Roosevelt Jamison’s Blood Bank 1 January
Generosity oozed from the pores of Roosevelt Jamison. He was a kind man, easy to like, and, surprisingly, for a man raised in the nefarious ways of Memphis soul music, he knew all there was to know about blood plasma. Jamison had a kind word for everyone, even the drifters who hung around his doorway, and he wished the world a good New Year as he navigated his way through the earlymorning debris of Beale Street, bypassing the drunks, the panhandlers and the torn ticker-tape from the night before. When he reached home he would sleep restlessly. He often complained that freight trains lumbering on the rail tracks along Old Southern Avenue kept him awake and he once told the singer James Carr that he thought the trains were trying to shake his old wooden-frame home to its foundations. A small pack of dogs was scavenging from overturned garbage cans, and nothing about the first day of 1968 hinted at the dramas to come. It was a new year, but the old ways clung on in Memphis.
The city was reluctantly negotiating racial integration, a school bus programme was under way, and new legislation was set to challenge decades of segregation in the housing market. But, despite all the progress of the years of civil rights, the most basic commodity of human life – blood – was still stubbornly racist. Jamison knew it for a fact. He ran the Interstate Blood Bank, which sat on the bustling corner of Beale Street and South 4th, at the intersection near the First Baptist Church of Memphis and the New Daisy Theater – between the Lord and late-night entertainment. Beale Street was the pumping artery of black Memphis life. Its legacy reached back to the itinerant blues singers of the Great Depression and it still had a reputation for attracting iridescent creatures of the night. It was the street where the first zoot suit was tailored, and among its many inhabitants were the Stax singer Rufus Thomas, who had worked as a teenage emcee at the Regal Theater on Beale, when a member of the boisterous Rabbit Foot Minstrels. Thomas once said, ‘If you were black for one Saturday night on Beale, you’d never want to be white again.’ Beale Street was a place of sounds and smells. In his classic book Hellhound on His Trail, the historian Hampton Sides imagined ‘a street of chitlin’ joints, of hoodoos and fortune tellers, with jug bands playing on every corner. The street smelled of tamales and pulled pork, pot liquor and lard. Day and night, Beale throbbed with so much authentic and violent vitality that in the words of a song by the legendary originator of Memphis blues, W.C. Handy, “business never closes ’til somebody gets killed”.’ Jamison felt at home on Beale. This was the stomping ground of Ma Rainey, Gene ‘Bowlegs’ Miller, Johnny Ace, Bobby Bland and B.B. King, and for a time they all played residencies on Beale. The Stax guitarist Lewie Steinberg, the original bassist of Booker T. and the M.G.’s, had been suckled on raw R&B; his father was the pianist at Pee Wee’s Saloon and he remembers playing at his feet as the bar howled with drunken energy. Talent flocked there. At the back of his blood bank Jamison had opened a primitive recording studio and rehearsal room. A few streets away in a grubby office in the Mitchell Hotel, Stax housed unsolicited tapes and ran an offsite 2
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office for promising talent. Ernest Withers, society photographer, operated his studio on Beale, and it was there that Otis Redding, Carla Thomas, and Sam and Dave posed for promotional shots, and where a generation of Memphis lovers had their wedding photographs taken. Wilson Pickett, Bobby Womack and most of the local soul artists had been fitted with their stage suits at Lansky’s, an old Jewish clothier at 126 Beale Street, where Elvis Presley had sung hillbilly elegies as he waited for his drapes to be fitted. When Bobby Bland was soundchecking at Club Handy, further along Beale, Jamison often watched silently from the rear of the empty club. He reckoned it was the best time to watch Bobby. Devoid of an audience, Bland would run the scales and stretch for notes that no ordinary soul could hope to reach, pleading amid the sticky carpets and faded lampshades for absolution. By 1968 Jamison had invested much of his time and money in soul music but it had proved a fickle and cruel companion. He had lost the best of his singers to Goldwax Records and to other local independents, and all he had left in the whole wide world was blood: red, gushing and plentiful. Just as the New Year bells finished chiming, Memphis swore in a new mayor, the obdurate Henry Loeb. Unconventionally, the rituals had not taken place in a civic building but in the sitting room of Loeb’s home at 365 Colonial Road. Loeb was a local businessman, whose family owned a chain of laundries across the city, and he had won the election on the back of promises to turn back the hands of time and reverse integration. County Court Clerk Robert Gray administered the oath, standing self-consciously with a hefty bible between the settee and heavy draped curtains. The unusual circumstances had come about because of an acrimonious election and an ungracious handover by the previous lame duck mayor William B. Ingram. Seven contestants had put themselves forward for election; Rufus Thomas, the most recognisable black musician in the city, had canvassed exhaustively for the civil rights candidate, Walter A.W. Willis, but Willis fell far short of the vote required, and dogged by competing candidates from the African-American community the vote was split. Loeb’s win was as much due to the fragmentation of the African-American Roosevelt Jamison’s Blood Bank
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community as his own policies. Being sworn in, in his own sitting room, cast a farcical start to Henry Loeb’s tenure as mayor, but his unconventional and dogmatic reign was to worsen in the piercing heat of 1968 and eventually bring Memphis to the brink of civil war, pitting communities against each other and stretching the fabric of the city to its limits. After the swearing-in ceremony, the new mayor arrived at his office long before his staff had gathered. Mayor Loeb was obsessively hard-working but his hyperactive demeanour masked a slowness to adapt to change in society. He was ultra-conservative, suspicious of the march of civil rights, and emotionally attached to the policies of racial segregation he had grown up with. On his office desk, the outgoing mayor had left only two objects: a tape recorder and a box of aspirins. The message was simple: the press would distort everything, so keep a record, and as for the aspirins they were there to ward off the headaches that he would inevitably encounter in the year ahead. It proved to be one of the greatest understatements in the city’s unique history. Loeb’s headaches in 1968 were to become an intense migraine that was to consume his life, blight his time in office, and scar his reputation for ever. Oblivious to what lay ahead, Loeb got to work. His first action as mayor was to dismiss eight senior municipal figures who had been appointed by the previous regime. He gave them twenty-four hours to proffer a letter of resig nation or risk the humiliation of a public sacking. Loeb imagined it would show him as a decisive leader rejecting the cronyism of the Ingram era; in fact it revealed a belligerent and vengeful streak that was to worsen as the year unfolded. In his first press conference, Loeb told the assembled journalists that he was ‘humbled by the magnitude of the problems we have at hand’, saying prophetically that ‘the next four years will not be easy ones’. It proved to be a serious miscalculation. The first four months of Mayor Loeb’s tenure were among the most testing that any civic leader has ever faced, and, at least in part, he was the author of his own problems. Loeb was the grandson of an entrepreneurial German-Jewish family who had established a chain of coin-operated launderettes across the city. He inherited his grandfather’s suspicions of commu nism, and was among a group of conservative southern Democrats 4
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who supported McCarthyism and were naturally opposed to any form of radical social change. He had bequeathed from his family consider able wealth from one of the most luxurious whites-only Turkish baths, located on the corner of Main and Monroe. As late as 1968, he still clung to the belief that the races should be kept apart – ‘separate but equal’ – and, paradoxical as it may seem, heartily supported Roosevelt Jamison’s Negro blood bank facilities as it provided a social service for a community on equal but segregated terms. The Interstate Blood Bank was a business with an unconventional past. One day in the late forties, as Memphis sweltered in the heat, Jamison’s life was changed irrevocably by a chance encounter with a professor at the University of Tennessee, one of America’s leading haematologists, Dr Lemuel Whitley Diggs. At the time, blood was a massively controversial subject. Blood transfusion and contamina tion unlocked latent fears of racial integration, miscegenation and covert sexual intercourse. At the height of the Second World War, the American Red Cross had become embroiled in a deeply divisive dispute about transfusions. On the country’s entry into the war, the Red Cross announced a nationwide drive to build up blood supplies for the military. Patriotic African-Americans responded to the call and lined up in most urban centres to donate blood, only to be turned away. Newspapers led with headlines like ‘American Red Cross Bans Negro Blood!’ and a furious backlash against the policy of exclusion engulfed the famous charity. It is now one of the forgotten struggles in the civil rights movements, but the Red Cross were forced into a hurried compromise, secretly meeting with the heads of the army and navy to thrash out a new policy that could defuse the situation. What they agreed was muddled and unhelpful. Under a new policy, Negro blood would be accepted, but, in line with the segregationist doctrines of the past, the blood of black donors was to be separated by race and ethnicity, presumed to be of lesser importance than blood donated by white donors. For many years this plasma apartheid public health policy dominated the southern states, opening up a wound in society that worsened after the war, as health centres and private hospitals sought new and separated sources of blood. Memphis was already a city divided along racial lines, so it Roosevelt Jamison’s Blood Bank
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conceded to the prevailing orthodoxy and segregated its blood banks. Collection points targeting different communities sprang up across the city. But there was resistance, too. Many citizens boycotted the Red Cross and refused to donate to the charity, preferring to give blood to community blood banks. Gatemouth Moore, a gospel programmer with the Sound of Memphis, Radio Station WDIA, and the first blues singer to perform at Carnegie Hall, grew up accepting segregated healthcare as the norm. ‘I remember when the black ambulances could not haul white people. They had a white company . . . called Thompsons,’ he recounted. ‘I was on my way to the station and when I came round the curve there was the ambulance from [the black healthcare company] S.W. Quails and there was a white lady lying in the ditch bleeding. And they were waiting for Thompsons to come and pick her up. I guess I waited thirty or forty minutes and still no ambulance. They tell me that the lady died.’ Roosevelt Jamison’s Interstate Blood Bank was funded by the University of Tennessee and one of the most popular within the city’s African-American community. Using the most basic equipment – rubber tubes and glass jars with metal bails – Jamison collected blood from Beale Street donors and frequently paid small sums of money to vagrants. He would do his rounds, first to John Gaston Hospital, and then on to the laboratories of the University of Tennessee, where Professor Diggs was the director of research. Remarkably, given the racial barriers of the time, they not only became colleagues but close friends who met on a weekly basis throughout the fifties. Diggs defied the laws of the day and began surreptitiously to teach Jamison about the basic science of haema tology. It was against this backdrop of passionate research and separated blood that Diggs began the first experiment to understand the mutations of sickle cell anaemia. Eventually Jamison would come to share his knowledge with students at Druaghon’s Business College where the apprentice blood scientist taught anatomy and physiology. At the rear of Jamison’s blood bank was a small cluttered warehouse, lined with jars, medical equipment and boxes of customer cards. A space had been cleared to accommodate a crude recording desk 6
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with a stand microphone, box speakers and a reel-to-reel tape, and makeshift soundproofing had been nailed to the walls. There was barely enough room for a band to rehearse but the blood bank tapped into the talent on Beale Street and quickly became one of the city’s many busy and underfunded studios. Not as famous as Stax, nor as historic as the old Royal Theater – a primitive rockabilly studio transformed by the legendary Willie Mitchell into the House of Instrumentals (Hi Records) – the blood bank played a vital community role in the southern soul scene. Like Detroit in the north, Memphis had become a creative Klondike for aspiring musicians, who flooded to the city in search of a break. This was where the tense trinity of blues, gospel and country music met and merged. Southern soul was raw and unpolished compared to the more metropolitan music of the north; its blood was thick and heavy. Every day, Jamison drove around Memphis collecting blood, hauling musical instruments from place to place, and delivering flyers to promote his shows. It was a journey that took him around a city coursing with soul music, each new artery leading to a studio, a record store or some makeshift venue at the rear of a sidewalk bar. Jamison had a regular ‘arm’ – a very good customer – who lived in a two-storey low-income block on Azalia Street. The man was B negative, one of only a tiny percentage of people in America with that blood type, and so his blood was highly sought after. The man had long since retired, and Jamison knew that one day soon he would die, so he treated him like a rare bird’s egg, being soft and tender with his arm, and stroking his skin like feathers. He always gave the agreed price of $10 in a crisp new note, nothing crumpled or grubby. The man’s wife looked on proudly as the blood flowed into Jamison’s jar, standing by with sweet tea and an Oreo cookie. It was the only money the couple earned beyond welfare. When enough blood had been extracted from her husband’s arm, his wife kissed him sweetly, as if he was special, which according to the Red Cross almanac he most certainly was. On his weekly visit to Stax, Jamison hugged the rail tracks along Southern where freight trains lumbered slower than life itself and remembered the days when it was nothing but a dirt-track road. He drove on past parched blue signs implausibly selling catfish and Roosevelt Jamison’s Blood Bank
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diesel oil from the same paint-blistered shack. Jamison felt an affinity with the owner; the needs of business bringing two unlikely products together in the same company – in his case, blood and soul. Then, after bumping over the McLemore and Dunavant rail crossing, his car dipped bumpily into a new kind of poverty in the hidden side streets above the darting tunnels of the Mississippi Boulevard, on through a sad desperation, and on again to Stax where the old movie sign came into view – ‘Soulsville U.S.A.’. Since 1964, Jamison had helped to develop the careers of two of the city’s greatest vocalists – James Carr and Overton Vertis (O.V.) Wright. Neither was an easy option. Both were brilliant singers who drew effortlessly on blues and gospel, but they were also difficult and, in many respects, troubled individuals. Carr suffered throughout his life with debilitating bouts of depression, and was unable to read or write. His illiteracy and dark moods made him incoherent and at times painfully withdrawn. O.V. Wright was a heroin user who, despite numerous attempts to overcome his addiction, suffered several heart attacks before dying in the back of an ambulance on his way to emergency care in Birmingham, Alabama, at the relatively young age of forty-two. In an obituary in the Wall Street Journal, Jesse Drucker hinted at Wright’s pained self-destruction: ‘There is a tortured, sometimes even menacing feel to many of his recordings. Many soul singers of that period could sing sad lyrics, but the grief was often feigned. Not Wright. His hurt was real.’ The titles of some of the songs he recorded provide a clue: ‘Drowning On Dry Land’ (1972), ‘I’d Rather Be Blind, Crippled And Crazy’ (1973), ‘You’re Gonna Make Me Cry’ (1965), and Wright’s masterpiece, an emotional tribute to the instruments of his addiction, ‘A Nickel And A Nail’ (1971). It was as if the three men – the blood bank clerk, the depressive and the addict – were destined to find each other. The renowned music critic Peter Guralnick saw in Jamison an unrestrained generosity: ‘He seemed to possess an empathy gene, a need to be of service that carried over into every aspect of his life. He was the kind of person who couldn’t see a stray dog without needing to feed him.’ In the early sixties, Jamison began to manage local groups, often rehearsing them in the blood bank’s back-office. Among 8
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them were two of Memphis’s great gospel groups, the Jubilee Hummingbirds and the Harmony Echoes. James Carr and O.V. Wright emerged from their ranks. Wright rehearsed by night in the blood bank and by day worked as a garbage man for the Department of Public Works, a place of desperate conditions, and one soon to become the source of the city’s notoriety in 1968. Excited by the raw talent he had discovered, Jamison, a wiry extrovert man with a distinctive goatee beard, dragged Carr and Wright to Stax Records. The timing was unfortunate; the studios on McLemore were bursting at the seams and Stax boss Jim Stewart turned them away, recommending that they talk to Quinton Claunch. They were given similar advice by a local saxophonist, Richard Sanders, and so, with two separate recommendations, the unlikely trio went on a late-night journey to Claunch’s suburban home on the outskirts of East Memphis. Claunch was a one-time country guitarist who in his early years had played for the Blue Seal Pals, a hillbilly group who took their name from a southern brand of refined flour. He moved north from Tishomingo, Mississippi, a dirt-track town near Highway 25, and settled in Memphis, where he was a featured musician on early releases by Carl Perkins, on the city’s most famous rockabilly label, Sun Records. By day Claunch had a job selling hardware supplies and repairing air-conditioning units but in the evenings he operated in the city’s start-up studios. One night in early 1964, he was woken by the sound of knocking on his front door. ‘Here’s what happened,’ Claunch relates. ‘I was layin’ in bed, twelve o’clock, big knock on this door . . . it was Roosevelt Jamison, James Carr, O.V. Wright.’ They had a crude tape of demo songs in their possession and a portable tape recorder. Jamison charmed the sleepy Claunch into sitting on his front-room floor to listen to the songs. They were by all accounts primitive but outstanding. Among the tracks was a song Jamison had written for his girlfriend, ‘That’s How Strong My Love Is’, sung by O.V. Wright. Within days of hearing the raw tapes, Claunch took Wright to American Sound Studio, on the corner of Thomas and Chelsea, where master-producer Chips Moman cut a recording that became Goldwax’s stepping stone to deep soul immortality – O.V. Wright with the Keys’ ‘There Goes My Used Roosevelt Jamison’s Blood Bank
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To Be’/‘That’s How Strong My Love Is’ (1964). It was destined to become an international best-seller and was subsequently recorded by Otis Redding, the Rolling Stones, Taj Mahal and a host of others. Jamison never received the full remuneration he should have. Over a lifetime royalties trickled in, always underestimated, from a system that was heavily skewed to the famous major labels and to those most connected to the powerful collection agencies. It was blood not deep soul that funded his family. On 15 January 1968, Jamison called in at the Satellite record store next door to the Stax studios to buy tickets for a concert by James Brown and the Famous Flames, who were scheduled to perform at the Mid-South Coliseum. His was a regular face at all the major concerts in Tennessee, where he promoted Carr and O.V. Wright, and often took the opportunity to distribute blood-donor information leaflets to what was guaranteed to be an all-black crowd, yet success had neither been instant nor straightforward. There were the obligatory legal disputes, first with Peacock Records, a company owned by the mercurial Houston-based hustler Don Robey. According to Jerry Leiber of the renowned songwriting team of Leiber and Stoller, Robey was a gangster who managed his various entertainment enterprises ‘using violence, the threat of violence, and murder’. Unbeknown to the gentler and more generousspirited Jamison, Wright had previously signed a gospel contract with Robey that had to be untangled. Then there were disputed contract agreements with Goldwax, and various failed attempts to cure Wright’s addictions, and the endless efforts to drag Carr from the pits of clinical depression. None worked entirely successfully, but he kept on trying. He felt an obligation to Carr that went far beyond simple kindness. He had first met the vocalist in the early sixties when they were both featured singers on the gospel caravan circuit. Jamison had been a member of the Memphis gospel group the Redemption Harmonizers, who travelled the Delta towns crammed into a Cadillac. He sang with some of the unheralded giants of deep soul and shared a stage with Wee Willie Walker, and remembered meeting Carr backstage as far back as 1962. Carr was a mystifying genius. He was born in Coahoma County near Clarksdale, Mississippi, in 1942. During his infant years, his 10
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parents moved to Memphis, where his father, a street-corner preacher, formed a gospel group called the Southern Wonders. Carr was only nine years of age when he first took to the stage. Rarely in school, he never learned how to read or write, and although Jamison tried to tutor him with simple stories and basic word recognition, Carr lived his life functionally illiterate. As an adult, he gained most of his experience on the road as a member of in-demand gospel circuit groups, the Sunset Travellers and the Harmony Echoes, while working part-time as a labourer, breaking up with partners, and trying, not always successfully, to support a young family. He followed Wright to the doors of the emergent Goldwax label, with Jamison acting as his manager and confidant, and between 1966 and 1969 he released ten singles, breaking into the R&B charts with his third single, ‘You’ve Got My Mind Messed Up’, in 1966. By January 1968, with his mentor hawking discs from the back of his car, Carr came to record songs that were poised to join the great legacy of southern soul music. His definitive version of the illicit-love song ‘The Dark End Of The Street’ (1967) was a stone-cold classic and his rousing ‘Freedom Train’ (1969) became one of the great anthems of the civil rights era. ‘The Dark End Of The Street’ was a visceral and challenging number about secret love and betrayal in the dark streets of downtown Memphis. It had been hurriedly written by Dan Penn and Chips Moman in a hotel during a break in a marathon poker session. Moman had earned the nickname ‘Chips’ from his lust for gambling, and, according to music historian Robert Gordon, the two friends were ‘pilled up at a music convention in Nashville [when] they took a break from a poker break, went to a piano, and hammered out the song in less than an hour, returning to play another hand’. The ballad’s lasting complexity eclipsed its humdrum origins and it was recorded first by Percy Sledge, then by Aretha Franklin, as well as Ry Cooder and Linda Ronstadt. The New York Times was to describe his voice as ‘a robust baritone that embraced amber-toned purity and desperate growls’. He could turn an already unhappy love song into three minutes of tortured heartsick drama. But mental illness hampered his career, and none of his releases seriously bothered the pop charts. ‘He had a hard life,’ Quinton Claunch said. ‘He lived the Roosevelt Jamison’s Blood Bank
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blues and was not always good at taking medication.’ Author Hank Cherry saw in Carr’s depression a route to a profound depth: ‘When you listen to him sing his songs, a freeway opens up and drives right to the soul of raw emotion. While Otis Redding certainly sang with supreme emotion, that emotion was predicated on confidence. James Carr dove into his own embattled soul, and pulled from the painful reaches of his psyche.’ When the Goldwax label eventually folded in 1969 they left James Carr, O.V. Wright and Wee Willie Walker with no royalties to show for their careers. Walker continued to work in a corrugated cardboard plant and Wright could not even afford his own apartment, and so shared a low-income home with his mother on the notorious Le Moyne Gardens, relying largely on welfare. There were many honourable attempts to resurrect Carr’s professional career, but his apparent lack of energy and an inclination to drift into lengthy depressive silences undermined them. He suffered from what Peter Guralnick described as ‘a crippling paralysis of spirit, a graver and graver malaise’. His fear and anxiety about the outside world led him to move into his sister’s home in Memphis, after which he rarely emerged from his depression and eventually died of lung cancer in 2001. Throughout the early months of 1968, as his career as a community haematologist and blood-bank manager grew, Roosevelt Jamison’s role in trying to develop the career of the lost spirit of Carr inevitably took second place. He promoted Wee Willie Walker’s full-throttle cover version of the Beatles’ ‘Ticket To Ride’, but always alerted friends to the B-side, the peerless ‘There Goes My Used To Be’, an agonising tale of lost love. He remained a concerned friend to Carr even as his final two Goldwax releases, ‘A Man Needs A Woman’/ ‘Stronger Than Love’ (Goldwax 332, 1968) and ‘Life Turned Her That Way’/‘A Message To Young Lovers’ (Goldwax 335, 1968) stalled and failed. The slower Carr’s life became, the more it seemed to propel Jamison forward. He kept up a relentless pace, racing around the small towns of the South handing out promotional copies to radio DJs, then back to the corner of Beale Street and Fourth, where the blood bank rehearsal room was attracting the next generation of hopeful singers. By 1968 he had befriended yet 12
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