release_-_revised.pdf [Accessed 21 April 2018].
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[Fig 36]
AUTHOR. 2018. Map of site and 10m sea level rise UK.
[Fig 37]
AUTHOR. 2018. So… You’re Going to be Flooded.
[Fig 38] AUTHOR. 2018. Plan of Capital for the Collective: The Labour Miracle and a tectonic overview.
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