Dissertation for MA Architecture and Urbanism

T hec a s eofs t r ee t( F OOD)v endor si nS oi Conv ent Ba ng k ok T ha i l a nd

BOONY AKORNDAMRONGRAT

Copyright 2019 Manchester, United Kingdom All Rights Reserved Manchester School of Architecture University of Manchester Manchester Metropolitan University Author Ι Editor Ι Designer : Boonyakorn Damrongrat Email: kasi.kan@hotmail.com MMU ID: 18055036

The case of street (FOOD) vendors in Soi Convent Bangkok Ι Thailand

“What has fascinated us most is the behavior of ordinary people on city streets — their rituals in street encounters, for example, the regularity of chance meetings, the tendency to reciprocal gestures in street conferences, the rhythms of the three-phase goodbye.”

Whyte, William Hollingsworth.

Content Abstract

I

Introduction

III

Literature Review

VI

Methodology Chapter 1 1.1 1.1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.4.1 1.4.2

VIII

1.5 1.6

Street vending in Bangkok, Thailand The background of street vending in Thailand Terminology The background of street vending in Bangkok Urbanization of Bangkok related to street vending Laws and policies relating to street vending in Bangkok Legal Framework Policy Frameworks The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan and designated areas Conclusion and discussion

1 1 1 2 4 5 5 7 9 12

Chapter 2 2.1 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2

The comparative case study (Siam Square, Bangkok) Background Spatial analysis Location Surroundings

15 15 18 18 20

2.2.3 2.2.4 2.2.4.1 2.2.4.2 2.3 2.4 2.4.1 2.4.2 2.5 2.6

Pavement and its connection with surrounding spaces Street vending and its production of space Types of street vendors The number of street vendors Economic analysis Social analysis The opinions of pedestrians The opinions of street vendors The reclaiming pavement for pedestrians plan in Siam Square Conclusion and discussion

21 26 26 29 31 32 33 33 34 39

Chapter3 3.1 3.1.1 3.1.1.1 3.1.1.2 3.1.1.3 3.1.1.4 3.1.1.4.1 3.1.1.4.2 3.2 3.2.1 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 3.3.4 3.4

Spatial analysis of Soi Convent and its street food vending Spatial attributes of Soi Convent Physical characteristics of Soi Convent Location Important buildings Physical environment Formal street elements Non-living elements Vegetation Street food vending and its ability in producing spaces The types of street vendors in the area and how they define spaces The modification of urban space by its production The modification of the image of the city (Lynch,1960) Street vending and its effect on spatial experiences of pedestrians Intangible space from street vendors ‘production The way street vendors occupy spaces The existence of street food vendors in Soi Convent

43 43 45 45 45 48 50 51 52 54 54 58 58 60 62 62 65

3.4.1 3.4.2 3.5

Chapter4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2 4.3.2.1 4.3.2.2 4.3.2.3 4.3.2.4 4.3.2.5 4.3.2.6 4.3.2.7 4.4 4.4.1 4.4.2 4.5

Contrast of architecture and urban vision by serial vision (Cullen,1961) Behavior mapping and tracking Conclusion and discussion

65 67 69

Social and economic aspects of street food vendors in Soi Convent The importance of street food vendors in Soi Convent Law and regulations which regulate street vendors in the studied area The management system of street vendors in Soi Convent Formal management Informal management The storage Folding and storing laborers

70 70

Water Electricity Gas Ice Sewerage and waste Opinions of people using public spaces towards street vendors General opinions towards street food vending Opinions of people who work in related businesses towards the existence of street vending Conclusion and discussion

76 76 76 76 77 78 80

72 72 73 73 74 75

86 89

Conclusion Appendix List of Illustrations Bibliography

I Abstract

The justice of street vendors in Bangkok has been mentioned and raised as an important issue since the military government issued ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ to evict street vendors.

Therefore, the purpose of this dissertation is to explore more deeply in particular area whether the mentioned plan is suitable for Soi Convent known for its street food vendors by considering spatial, social, and economic aspects. Moreover, this dissertation aims to comprehend how street vendors in the area produce and utilize public spaces by observing and interviewing street vendors. Furthermore, to evaluate the reclaiming of pavements for pedestrians plan on this area, analyzing the attitudes of pavement users is included. Questionnaires and interviews are used to give voice to pedestrians’ opinions about the existence of street vendors in Soi Convent. According to user behavior mapping and tracking, street vending in this area has been interwoven with the urban context. It has a significant influence on how people use public spaces.

On Mondays, the day without street vending, the way people access their workplaces is different from other days with street vending. According to spatial observation, street vendors in this area occupy space with the limitation restricted by the local authority and leave enough space for pedestrians to walk comfortably.

Likewise, other evidence that can support this point is that most respondents stated that the convenience rate of Soi Convent remains the same when there are no street vendors on Mondays. However, street vendors in this area cannot manage their waste efficiently enough because there is no public infrastructure for the waste system. The opinions pavement users indicated that users of pavements in Soi Convent both Thai and foreigner stated that Soi Convent still needs street vendors to support their daily life.

II Furthermore, foreigners stated that street vendors could develop this area to be a lively and attractive area.

Therefore, the reclaiming of pavements for pedestrians plan should not be enforced in this area but should be adapted to be more appropriate for street vendors. Moreover, the adopted plan should integrate street food vendors with the urban context of this area.

III Introduction

Between 2016 and 2018, Bangkok was designated as ‘The best city for street food’ by CNN due to several reasons including varieties of food and sense of localness. However, instead of developing it further, the government legislated the regulation known as ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ in order to evict street vendors on pavements in 2016. The military government commanded by Prayut Chan-o-cha claims that street vending represents an image of an undeveloped country, causing difficulties for pedestrians, causes crimes and creating a disheveled city. However, Jacobs (1961) states the concept of ‘eyes on the street’ which suggests that the more people in the street, the safer they become, as their ‘eyes on the street’ provide informal surveillance of the urban environment which could apply to Bangkok street vendors and pedestrians. Similarly, Kulsrisombat et al. (2017) found that people prefer walking on the streets with street vending to the streets without it. This somewhat opposes the government’s statement that street vending causes challenges for pedestrians. In terms of economics, street vending, an informal sector, effectively reduces the unemployment rate in Thailand (Loetnithat, 2018).

Furthermore, street food vending enables people in every income level to access affordable food (WEIGO, 2016).

The dispute over the right to use public spaces of street vendors is a continuing issue. Therefore, it is worth re-examining street vending and its interrelations to urban contexts in order to comprehend its problems and attempt to reach an agreement. Due to differences in each context,

IV it seems impossible to explore all areas in Bangkok as a whole. Therefore, only street food vending in Soi Convent (Silom, Bangkok) will be particularly focused on this dissertation. This is due to the fact that Soi Convent is one of the areas where ‘The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ enforcement is still held in abeyance. The reason for the extension of the deadline in Soi Convent is presumably critical and different from other areas (e.g. Yaowarat road, Khaosarn road) which are tourist attractions. Conversely, street food in Soi Convent still remains owing to high demand. The reason for this is likely to be due to the location of Soi Convent in the central business district (CBD) which is a densely populated area of low and middle-income employees who rely on street food.

Aim & Objectives This dissertation aims to examine if ‘The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ is appropriate for Soi Convent. Therefore, three main objectives were set to reach the aim. Firstly, the way street food vendors produce and modify urban public spaces was examined by using Flaneur (Jenks, 1995), Serial vision (Cullen, 1961), and photographing to collect data from spatial and behavior observation. Secondly, this dissertation will explore to what extent Soi Convent needs street food vending in order to support the economy, sociology and spatial typology by using questionnaire, interviews, and secondary data reviews. The respondents will be asked about their attitudes towards the existence of street food vendors in different aspects by using the condition on Mondays (the day that street vendors are regularly banned.) to compare and contrast. This circumstance is conceivably able to indicate the differences between existence and nonexistence of street food vending under the same environment and urban context. Lastly, this research will argue that ‘the

V reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ is not effective for every context of Bangkok. Analyzing and comparing discrepancy between this studied area and other areas of Bangkok where the plan is already successfully applied is critical to support this argument. This analysis coupled with reviewing laws and regulations relating to this plan, enables this dissertation to critically evaluate the efficiency of this plan in Soi Convent.

Outline This dissertation will begin by providing significant background information of street vending in Bangkok and analysis how it develops and involves in the urban context of Bangkok. The second part is comparing and analyzing the other case study: Siam Square (The initial area where the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan was enforced successfully.) to support the argument that ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ cannot be utilized generally in all areas. The third part is analyzing spatial research relating to street food vending in the studied area and how it contributes to the production of space (Lefebvre , 1991). The following provides socioeconomics information of street food vending in Soi Convent how it develop its interrelationship with urban context. Moreover, the attitudes of public users were collected by the questionnaire and interviews.

VI Literature review In recent years, there has been an increasing amount of literature on street vending in Bangkok because the military government known as the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) regulated the plan (the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan) to prohibit street vendors in 2016. They claimed that street vendors destroy orderliness and security of Bangkok, and cause difficulties for pedestrians to walk. This plan was agreed by some private and public organizations that suffer from the effect of street vending. However, many scholars have argued with this plan.

Kulsrisombat (2017), the principal of Urban Design & Development Center (UDDC), suggested that this plan will destroy livelihood and sense of place. She asserted that street vendors can attract people to utilize public spaces. This is possibly the same idea as Jacobs (1961) saying that mixed primary uses can activate streets at different time and can attract more people. In addition to Jacobs, Whyte (1980) also stated that what attract people most is other people. Furthermore, according to Jacobs people, in this means street vendors, can be “eyes on the street” providing an informal surveillance of the urban environment. This idea conflicts with the Thai government’s statement.

In terms of socio-economic aspect, Nirathron stated that street vending could mitigate the poverty problem and social problem. Likewise, it could also enable people to support themselves and reduce subsidies. In terms of the political aspect, she stated that the laws and regulations should be practical enough and less stringent, so the regulators can enforce them. This can avoid the corruption which happens by local authority. For the cultural aspect, Nirathron claimed that street

VII vendors still exist because of the culture of eating on the streets (Yasmeen, 2007). Apart from Nirathorn, Thailand Development Research Institute also stated that street vendors could reduce the living expense of middle-income employees around 350 baht (Thai currency) a month. This amount of money is more than the minimum guaranteed daily rate salary for workers in Bangkok.

Apart from reducing the living expense, TDRI also stated that street vending could reduce the unemployment rate of Thailand. According to CEIC DATA (2019), Thailand unemployment rate was just 0.40% in the year 2012, the year in which street vendors are allowed and supported, but in 2018, the year that some street vendors were banned, the unemployment rate started to increase to 1.1 %. This somewhat suggests that street vending can reduce the unemployment rate.

While the focus of existing research and scholarship in the street vending has been widely examined, less attention has been given to particular spatial and physical aspects of street vending in Bangkok.

It is therefore uncertain that street vending creates disadvantages more than advantages in every area in terms of space utilization. Therefore, it would be useful to reanalyze how street vendors produce spaces by using the serial vision method to collect data (Cullen, 1971) and other methods including questionnaire, behavior mapping and tracking, photography, sketch.

VIII Methodology This dissertation aims to explore that to what extent ‘The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ launched by the National Council for Peace and Order (the NCPO, the military government) is appropriate for being applied in Soi Convent. The plan mentioned above intends to evict street vendors all over Bangkok, and it was already enacted successfully in some areas of Bangkok. However, in Soi Convent, which is known for street food, this plan is still in conflict and is held in abeyance. The three objectives of the dissertation are: (1)To examine how street vendors in this area produce their spaces to comprehend their relationship with other contexts.

(2) To review and evaluate that to what extent Soi Convent requires street food vendors to support its economy and society.

(3) To investigate any justification for the existence of street food vendors in Soi Convent from pedestrians’ aspect.

Therefore, four chapters were provided to respond to all these objectives by using suitable methods as mentioned below.

Chapter1 aims to understand the importance of street vending and the development of the laws and frameworks that relate to street vending. It also seeks to comprehend the reasons for enforcing “The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan.” Therefore, the method used in this section is secondary data reviewing. By reviewing all the essential laws and framework that relate to street vendors and analyze and compare how they have been changing through the time before they become “The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan.” It found out that street vendors are not always evicted. On the contrary, in some periods they were supported for economic stimulus.

Chapter2 aims to explore why “The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan” succeed only in some areas, and what factors of the city that make the plan function. Furthermore, to contrast elements with the main case study. Therefore, in this section, the case study of the successful area was selected and explore by using two main methods: spatial observation and the secondary data review. The spatial observation was conducted by measuring the space and explore the environment, and the data from this method were

IX compared and contrasted with the main case study to recognize what factors contribute to the success of the plan.

Chapter3 aims to explore the spatial relationship between the street food vendors and the city elements, to know how the street vendors occupy the public space and transform the city image.

Therefore, the spatial observation and behavior observation were applied to reach the goals. The spatial observation was conducted by observing and photographing the same spot of areas through different time, and use the pictures to analyze how street vendors affected spaces. This way was selected because of the spatial-temporal character of street vendors. The result also shows that street vendors during different time produce and transform spaces differently. Another way to record spatial observation is by using serial vision (Cullen, 1961) to know how the atmosphere is with street vendors and to perceive how pedestrians utilize public spaces with street vendors. The finding of this exploration is that pedestrians and street vendors in this area have a clear boundary. It is the white line painted by the city department. The behavior observation was conducted by using the photograph techniques coupled with mapping to know how people, both pedestrians and street vendors, utilize and organize public spaces in each spot. The key finding is that street vendors and pedestrians have their perception of their boundary, so they do not interrupt each other. Only in some places that space is too narrow, their areas are overlapped.

Chapter 4 aims to explore the attitudes of pedestrians, tourists, and related business towards street food vending, and also to know how important street food vendors are for Soi Convent. To perceive the attitudes, the questionnaire and the interviews were conducted. The questionnaire is suitable for this research because the main goal of the study is simple. It is to know if people agree and appreciate the existence of street food vendors, so the questionnaires are suitable to gain this information to expand the sampling size. Moreover, personal interviews with the respondents that gave interesting answers were conducted for better understandings. The findings demonstrate that the users of public spaces feel that they appreciate the existence of street vendors. In addition to the questionnaire and interviews, behavioral tracking and mapping (Bechtel et al., 2002) were applied to explore the behaviors of pedestrians which are affected by the existence of street vendors. The finding shows that street vendors directly affect the way pedestrians approach spaces.

CHAPTER 1 STREET VENDORS IN BANGKOK THAILAND

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Chapter 1: Street vending in Bangkok, Thailand

1.1The background of street vending in Thailand In this chapter, the development of relationship between street vendors and urban context of Bangkok and related laws and frameworks are described by using secondary data review to understand the importance of street vendors.

1.1.1Terminology

A street vendor is generally defined as a person who sells food and other goods in the public space with a temporary static structure or mobile stall. Street vendors are probably stationary by occupying space on the pavements or other public/private areas or may be mobile in the sense that they move from place to place.

(Bhowmik, 2005) However, street vendors could be mainly differentiated from traders who sell in public spaces that are not streets or related to roads including train stations, buses, and public parks. Furthermore, street vendors also possibly distinguished from vendors who operate at officially designated off‐street markets (Sereerat, 2014). As street vendors differ regionally, this essay will focus on only street vendors that serve on streets, especially on pavements.

Due to street vending dependency in Bangkok, the Thai government allowed street vendors to trade their products in some areas of Bangkok. These areas, in this dissertation, are called designated areas.

1.2The background of street vending in Bangkok

The background of street vending in Bangkok is inextricably linked to socioeconomic circumstances which are transient. Therefore, to comprehend deep relations between street vending and urban context (Bangkok), the socioeconomic background should be considered.

The informal trade in public spaces has deeply rooted in the culture of Bangkok since the early period of the Rattanakosin Kingdom. During those periods, Bangkok, known as the ‘Venice of the East,’ relied on water transportation, so Bangkok vendors used boats as their vendors to commute and sell their goods. Some of them probably sailed to sell their products at floating markets. In 1864, the first street built by western technology completed, land transportation became the main transportation of Bangkok. Vendors who used to trade their products by boats adapted to market in public areas, especially streets (see fig.1‐1). These vendors are mostly Chinese immigrants. After World War 2, Chinese vendors were replaced by poor Thai farmers from outer city owing to the decrease in the world rice price and the government policy supporting people to work in commercial and industrial sections. The first National Economic and Social Development Plan (1961) which predominantly concentrated on industrial development without thorough consideration on urban planning, resulted in Bangkok widely sprawled out and mass rural‐urban migration. This created both demand for and supply of street vending because it is an affordable food source for low and middle‐ income classes and also a mean in decreasing unemployment rate of Bangkok. (Yasmeen; Nirathron, 2014).

Street food vending has been developing its interrelationship between economy, society, and urbanization.

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Figure1‐1 The picture showing street vendors and hawkers on Charoenkrung street (The first street of Bangkok paved with reinforced concrete. Source: http://chawan522.blogspot.com/2014/01/blog‐post_11.htm (accessed 07/12/18)

1.3 Urbanization of Bangkok related to street vending

From 1975 to 1980, Bangkok urbanized significantly as a result of Thailand’s economy which focused on export‐orientated industrialization. During that period, Bangkok was presumably based on the concentric zone (Burgess, 1925) and sector zone (Hoyt, 1939). The central business district was located at Silom Road, Bangkok. The following period, from 1985 to before 1997, Bangkok urbanized rapidly due to external factors affecting Thailand economy. Urban areas sprawled spaciously including some adjacent provinces: Nonthaburi, Samutpakarn, and Pathumthani. Suburbanization in those areas, coupled with disorganized public transit, lead to automobile dependency and severe traffic problems. This period, street vending was primarily needed by lower‐income immigrants. After 1997, a year in which the Asian financial crisis occurred, Bangkok urban growth was delayed for almost four years. However, street vending was still needed to mitigate the effects of the financial crisis. In 2001, Bangkok started to grow again because of the revitalization of the economy, but it has been grown following Multi Nuclei theory (Harris; Ullman, 1945) this time due to National development plan: city development. This plan aimed to develop suburb areas and create new CBDs to allow shorter commutes from the outskirts of the city and relieve traffic congestion. However, this plan possibly did not concern thoroughly public transit network. Therefore, people have not been able to commute to those nodes comfortably by public transit. This causes more automobile dependency, and people who live in outer areas have to spend about one‐third of their time on commuting. (TerraBKK, 2018) This possibly contributes to street food dependency. Since people do not have time to cook themselves, they rely more on the street vending which offers them convenience, affordable price, and varieties of food.

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1.4 Laws and policies relating to street vending in Bangkok

1.4.1 Legal Framework

Laws and regulations related to street vending are divided into two levels: the national level and city level (Tangworamongkon, 2014). On the national level, there are three acts with different aspects including The Public Cleanliness and Orderliness Act B.E. 2535 (1992), The Public Health Act B.E. 2535 (1992), and The Land Traffic Act B.E. 2522 (1979). All of these acts prohibit installation, placing and hanging any items in public spaces unless permission is obtained from the authorized local officer. For Bangkok, related local officer is Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) which acts on a city level in controlling street vendors in Bangkok by conjointly using two primary ordinances: The BMA Ordinance on selling in Public Places and Footpaths B.E. 2545 and BMA Directive on Regulations and Conditions of Vending in Designated Areas dated 18 July 2005. The objective of these two ordinances is to manage street vending as an urban element not to obstruct pedestrian and road users. Furthermore, they also stipulate that vendors must reach hygiene requirements following The Public Health Act B.E.2535 as noted below.

A set of specific rules, regulations, and conditions related to urban space was legitimated in order to permit designated areas: (1) The size of stall is restricted: the width of stall is not more than 1 meter; the length is not more than 1.5 meter, and height is not more than 1.5 meters (see fig.1‐2).

(2) The number of seats is restricted not to over two dining sets (a set comprises one table and four chairs) during the night and not to set any table during the day.

(3) Strictly prohibited areas are: within 10 meters of bus stops and entrances to sky trains and subways;

within 5 meters of bridgehead of overpass and under overpass; pavements with width lower than 2 meters; crucial or official space including monuments, official plaza; areas surrounding public phone booths, mailboxes, and public toilets and entrances of buildings that are used.

Fig.1‐2 The diagrams of the restricted dimension of each selling areas. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019.

Vendors will be fined when they violate rules. The fine rate for trading non‐food items in public space is 200‐500 baht, and 1000‐2000 baht is the rate for selling food in public space. The fine rate is higher in the

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inner city. (Tangworamongkon, 2014)

Fig. 1‐3 The Picture of designated area sign. Source: ©City Law Enforcement Department 2016

Fig. 1‐4The picture shows City Police Unit officers removing the sign. Source: City Law Enforcement Department. 2016

Discussion Even if there is an ensemble of rules that regulate street vending and control the ways in which street vendors use spaces, each area has its own ways to enforce the laws depending on each local authority. Most local authorities regulate the laws impulsively and ignore some rules. These ambiguous practices and street vendors produce the ambivalent nature of space: the contradictory form of spaces between public and private (Hernández‐Bonilla, 2008). This appears that streets are seen simultaneously as public assets and private assets. Pavements can be considered either as available for individual objectives or for the collective benefits relying on the benefits or circumstances.

1.4.2Policy Frameworks

Street vending in Bangkok was initially monitored by the Thai government in 1941. During those periods, Bangkok Municipality enforced separate regulations monitoring fixed and mobile vending. (Yasmeen; Nirathron, 2014) After that, due to the dual attitudes toward street vending, policies and regulations relating to it always conversely switch between stringent policies and lenient or even supportive policies. In 1973, when the BMA was established, there was an attempt to restore cleanliness and orderliness to pavements in Bangkok; street vending was banned. However, street vendors were permitted in some areas: designated areas. In 1976, the BMA legitimated two ordinances in order to strictly monitor and control street vendors in overcrowded areas. In 1978, the BMA conducted a pilot project known as ‘City Police Unit’ in order to monitor and fine street vendors who break rules. However, during 1979‐1982, owing to the economic recession, street vending, a solution of unemployment and high cost living, was supported to return again by the BMA. During 1982‐1991, the 5th and 6th National Economic and Social Development Plan regarded ‘petty enterprise’ as a means to reduce poverty; the BMA designated ‘special areas’ where measures to monitor safety, cleanliness and orderliness were enforced. In the early 20s, street vending was claimed as a cause of disorganization. The BMA wanted Bangkok to be a systematic, well‐ordered and livable city, so it aimed to reduce the number of street vendors. Up until 1997, due to the Asian financial crisis (1997), minor enterprises including street vending was permitted in order to mitigate this crisis, and it was used till 2008. In 2011, the campaign known as ‘street vending: charms of city’ was launched in order to maintain street vending orderly.

However, in 2012, the BMA started to stringently enforce the laws in problematic areas again. During 2012‐ 2014, even the BMA still monitored street vendors strictly. However, lenient and supportive policies was used by some political parties in order to gain a credence from people for being sympathetic to vendors. Until 2017, the military government, known as National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), who launched coup in 2014, started to conduct ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ in order to ban street vendors all

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over Bangkok. However, this policy seems to oppose to two major current development plans for the city: The 20‐year‐vision (2012‐2032) and BMA 12‐year development plan (2009‐2021). These two plans focus on ‘inclusive city’ which everyone has the right to access to the city. Furthermore, they also aim to reduce inequality in Thailand.

Fig. 1‐5 The Timeline of political effects on street vendors. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

1.5 The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan and designated areas.

Street vending in Bangkok has considerable benefits to Bangkok people and the informal economic system of Thailand. However, 1 May 2016, National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) claimed that street

vendors cause many problems: dirtiness, lack of orderliness, adverse effects on residents and pedestrians, traffic problems, possibilities of crime and corruption. Therefore, NCPO upheld the plan: the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan in order to ban street vendors all over Bangkok including designated or waived areas according to designated areas for street vendors in 2012 and old markets where unlicensed vending had been long practiced.

According to City Law Enforcement Department (2014), the objectives of the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan are: (1) To organize and beautify the city, and return pavements for pedestrians (2) To inform and acknowledge the duties and positions of City Law Enforcement Department and guide policies of each district (3) To control, monitor and arrest vendors who violate rules.

The target of this plan are: (1) To ban all street vendors in all official designated areas (2)To prevent new vendors in other areas.

Nevertheless, this plan could be claimed that it partly succeeds, because it can be applied merely in some areas of Bangkok including Siam Square.

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Fig.1‐6 The map of designated area before the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan was enforced. Source:©The Bangkok Metropolitan Authority.2014

1.6 Conclusion and Discussion

From the background mentioned above and history of street vending in Bangkok, it is seen that street vending has been developing its strong interrelationships to urban contexts and urban spaces of Bangkok naturally according to several factors: economy, national policies, sociology, and culture. Initially, before the advent of technologies, Thai society was based on agriculture where its production is not limited by criteria, time restriction, and rules. This results in Thai people tending to live their lives comfortably without strict rules, and street vending suitably responds to these habits. (Sunai, 1995) After the agriculture period, an industrialization period followed in Thailand thus economy and rural‐urban immigration enabled street vending to develop its relationships with Bangkok urban contexts. During the Asian financial crisis period, street vending was used as a tool for generating income for people and subsidizing living costs. After the financial crisis period, street vending is still needed because of substantially higher living costs in Bangkok.

Furthermore, urbanization and suburbanization have transformed the way people live. Particularly, people who live in the outer city, but work in the inner city including Silom district; they tend to rely on street food because of its convenience and their time restriction. Therefore, the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan which was conducted to organize public spaces, namely pavements, is applied effectively solely some areas depending on spatial practices and representations of space (Lefebvre, 1974). According to spatial triad idea (Lefebvre,1974), spatial practices refer to the way people benefit or apply spaces by considering what it is reasonable or justice to do in those contexts (see fig.1‐7). Therefore, the perception of people in those areas is one of the essential keys to the success of ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan.’ The successful areas generally caused more problems for people than benefits. Some successful areas took more factors including physical attributes to achieve this plan. For instance, some streets have off‐street spaces

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nearby so that street vendors can move from pavements to those areas. This chapter has attempted to provide a summary of information relating to street vending in Bangkok. The chapter that follows moves on to consider why this plan can be possible just in some areas and what factors that make it possible by analyzing the case study.

Fig. 1‐7 The idea of spatial triad. Source: ©Jennifer Pipitone 2017

CHAPTER 2 THE COMPARATIVE CASE STUDY (SIAM SQUARE, BANGKOK)

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Chapter 2: The comparative case study (Siam Square, Bangkok)

Due to the success of ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ in Siam Square, the analysis of Siam Square is described in this section in order to comprehend how factors including spatial, economic, spatial attributes contribute to Siam Square being a successful area. Moreover, to understand why this plan is currently postponed in Soi Convent, the different attributes between Siam Square and Soi Convent are discussed.

2.1. Background Siam Square, located in the center of Bangkok, Thailand, is a famous shopping and entertainment district.

This district connects by skywalks with other shopping districts (see fig.2‐1). This prime location contributes to Siam Square being a famous tourist destination in Bangkok. Before the ban of street vending in this area, Due to its location, diverse street vendors are attracted to this area. However, on the 5th October 2016, all street vendors in this area were not able to continue earning their living due to Thai government’s ‘The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’. On the 6th October 2016, the pavements of Siam Square became empty. On the 13rd June 2017, a big crowd of street vendors protested against ‘The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ in front of Siam Center (see fig.2‐2). However, they gained nothing from their protests.

This might be because there are significant amount of pedestrians disagree with returning of street vendors.

Up until now, the pavements of Siam Square have been unoccupied of street vendors, but sometimes some significant spots are used for advertising campaigns of brand products when temporary stalls are erected.

Fig. 2-1 The location of Siam Square, Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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Fig2 ‐2 The protest again the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan in front of Siam Centre,2016. Source:© https://khaohod.net/%E0%B8%96%E0%B8%B6%E0%B8%87%E0%B8%9C%E0%B8%B9%E0%B9 [accessed 02/27/19]

2.2 Spatial analysis 2.2.1 Location Siam Square is located in the most popular shopping district: Siam district. It is adjacent to three main roads: Rama1 road, Henri Dunant Road and Payathai road. This area is densely populated because of its convenient accessibility, and its commodious linkage to other shopping and business districts via skywalks (see fig. 2‐3).

Skywalk is important because Thais prefer walking on skywalk to walking on pavements due to its hot ambient temperature and free of blockages. Siam Square can be accessed conveniently by rapid transit system: the Bangkok Mass Transit system, known as BTS at Siam station. Siam station, a cross‐platform interchange station, is the largest and busiest station of the BTS with 148,000 passengers per day (BTS, 2018).

These passengers could be opportunity customers for street vendors.

Fig. 2‐3 The location of studied areas: Siam Square and Soi Convent. Source©: Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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<Figure.2‐4 The picture of skywalk at Pathumwan intersection connecting Siam Square with other department stores.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<Figure.2‐5 The picture of skywalk connecting Siam Square with Chidlom district.

Source:© Think of Living 2018

2.2.2 Surroundings Siam Square is surrounded by significant places including schools, vocational schools, public hospitals, university, police office buildings, luxury shopping mall, and luxury offices (see fig. 2‐6). The diverse types of buildings bring diverse users into this area following Jacobs’ idea (Jacobs, 1961). This is a possible reason for the presence of street vendors because most shopping malls and restaurants serve only expensive products which middle‐low incomes Thai people cannot afford.

Fig. 2‐6 The surrouding areas of Siam Square. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019.

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2.2.3 Pavement and its connection with surrounding spaces Before street vendors in Siam Square were evicted, there were street vendors occupied on three pavements at the edge of Siam Square’s boundary (see fig. 2‐7). However, the densest street vendors occurred on the pavement which attached to RAMA1 road. This could be because this pavement is easy to access by the BTS and skywalk. The opposite side of RAMA1 road has three luxury shopping malls: Siam Paragon, Siam Discovery and Siam Centre. This means that this pavement is connected to these shopping areas by skywalk.

On the skywalk, there are also spaces for tenants to rent, but the price is high compared to the size of the space. Another side, where this pavement located, there are commercial row houses and Mall along pavements. The average width of pavement in this area is 5.50 meters (see fig. 2‐9). However, some spots where shopping malls located, the widths of pavements are about 10 meters wider than average.

Street vendors were occupying both sides of pavements. Therefore, the total width in which people were able to walk was merely 2 meters. On this pavement, there were differences in types of street vendors and their products through different shifts. In the morning, there were few vendors selling grab food items.

According to an interview, the interesting point was discovered. A female vendor who sold sticky rice and chicken stated that she could sell more at weekends because pedestrians during weekdays regularly hasten to go to their workplaces. On the contrary, their customers at the weekend are employees of shops, and they do not rush. This fact shows that there was no demand for street vending in the morning in this spot in the evening. During the evening shifts, the busiest period, most street vendors sold non‐food items including fashionable clothes and accessories.

Fig. 2‐7 The way street vendors occupy pavement of Siam Square Source: ©Khaosod 2017

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Fig. 2‐8 The location of street vendors at Siam Square. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

Fig. 2‐9 The section of pavement on Rama1 rood. Source:©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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Fig. 2‐10 The street view in front of Siam Square and Paragon. Souce: ©Google street view [accessed 05/01/2019] Discussion

Street vendors in Siam Square were generally located at the spots where there are many pedestrians including the areas in front of the shopping mall, the exists of the BTS, the stairs of skywalks. However, located in these locations, street vendors flouted the laws mentioned in the first chapter. Street vendors must be located at least 10 meters far from these spots which are considered as nodes (Lynch, 1975) to provide pedestrians with safety when urgency happened. The way street vendors choose the spots to set their stores can be described by marketing strategy. They chose spots where there are more possibilities to sell their products, which are nodes and paths. Furthermore, the pavement attached to RAMA 1 road, can be considered as the transition of public space between the luxury malls and the shopping area. Therefore,

this space is valuable, and it is the opportunity space for street vendors to occupy this space and turn it to their market place. They chose to trade other pedestrians’ safety with their desire. The only aim of them is to accumulate their wealth. This caused pedestrians’ difficulties and disagreement later.

2.2.4 Street vending and its production of space

2.2.4.1 Types of street vendors There were diverse types of street vending on the pavements of Siam Square which could be divided by its ability to move into three main types: static type, semi‐static type and mobile type (see fig. 2‐11).

Most street vendors, especially during the evening shift, were in the form of stalls. These stalls transformed both sides of pavements into private spaces belonging to street vendors. They maximized the use of pedestrians to be tools to generate their incomes. The average size of stalls were 1.5 meters* 1.5 meters forming by three‐side partitions which were used to hang their products (see fig.2‐12). The space in between these three‐ side partitions is enough for two customers and a seat for a shop owner. Therefore, other customers and another seller had to posit out of this area. They blocked other general pedestrians and created viscosity in the spaces (Cullen, 1971). This means that street vendors exploited spaces more than 1.5 meters*1.5 meters. They also occupied spaces in between by both possession in movement and occupied territory (Cullen, 1971). This lead to the unpleasantness of pedestrians who have to walk through this space.

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Fig. 2‐11 The type of street vendors in Siam Square. Source:© Sirirat Sereerat 2014

Fig. 2‐12 Diagram shows the way street vendors occupy spaces both tangible and intangible.Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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Fig. 2‐13 The picture of street vendors on Rama1 street before they were evited. Source:© https://sapparot.co/2016/10/12/bangkok‐no‐stall/ [accessed 05/01/2019]

2.2.4.2 The number of street vendors

The number of streets vending in the studied area before the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan was enforced was around 655. This number included three shifts: morning, afternoon and evening. (Sereerat, 2014) Their movable abilities could sort the percentages of street vendors. For all three intervals, 65 percent of street vendors in this area were static type. 33% of them were semi‐static type. Just two percent of them are mobile type. However, focusing only on the morning interval, there was 91 percent of semi‐static. The

percentage of semi‐static lessened during the afternoon and evening shifts to just 70% and 20 % respectively.

During the evening shift, most street vendors were static.

Figure 2‐14 The Diagram shows the number and types of street vendors in Siam Square. Source:© Sirirat Sereerat 2014

This research classified the products into two types: food item, non‐food item. For total percentages of all three shifts, 63 percent of street vendors sold non‐food products. Only 34 percent of them sold food products. Most street vending that sold food products were working during morning shifts. During the morning, 90 percent of street vendors sold food products. Furthermore, food vendors in the area sold only processed food because spatial attributes do not support street vendors to cook in this area.

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2.3 Economic analysis In 1997, the year in which severe Asian financial crisis occurred, street vending happened ubiquitously in Bangkok including Soi Convent, but the pavements of Siam Square were still free from street vendors.

In 1999, the year that the BTS started operating, street vending initially occurred on the outer pavements of Siam Square due to its convenient accessibility and a significant number of pedestrians especially on weekends and after office hours. From this timeline, it can be inferred that the purpose of street vending in this area was not for the resilience of the economy. On the contrary, the aim of street vending here, driven by the capitalist system, was to accumulate wealth.

The other evidence to support the assumption that the capitalist system drove street vending in Siam Square is the fact that most of the street vendors sold unnecessary items including fashionable clothes or copied products during the evening. Most of their products were the same as products sold in shops in Siam Square, but prices were lower. The lower price is one of the reasons why people bought products from street vendors.

Another reason is because of its location which is easier to be accessed than shops. According to interviews, most shop owners stated that street vendors exploited them because street vendors did not pay high rental fees. Therefore, they were able to sell lower‐ price products. This shows the accumulation aims of street vending in this area, which tried to achieve the exploitation of resources: spaces.

Another evidence is the incomes of street vendors. According to secondary data (Sereerat, 2014) which performed interviews and questionnaires among street vendors in Siam Square, it discovered that 67 percent of respondents earn a higher income than those who hold undergraduate degrees. Their products were able to be sold more at the weekends because there are more shoppers. 90 percent of them took street vending

as the primary sources of incomes because they do not want to do regular works and they could earn high‐ average incomes (Sereerat, 2014).

●Comparison to Soi Convent Compared to Soi Convent, according to interviews with street vendors, street vending has happened before the Asian financial crisis as survival tools for rural immigrant workers and low‐middle income employees as previously mentioned in chapter one. Furthermore, most products sold in this area, are reasonable‐price foods. This could demonstrate the different aims of street vending in Siam Square and Soi Convent. Human‐ survival forces mainly drive the latter. Street vendors do not only aim to extract money from the restricted spaces: pavements. Conversely, it exchanges energy with other systems (Biel, 2010). This is because street vending in this area establishes and fosters symbiosis relationships with residents and other businesses in the area by being food security (SDGs, 2016).

2.4 Social analysis

Society, in this case, refers to an agreement among people using the studied areas: pedestrians, tenants, tourists, and street vendors. According to the theory of utilitarianism (Bentham, 1780), the benefit to a majority can justify restrictions on the liberties of any individual or group of individuals. In case of street vending in Siam Square, according to the referendum, a majority of people including pedestrians, tenants, and the owner of the spaces; Chulalongkorn University, does not agree with the existence of street vendors.

Furthermore, they claimed that street vending causes troubles (Prachamati.org, 2018). Social attributes are somewhat the main factor leading to the success of ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ in Siam

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Square because a consensus in each area is the primary criterion for selecting which areas street vending should be banned urgently. According to the BMA, there were a plenty of complaints about street vending on pavements of Siam Square.

2.4.1 The opinions of pedestrians According to interviews and questionnaires, most pedestrians prefer street after ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ was enforced. The primary reason is that they can walk more conveniently. The second reason is that they can benefit from their taxes. This is because pedestrians or users think that street vendors did not pay any taxes, but they were able to benefit from pavements. Pedestrians also think that street vending used to cause considerable difficulties for them. For instance, one of the respondents stated that he used to wait for the bus on the road before the plan was enforced. Another respondent stated that he used to miss the buses many times because street vendors blocked pavements.

2.4.2 The opinion of street vendors

According to secondary data including interviews, questionnaires and researches, street vendors in this area prefer to earn money in this spot because of the high density of pedestrians and diverse opportunities to sell.

The apparent finding is that most street vendors do not think to do other works. This is because being street vendors requires less cost and gains excellent benefits. One of the respondents, Lukkanasri Katepan , 44 – year old woman with a bachelor degree, stated that she does not want to change her job because she is already old. She is not the only person who answered this question with this reason. Another respondent stated that he used to work as an employee in the company, but he prefers to be a street vendor because of its freedom.

●Comparison to Soi Convent Compared to Soi Convent, according to the questionnaire, most pedestrians including Thais, foreigners and other related businesses stated that they are pleased with the existence of street vending. Most of them do not believe that street vendors obstruct pedestrians’ movements. On the contrary, some of them believe that street vendors enable them to walk through streets during the night because they feel safer by the light from vendors’ carts. Therefore, it could infer that the opinions through street vending of pedestrians in Siam Square and Soi Convent are different.

2.5 The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan in Siam Square Before the success of the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan, Chulalongkorn University, the owner of Siam Square, used to try to ban street vendors in the area. Chulalongkorn University used compromising ways to deal with this problem. Chulalongkorn University initially tried to discuss with street vendors and asked them to move to another space inside Siam Square provided by Chulalongkorn University (see fig. 2‐ 15), but this plan was failed. Street vendors refuted the offer and claimed that Chulalongkorn University tried to restrict the right to public spaces of the poor. Having failed the compromising way, Chulalongkorn University proposed the new idea to create physical blockages. For instance, Chulalongkorn University arranged plant pots along the pavements where street vendors always posited (see fig.2‐16). However, street vendors were still could market their products by invading more spaces of pavements. This problem remained until in 2016, the NCPO, issued ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan to command street vendors in this area and many other areas to move out by using Section 44 of the Interim Constitution of Thailand. The section 44 grants the NCPO absolute power to order deemed necessary for the public benefits of the nation (Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, 2017). Due to the stringency of this law, street vendors could

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not take any vigorous actions against the NCPO. The only thing they could do was to protest peacefully in front of Siam Square. They also claimed the right to continue their market on the pavements.

However, their arguments were refuted and disagreed by other users of the spaces. Other users including pedestrians and tenants provided many pieces of evidence both online and reliable platforms to support their disagreement.

Figure: 2‐15 The map showing the purposed location provided by Chulalongkorn university . Souce:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<Figure2‐16 The plan pots were provided by Chulalongkorn University to block street vendors. Source: https://mgonline.com/gol/det ail/960000006054 (accessed 09/02/2019)

<Figure2‐16 The picture showing the way BMA evicted street vendors at Siam Square.

Source: ©https://mgonline.com/gol/d etail/960000006054 (accessed 09/02/2019)

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Figure 2‐18. The officers of BMA monitored street vendors at Siam Square strictly. Souce: ©http://mgronline.com/gol/detail/96000000630546 (accessed 07/02/2019)

Figure 2‐19 The picture shows the difference of Siam Square pavement between before and after the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan.

Souce: The Bangkok Metropolitan Authority.2016

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2.6 Conclusion and Discussion According to spatial, economic and social analysis, it could be described that there are many differences between street vendors in Siam Square and Soi Convent, and these differences lead to success and failure of ‘ The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ in each area. The differences in three aspects are: Comparison between Siam Square and Soi Convent

Siam Square

Soi Convent

Spatial attributes

Location

They settled next to

They posit at

Main road and nodes secondary street. including the

However, this

entrances

secondary street

of rapid mass transit is full of pedestrians and open spaces in front of shopping malls

and office buildings.

Physical forms of space

Mostly, they

Mostly, they occupy

occupied

spaces by pushcart

spaces by partitions

The relationship with

They created great

Since they posit

contexts

viscosity on

far away from

pavements.

nodes,

They slow down

and main paths,

movements of other

they do not interupt

pedestrians.

movement of other

They did not enable

pedestrians.

spaces into walkable Furthermore, they areas because they

leave enough spaces

blocked pedestrians

for pedestrians to conveniently walk.

They are eyes on the street and create informal security for pedestrians

Economic attributes

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Aim of street vending

To accumulate their

To survive and also

wealth

maintain other businesses in area.

The relationship with

They mostly took

They support other

contexts

advantages

businesses in area

on other shops that

both direct and

rent spaces by

indirect

reducing their

way

prices Types of products

Fashionable clothes

food

Social attributes

Vendor aspect

They mostly want

They want spaces to

prime

earn their livings

spaces to earn their livings Pedestrian aspect

They mostly believe

They believe that

that street

street vendors

vendors caused them provide them with difficulties.

convenience to access

wide varieties of affordable foods

Related business aspect

They stated that

They stated that

street

street vendors

vendors took

support their

advantages

businesses

on them

This could answer for the research question that ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan’ should not be generally applied in all areas of Bangkok. It should be adapted and adopted specifically for each area by considering spatial, economic and social aspects of each area.

CHAPTER 3 SPATIAL ANALYSIS OF SOI CONVENT AND ITS STREET VENDING

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Chapter 3: Spatial analysis of Soi Convent and its street vending In this section, the analysis of spatial characters belonging to street vendors is described by in order to understand how street vending produce spaces and develop its relationships with its urban context.

3.1 Spatial attributes of Soi Convent Convent road, known as Soi Convent, is a secondary street running parallel to Saladang road from Silom road to North Sathorn road. It is located in Silom district, Bangkok which is the central business district. This area is full of high‐rise buildings.

Figure 3‐1 The location of Soi Convent. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

Figure 3‐2 The location of important buildings around Soi Convent. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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3.1.1 Physical characteristics of Soi Convent The primary function of Convent road is to be a shortcut between Silom Road and North Sathorn Road and mitigate traffic congestion on Rama4 road and Naradhiwas Rajanagarindra Road. The name convent road was named following Saint Joseph Convent School which is also located on this road.

3.1.1.1 Location The location of Soi Convent is in the middle of the Silom district; it can be approached in several ways. It is about 90 meters far from Saladang BTS station, 400 meters from Silom MRT station, and 550 meters from Chongnontree BTS station (see fig.3‐1). Besides, it connects with Saladang Road and Naradhiwas Rajanagarindra Road by Soi Saladang2 and Soi Pipat2 respectively. Its location, coupled with shade from vegetation in this area, enables Soi convent to be a walkable street. However, most pedestrians are found only at the entrance from Silom road and the middle of this street. The reason is possible that the side linking to North Sathorn road is far from rapid mass transit.

3.1.1.2 Important buildings According to observation, nine significant buildings partly identify this street. These buildings can be sorted by their location into three groups. The first building group is located at the entrance linking to Silom road; it contains a group of large office buildings: the CP tower, Liberty Square, Sivadol and its car park, and Sriboonrueng. The second group, in the middle of the road, Saint Joseph Convent school, Carmel of Bangkok and BNH hospital. The last group, at the other entrance linking to North Sathorn road, has Q House (an office building) and Christ church (see fig. 3‐3).

Figure 3‐3 The location of importance buildings. Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat.2018

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Discussion The locations of street vendors in Soi Convent are significantly related to the functions of these buildings and the context of Soi Convent. At the first part of Soi Convent which attached to Silom road, the density of street vendors is high from morning till evening relating to high demands for street food vendors from employees who work in the offices. Similarly, at the second part of Soi convent, there are street food vendors that operate their restaurants at noon because most of their customers are employees working in school and hospital and also from Q House. On the contrary at the end of Soi Convent Street, there are only two street vendors configure their restaurants after 17.30 because there are no office buildings around this spot. They manage their restaurants during the evening to serve residents in the area and some employees who use this route to back home (see fig.3‐4).

Figure 3‐4 The picture shows the restaurant always operate at the evening. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

This demonstrates that street vendors in this area set their restaurants following the demands on them. They concern about the opportunities to trade. This can be explained by Lefebvre’s idea (1971): the production of space was driven by the activities of the economy.

3.1.1.3 Physical environment

According to observation, Soi Convent is a straight street with 560‐meter length and 18‐meter width. The number of the floor can sort buildings located on this road into six groups: 1‐2 floors, 3‐4 floors, 5‐6 floors, 7‐8 floors, 9‐15 floors, and more than 16 floors. 60 percent of space in this road is occupied by the first and second group. It is noticeable that most high buildings are located at the entrance linking to Silom road because of the short distances from the BTS and MRT. The average height of the building on this road is 10 meters. The height of the building is concerned because street vendors consider the shade of buildings and the spatial attributes of those buildings in order to choose their locations.

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Figure 3‐5 The elevation of the surrounding of Soi Convent shows that most street vendors are located at the first and second part of Soi Convent. They basically choose the spaces in front of row houses and small buildings rather than tall buildings which have drop off spaces in front. It might be because the activity of street vendor is beneficial for shop house building more than high building. Source:©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019.

Figure 3‐6 The elevation of Soi Convent shows the relationship of street vendors and urban context. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

3.1.1.4 Formal Street elements According to observation, formal street elements in this area could be sorted into two main categories:

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3.1.1.4.1 Non‐living components For non‐living components, public lampposts are aligned throughout the road with 40‐meter gaps. The number of them is somewhat adequate for the night. Apart from lampposts, there are also traffic signs and other significant signs, and bollards in order to block motorbikes using pavements. These bollards also block street vendors to move their pushcarts on pavements. Therefore, street vendors usually move their pushcarts on the road.

Figure 3‐7 The picture shows ballads blocking motorbike from using pavements. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

3.1.1.4.2 Vegetation Most vegetation is in the form of trees with 6 to 10‐ meter heights planted throughout the pavements. These trees enable pedestrians and street vendors to use public spaces comfortably by their shade. Street vendors included trees as one attributes in order to choose spots to stop. Most of them located in between the gaps of trees. Street vendors that located near trees tend to them. However, some street vendors benefit from trees more than the shade, but they also use trees as their informal urban elements to produce and define their spaces. For instance, street vendors, who sell noodle across Saint Joseph Convent School, use a tree as a column to set his temporary roof (see fig.3‐9).

Figure 3‐8 The positions of trees in Soi Convent. Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

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Fig. 3‐9 The man tying thier temporary roof to a tree. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

3.2 Street food vending and its ability in producing spaces 3.2.1 The type of street vendors in the area and how they define spaces In this section, types of street vendors are divided into two types.

(1) Street vendors that require the eating spaces (see fig.3‐10) (2) Street vendors do not require the eating areas. (see fig.3‐11) This requirement depends on the type of food that they serve. Street vendors who serve takeaway food including chickens with sticky rice, fish balls, and beverages. They do not need any space for their customers to sit. On the contrary, street vendors who serve the main food need the spaces to set up their tables and seats. According to the laws, they are allowed to put up just two tables.

Figure 3‐10 Street vendors which require the eating areas. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

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Fig. 3‐11 The street vendor that do not require eating areas. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

The activities related to the production of space by street vendors can be arranged into three sections by three intervals: morning, noon, evening.

In the morning, all street vendors in Soi Convent serve takeaway food. This responds to the behavior of Bangkok people that always rush to their workplace. Therefore, street vendors who work in the morning interval occupy only a small and compact space. Most street vendors who posit at the first part of Soi Convent use merely one or two tables to put up their stalls. Some of them who settle in the middle of Soi Convent use pushcarts as their shops. By using only tables, street vendors leave enough space for pedestrians to walk comfortably in the morning. Furthermore, their customers use just minor spaces to finish their transactions.

They do not occupy spacious space by their movement (Cullen, 1961).

At noon interval, most street vendors market main food, so they need spaces for their customers to sit. Most of them use just two or three tables to create spaces of their restaurants. However, some of them cooperating configure their restaurants. They use six to seven sets of the table to set up their restaurants.

Therefore, customers can order food from three street vendors to sit in this area. The way that street vendors share their eating areas is the same as the way food court operates, but in an informal way. Even they operate and define spaces informally, but their regular customers can perceive the boundary of each street vendors by familiarity.

In the evening, each street vendor occupies more spaces than in the morning and noon intervals. Most of them use more than five tables to configure their temporary restaurants. A street vendor who sell noodles at the entrance from Silom road use ten tables set at both sides of the street. At one side, they posit their pushcart and some eating tables. Another side they put the rest of the tables and their basins to wash their dishes (see fig.3‐12). They operate their restaurant by using the space of the road to serve their food. This

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means that they occupy the space of the road by their movement. At the middle of Soi Convent, there is no street vendor.

At the end of Soi Convent which attached to Sathorn Road, There are two restaurants marketing in this area.

Both of them exploit spacious spaces in front of Christ Church (see fig.3‐13). One of the reasons why street vendors in the evening interval use more spaces might be because fewer pedestrians and cars use the street at those times. Another reason is that street vendors in the evening interval mostly offer food for tourists and residents who do not hurry, so their turnover rates are remarkably lower than those of the morning and noon intervals. Therefore, they need more seats to gain more customers. <Fig. 3‐13 The picture shows the space in front of Christ Church.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 20191

<Fig. 3‐12 The picture displays basins on the other side of street.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

Discussion The type of street vendor in this area produce spaces by considering the context including the activities and behavior of their customers, the way which street is applied severally through different time. For instance, during the evening interval, street vendors maximize the use of pavement by turning it into their social products. By considering the context of Soi Convent, street vendors in this area do not cause many difficulties to pedestrians as in Siam Square. On the contrary, they also fulfill and create a sense of livability to Soi Convent.

3.3 The modification of urban space by its production.

The production of space by street vendors has a significant influence on the existing space. It is not only added into the existing urban space, but the spatial products from street vendors and the existing urban space have already been intertwined and developed their relationship with social and economic contexts of Soi Convent. This modification of the urban space is not just its materials and forms, but it also includes its relations to space and sense of belonging.

3.3.1 The modification of the image of the city (Lynch, 1960).

In terms of the district, it can be described that street vendors and their support businesses create the invisible boundaries for the district by allocating their routes and own spaces. For instance, the folding and storing laborers (this will be mentioned in Chapter4), allocated their set route to operate and their activities in order to avoid any argument.

In terms of landmark, some street vendors became landmarks for Soi Convent. Since most tourists can remember Soi Convent by some famous street vendors including Som Tum Convent, Khaomun Kai Convent

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(chicken rice), all these street vendors turned themselves to be landmarks attract people both in the area and out of the area to visit.

In terms of edge, there are a lot of invisible edges for street vendors in Soi Convent. These edges are created by the laws and regulations that control street vendors. Since street vendors are not allowed to market on the public pavements on Mondays, some of them still continue their restaurants on Mondays by moving from public pavement to adjacent pavement which belongs to private. The precise example is the noodle vendor that always posits in front of the seven‐eleven convenience store. On Mondays, they occupy the left space from the convenience store, but on other days they occupy both private and public space. They destroy the invisible edge created by regulations and combined them into one space that they can extend the area of their restaurant (see fig.3‐15).

Figure 3‐14 The picture shows the invisible edge generated by the regulations. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

Figure 3‐15 The picture shows the invisible edge generated by the regulations. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

3.3.2 Street vending and the effect on spatial experiences of pedestrians The street vending in this area could be defined as an urban form modifier. It establishes new spatial experiences for pedestrians. The NCPO stated that street vendors cause obstacles for pedestrians. However,

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in Soi Convent, this point can be argued by the answers which will be mentioned in the next chapter.

Furthermore, street vendors in this area enable Soi Convent to be walkable street and reinforce the sense of place by creating activities and bringing interest to walk (Kulsrisombat, 2017). This can support by the author’s observation and interviews with a street vendor. The findings are that the number of pedestrians on Mondays is significantly lower than on other days (see fig.3‐16).

Figure 3‐16 The contrast of Soi Convent between with and without street vendors. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

The materials and form of street vendors also affect the spatial experience of pedestrians. Since the materials that street vendors mostly use are colorful. They generate spatial cognition for each area and destroy the banality of this street.

Therefore, at different intervals, the sense of place is also different because the activities and the forms of street vendors change.

3.3.3 Intangible space from street vendors’ production Street vendors do not only define their boundaries of spaces by their tools including parasols, tables, and pushcarts, but they also produce intangible spaces by their noise, light, and smell. In Soi Convent, the smell is vital for street vendors to attract their customers because most of them serve food. Furthermore, during the evening shift, the light becomes more significant for street vendors to attract people and create a sense of security. The light and smell also recall the pedestrians that they are already in the space of street vendors.

3.3.4 The way street vendors occupy spaces.

According to spatial observation, most street vendors in this area posit in the edge of pavements in between the gaps of threes. Therefore, street vendors do not obstruct the main circulation of pavements and leave enough routes for pedestrians. However, their customers’ movement somewhat occupies left space (see fig.3‐17). Furthermore, their service businesses including folding and storing laborers sometimes block one lane of the road (see fig3‐18).

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Figure 3‐17 (upper‐left)The picture showing the space between trees and the white line which limits the area of street vendors. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018 Figure 3‐18.(upper‐right) The picture showing the folding and storing laborers use the road as their route.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damronrat 2018

<Figure3‐19 The sketches of plan and section showing how street vendors occupy spaces between trees.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

Figure 3‐20 The location of street vendors in Soi Convent and its vicinity. Souce: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

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3.4 The existence of Street food vendors in Soi convent In this section, the behavior mapping and tracking of pedestrians were conducted to perceive the difference of the way people approach public spaces between with and without street vendors. The findings are for analyzing the importance of street vendors.

3.4.1 Contrast of architecture and urban vision by serial vision (Cullen, 1961).

In this section, roaming around the street like Flaneur's was used to perceive the difference between Soi Convent with and without street vendors. Two series of pictures were taken to exhibit the different sense and emotion that occurs form the existence of street vendors.

Two series of pictures were taken using the serial view technique (Cullen, 1961) (see fig.3‐21).

Figure 3‐21 The serial vision of Soi Convent. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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3.4.2 Behavior mapping and tracking (Gifford,2018) The experiment was conducted by selected five samples from pedestrians who work in Soi Convent and observed their behaviors during Mondays and other days while they were commuting from the Saladang BTS station to their workplace (see appendix). The findings of the experiment is that four of them went directly to their workplace on Mondays buy taking public motorbike. While, on other days they usually walk to their workplace and buy something from street vendors (see fig.3‐22).

This shows that the existence of street vendors can influent on how people use and access spaces. They also create livability to the area because the more people use streets the more the street attract other people to use (Whyte, 1980).

Figure 3‐22. The findings of respondents shows how they reach their workplaces by using two maps to compare between two conditions: with and without street vendors. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

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3.5 Conclusion and discussion According to the research question, how street vendors in Soi Convent produce space, the findings in this section have shown that street vendors in this area turn the public space into economics cost to earn their livings. The locations where there are opportunities to market products are selected by street vendors. These locations are mostly near office buildings and nodes including public rapid transits. Moreover, time is considered thoroughly by street vendors to configure their restaurants responding to the different activities that occurs at different time. Therefore, their spatial products are different depending on their intervals: morning, noon and evening. They maximize the use of public space at the evening. Since street is rarely used by both cars and pedestrians during the night period, street vendors operate their restaurants as secondary function and force district to be active. Furthermore, according to Whyte (1950), sitting is an important part of urban design. It leads to livelihood and the participation of people in the district. Street vending seems to be the only activity of this area that has the ability to gather people to sit in public spaces. The finding from behavior observation possibly confirms this point because it found out that the way people access public spaces change if there is no street vendor. This is similar to Jacob’s idea (1961) about the diversities of activities in the district can contribute to the lively district. Therefore, the analysis of this data enables the dissertation to reach second objective that street vending in Soi Convent is still needed to support urban typology. According to the analysis of forms and materials of street vendors, street vendors possibly fabricate new urban visuals from the existing city because most of their materials are colorful and contrast to the existing architecture. More than visuals, street vendors fabricate the characteristics of Soi Convent by the fame of them. This is because some street vendors act as landmarks of Soi Convent and make Soi Convent recognizable.

CHAPTER 4 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF SOI CONVENT RELATING TO STREET VENDING.

Chapter4: Social and economic aspects of Soi Convent relating to street vending.

In this section, attitudes of people towards street vendors were asked by questionnaires and interviews to understand the effect of street food vendors from social aspects.

4.1 The importance of street food vendors in Soi Convent As previously mentioned, Soi Convent locates in the inner city of Bangkok known for its urban sprawl. Most people, who work around this area, usually spend more than two hours each day on commuting, so they generally do not have times to cook for themselves (TerraBKK.com, 2018). This is mainly the reason why they always eat outsides. Therefore, street food vending plays an essential role in Soi Convent as food security. Not only being the food security (SDGs, 2016), a street food vendor in Soi Convent is presumably vital for the urban context of Soi Convent all in economic, social, and spatial aspects.

In terms of economics, street vendors sustain both macro and microeconomics. For the district, street food vending is important for employees in the companies and the companies to maintain their lives and businesses. According to TDRI (2018), street food is a crucial tool helping them reduce their expenses. It can assume that street food is important to both formal and informal businesses in the district. The importance of street vending for overall economy is that it can reduce unemployment rates (TDRI, 2018). This is because being street vending requires fewer efforts, costs, and knowledge. It does not only support street vendors, but also support its supply chains and secondary businesses that support them. According to the author's observation, street vending contributes to other informal businesses including storages, delivery, and contributor businesses. Street vendors mostly buy ingredients and other products from contributor businesses who supply from rural areas. These ingredients and products are delivered to Bangkok by local conveyancers and secondary businesses store them, while other businesses set up the stalls in the street.

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Furthermore, in terms of society, street vending in this area can attract people to walk on the street and creates a sense of liveliness in public spaces according to the interview. This can conceivably be demonstrated by a series of pictures comparing between Soi convent with and without street vending. Senses of liveliness and localness are primary reasons for tourists to visit Bangkok. According to a questionnaire, almost 80% of foreigner respondents stated that street vending is one of the reasons they visit Bangkok. They stated that street vending is fascinating and also can represent Thai cultures (see fig.4‐1).

In terms of urban space, street vending with their physical appearances including, form, colorful materials, and texture, coupled with its temporal attribute, can modify the way people reach urban spaces in Soi Convent.

It enables people to use more public spaces.

Figure 4‐1 The graph shows the feeling of tourists towards street food vendors of Soi Convent. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

4.2 Law and regulations which regulate street vendors in the studied area Street vending in Soi Convent, designated area, is mainly regulated by Regulations and Conditions of Vending in Designated Areas (2012) which prohibits street vending on Mondays to clean streets and pavements. This regulation controls and monitors street vending in this area following the Public Cleanliness and Orderliness Act B.E 2535 (1992) and The Land Traffic Act B.E.2522 (1979). More specific information is described in chapter1. However, rules and regulations are applied leniently in this area. Moreover, roads and small alleys that attach to Soi Convent including Soi Saladang2 and Soi Pipat2 are free from these rules and regulations.

Therefore, vendors can sell their products on Mondays. City Law Enforcement officers seem to ignore miscellaneous faults happening on pavements in Soi Convent. For instance, according to Regulations for designated areas, street vendors are prohibited from tying anything to trees and plants, but street vending in the studied area uses trees as columns to set their temporary roofs.

The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan have been postponed for this area. This may be because there have been no complaints filed from people in this area. Meanwhile, other areas where street vending has been already banned including Siam Square have complained about the difficulties caused by street vendors (BMA, 2017). Furthermore, according to the questionnaire, pedestrians and residents in this area are delighted with street food vending. However, according to the BMA plan, street vendors in all designated areas around Bangkok will be removed by the end of 2019. However, this plan belongs to the current government (NCPO) which will discharge from duty in April 2019. Therefore, this plan may be abandoned. However, this plan is the most crucial factor that may transform this district in terms of economic, social, physical attributes.

4.3 The management system of street vending in Soi Convent The management system could be arranged into two sections:

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4.3.1 Formal management As previously mentioned, all street vending in Soi Convent is monitored and controlled by The City Enforcement Department and the BMA. These departments control street vendors to follow the rules and prevent any conflicts that tend to occur among street vendors. All street vendors have to register to sell their products. In addition to this, The City Enforcement Department also takes responsibility for the cleanliness of areas by cleaning on Mondays.

Figure 4‐2The contrast of pavements between with and without street vendors. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

4.3.2 Informal management Informal management refers to every management that is not done by Public Departments.

4.3.2.1 The storage According to the interviews, most street vendors keep their pushcarts and tools in Pipat2 community due to lower rental fees and better security, while some street vendors keep their tools along the alleys that attached to Soi Convent because it is free of charges. However, these areas are not as safe as much as in Pipat 2 community (see fig.4‐3).

Figure 4‐3 The picture shows the location of storages and the physical characters. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

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4.3.2.2 Folding and storing laborers.

Folding and storing businesses could be claimed as secondary businesses supporting street vending. Most street vendors hire these laborers to configure and dismantle their temporary restaurants. Since street vending in Soi Convent is divided into three main intervals, their temporary restaurants need to be set up and dismantled with time restrictions. Folding and storing laborers can organize fast and systematically because they use some of the same equipment for all intervals including plastic chairs and tables. Furthermore, repeating their routes daily is the reproduction leads to the production of space (Lefebvre, 1974). They allocate their routes in order to avoid any argument among them. This can be described by Lefebvre's theory (1974) that social space is a social product. Since folding and storing laborers’ economic activity produces their set routes which are social products (see appendix).

Figure 4‐4 The picture shows a folding and storing laborer. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

4.3.2.3 Water Water is essential for street vendors to cook and clean their restaurants. According to interviews, most street vendors use water from buildings in the area and pay them around 200‐500 baht per month. This demonstrates symbiosis between vendors and this context.

4.3.2.4 Electricity Electricity is needed for some vendors, particularly night shift vendors because lights from public lampposts do not seem adequate for them. Furthermore, lighting can attract customers, and also increase security level around the areas. Two primary sources of electricity are: from buildings in the areas and street vendors’ car batteries. Street vendors, who use electricity from buildings, mostly located near those buildings.

4.3.2.5 Gas Gas is needed for cooking. All street vendors use picnic gas tanks because the public gas network is not provided in Bangkok. Suppliers that are near the area provides these picnic gas tanks. Their delivery routes are repeated, so this activity produces informal urban networks as the social product (Lefebvre, 1974).

4.3.2.6 Ice Ice is used for maintaining the freshness of food and ingredients because it seems impossible for street vendors to carry refrigerators around. Ice is needed due to the high ambient temperature in Bangkok. All street vendors rely on two leading suppliers. These suppliers have their set routes to deliver their ice (see figure 4‐ 5).

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Figure 4‐5 The picture displays the moment when the ice suppliers deliver their products. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

4.3.2.7 Sewerage and waste Sewerage and waste from street vending is one main point that the Government claimed as a problem, especially waste from food preparation. Since waste infrastructures for street food are never provided in Bangkok, all street vendors directly pour their wastewater and cooking oil into sewer drains. This causes many problems including stagnant water in drainage and floods. However, another waste is monitored by the City Law Enforcement, so street vendors regularly take their waste back home with them every day to dispose of it. Some of them use the service provided by folding and restoring actors.

Figure 4‐6 The picture shows how street vendors manage their waste. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

4.4 Opinions of people using public spaces towards street vendors Opinions of people were taken by the questionnaire and interviews. From 20 November to 10 Dec 2018, 156 people responded to this questionnaire. Respondents included 52 Thais, 54 foreigners and 50 people who run businesses relating to street vending. For Thais, most respondents are 32‐year‐old female employees who work in offices in the studied area, and more than half of them hold a bachelor degree (see fig. 4‐7). For foreigners, most respondents are 37‐year‐old employees who travel in Bangkok (see fig. 4‐8). For respondents’ salaries, the average salaries of Thai, foreigner, and people who work in related businesses respondents are about 19,900; 271,100 and 13,100 baht per month respectively. The middle‐income respondents were selected as the sampling because of two reasons. Firstly, they are the majority of users of the district. Secondly,

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to show that not only low‐income people that rely on street food. Besides, to response to the research question if street vendors in this area are still in demand for most of the users.

Figure 4‐7 Three kinds of sample. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

4.4.1 General opinions towards street vending In this section, respondents were asked about their opinions about street vending to reach the objective of dissertation if street vendors are still needed in Soi Convent to maintain economy and society.

Figure 4‐8 The graph shows the level that people think that vending is essential. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

According to Fig.4‐8, respondents were asked to what extent street vending is vital to this area. No foreigners stated that street vendors are not important. More than 90 percent of them stated that street vendors in this area are significant in attracting tourists and creating a sense of localness. Similarly, more than 80 percent of Thai respondents also stated that street vending is very important to this district.

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Figure 4‐9 The graph shows the reasons for buying food from street vendors. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

Fig.4‐9 shows the reason for buying food from street vendors. Almost 80% of Thai respondents stated that the main reason for buying food from street vending is its convenience. Moreover, according to interviews, also stated that they usually buy products from street vendors who settle near their workplace or the spots where they usually walk past. The second reason answered by most respondents is the variety of products. Followed by the third answer is the opportunity to negotiate prices. Respondents, especially Thais, stated that they prefer street vendors to convenience stores because they can bargain and receive some discounts if they are regular customers. This reason can be linked to the connection between street vendors and their customers.

It is an easy social connection that can foster economic activities and provoke customers to buy products. This

can be described by Thai culture in which people easily foster their relationships with people they meet. They always call shop owners or street vendors as their family members: uncle, brother, aunt, sister (Karnchanapisek, 1997).

The pros and cons of street vendors

Figure 4‐10The graph shows the pros of street vendors towards pedestrians' opinions. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

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Fig. 4‐10 displays the pros of street vendors. Most Thais asserted that the pros of street vendors are low price and negotiable price. In addition, according to personal interviews, most of them (98%) prefer to buy meals from street vendors or outdoor foods courts including the market behind Silom complex shopping mall rather than from restaurants (only 2%) Because the prices of meals served in restaurants seem to be too high for employees to eat every day (TDRI, 2016). For foreigners, the pros of street vendors are its ability to attract tourists and represent Thai’s culture respectively. These findings occur with the studies of UDDC and CEIC (2016) that show that street vending has abilities to bring people to use public spaces and generate lively districts.

Figure 4‐11 The graph shows the cons of street vendors towards pedestrians' opinions. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

Fig.4‐11 demonstrates the cons of street vendors.90% of respondents stated that street vendors cause the city’s dirtiness, and almost 80% of them stated that street vendors cause difficulties on the street. These findings can support the NCPO’s assertion (2016) that street vendors cause obstacles for pedestrians and the repulsive image of the city. However, according to the answer of another question, the results oppose these findings because the respondents stated that difficulties on the street remain the same when there is no street vending. Likewise, the level of cleanliness is also the same between the street with and without street vending (see fig.4‐15).

Figure4‐12 The graph shows the effects of evicting street vendors on people. Source: ©Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

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According to Fig. 4‐12, respondents were asked if they have been affected by ‘the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan.' More than 50 percent of foreigners stated that the eviction of street vending has a great effect on them because they believe that street vending represent Bangkok. Furthermore, according to personal interviews, street food is also the primary reason they decided to visit Bangkok. 75 percent of Thais stated that the ban of street vendors certainly affected their daily life. Since street vendors in this area mostly trade affordable food items which they buy almost every lunch. Moreover, they also stated that buying food from street vendors can reduce their living expenses. This finding confirms TDRI (2018) that street vendors can reduce urban people’s living expenses.

The comparison between street vendors and minimarts

Figure 4‐13 The graph shows the opinions of people about the difference between a street vendor and a convenience store. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018.

Fig.4‐13 displays opinions on the difference between street vendors and minimarts. Most of the respondents, particularly foreigners, stated that street vendors and convenience stores are different. According to personal interviews, the differences respondents mentioned include negotiable prices, sense of localness, and the relationship to sellers. This outcome is contrast to another research claiming that the convenience store is the food resource that may replace the street vendor due to the low prices of its products (Pitsanu et al., 2015).

4.4.2 Opinions of people who work in related businesses towards the existence of street vending In this section, people who work in related businesses including shop houses and public motorbike drivers were asked about their opinions towards the street without street vending using the Monday condition (street vendors are regularly banned on Mondays) to evaluate.

The opinions relate to spatial aspect <Figure4‐14 The pine chart showing the convenient level when there are no street vendors.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

<Figure4‐15 The pine chart showing the security rate of street when there no street vendors.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

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<Figure4‐16 The pine chart showing the cleanliness of street when there are no street vendors. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

<Figure4‐17 The pine chart showing the traffic congestion when there are no street vendors. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

The opinions relate to economic aspect <Figure4‐19 The pine chart showing the living cost businesses when there are no street vendors.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

<Figure4‐18 The pine chart showing the income of related businesses when there are no street food vendors.

Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

In terms of economy, 76 percent of respondents gain fewer incomes (see fig.4‐18). This answer relates to the question regarding the number of their customers and tourists. 78 percent of respondents stated that the number of their customers is lower (see fig.4‐22). 82 percent of them stated that the number of tourists is lower (see fig.4‐21). Furthermore, they also claimed that their living costs are higher than when there is street vending (fig.4‐19). This is possibly because they have to buy their food from restaurants and convenient stores.

This can support the information from TDRI (2016) that stated that street vendors could reduce people's living expense.

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The number of pedestrians

Higher

Stable

Lower

The number of tourists

Higher

Stable

Lower

The number of customers

Higher

Stable

Lower

Figure 4‐20 The pine chart showing the number of pedestrians when there is no street vendors. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

Figure 4‐21 The pine chart showing the number of tourists when there is no street vendors. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

Figure 4‐22 The pine chart showing the number of customer when there is no street vendors. Source:© Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2019

Discussion and Conclusion According to interviews with street vendors, most of them stated that the way City Department Police officers enforce the law in this area is somewhat compromised. However, the officers can control street vendors to follow their regulars which they already adjusted some parts to be suited with Soi Convent's context. This may be the reason why street vendors in this area can stay with other public space’s users integrally.

According to the questionnaire, most of the sample asserted that street vendors are essential to this area.

Besides, they think that street vendors have more advantages than disadvantages. For the disadvantages, they claimed that street vendors cause the dirtiness to the city and block their traffic. However, when they were asked about the levels of cleanliness and comfort belonging to the street without street vendors, most of them stated that the levels remain the same. Moreover, according to personal interviews most of them stated that on Mondays (the day that street vendors are usually prohibited), they rarely use pavements and public spaces

because there are no visual interests and activities for them to do. This finding is similar to Whyte's idea (1980).

He stated that "What attracts people most, it would appear, is other people" (William H. Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, p.19). Street vendors in this area generate activities for people to participate in and people who participate in attract other people to walk on the streets. Simultaneously, these activities and people increase the security rate of this district (Jacob, 1961). For the advantages of street vendors, people think that street vendors provide them with convenience, the opportunities in the bargain, the diversity of products, and a sense of Thai culture. The opportunities in the bargain are occurred by the relationship with sellers. The street vendors usually give some discounts to their regular customers. This point differentiates street vendors from the convenience stores. Moreover, like the responses from respondents, all of them stated that street vendors are different from convenience stores. This can suggest that it is difficult for convenience stores to replace street vendors because they produce space and affect urban context diversely.

Furthermore, people who work in related businesses including public motorbike and shop owners stated that on Mondays their income and their customers significantly decrease. This can somewhat suggest that the existence of street vendors is beneficial to them because the temporary‐informal character of street vendors generate the memorable image of the city which attracts tourists. Moreover, they also stated that their living expenses are remarkably increased. This can support the information suggested by TDRI that street vendors can reduce people's living expenses.

CONCLUSION

Conclusion

The dissertation aims to examine if ‘The reclaiming pavements for pedestrians’ is suitable for applying in So Convent. Three main objectives of the dissertation are: to understand how street food vendors in Soi Convent produce their spaces, to evaluate that to what extent Soi Convent requires street food vendors to support its economy and society, and to investigate any justification for the existence of street food vendors in the area. The dissertation has found that street vendors are vital to Soi Convent in terms of economic, social, and spatial aspects. In terms of economy, the findings from the questionnaire suggest that street vendors can reduce the living expenses of employees in the area and the unemployment rate. Furthermore, street vending is also a stimulator of the informal economy in the area and a supporter for small businesses in the area. In terms of society, street vending provides the poor with the opportunities to earn their livings and also right to the city (SDGs, 2016). In terms of urban space, street vending encourage people to use public spaces and make the district lively both day and night. It is also informal surveillance for pedestrians, so pedestrians are able to walk during the night more safely.

According to the questionnaire and behavior observation, it has found that generally, the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan affect people in Soi Convent in economic, social, and spatial aspects. The street vending prohibition on Mondays influences how people access public urban space. The utilization of public space by pedestrians and tourists significantly decreases on Mondays. According to the questionnaire on people who work in related businesses, it can suggest that the decline of the number of pedestrians and tourists lead to economic stagnation.

Furthermore, having analyzed the case study of Siam Square which the reclaiming pavements on pedestrians plan was enforced successfully, it found out that this plan is not suitable to regulate in all areas of Bangkok because each district has its different conditions.

The findings of this dissertation confirm and support the current literature. The finding supports TDRI’s research which stated that street vendors can sustain the economy of Thailand. In additions, the findings confirm the proposed idea of Kulsrisombat (2016) that stated that the reclaiming pavements plan for pedestrians plan should not be enforced in all area, but should be adapted to be appropriate to each area individually.

However, the study is limited by the small sample size of the behavior observation and the period was spent on observation might be too short to generalize the findings to people who commute by other transport.

Despite its limitations, the study certainly develops understandings of the production of space by street vendors in Soi Convent.

If the debates is to be more forward, an enhanced understanding of the government’s position requires development. Moreover, the cooperation among street vendors, pedestrians, and the government authority should be organized in order to search for the most suitable way to deal with street vending’s problems.

APPENDIX

Photography as a research method.

<The shared eating area among two or three street vendors.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The tourists eating on the street.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The way street vendors set their eating area with foldable tables.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The way folding and storing laborers maximize their push cart.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The equipment of street vendors .

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The convenient store located near the BTS Saladang exist.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The street tailor utilizing the shade of tree as their working space.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

<The street vendor using pushcart as her tools to sell noodle. She usually moves along Soi Convent and stop at some spots that have more pedestrians.

Source: © Boonyakorn Damrongrat 2018

The summarized responses from questionnaire The attitudes of people, buyers, and related businesses towards the changes of Silom district, Bangkok, Thailand affected by street vending eviction act.

Boonyakorn Damrongrat 52 Thai respondents 54,foreign respondents, and 50 related business people.

20 November to 10 December,2018 in Soi Convent, Silom district.

The responses of questionnaire are divided into three main parts as the following information.

Part 1 Profile of respondents Almost Thai respondents are female officer working in office whose domiciles are diverse provincial cities.

Their average age is 32 years old. About 57.69 percent of them graduated Bachelor degree.

Foreign respondents, the largest number of them are male officers working in office. Their average age is 37 years old.

Most related business people are male motorcycle taxi drivers and shop retailers, respectively whose domiciles are provincial cities. Their average age is 42 years old. Most of them graduated from primary school.

Gender

Male Female Total

Average age (year)

Domicile

Status

Bangkok Provincial Total Single Married Divorced Total None

Thai Quantity Percent 30.77 16 36 69.23 52 100.00 31.56

14 38 52 30 20 1 51 36

26.92 73.08 100.00 58.82 39.22 1.96 100.00 69.23

Foreigner Quantity Percent 59.26 32 22 40.74 54 100.00 37.00

26 22 2 50 35

52.00 44.00 4.00 100.00 70.00

Related business Quantity Percent 40 80.00 10 20.00 50 100.00 42.14

17 32 49 23 22 5 50 22

34.69 65.31 100.00 46.00 44.00 10.00 100.00 44.00

Thai The number of child

Education level

Occupation

1 person 2 people 3 people 3 up Total None Primary school Secondar y school High school Vocationa l school 1st Vocationa l school 2nd Diploma Bachelor Others Total unemploye d student Public work Private company Selfemployed factory

Foreigner Quantity Percent 3 6.00 7 14.00 1 2.00 4 8.00 50 100.00 0 0.00

Related business Quantity Percent 14 28.00 7 14.00 6 12.00 1 2.00 50 100.00 3 6.00

Quantity 8 7 1 0 52 1

Percent 15.38 13.46 1.92 0.00 100.00 1.92

5

9.62

2

3.77

13

26.00

3

5.77

4

7.55

9

18.00

5

9.62

14

26.42

10

20.00

1

1.92

5

9.43

4

8.00

0

0.00

0

0.00 2

4.00

1 8 0 50 0

2.00 16.00 0.00 100.00 0.00

0 0

0.00 0.00

0

0.00

0

0.00

0

0.00

6 30 1 52

11.54 57.69 1.92 100.00

5 18 5 53

9.43 33.96 9.43 100.00

4

7.84

6

13.33

10

19.61

6

13.33

9

17.65

5

11.11

19

37.25

19

42.22

0

0.00

9

20.00

1

1.96

0

0.00

Thai Quantity

Percent

1

1.96

1

1.96

1

1.96

5

9.80

0

0.00

Construct ion worker Taxi driver Freelance Blue-collar worker Public bus driver Merchant Total Average monthly income Relation to street vendors

Notrelated Related Total

0 0.00 51 100.00 19,928.59 Baht (498 Pounds)

38 14 52

73.08 26.92 100.00

Foreigner Quantity Percent 0 0.00

Related business Quantity Percent 0 0.00

0

0.00

0

0.00

0 0

0.00 0.00

0 0

0.00 0.00

0

0.00

27

55.10

0 0.00 45 100.00 8,472.65 USD

-

22 44.90 49 100.00 13.100.00 Baht 327.5 Pounds

-

33 17 50

66.00 34.00 100.00

Most of the foreigner respondents who first come to visit Thailand. They stated that the reasons that make them want to travel to Bangkok are Thai tradition, Thai culture, and Thai street food respectively.

Whom you travel with

Frequency of visiting Bangkok

Your own Husband/wife Family Relation Friend Education/company group Total First times Many times

Amount 14 5 11 2 14

Percent 26.92 9.62 21.15 3.85 26.92

6

11.54

52 27 25

100.00 51.92 48.08

Custom/tradition

Historical place

Stability and Security

Thai food

Total What impress you in Thailand Impressed Apathy Not impressed Total Impressed Apathy Not impressed Total Impressed Apathy Not impressed Total Apathy Not impressed

Total Thai street vendor Impressed Apathy Not impressed Total Souvenir Impressed Apathy Not impressed Total Night club/Night Impressed entertainment Apathy Not impressed Total Activities and Festival Impressed Apathy Not impressed Total

Amount 52

Percent 100.00

51 2 0 53 43 9 1 53 38 12 2 52 4

96.23 3.77 0.00 100.00 81.13 16.98 1.89 100.00 73.08 23.08 3.85 100.00 7.55

1

1.89

53 42 10 1 53 39 13 1 53 37 14 2 53 36 17 0 53

100.00 79.25 18.87 1.89 100.00 73.58 24.53 1.89 100.00 69.81 26.42 3.77 100.00 67.92 32.08 0.00 100.00

The answers from people who work in related businesses stated that most of their customers are both Thai employees and foreign tourists. The respondents stated that the chance for their customers buying their products again is middle. They also stated that the reasons for their customers buying their products because of their convenience and the quality of products respectively.

Type of customers (able to answer more than one)

People Housewife/Househusband Officer Student Thai tourist Foreigner tourist Total

Amount 39 6 15 7 18 34 119

Percent 32.77 5.04 12.61 5.88 15.13 28.57 100.00

7 30 10 2 49

14.29 61.22 20.41 4.08 100.00

The amount of customer

Salary of customer

The tendency of transaction

The reason of decision in buying

High Medium low Very low Total Mean High Medium Low Very low Total Mean High Medium Low Very low Total Mean Price The quality of product Location

2.86 7 30 9 3 49

14.29 61.22 18.37 6.12 100.00 2.84

9 24 12 4 49

18.37 48.98 24.49 8.16 100.00 2.78

23 17 36

26.14 19.32 40.91

(able to answer more than one)

Fame/Certification Total

Amount 12 88

Percent 13.64 100.00

The answers of the people who work in the related businesses about the changes that happen when the street vendors are banned show that the number of their customers, pedestrians, tourist is decreasing.

The number of street vendors

Higher Stable Lower Total Mean

Amount Percent 1 2.00 10 20.00 39 78.00 50 100.00 50.00 percent decreased

The number of pedestrian Higher

The number of tourist

The number of your customer

The income

Stable Lower Total Mean Higher Stable Lower Total Mean Higher Stable Lower Total Mean Higher Stable

1

2.00

13 26.00 36 72.00 50 100.00 50.00 percent decreased 4 8.00 5 10.00 41 82.00 50 100.00 50.00 percent decreased 2 4.00 9 18.00 39 78.00 50 100.00 50.00 percent decreased 2 4.00 10 20.00

Amount

The living cost

Convenience in using Street and walkway

The security rate of street and walkway

Cleanliness of street and walkway

Percent

Lower Total Mean

38 76.00 50 100.00 50.00 percent decreased

Higher Stable Lower Total Mean Higher Stable Lower Total Higher Stable Lower Total Higher Stable Lower Total

26 52.00 14 28.00 10 20.00 50 100.00 50.00 percent increased 15 30.00 35 70.00 0 0.00 50 100.00 12 24.00 30 60.00 8 16.00 50 100.00 12 24.00 36 72.00 2 4.00 50 100.00

Traffic congestion Higher Stable Lower Total

6 41 3 50

12.00 82.00 6.00 100.00

Part 2 Customer behavior towards street vending Most Thai respondents (around 67 percent) always buy products from street vendors almost every day.

Three main reasons of buying food from street vendors are convenience, diversity of products, and greater chances in bargaining, respectively. Similarly, most foreigners also buy products from street vendors almost every day with same reasons including price and location. However, supporting local people is also their main reason.

Thai Amount Percent Is there any transaction with street vendor today?

Is there any transaction with street vendor during this week?

Reasons for buying products from Street vending ( able to answer more than one)

Yes

Foreigner Amount Percent

Related business Amoun Percent t -

27

51.92

45

83.33

25

48.08

9

16.67

-

-

Total Every day Almost everyday (3-6days) Few days (1-2days) Never Total Price Quality Support retailer Location Cleanness

52 8

100.00 16.33

54 15

100.00 28.85

11

22.00

25

51.02

13

25.00

14

28.00

11 5 49 7 1 15 3

22.45 10.20 100.00 4.79 0.68 10.27 2.05

19 5 52 33 15 27 28

36.54 9.62 100.00 14.54 6.61 11.89 12.33

12 13 50 21 7 12 15

24.00 26.00 100.00 13.13 4.38 7.50 9.38

2

1.37

6

2.64

4

2.50

Public space Diversity of product Increase street security Convenience Chance in bargain Close relationship with retailer Fame of retailer Certification Interaction with retailer Total

5 36

3.42 24.66

11 23

4.85 10.13

4 18

2.50 11.25

0

0.00

15

6.61

5

3.13

41 30

28.08 20.55

14 24

6.17 10.57

31 26

19.38 16.25

3

2.05

14

6.17

8

5.00

0 1

0.00 0.68

2 1

0.88 0.44

1 0

0.63 0.00

2

1.37

14

6.17

8

5.00

146

100.00

227

100.00

160

100.00

No

Part3 Attitudes towards street vending According to the answer in this section, respondents stated that street vendor is different from the convenience store. They claimed that street vendor and convenience store both have their own benefits in different ways. Furthermore, they believe that street vendors have more advantages than disadvantages.

Particularly, most foreigners stated that banning street food vendors will directly affect to the number of tourists because street food is one of main reasons they visit Bangkok.

The difference between street vending and minimart

Which one is better for this district?

Necessary level for existing of street vending in Bangkok?

(1-10)

The effect on yourself

The effect on your business

Thai Amount Percent 16 30.77 18 34.62 17 32.69

Foreigner Amount Percent 31 57.41 11 20.37 10 18.52

Great difference Difference Small difference Very small 1 1.92 2 3.70 difference Total 52 100.00 54 100.00 Street vending 10 19.23 Minimart 4 7.69 Different advantage 38 73.08 Total 52 100.00 10 18 35.29 39 75.00 9-7 25 49.02 9 17.31 7-4 7 13.73 4 7.69 3-1 1 1.96 0 0.00 Total 51 100.00 52 100.00 The level of effect if street vendors were all evicted Very high High Medium Low Total Very high High Medium Low

9 30 11 2 52 -

17.31 57.69 21.15 3.85 100.00 -

28 11 7 4 50 -

56.00 22.00 14.00 8.00 100.00 -

Related businesses Amount Percent 13 26.00 29 58.00 6 12.00 1

2.00

50 4 3 42 49 11 32 3 1 50

100.00 8.16 6.12 85.71 100.00 22.00 64.00 6.00 2.00 100.00

17 14 8 9 49 16 19 4 9

34.69 28.57 16.33 18.37 100.00 33.33 39.58 8.33 18.75

The effect on your customer/ your employee

Are there any advantages or disadvantages of street vending?

Total Very high High Medium Low Total Only advantages Advantages > disadvantages Advantages = disadvantages Advantages < disadvantages Only advantages Total

Pros and Cons of Street vending Pros Job opportunities ( able to Lower price answer Chance in More than one) bargaining Qualities of products Help low income people Support retailer and SME industries Attract people Charm/represent Thai Convenience/near your place Liveliness of city

Thai Amount Percent 1 1.92

Foreigner Amount Percent 36 72.00

Related businesses Amount Percent 48 100.00 12 25.53 26 55.32 4 8.51 5 10.64 47 100.00 5 10.64

5

9.62

8

16.00

17

36.17

30

57.69

3

6.00

22

46.81

15

28.85

3

6.00

3

6.38

1 52

1.92 100.00

0 50

0.00 100.00

0 47

0.00 100.00

18 44 40

6.55 16.00 14.55

31 30 25

8.83 8.55 7.12

29 26 26

10.14 9.09 9.09

8

2.91

11

3.13

1

0.35

12

4.36

23

6.55

21

7.34

5

1.82

26

7.41

15

5.24

26 28

9.45 10.18

34 32

9.69 9.12

35 23

12.24 8.04

22

8.00

23

6.55

20

6.99

23

8.36

29

8.26

17

5.94

Cons (able to answer more than one)

Street security Choices of customer Decrease unemployed rate Decrease government burdens Practice entrepreneur Relate to abilities of workers Total Block traffic path Make city dirty Cause traffic congestion Noisy No taxes Lack of qualities/sanitary Copyright infringement No refund and guarantee Compete with legal shops Illegal in every aspect Claim themselves as the poor Total

Thai Amount Percent 15 5.45 22 8.00

Foreigner Amount Percent 20 5.70 20 5.70

Related businesses Amount Percent 11 3.85 24 8.39

7

2.55

15

4.27

23

8.04

3

1.09

14

3.99

9

3.15

2

0.73

14

3.99

4

1.40

0

0.00

4

1.14

2

0.70

275 40 47 17

100.00 19.42 22.82 8.25

351 15 7 8

100.00 20.55 9.59 10.96

286 14 24 8

100.00 15.05 25.81 8.60

18 7 9

8.74 3.40 4.37

6 3 7

8.22 4.11 9.59

4 13 8

4.30 13.98 8.60

32

15.53

7

9.59

4

4.30

20

9.71

7

9.59

10

10.75

12

5.83

8

10.96

4

4.30

4

1.94

3

4.11

3

3.23

0

0.00

2

2.74

1

1.08

206

100.00

73

100.00

93

100.00

List of Illustrations Chapter1 fig.1-1

fig.1-2 fig.1-3 fig.1-4 fig.1-5 fig.1-6 fig.1-7

The picture showing street vendors and hawkers on Charoenkrung street (The first street of Bangkok paved with reinforced concrete The diagrams of the restricted dimension of each selling areas.

The Picture of designated area sign The picture shows City Police Unit officers removing the sign The Timeline of political effects on street vendors The map of designated area before the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan was enforced.

The idea of spatial triad

3 6 7 7 9 11 13

Chapter2 fig.2-1 fig.2-2

The location of Siam Square The protest again the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan in front of Siam Centre,2016

fig.2-3 fig.2-4

The location of studied areas: Siam Square and Soi Convent The picture of skywalk at Pathumwan intersection connecting Siam Square with other department stores

fig.2-5

The picture of skywalk connecting Siam Square with Chidlom district.

The surrounding areas of Siam Square The way street vendors occupy pavement of Siam Square The location of street vendors at Siam Square The section of pavement on Rama1 rood The street view in front of Siam Square and Paragon

fig.2-6 fig.2-7 fig.2-8 fig.2-9 fig.2-10

16 17 18 19 19 20 22 23 24 25

fig.2-11 fig.2-12

The type of street vendors in Siam Square Diagram shows the way street vendors occupy spaces both tangible and intangible

fig.2-13

The picture of street vendors on Rama1 street before they were evited The Diagram shows the number and types of street vendors in Siam Square.

The map showing the purposed location provided by Chulalongkorn university The plan pots were provided by Chulalongkorn University to block street vendors The picture showing the way BMA evicted street vendors at Siam Square The officers of BMA monitored street vendors at Siam Square strictly The picture shows the difference of Siam Square pavement between before and after the reclaiming pavements for pedestrians plan

fig.2-14 fig.2-15 fig.2-16 fig.2-17 fig.2-18 fig.2-19

27 28 29 30 35 36 36 37

38

Chapter3 fig.3-1 fig.3-2 fig.3-3 fig.3-4

The location of Soi Convent The location of important buildings around Soi Convent.

The location of importance buildings.

The picture shows the restaurant always operate at the evening

43 44 46 47

fig.3-5

The elevation of the surrounding of Soi Convent shows that most street vendors are located at the first and second part of Soi Convent. They basically choose the spaces in front of row houses and small buildings rather than tall buildings which have drop off spaces in front. It might be because the activity of street vendor is beneficial for shop house building more than high building.

fig.3-6

The elevation of Soi Convent shows the relationship of street vendors and urban context The picture shows ballads blocking motorbike from using pavements The positions of trees in Soi Convent The man tying their temporary roof to a tree Street vendors which require the eating areas The street vendor that do not require eating areas The picture displays basins on the other side of street.

The picture shows the space in front of Christ Church.

The picture shows the invisible edge generated by the regulations The picture shows the invisible edge generated by the regulations The contrast of Soi Convent between with and without street vendors The picture showing the space between trees and the white line which limits the area of street vendors.

The picture showing the folding and storing laborers use the road as their route The sketches of plan and section showing how street vendors occupy spaces between trees The location of street vendors in Soi Convent and its vicinity

49

fig.3-7 fig.3-8 fig.3-9 fig.3-10 fig.3-11 fig.3-12 fig.3-13 fig.3-14 fig.3-15 fig.3-16 fig.3-17 fig.3-18 fig.3-19 fig.3-20

50 51 52 53 54 55 57 57 59 60 61 63 63 63 64

fig.3-21 fig.3-22

The serial vision of Soi Convent The findings of respondents shows how they reach their workplaces by using two maps to compare between two conditions: with and without street vendors.

66

68

Chapter4 fig.4-1 fig.4-2 fig.4-3 fig.4-4 fig.4-5 fig.4-6 fig.4-7 fig.4-8 fig.4-9 fig.4-10 fig.4-11 fig.4-12

The graph shows the feeling of tourists towards street food vendors of Soi Convent The contrast of pavements between with and without street vendors.

The picture shows the location of storages and the physical characters.

The picture shows a folding and storing laborer The picture displays the moment when the ice suppliers deliver their products.

The picture shows how street vendors manage their waste Three kinds of sample.

The graph shows the level that people think that vending is essential The graph shows the reasons for buying food from street vendors The graph shows the pros of street vendors towards pedestrians' opinions.

The graph shows the cons of street vendors towards pedestrians' opinions The graph shows the effects of evicting street vendors on people

71 73 74 75 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84

fig.4-13 fig.4-14 fig.4-15 fig.4-16 fig.4-17 fig.4-18

The graph shows the opinions of people about the difference between a street vendor and a convenience store.

85

The pine chart showing the convenient level when there are no street vendors

86

The pine chart showing the security rate of street when there no street vendors.

The pine chart showing the cleanliness of street when there are no street vendors.

The pine chart showing the traffic congestion when there are no street vendors The pine chart showing the income of related businesses when there are no street food vendors.

86 87 87 88

fig.4-19

The pine chart showing the living cost businesses when there are no street vendors.

88

fig.4-20

The pine chart showing the number of pedestrians when there is no street vendors.

89

fig.4-21

The pine chart showing the number of tourists when there is no street vendors.

The pine chart showing the number of customer when there is no street vendors.

fig.4-22

89 89

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