Toronto Conference Report-Intellectual Othering and the Baha'i Question in Iran

‫د ا ﺪ ﺶ ﺰی و ﮫﺎ ﯽ آزاری ا ان‬ ‫ار ﯽ از ا ﺲ دا ه ﻮر ﻮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ‬

‫ﮊﻭﺋﻴﮥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ“ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫ﺩﮔﺮﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮐﺎﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﴼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺩ ﻻﻭﺳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺴﻮﺭ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺎﮐﻰ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ -‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳّﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯ‪-‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﺑﺸﺮ‪ -‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻻﺭ ‪Isabel‬‬ ‫‪ Bader‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎ ﻏﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻯ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪http://www.sitenama.net‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ّ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒّﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﮥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴّﺖ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴّﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮥ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﻼﻥﮐﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻼﻥﮐﺸﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺰﺩﮐﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻨّﻰﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّ ّﻴﺖ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ”ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ“ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ّ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎء ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ”ﺧﻮﺩ“ ﻭ ”ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ“‬ ‫ﺫﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ّ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۹‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ”ﺩﮔﺮﻯ“ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﻔﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ”ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ“ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺫﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻗﻠّ ّﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ -‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺫﻣﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴّﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ّ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﮥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﮑﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺳﻴّﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴّﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺭﮊﻭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﮑﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﮤ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﮐﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۲‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﮥ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﮤ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ّ‬

‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﮥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﮐﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﮑﻮﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﮐﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﮐﺸﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻭﺩﻥ ‪W. H. Auden‬‬

‫”ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺘﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ“‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻭﻳﻦ ‪ Moravian‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ“ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ” ّ‬

‫ﺣﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ّ ،‬‬

‫ﺻﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻘﴼ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴّﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻣﺸﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ”ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ“ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ‬

‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﭙﺴﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ‬

‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢﺫﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻴّﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻴّﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‬ ‫”ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ“ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴّﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺫﺍﺕ‬

‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺁﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺬﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ّ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬

‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ( ﺩﺳﺖﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﮥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻬ ّﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ ۱۳ ،۱۲‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴّﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻳﻢ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬

‫ﮐﻤﻴﺘﮥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻳﻢ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ّ‬

‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺎﻟّﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬

‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﻴّﺖ ﻣﻠّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۵۴‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۶۵‬‬

‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎء ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺘّﮑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﮥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -۱‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -۲‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﮥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﮐﻴّﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮥ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴّﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴّﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﮤ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﮤ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻳﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﮥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻓﺮ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮤ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬‬