Urban loopholes

Urban Loopholes

Learning from Shanghai Urban adaptive reuse, creative production, consumerism, and heritage protection have formed alliances for the transformation of inner-city districts of Shanghai.

This in-depth study, based on the author’s intimate familiarity of the local scene and supplemented by her critical outsider’s insights, describes the strategies, players, and processes of uniquely Chinese models of urban transformation. Concepts like the “urban loophole,” “preservation via inhabitation,” and “gentrification with Chinese characteristics” localize the specific mechanisms for urban development in Shanghai in the larger body of theories of con­ temporary urban transformation. They offer frameworks for understanding the urban spatial productions of rapidly developing and transitioning political economies.

Urban Loopholes

Creative Alliances of Spatial Production in Shanghai’s City Center

Urban Loopholes invites the reader to rethink the necessity of urban resilience in the face of globalization’s impact for change.

Ying Zhou

“This book convincingly mediates the quintessence of the history of Chinese economic development in relation to urbanization.”

Kees Christiaanse in his Foreword

Ying Zhou

ISBN 978-3-0356-1104-5

www.birkhauser.com

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16.05.17 10:38

6 Preface 14

Urban Transformation in Diverse Inner-city Neighborhoods in Shanghai Foreword by Kees Christiaanse 17

Chapter 1: Introduction The Context of the Transition Economy and the Chinese City Conceptual Framework: the Urban Loophole 37 Research Methods 48 Existing Studies on Urban China in Transition 54 Content and Structure 22

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69 Chapter 2: The Residential Neighborhood

80 86 90 99 106 111 118 126 129

Seeds of Housing Marketization, Foreign Investment, and Reconnecting to the World State Institutions, Housing Marketization, and the Gap of Opportunity Expedited Know-How Import and the Dual Market Before the Tower: the Lilong Origins of the Residual Conditions Preservation of Ambiguous Property Rights Demographic Shift and Commercial Spatial Demand Incremental Conversions and Small Creative Entrepreneurs Changing Habitat

143

Chapter 3: The Cultural Street 150 162 170 177 185

198 206 210

From First Recognitions of Architectural Heritage to Implementation Setting the Context for Heritage Policy Implementation The Old House and the Club House—Changing Market Supply and Demand Localized Cosmopolitans and the Developing of Le Passage Fuxing and Ferguson Lane Conserving Heritage: Lane 1754 (Aka 1768) and Lane 117 The ‘Western’ District and Learning from the ‘Beautification Plan’ The World Primary School and Small Entrepreneurs Approximating Globalization and the State’s Appropriation

235 Chapter 4: The Midtown of China

243 254 261 272 281 287 296 313

The Paragon of Economic Liberalization: Jing’an District and the Development of West Nanjing Lu Evocation of Heritage—Redefining Jing’an Villas Jing’an Villas’ Commercialization and Creative Enterprises The Precedent of Tianzifang for Commercialization The Public Relations Wars and the Differing Visions of Jing’an Villas’ Future The Neighboring En-Bloc Development of Dazhongli Zhang Gardens: Jing’an Develops Its Heritage Value Gentrification with Chinese Characteristics

335 Chapter 5: The New Economies

339 Alternative Business Plan for Creative Incubation: Anken Green 350 New Local-Global Alliances: the Upgrade of Yongkang Lu 364 The New Economies 379 Chapter 6: The Contemporary Art Ecologies 384

394 400 404 408

From Contestation to Appropriation: the Transformation of M50 “Made in China”: New Museums and the Business of Art Uncertainty and Regeneration Art and Architecture Catalyze Development Contemporary Art Ecologies

423

Chapter 7: Outlook 425 Cases from Shanghai and Urban Loopholes 428 Shifts in the Urban Loopholes under Economic Transition 430 The Urban Loopholes as Equilibrators and Learning From the Urban Loophole 435 Acknowledgments 437 About the Author 438

Illustration Credits 441

Index of Persons, Institutions, and Firms

Preface “If we don’t know where we come from, we are standing nowhere.”

Ai Weiwei, interview with Evan Osnos for the New Yorker Festival, 2014 When I want to describe what it was like to live under the strictures of a socialist planned economy, I usually start with a fond memory of ice cream in the early 1980s.

In the sweltering summers of Shanghai back then, I would explain, there were two kinds of ice cream to which a child like myself could look forward. Both were cubic blocks wrapped in thin wax paper packed in blue cardboard boxes, and opened to the creamy white ‘iced bricks [冰砖]’ with the only flavor possible to ice cream a child of that place and that time could know. The choice between the ‘medium-sized brick [中砖]’ and the ‘large-sized brick [大砖]’ was an obvious one, although I had to weigh the melting speed of the larger piece against the infrequency of refrigerators in the city.

Ice cream is something to which almost everyone reading this can relate. I use ice cream to explain because the abundance represented by the contemporary diversity of flavors, sizes, types, not to mention places where one could procure them, is something that we often take for granted. My limited scope of ice cream corresponded with a drawn-out era in Chinese history when central planning had also controlled every aspect of daily life, from consumer products and housing to education and jobs. It isolated the vast country of billions from the changing outside world. Central planning and the political ideologies of socialism are abstract concepts. But the availability and choice of ice cream is a concrete, lived experience. From our perspective of living in globally connected market economies, where having choices is a given, a fundamental reflection on the tremendous transformations that have taken place in China, bringing it from one of socialist planning to market capitalism, or more concretely from preciously limited to overwhelming choices for ice cream, is crucial to any further studies of the country, and other similarly managed places in the world today.

I use ice cream to explain, also, because, as an architect, I am also interested in the place where I had lined up at the Dairy Factory [牛奶棚]. Today, it is where the white tiled mammoth of the Shanghai Library stands. Like many parts of the city of Shanghai that have undergone complete renewal since the early 1990s, the neighborhood—my memories of ice cream queues took place here—which had been a suburban edge of the 1980s city, has also become centrally located prime real estate in the expansive metropolis of Shanghai today. In the proliferation of consumer choices and the spatial expansion within the three decades since economic liberalization began, the transformations of Shanghai have been tremendous. The transformations in the municipal region of more than twenty-plus million are embodied in my memory of those ice cream blocks. From the humble and locally produced blue-packaged Guangming brand, the only one at the time, to today’s snazzy Häagen-Dazs parlors, fro-yo bars, iced mooncake fads, and whatnot, not only has consumerism, propelled by globally-circulated capitalism, returned and blossomed; but together with policies and developments that have made it all possible, it has resulted in locally specific urban spatial productions that have fundamentally reshaped the city. Both the changing urban society and its spatial transformations are important to the ensuing study. (Fig. 1) Through lenses spe6

Fig. 1 Photo collage of Deng Xiaoping from a large mural featuring the skyline of Shenzhen and representing China’s economic liberalization as propelled by the Deng-led central government, with the skyline of Shanghai’s Bund and Pudong, representing the central government’s decision to make Shanghai the ‘Dragon’s Head’ of the nation, initiating accelerated economic marketization and the rapid urban transition that took place (photo collage by author)

cific to the discipline of architecture and urban design, the following piece will try to unpack how the mechanisms of urban spatial production facilitated and manifested the rapid growth, transformations, and globalization in the contemporary Chinese city of Shanghai. It is from the empirically gathered physical and social-economic manifestations of the everyday that the study of urban spatial production reveals the broader development in the political economy of rapidly changing cities.

I am of the urban generation born in the decade after the death of China’s great leader Mao, and my memories span from the ones before me who experienced the famines of the Great Leap Forward and the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution and

from overseas wires. I lived in a flat that, though crowded by Western standards, was not shared with two or three other families and was not short on modern infrastructure. The winters were cold, for all indoor heating appliances had been removed by the post-Liberation decree for cities south of the Yangtze River. Unscientific though it clearly was, the authorities had perhaps really believed that central planning could even overcome the weather and that the massive region south of Yangtze did not need

Preface

those who came after me knowing only the rapid growth and change of economic liberalization. I was a privileged child. I lived in a city, and a relatively well-off one for the then impoverished China. My family had a refrigerator in an era when appliances were limited and bought only through foreign currency exchange certificates procured

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heating. Nevertheless, with ice cream came summer, and then came the fridge, washing machine, television, and even television shows, on one single channel. Compared with when I was born, with my mother’s hukou still not returned to Shanghai after having been sent to the countryside like millions of other urban youths, and food was rationed and coupons for agricultural products were still the currency of exchange for the socialist planned economy, life was improving.

I was fortunate to grow up in the times of change, change for the better nonetheless. With Disney’s Snow White and Romy Schneider’s Princess Sissi showing at the cinemas, and jeans and sneakers appearing in street markets, not only was China no longer tormented by political upheavals and ideological wars that took tremendous toll on the ordinary people’s everyday lives, but cities, particularly those like Shanghai, were using their cosmopolitan pasts to reconnect to the outside world. In the midst of the tremendous changes to come though, I left the country, with my parents. Like many in Shanghai who had pre-1949 familial links to the West, a transcontinental change boded life’s even better betterment. It was only when we watched the hopes that had united the idealistic students and pragmatic workers dashed, in the Tiananmen Square of 1989, from the safety in front of our tiny but colored CNN -looping television, that my parents, like many Chinese students who had only planned on a short sojourn in the U.S. before returning, decided indeed to remain away from their country. It was the clarity of that defining event—perhaps magnified by the commentaries so openly uttered—rather than the repeated uncertainties that they had suffered in the decades before, that convinced them of the choice. It was, as I would only realize later, also for my future. I was spared the trauma of the 1990s state-owned enterprise (SOE ) layoffs and the mad optimism of demolition and urban renewals. But after an East Coast liberal arts education and stints in cities like New York, Boston, Basel, I would arrive in Shanghai, realizing that I have an understanding of China’s inherent logic and an outsider’s eye that saw many things that most who remained could not.

It was early one evening in Damascus, in the fall of 2009. I was teaching and had in tow twelve architecture students. I noted out loud that the street we were walking down reminded me of Shanghai. In daylight, the people, the signage, the buildings, surely would have given away that I was not on Huaihai Lu, or the former Avenue Joffre. But in the early dusk light, the proportion of spaces duped my ability to discern the city. When we continued onto other boulevards the next day, my visceral confusion of places was confirmed, by the realization that those trees were platanus. (Fig. 2) Their distance apart, their relations to the sidewalk, the setback of the buildings and the proportions of the road to the architecture, their role in the beautification of the city were part of the spatial vocabulary for urbanism of the French mandate in Damascus. The platanus were also the same ones in Shanghai. In the western-end of the former French concessions where I was born and grew up, the trees had lovingly canopied over the freshly tarmacked streets in the summers. The convergence of the images made me realize the planning ideologies that had shaped mine and many others’ memories of cities.

Other things we learned in our two weeks in Damascus also made me realize that I could understand its urbanism. This was not only because I understand already its colonial legacies and planning ideologies; but also because I understand the logic of 8

Fig. 2 Photos of the platanus trees from Damascus, which triggered the theoretical framework for this study, 2009

another nation with a transitioning economy, China, whose city also manifested its encounter with modernity, Shanghai. It was another strangely confirming moment, when one of my students, a girl from Chongqing, burst into tears as the dean of Damascus University explained their urban transformation processes. She was distressed at how similarly the descriptions sounded to the ones we knew from China. Growing inequality deviating from the original tenets of socialism, the rampant commodification of architecture heritage, the development projects on extra-territorial lands by global capital. The processes of change that the country is undergoing following its economic liberalization, and specifically its urban spatial manifestations, echoed the ones

scent conceptual framework. As someone with intimate knowledge of the city’s palettes, memories, culture, as well as my undetectably local dialect, doors opened more readily and more easily for me than for transplanted scholars, even Chinese ones. I had gleaned enough to understand the ticking of the city. My empathies as an insider are

Preface

we knew. The concept of the ‘urban loophole,’ which will be the underlying red thread through the ensuing text, grew out of my observations from Damascus, but would become an important conceptual framework for deepening the understanding of how the urban spatial production processes informed and were impressed by a transitioning political economy. The first inklings of the urban loophole came out in an article in the issue themed “Resilient Cities” in the journal, Critical Planning, in 2010.

Shanghai, thus, came easily as the chosen site for a deeper study using this na-

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also supplemented by a critical outsider’s insights, garnered from extensive exposure to many cities in the world. This double role of being both local and global, much in the vein of the modern era Shanghainese—this I will explain throughout the ensuing chapters—had motivated a fledgling undergraduate thesis about the city in the early 2000s, reconstructing the contemporary urgency for the city’s renaissance. In my ensuing trips, the city that I initially found coarse rapidly blossomed. Shanghai’s evolution in the 2000s was undeniably radical. Every year made me feel like a muttering old lady lamenting the disappearance of favorite haunts, especially the hole-in-thewall food places. At the same time, I was also impressed by the variety of new spots that flaunt ever more cutting-edge entrepreneurial experimentation. Clearly, the city is again taking on a role in shaping a global paradigm shift.

After living in the early 2000s Williamsburg of New York, I sought out and easily found neighborhoods like Prenzlauer Berg, Bricklane, Nørrebro, Kreis 5, areas known as creative quartiers in the cities I traipsed through. I was aware I am very much one of these multilingual cosmopolites who gravitated toward places frequently by other multi-culturals, finding my habitus in the patina of diversity and vibe of creativity. I attributed my curiosity for the different and new also to my Shanghainese cosmopolitan legacy, although in the city it was, at the time, still buried underneath the rubble of its demolitions, but emerging. Aside from the ice cream anecdote, I am fond of telling Westerners, especially Europeans I meet when I explain Shanghai, of the mont blanc dessert that my mother grew up eating. The creamy vermicelli was supposed to be an import from the Borgia household to the French patisseries and was made during the fall harvest of chestnuts. But it was also the treat that little girls with grandparents who studied abroad ate in 1950s Shanghai, just as the tap dancing lessons and Holly­ wood cinema were what their mothers indulged in the 1930s. To a world that had belittled the poor, isolated, and backwards China in the 1990s, these stories spoke to a worldliness and cultural affluence that was embedded in the everyday life of a city which had rivaled New York and Paris in its former cosmopolitanism. After 1949 indeed, many emigrated from Shanghai: Yo-Yo Ma, I. M. Pei, and Vera Wang amongst the well-known of these, far more worldly than their hosts would have suspected.

Even though this study initially set out to be contextualized largely in the two decades from 1992 to 2012, the impact of historic legacy plays a crucial role to understanding the specificities of Shanghai’s contemporary developments. Chinese scholarly research has largely kept mum about the proceedings of the post-Liberation era.

Yet my own knowledge of the fates of many of the heritage buildings from my childhood neighborhood, for example, including the Palmer and Turner-designed building in which I was born and lived, made this unspoken past crucial to understanding and communicating the contemporary potentials for many of the neighborhoods being studied. My privileged position, both as an insider and also as an outsider, able to, at the very least, record this recent past, has compelled me to put in writing many things that may seem obvious to locals but will soon disappear with the country’s contemporary eagerness to forget. The fieldwork and interviews that carry the weight for the conceptualization of the study take the contemporary investigation as a lens through which the historic layers are collapsed, relating spatial legacies to contemporary urban spatial production. Taking place largely in the city center neighborhoods, where spatial complexities are multiplied by socio-political nuances, the surprising absence 10

of spatial specificities in the study of the socio-economic transition in the last decades was another motivation for what I feel is an urgent piece in the fleeting ‘moving target’ of a rapidly changing Chinese city.

Writing as an architect, the frame for the study is spatial. I analyze the socio-economic, cultural, political transformations through their spatial impact. The city as an imprint of the multiple forces could be no better specimen from which to understand the fundamental transformations to society, which, in turn, also inform the city as spaces, people and forces itself. (Fig. 3) Fundamental questions like, why is this building where it is, why is it this kind of building, rather than that, and why is it this program, rather than that, often lead to questions that overlap with realms examined by other disciplines. Urban sociologists would ask, who and how many of these people are here. Urban economists would ask, how much does it cost to own or rent, and how long is the lease. Lawyers may ask for the tenure type and ownership contracts, posing questions that may traverse philosophy and morality. Historians may ask, how old is this building, and what is the story of its creation. This study is thus most indebted to the scholars who precede me in their detailed analyses of the transformation processes, procedures, and statistics, from the disciplines of sociology, economics, politics, law, real estate, and many more. The quantitative data analyses that are outside the scope of my research are important in grounding my grasp of the larger trends. My own fieldwork- and interview-based mappings and qualitative analyses hope to contribute to the larger body of knowledge on urban transformation.

The newest proclamation for a China Dream magnifies the growing anxiety of a

Preface

world watching the rising economic and political clout of the largest country in the last decades. Despite the abstractness of the notion of a ‘China Dream’ itself and the vagueness of its goals and realizations, even as it suggests and rivals the promise of an ‘American Dream’, the pressing question seems what does this aspirational ‘Dream’ bode for the future, and what will it mean to the world. It is perhaps more than timely that an examination of the urban transformation of the largest city in China could yield insights to the global aspirations and their localizations since Shanghai was declared the ‘head of the Dragon’ in 1992. As a modern city built to ease China’s global integration and capital mobilization in the beginning of the 20th century, Shanghai’s re-emergence as a global city since economic liberalization accelerated in the 1990s marks it a specific case of the aspirations that motivate and are motivated by the speed and quantity of the city’s spatial transformations.

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Fig. 3 Commercial insertions into ground-floor street-front buildings taken in 2011 and 2012

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Urban Transformation in Diverse Inner-city Neighborhoods in Shanghai Kees Christiaanse Ying Zhou’s book Urban Loopholes focuses both on aspects of diversity in the specific urban environment of the early 20th century modern(ist) quarters in Shanghai, as well as on the more generic level of the Chinese, the Asian and even global city.

It brings these scales together by embedding the urban transformation of the Shanghai neighborhoods into the economic development of China within the context of global urbanization.

Ying Zhou is a native from Shanghai and was raised in the USA . She was born after Mao’s death in the wake of the allocation of Special Economic Zones by Deng Xiaoping, resulting in Shanghai’s designation as “The Dragon’s Head” in 1992. She grew up in a pre-war modern apartment in the former French Concession, and followed her parents who studied in the USA . Ying studied at Princeton and Harvard and worked in Studio Basel in Switzerland for Herzog & de Meuron before landing in the Future Cities Laboratory of the ETH Zürich in Singapore, in my research team on Urban Breeding Grounds.

The timeline of the urban transformation processes described in her research runs parallel with her biography. Having both a local and a diaspora background makes her intimately related to the actors that drive urban transformation. Despite this relation, Ying Zhou was able to keep sufficient critical distance to the subject. Her deep knowledge of the local context was an advantage to her research.

Shanghai’s central neighborhoods show an amazing diversity. They are popular with “localized cosmopolitans,” who are active in various forms of entrepreneurship and real estate development. Superficially, the areas remind one of cultural districts in Berlin or New York. But their urban transformation follows entirely different mechanisms.

Their vibrant dynamic balance lies in the frictions caused by the parallel regimes of administration and economy on the one hand and the semi-controlled liberalization of the market on the other.

The speed of economic change forced the government to test, adapt, and improvise with its economic policies. This step-by-step engagement in market economy mechanisms became known as “crossing the river while feeling the rocks.” The resulting ambiguity in policy, legislation, and enforcement offered windows of opportunity for private and governmental actors to engage in urban transformation. For these windows of opportunity, Ying Zhou introduced the term urban loophole to describe the transitional, fuzzy, and ambiguous moments between different administrative regimes, exploited by various actors in urban (re)development.

She meticulously describes how, over a time span of only 20 years, from 1992–2012, the urban loopholes change from tolerating semi-legal small entrepreneurs to becoming a deliberate instrument of urban renewal by the government. She shows how both private and government parties are in a reciprocal “learning by doing” relationship, steadily adapting their strategies.

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In the early phases of economic liberalization, the urban loophole consisted of active street fronts, caused by families moving out of houses originally designed for one household but, since the revolution, overcrowded by multiple families, freeing up the ground floor for retail and other commercial activities. The government deliberately tolerated this informal use in order to stimulate micro-economic activity and the procurement of daily amenities.

Simultaneously, a “dual market” emerged, consisting of cheap state housing under plan economy, and commodified housing, of which use rights were sold to residents who engaged in the real estate market.

The inertness of owner or user status regulated by the government created a certain resilience of neighborhoods against rapid gentrification and indirectly stimulated heritage consciousness, when trendsetters from outside discovered the potential value of the built substance (see the chapters on “Preservation by Inhabitation”).

In more recent cases, district governments commercially exploit “administrativelyallocated land,” which in fact is not allowed to be marketized, by creating an “official” urban loophole, in the form of an exception for “creative clusters” to be allowed on this land in order to stimulate the economy. Ying Zhou carefully sketches the development of the urban loophole from an informal and bottom-up phenomenon into a deliberate policy instrument for local governments. For her case studies, she selected three squares of approximately one square kilometer in the specifically modern(-ist) and

author’s discipline of architecture, offers a level of detail over a time span that is unprecedented. A timeframe of more than two decades how past transformations have conditioned the present, an analysis that in turn can guide the instrumentality—or design agency—of future interventions in the city.”

This work fills a gap and enriches current research and publications on the theme, as Chinese studies are often rather uncritical, academically immature, or superficially written for a non-academic audience. Western studies often tend to approach urban transformation from the Western perspective of social democratic market economy.

This book convincingly mediates the quintessence of the history of Chinese economic development in relation to urbanization. Secondly, it is a history of the urban development of Shanghai, of the emergence of heritage policies, and of the upcoming creative industries. But foremost, it is a precise rendering of how agents and governments in complex urban conditions reciprocally react to changing circumstances and define and exploit development opportunities by creatively interpreting and applying legislation ambiguities.

Urban Transformation in Diverse Inner-city Neighborhoods in Shanghai

central lilong neighborhoods, where contrasting developments and diversity are significant. She describes urban transformation in detail. The level of detail and the nuances, the enormous amount of material she gathered, and the clear way in which she organized the material in a compelling narrative, leads to results that she describes herself: “The scalar specificity with which this study has been conducted, coming from the

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Chapter 1 Introduction The Context of the Transition Economy and the Chinese City Conceptual Framework: the Urban Loophole Research Methods Existing Studies on Urban China in Transition Content and Structure

“… serious analysis of nearly all of the important aspects of life in China must, eventually, confront Shanghai and its special place in the Chinese scheme of things.”

Lucian Pye 1 “… if we find new words there is a hope of producing a framework of understanding.

Without a framework any means of instrumentality are futile.”

Rem Koolhaas 2 In old city center neighborhoods of Shanghai, socio-demographic, cultural, and economic changes have produced and are producing new trend quarters with a vibe echoing the likes of Berlin Prenzlauer Berg or New York Williamsburg, neighborhoods known as the harbingers of the creative class. Less eye-catching and more everyday than what has often been presented as the glossy “city on steroids,” 3 incremental developments inside the fine-grained urban morphology are creating unique mixedused neighborhoods. The transformations are not only sustaining the culturally rich and economically thriving neighborhoods; they are also attracting international talent to the city. In the rhetoric of the global competition of cities, it is by attracting the mobile, transnational creatives in whom the capital of knowledge industries is embedded, that these areas physically manifest the urban transition to a post-industrial phase of economic development. In light of the Chinese economy’s slowdown, these neighborhoods, better than the new towns and development zones, represent the potential of a more stabilizing shift from rapid progress to sustainable prosperity.

The Chinese city’s enthusiasm for roaring highways, rising towers, gleaming shopping malls and more recently, the adverse effects of the rapid realization of their goals are still what allures Western media. Academic studies have also focused on the spectacular aspects of Chinese urbanism’s renewal processes, (Fig. 1) zooming in on the most prominent productions of new global spaces. The following study, in contrast, follows the several-decade-long transformation of Chinese city center neighborhoods.

It reveals the intricacies and underlying mechanisms of China’s urban spatial production.4 Through the lens of urban spatial production, the study offers as yet unexamined explanations for the rapidness of Shanghai’s economic transition and global integration. What do the urban transformations in city center neighborhoods reveal about how the post-socialist city in a developing country, which had isolated itself from the world for three decades, so rapidly re-globalized?

Scholars who have theorized China’s urban transformation have largely done so from a macro perspective, relying on existing, Western models of governance to explain the Chinese city’s rapid transition.5 In contrast, the scalar specificity with which this study has been conducted, coming from the author’s discipline of architecture, offers a level of detail over a time span that is unprecedented.6 Using detailed case studies to document and analyze aspects of Shanghai’s urban transformations over a timeframe of more than two decades—since China’s economic liberalization began—the study engages a ‘genealogical mode of inquiry.’ 7 The genealogical mode of inquiry is a critical analysis of how past transformations have conditioned the present, an analysis that in turn can guide the instrumentality—or design agency—of future interventions in the city. The cases unravel the localized nuances that confound Western presumptions of property rights, institutional stability and clarity. They disentangle the 18

2000

2010

Fig. 1 Aerial photographs of Shanghai’s city center area’s transformation between 2000, left, and 2010, right

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actors, processes, and drivers that have produced the physical environment visible today.8 They help explain how the pattern of processes has eased the rapidness of China’s urban transition and facilitated its global integration. In the specificity of spatial production processes the instrumentality crucial to the discipline of architecture also becomes possible.9 Motivated by the need for a fresh framework that can support instrumentality, the concept of the ‘urban loophole’ is proposed as a theoretical framework for understanding the processes and phenomena observed in the study. The term, as elabo­ rated in a following section, describes a mechanism for spatial production in a rapidly transforming political economy.10 The urban loophole mechanism is not a conventional or sanctioned pathway to urban development, but rather a means for creating urban spaces to meet market demands by exploiting gaps and oversight in the formal institutions and governance structures. The numerous small stores that have popped up informally in Shanghai’s residential neighborhoods are prominent products of the urban loophole. The subtler tactics in the commercial redevelopment of formerly industrial lands, under the guise of a developing creative industries cluster, for example, also shows use of the urban loophole. The urban loophole’s existence, in short, is a symptom of transition in the political economy. Its products in the physical environment manifest the mediation and facilitation processes that are enablers of a rapid economic transition. Other manifestations and enablers of China’s economic transition, including what theorists have termed its ‘adaptive governance’, 11 ‘institutional amphibiousness’, 12 ‘dual market’ 13 and more, help produce and are partly induced by the urban loophole. Understanding the spatial processes resulting from the urban loophole thus helps clarify China’s urban transformation in the context of its economic transition. The concept of the ‘urban loophole’ is relevant to understanding not only the transitioning political economy of China, but also other political economies under rapid transition. Especially at a time when the so-called ‘Chinese model’ 14—in which successful economic development does not preclude political autocracy—is becoming increasingly convincing, this study is a timely and necessary investigation of the spatial mechanisms of the ‘Chinese model.’

Despite the exponentially growing number of China analysts claiming to be de­ coding the so-called Middle Kingdom, the country remains largely a mystifying monolith to the outside world. In all its complexities, it is incompletely understood.15 The sheer size of China, as it remakes the world in its own image, from forays into subSaharan Africa to the suburbs of North America, has fueled a growing anxiety about the reach of its power.16 Shanghai’s rise exemplifies the simultaneous wariness and fascination of China’s outsider observers. In 1992, the city was deliberately chosen by the Chinese leadership to spearhead the country’s global conquest. Two decades later, the sci-fi film Her used Shanghai’s sleek state-of-the-art skyscrapers to play the backdrop of a future Los Angeles.17 It is thus surprising that few studies exist that explain the nuances of China’s urban developments and relate them to its global aspirations.

This would not only diffuse the amalgamated anxieties but also clarify what makes the country tick.

The city center neighborhoods of Shanghai, as a result of legacy conditions, exemplify the localized nuances that confound Western presumptions. They encompass the ‘wicked problems’ of Chinese urbanism:18 the production of global-looking spaces 20

through local procedures, the persistence of dual markets where market and planned economics continue to coexist, the perpetuation of ambiguous property rights, the adaptive and discretionary local state, and more. Few other locales in urban China show the coexistence of these wicked problems in such visible proximity. How these neighborhoods have transformed into what look like new trend quarters is a question, for which answers would be valuable to scholars of economic transition and urban planning. Firstly, how did these neighborhoods survive the urban restructuring and prevalent demolition-redevelopments that accompanied economic transition? Who are the actors, what are the building types and urban structures, and what are the urban spatial production processes, exogenous and endogenous, that enabled these neighborhoods to thrive? In the context of local institutional frameworks that con-

studies, and more. It also outlines the posited shifts in the urban loophole, reflecting changes in urban transition. The section “Research Methods” will elaborate the relationship between the conceptual framework and the case study method used in the research.19 The use of the case study method, with cases framed by a particular timespan and bounded by geographic location of a specific scale, shapes the ‘spatial cases’ of the research, which are specific to the discipline of architecture. Given that the subject and location of study is in China, where productive criticality is often stifled, the study’s alignment with the genealogical mode of inquiry, as one that problematizes the dominant historic narrative 20 and incites instrumentality, is deemed especially necessary. This aspect of the study’s relevance is elaborated in the section, “Existing Studies on Urban China in Transition,” where a review of existing literature on Chinese urbanism, on Shanghai, and on the different topics of research also follow. The section will show how the study fills an important gap in the lacuna of relevant studies on China’s urban transition. It will also show the necessity of traversing the local-non-local divide in any study on Chinese urbanism. Finally, an overview of the chapter will be outlined in the last section, “Content and Structure.”

Chapter 1 Introduction

tain vestiges of the planned economy, how was it possible that the market processes of globalized consumption and production are not only realized but also innovated?

What are the urban loopholes, and why are they important to these urban transitions?

How have they impeded or abetted the transformation processes? More broadly, what do these experiences and their take-aways offer to other emerging economies, transition economies, and their urban constituencies? How do the transformation processes observed in China help redefine existing frameworks and formulate new ones to instrumentalize agency?

The first section of this chapter, “The Context of the Transition Economy and the Chinese City,” gives an overview of the impact of economic transition on the Chinese city. This background, elaborated in more detail in the chapters, is necessary for understanding the conceptual framework of the urban loophole, which serves as a red thread through the study. The second section, “Conceptual Framework: the Urban Loophole,” defines the concept of the urban loophole, explains its relationship to existing theories on China’s economic transition from the fields of political science, sociology, urban

21

The Context of the Transition Economy and the Chinese City In 1992, the then paramount leader of China, Deng Xiaoping, declared Shanghai the “Dragon’s Head [龙头]” in the acceleration of the nation’s economic transition. Economic liberalization had already begun more than a decade prior, when the death of Mao Zedong wrought a fundamental reconceptualization of China’s political economy. From decades of ideologically fraught governing practices and economically isolating central planning that had devastated the once economically vibrant, albeit politically unstable nation, the pace shifted to incorporate market elements in the 1980s, bolstered long-stagnant productivity and sparked economic growth. From an insulated planned economy to a globally oriented ‘socialist market economy,’ 21 China’s economic transition at the time also seemed to resonate with the broader bent towards privatization and neoliberalism that was taking over the world at that moment.22 The first trial sites for market economics within Chinese jurisdiction were set up in the 1980s; they took the form of Special Economic Zones (SEZ s) in proximity to Hong Kong, a market economy British sovereignty that had often served as one of the only entry points of global flows into sealed-off Red China. With their success, the opening of fourteen coastal cities to foreign investments in the mid-1980s further tested the viability of economic opening within the confines of existing institutional structures.

From a nation state based on a centrally planned economy, formed under the tenets of Communist ideology, with all resources centrally allocated and consumption centrally controlled, the transition to a market-oriented economy in the 1980s was aptly called ‘reform and opening [改革开放].’ Motivated by aspirations for a xiaokang [小康] society, one where the citizens lived comfortably and with above-basic living standards, the pursuit of economic growth directly reflected the scarcities of everyday life as a result of decades of failed five-year plans. Economic reform at first allowed the setup of a parallel market system that could coexist and interact with the planned resource conduits. The government instituted the parallel market to prod economic efficiency through limited competition.23 Farmers, the first to be encouraged to increase productivity by rural reforms in 1978, were able to sell their above-quota surplus agrarian products at the ‘free markets [自由市场]’ of the 1980s. (Fig. 2) In cities where demand existed, small street markets also began to supply household goods sourced from southern

Fig. 2 Deng Xiaoping visiting Shanghai’s “free markets” in the 1980 s

22

China. The proximity of southern China to free market Hong Kong created a small group of independent entrepreneurs.

The central government also began to implement devolution of the highly centralized bureaucratic and fiscal structure in the 1980s, giving regional and local states increas-

ing autonomy in financial and urban management. For Shanghai, one of the largest industrial centers in the country, and which had overwhelmingly contributed to the national GDP since the foundation of the nation in 1949, growing fiscal autonomy brought welcome relief. Obligatory

LIAODONG PENINSULA

remittance to the central government had extracted nearly 87 percent of Shanghai’s total revenue in the three decades since 1949. This amounted to as much as one-sixth of the Chinese state’s total revenue.24 While Shanghai’s fiscal contribution bequeathed central government-selected inland cities with capital for their developments, it impeded the city’s urgent and growing need for infrastructure and housing developments. In 1985, the central government’s State Council approved expenditure increases for Shanghai. In 1988, it approved the capping of Shanghai’s annual revenue submission to the central gov-

Qinhuangdao Tianjin NORTH CHINA INDUSTRIAL ENERGY ZONE

Dalian Yantai SHANDONG PENINSULA Qingdao Lianyungang

HUAIHE ECONOMIC REGION

Xi’an

YANGTZE DELTA REGION Wuhan

Nantong Shanghai Ningbo

Chongqing

Wenzhou

MINNAN DELTA ECONOMIC REGION

Fuzhou

Xiamen PEARL DELTA ZONE Guangzhou Shantou Shenzhen Zhuhai

Beihai

Zhanjiang Hainan

200

400

600km

Priority Development Areas Special Economic Zones 14 Open Coastal Cities

Fig. 3 Map of the Special Economic Zones and 14 Open Coastal Cities in the 1980 s

ernment. With these two approvals, the municipality was, at last, able to accumulate capital for reinvestment in its own development.

At the same time, the central government approved the creation of new development zones in selected coastal cities, and set them up as the locales for the landing of the first foreign investment flows. (Fig. 3) These coastal cities had developed manufacturing bases from the modern era. They also had historic links to overseas capital through their diaspora connections, and thus were able to attract the first waves of needed available capital from abroad.25 Loans made, by the Asia Development Bank and the World Bank, to Shanghai in the 1980s also provided the first seed money for basic infrastructural construction, fundamental for further economic development.

Accelerated Economic Liberalization and the Political Status Quo Before 1989, China was already on its steady way to economic liberalization, although still “crossing the river while feeling the rocks [摸着石头过河],”26 as to whether market liberalization would also be accompanied by more political changes. In the aftermath of 1989, notably following the fall of Communism in the former Soviet-bloc countries, China’s own unanticipated civilian protests, and its ensuing political switch-ups, the nation’s course would be decisively chosen.

Chapter 1 Introduction

Incremental construction and renewal projects already began in the mid-1980s, constructing the first hotels, commercial housing and mixed-use typologies, in city center locations as well as new development zones in the urban periphery.

23

The unambiguous verdict and assertion for the party-state’s singular political control in the crackdown of protesters at Tian’anmen Square on 4 June 1989, shocked the developed world. Having just started to access and observe the long-closed China, the developed world had expected the country’s Open Door policy to lead to a softening of its political autocracy, ruled by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). More confounding was the course of continued marketization,27 which had seemed unsustainable in light of its hardline political stance.

The Chinese leadership preferred to err on the side of caution, having witnessed the chaos that followed the IMF -compelled economic liberalization debacle in Russia and Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. In order to maintain what the leadership viewed as a necessary political stability for the exceptionally large and socio-economically diverse country as it economically transitioned, a post-socialist political change had to be avoided at all costs.28 For the demonstrators in Tian’anmen Square and other public spaces in Chinese cities in that summer of 1989, the ideological call for democracy and political change by the students had, indeed, also been accompanied by an overwhelming social unrest by the urban middle class, against rising unemployment, high inflation, growing corruption, as well as other economic woes of the incremental economic transition.29 The pragmatic road forward for the leadership thus showed a necessary push in urban prosperity to maintain the state’s grip on popular support.30 The choice of Shanghai as the “Dragon’s Head” in 1992, therefore, represented a crucial decision to simultaneously proceed with economic reform while at the same time asserting the validity and authority of the existing political system. Shanghai’s designated role as the site of accelerated marketization not only had to reaffirm the party-state’s essential role in sanctioning its economic and urban development, but the city’s ensuing economic success would serve to legitimize the decision taken to continue on the path of ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics.’ In this adage by the post-1989 leadership, “Chinese characteristics” denoted the continued opening up of the market and policy reforms that support market economics, while “socialism” offered continuity with the egalitarian tenets on which the party-state’s authority had been built since 1949, the year of China’s ‘Liberation’ from the tyrannies of imperialist capitalism.31 Aside from its ideological etymology, “socialism” was also an equivocal substitute to denote the continued legitimacy of the existing political order and the dominance of the party-state.32 The possibility of a successful economic liberalization without an accompanying political one, as had seemed the inevitable and prevalent order of things, was the enigma that China would put forward to the confounded developed world.

This pairing of seeming contradictions that appeared to clash, would also most visibly manifest itself in the spaces that were rapidly being produced in its wake. And it is the continued reconciliation of these two ends that is fundamental to understanding the pervasive logic of Chinese urban transformation.

The credo, of the Fourteenth Party Congress that took place in October 1992, of the “Dragon’s Head,” not only marked a crucial turning point for the direction of the development of a nation with a population of more than a billion people, but it more immediately had a profound impact on Shanghai. The municipality, one of only three provincial-level cities in the deep hierarchy of the Chinese bureaucratic pecking order, 24

was anointed to set the shining example of both accelerated economic liberalization and political continuity. After bloodlessly diffusing the citizens’ demonstrations and successfully convincing the workers to not stop production and not to join the demonstrations in the municipality in 1989,33 the rise of its municipal leadership to key central government positions was a validation of the chosen city’s economic prowess and political pragmatism.34 Conversely, the long exploited and suppressed city would greatly benefit from the political patronage bestowed by its coteries from the top. A decade after the creation of the SEZ s in the Pearl River Delta, Shanghai would “finally be re-awarded with the permission to attract foreign investment on a lavish scale” follow-

Fig. 4 Views towards the Lujiazui area of the Pudong in Shanghai, from the 1850 s, 1984 , 2000, and 2010, top to bottom

ing Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 tour of the Yangtze River Delta.35 Granted special status by the central government consenting to the continued experi-

mentation with marketization, Shanghai’s urban development in the ensuing decade would come to visibly showcase the performance of economic transition at the behest of

2000s announced the economic progress as represented by the city’s physical transformation: there were only 12 buildings over 80 stories in 1980; by 2000, there were 3,529; and in 2005 this numbers had already reached 10,045.36 (Fig. 4) The roaring highways, rising towers, gleaming shopping malls, and more recently the manicured golf courses and international schools, have served as contemporary indicators for Shanghai’s re-globalization. But more importantly, they have come to represent China’s rapid economic rise and its growing political clout in an increasingly interconnected contemporary world.

Before 1989, large-scale spatial imprints had been made on tabula rasa sites, such as the newly built cities of the Pearl River Delta. But after 1992, production of city center commercial sites and commercial housing constructions, accompanying rapid expansions of development zones, would headily refine the spatial production processes in sites of complex urban value chains, necessary to rapidly materialize the nation’s global aspirations. And Shanghai was the chosen test bed. A return of the city that is re-globalizing required spaces for the economic impetus. For the first decade after 1992, the processes of land and housing marketization would lay the foundations for momentously transforming urban spatial production, which, together with the influx of foreign capital and local government spearheaded initiatives, would spatially restructure cities for the transition economy.

Chapter 1 Introduction

the central state. Statistics and metrics capture the momentous changes. GDP grew more than ten-fold in two decades, from less than 1,000 USD per person in 1990 to more than 13,000 USD per person in 2010. Books on the new urban age in the late

25

Index of Persons, Institutions, and Firms A

Chen, Ben 155

Abramson, Daniel B. 27

Chen Congzhou 153, 154, 159

Administration for Cultural Relics 158, 206

Chen Danyan 162, 163, 175, 199

Administration for Industry and Commerce 281, 283, 285, 286

Chen Guichun 157

Administration for Urban Management and Law Enforcement 354

Chen Liangyu 402, 403

Ai Weiwei 6, 381, 383, 387, 400, 403, 408 Ambassy Club 93, 173 Amoka 122 Ang Lee 147, 198, 256, 288 Art Basel 394 Asia Development Bank 23, 389 Atelier Deshaus 405, 407 Audi 347 B Ba Jin 145, 193 Baker and Spice 122 Barmé, Geremie 48 Baxter 74

Chen Yifei 85, 273, 274 Chen Yifeng 405 Chen Yuanqin 189, 190, 191 Chen Zaochun 172 Cheng Naishan 162 Cheng, Adrian 397 Chiang Ching-kuo 93 Chiang Kai-shek 93, 258, 259 China Industrial Bank 189 China Knit and Textiles Factory 189 China Realty Company 259 China Shipbuilding Group 293 Chinese Communist Party (CCP ) 24, 48, 80, 107, 131, 146, 147, 149, 150 – 153, 160, 166, 189 – 193, 211, 245, 247, 249, 259, 261, 293 f., 303, 305, 308 , 366, 384, 386, 392, 393, 402

Biennale for Architecture and Contemporary Art see Shanghai Biennale

Chipperfield, David 381, 396, 408

Biennale for Art and Architecture see Shanghai Biennale

Chow Yun-fat 153

BizArt 395

Christiensen, John 122

Chirac, Bernadette 175 Christiaanse, Kees 14 – 15

Bo Qin 28

Chunming Woolen Mill 390

Brandt, Alexander 395

Citic Group 247

Budi Tek 406

CMC Capital Partners 404

Building Relocation Technology Research Center, Tongji University 291

Cody, Jeffrey W. 155

C Café Stagiaire 359 Cai Guoqiang 396 Cai Yuanpei 258, 305 Castells, Manuel 49 Catie Lo 208, 209 Center for the Conservation of Shanghai’s Historic Architecture 206

Coffee Tree 183 Commerce and Industry Bureau 282 Committee for Conservation 166 Committee for Cultural Management 166 Communist Youth League 281 Conseil d’Administration Municipale 98, 199, 201 Construction Ministry of the PRC 154 Cornell University 155 Cultural Inspection Bureau 338

Central Academy of Fine Arts 393

Cultural Management Bureau 157, 166

Chabrol, Claude 238, 261

Cultural Relics Department at the Shanghai Museum 155

Chang, Eileen 198, 256

Index of Persons, Institutions, and Firms

Administration of Foreign Experts Affairs 119

Chen Kaige 147

441

D

Foucault, Michel 46 – 47

Dapuqiao Street Office 273

Franck’s 183

Davies, Brooke, and Gran Architects 293

Friedmann, John 27, 252

Deng Kunyan 340, 385

Friendship Store 347

Deng Xiaoping 7, 14, 22, 25, 80, 243, 245, 384

Fudan University 172, 363

Denny House Milk Tea 271, 283

Fujimoto, Sou 381, 404, 406

Department for Culture 152

Future Cities Laboratory of the ETH Zürich, Singapore 14, 435

Department of National Development 153 Department of Urban and Rural Development and Environment Protection 152

G

Design and Promotion Center for Urban Public Space (SUSAS ) 407

Gao Yang 276

DHL 347

Golden Taiyuen Group 299

Ding Xueliang 26, 29

Gonghui Hospital 308

Ding Yi 385, 386, 391, 394, 402, 407

Gu Wenda 392

Disney, Walt 8

Gucci 174, 247

Gezi Café 261

District Bureau for Land Resources, Jing’an 247 Douban 263

H

Dow Jones 247

Hahn, Emily 189

DreamWorks 404

Haihua Tannery 274

DTZ 171, 249

Han Yuqi 389

Duolun Museum of Modern Art 394

Hang Lung Properties 247

Dutch Items Shanghai 184

Hannerz, Ulf 124 Hanting 310

E

Harvard Business School 253

Eastlink Gallery 385, 387, 390

Harvey, David 49, 210 – 211, 381

Economic Council 248, 252, 253, 275, 276, 391

He Guoyun 189

EDAW , Inc 339

Heatherwick, Thomas 393

Edouard Malingue (Gallery) 408

Heilmann, Sebastian 26, 30, 35, 212

Element Fresh 184

Heisenberg, Werner 36

Enclave 339, 340

Helbling, Lorenz 385

English as Second Language (ESL ) Education Center 122

Herzog & de Meuron 14, 401

Er Dongqiang 273, 274 Estée Lauder 74 ETH Studio Basel 14

F F & T Group 356

Fan, Robert 189 Fang Zengxian 387 FedEx 74 Feng Boyi 387 Ferguson 183 Florida, Richard 341 Forbes Jing’an Nanjing Lu Forum 253

442

Hessler, Peter 49 Himalaya Art Museum 394 HKR Development Group 252 HKR International Limited 287, 290

Ho, Stanley 92, 173 HOK 340, 356

Hong Kong Lifestyle Co Ltd 344, 356 Hong Kong Textiles 207 Hou Hanru 387 Hou Li 27 Housing Ministry 166 Housing Provident Fund 90, 112, 115 Hsing You-tien 29 Huang Yongyu 274

Huang Zonghan 344

Leighton Textiles 207

Hudec, László 308

Leung, Henry 207

Huicheng Group 84 – 85

Ley, David 362

Huntington, Samuel P. 36

Li Jilan 189

Huo Yuanjia 153, 305

Li Ka-shing 74, 172

Hutchinson Whampoa 74, 98, 247, 287

Li Liang 385 Li Wuwei 275

I

Li Xu 387

Institute for Architecture Research 154

Link, Perry 48

International Concession’s Municipal Council 306

Liu Xiaobo 402

Ipluso 208 – 209

Liu Xuedong 310 – 311

Isetan 247

Liu Yichun 405

Isozaki, Arata 381

Liu Yiqian 405, 406 Liu, industrialist 190

J

Lo, Vincent 173

Jacobs, Jane 165

Lolo Love 128

Jameson, Fredric 244

Long Museum 380, 381, 405 – 406, 408

Jianchen Fragrance Factory 274

Lou Chenghao 170, 302

Jiang Zemin 193, 245

Lou Ye 389

Jiaotong University 183, 363

Louis Vuitton 247, 358

Jing’an Architecture Ornament Company 308

Lu Bingjie 158

Jing’an City Commercial and Trade Corporation 247

Lu Hanchao 107, 258, 265

Jing’an Cultural and Historic Museum 304, 306

Lucerne School of Hospitality 359

Jing’an District Planning Bureau 256, 261, 288, 290, 299

Luo Xiaowei 154, 157, 164, 202

Jing’an Exchange Group 302

M

Jing’an Jingdi Company 311

Ma Liang 271

Jing’an Real Estate Group 255, 302, 308, 311, 313

MacFarquhar, Roderick 48

John Portman and Associates 174, 175, 244, 245

MadeIn 394 – 396

Johnson, Ian 165

Mao Zedong 7, 14, 22, 149, 151, 193, 303

Jones Lasalle 171

Massive Music 347 Merton, Robert 37

Kaisiling Cake Shop 257

Ministry of Land Resource 166

Kangfu Textiles 274

Ministry of National Cultural Relics 153

Kaplan, Abraham 37

Minli Middle School 291 – 295, 308

Kentridge, William 387

Minsheng Art Museum 396, 400, 407

Kohn Pedersen Fox (KPF ) Architects 247

Mitsubishi Estate Company 396

Kong Xiangxi 259

Miyajima Tatsuo 387

Koolhaas, Rem 18

Mou-ching Cha, Victor 290 Mr. Willis 122 – 123

L Lan Kwai Fong Group 404 Lao Wu 261, 265 Le Freeport Group 408 Leaf, Michael 27, 29

Municipal Administration for Labor Resources and Social Security Bureau 119 Municipal Bureau for Housing and Land Resource Management 172

Index of Persons, Institutions, and Firms

Merewether, Charles 387 K

443

Municipal Economic Council 248, 252, 253, 275, 276, 391

R Real Estate Bureau, Shanghai 157

Murphy, Henry K. 155

Ren Xuefei 164

Museum of Contemporary Art (MoCA ) 394

Riegl, Alois 159 Rist, Pipilotti 387

N

Rockbund Art Museum 381, 396

National Research Center for Historic Cultural Sites 390, 391

Rockefeller Group 396

Neri and Hu Architects 181, 260, 349, 407 New Huangpu Group 396 New World 287, 305, 397 Nike 262, 347 Nixon, Richard 82 – 83, 174 Nuoheng Holdings 310 O Obrist, Hans Ulrich 387 OCT Contemporary Art Terminal 409

Osnos, Evan 6, 49

Ruan Yisan 164, 275, 390 S Sassen, Saskia 252 Schneider, Romy 8 Service des Travaux Publics 203 Sha Yongjie 202 Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences 390 ShanghArt Gallery 385, 386, 390, 393 – 395, 397, 407 Shanghai Art Museum 387 Shanghai Automobile Group (SAG ) 108 Shanghai Automobile Industry Corporation (SAIC ) 344

P

Shanghai Biennale 76, 381, 386 – 388, 394, 404, 405, 407, 408

Palmer and Turner Architects 10, 300

Shanghai Bureau for Quality Assurance 89

Pan Shiyi 295

Shanghai Center of Photography (SCoP ) 408

Pan Su 258, 259

Shanghai Components Factory Number Five 282, 403

Paulaner Brewhouse 163

Shanghai Computer Research Institute 108

Paustian 347

Shanghai Construction Bureau 88

Pei, I. M. 10, 154

Shanghai Contemporary 394

People’s Liberation Army (PLA ) 192, 193, 409

Shanghai Creative Industries Center 252, 276, 341, 345

Perry, Elizabeth 26, 27, 30, 35, 48, 212

Shanghai Drama Arts Center 89, 122

Petite Jasmine 209

Shanghai Electric 309, 310, 311

Platform Group 352, 354, 356 – 357, 359, 362 – 363

Shanghai Film Group 124

Platform Yongkang Incorporated 353 Powell, Colin 291

Shanghai Flower and Trees Company 208 Shanghai Food Processing Machinery Factory 274

PriceSmart 310

Shanghai Haodu Real Estate Development and Management Limited 285

Public Works Commission 258

Shanghai Housing Bureau 170

Pudong Leadership Academy 392

Shanghai Municipal Planning Bureau 155, 159, 161

Pye, Lucian 18

Shanghai Municipal Planning Institute 161 Shanghai No. 2 Rice Mill and Shanghai Fodder Mill 385

Q

Shanghai Nuclear Power Office 192

Quadrio, Davide 395

Shanghai Number Five Components Factory see Shanghai Components Factory Number Five

Qiao Zhibing 408 Qinghua University 152, 155

Shanghai People’s Art Theater 122

Qiu Weiqing 291

Shanghai Port Authority 89

Qiu Xinshan 291

Shanghai Port Real Estate 89 Shanghai Redtown Development Corporation 393

444

Shanghai Semi-Conductor Parts Number Four Factory 311

Tianzifang Investment Consultancy Limited 279

Shanghai Subway Line 13 Development Limited 311 Shanghai Tang 163, 177

Tianzifang Shikumen Proprietors Administrative Committee 275, 279, 280

Shanghai Tractor Factory 108

Tokyo University 155

Shanghai Urban Development Group 84

Tongji Architecture Design Institute 312

Shanghai Watch Accessory Factory 274

Tongji University 85, 154, 155, 157, 160, 161, 164, 165, 169, 186, 202, 255, 275, 284, 285, 289, 291, 299, 300, 301, 312, 363, 389, 390, 404

Shanghai Xiandai Architecture Design Group 170 Shanghai Youth Drama Group 122 ShangTex Group 343, 345, 390, 393 Shenya Development Company 88 Shenya Real Estate Company 88 Shikumen Proprietors Administrative Committee 275, 279, 280

U UK Refiners Architectural Consulting 301

University of Hong Kong 253 University of Southern California 363

Shin Muramatsu 155

W

Shu Haolun 288

Wagas group 122, 123, 184, 289

Shui On 163, 164, 173, 287, 344

Wang Anyi 162, 163

Sigg, Uli 407

Wang Jun 165

Siming Bank 288

Wang Kemin 306

Sinmay Zau 189

Wang Lin 277, 278

Sinolink Holdings 396

Wang Wei 405, 406

Smith, Neil 126

Wang Xingzheng 173, 174, 175, 176, 177

SOM 175, 356

Wang Yachen 276

Song Luxia 189

Wang, Vera 10

Sony 347

Weibo 263, 287

Soong, Madame (Soong Ching-ling) 93

West Bund Art Museum 408

Sotheby’s 405

West Bund Development Group 405, 406

Star Art Museum 408

West Samoa Southern Investment 186

Starbucks 163, 289

Westgate Corporation 247

State Council of the PRC 23, 82, 83, 87, 90, 119, 151, 152, 159, 243, 246, 301

Wheelock 248, 287

Staw, Barry M. 37

William the Beekeeper 128

Sugar and Spice 123

Willis, Craig 123

Sun Sheng Han 28

Wong, Nina 92

Sun Yat-sen 93, 305

Wood, Ben 164

Sung Hung Kai 287, 290, 350, 358

World Bank 23

Sutton, Robert I. 37

World Expo 2010 33, 47, 48, 124, 127, 149, 198, 203, 240, 253, 254, 261, 280, 295, 296, 303, 304, 305, 306, 314, 337, 339, 364, 381, 383, 394, 396, 407

Swire Group 247, 254, 288 Swire Properties 247 T Taikang Lu Art Street Administrative Committee 274, 275, 279

Wieden + Kennedy 263

World Primary School 145, 150, 206 – 210 World Trade Organization (WTO ) 91, 187 Wu Changshuo 158 Wu Fulong 48, 49

Tank Shanghai 408

Wu Hung 386, 394, 406

Tianping Street Office 352, 356

Wu Jiang 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 164, 165, 169, 199, 202, 205, 212, 284

Index of Persons, Institutions, and Firms

Shanghai Writers’ Association 193

Tianzifang Management Committee 279, 280

445

Wu Meiseng 273, 274, 275, 276, 279

Yueyang Hospital 293, 294

Wukang Lu Tourism Information Center 145, 189, 207

Yun, Jackie 122 Yungho Chang 404

X

Yunshui Communications Technologies Limited 311

Xi Jinping 383, 404

YUZ Foundation 406

Xiao Hong 400

YUZ Museum 381, 406, 407

Xinlelu 128 Xiong Yuezhi 304

Z

Xu Jilin 177

Zendai Art Museum 394

Xu, Leo 397

Zendai Group 394

Xu Zhen 394, 395

Zhang Boju 258

Xue Shunsheng 170

Zhang Enli 391

Xue Song 390, 392

Zhang Gardens Company 310

Xuhui District Old Houses Art Center 145, 189, 207

Zhang Huan 396

Xuhui Real Estate Group 84, 85, 88, 186, 187, 357

Zhang Shuhe 303 Zhang Song 285, 389

Y

Zhang Tanru 258

Y+ 181

Zhang Zhen 389

Yang Fudong 388, 393, 400

Zheng Rongfa 273, 274, 275, 278

Yang Zhenzhong 393, 395, 409, 410

Zheng Shiling 160, 202, 206, 255

Yang’s Shenjian Buns 289

Zhou Enlai 82, 192

Yenn Wong 257

Zhou Tiehai 407

Yin, Robert 37

Zhou Xiangyun 293

Ying Zhou 14, 15

Zhou Xinliang 275

Yongfoo Elite 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 185

Zhou Zuomin 189

Yongle Group 124

Zhu Jieming 29, 49, 87

Yongming Bottletop Factory 274

Zhu Ming 388, 389

Yo-Yo Ma 10

Zhu Rongji 245

Yu Youren 258

Zhu Xiaofeng 404

Yu Zhensheng 261

446

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