/SHS_4_1 by i-resitve.net

letnik 4 (2004), št. 1

Studia Historica Slovenica

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Fotografija na naslovnici Photography on the cover:

Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Humanities and Social Studies Review

Dr. Anton Korošec (Ilustrirani Slovenec, 29. maja 1927, str. 1) Dr. Anton Korošec (Ilustrirani Slovenec, May 29, 1927, p. 1)

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UDK 94(497.4)”06/08” 1.01 Wissenschaftlicher Aufsatz

Die Alpenslawen und ihre Nachbarn: Von der Konfrontation zur Integration* Peter Štih O. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Universität in Ljubljana, Philosophische Fakultät, Abteilung für Geschichte Aškerčeva 2, SI - 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: peter.stih@guest.arnes.si

Zusammenfassung: Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der ethnisch und politisch differenzierten Alpenslawen in der Zeit vom 7. bis 9. Jahrhundert und versucht, in komprimierter Weise ihre Entwicklung aus der Sicht der Beziehungen zu ihren Nachbarn (Awaren, Langobarden, Bayern und Franken) darzustellen. Dabei können diese Beziehungen in drei Phasen eingeteilt werden, die sich von der Konfrontation ausgehend über die Kooperation bis zur Integration erstreckten. Was die Integration betrifft, spielten hier vor allem der Christianisierungsprozess seit der Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts sowie die Einführung der fränkischen Rechtsordnung, mit der die Abschaffung der heimischen Fürsten um das Jahr 828 verbunden war, eine wichtige Rolle.

Schlüsselwörter: Alpenslawen, Konfrontation, Kooperation, Integration, 7-9. Jahrhundert. Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, S. 9-20, 41 Fußnoten. Sprache: Original in Deutsch (Kurzfassung in Deutsch und Slowenisch, Zusammenfassung in Slowenisch).

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Wenn von den Alpenslawen und ihrer Beziehungen mit ihren Nachbarn die Rede ist, gilt es zunächst festzustellen, dass ‘Alpenslawen’ ein von der modernen Geschichtsschreibung geprägter Hilfsbegriff ist und nicht etwa ein in dieser Form aus dem mittelalterlichen Quellen geschöpfter Begriff.1 Unter diesem Begriff werden die Slawen zusammengefasst, die im 6. und 7. Jahrhundert die Täller der ostalpinen Flüsse besiedelt haben, unter denen als wichtigste die Drau, Mur, obere Enns, Save, Sann und der Isonzo zu nennen sind. In der Spätantike gehörte der Zentralbereich dieses Raumes zu Binnennoricum, dazu gehörte noch der Südteil Ufernoricums, der Westteil der Pannonia Savia und der Ostteil der italischen zehnten Region Venetia et Histria. An die Stelle der Provinznamen traten im Frühmittelalter neue Begriffe, und der behandelte Raum wurde vornehmlich durch die Benennungen Karantanien, Carniola, aber auch Friaul abgedeckt. Diese Namen standen für politisch organisierte und voneinander unterschiedende Territorien.2 Deshalb muss auch der Begriff Alpenslawen in erster Linie geographisch verstanden werden, denn diese Slawen haben politisch, rechtlich und auch ethnisch nie eine abgeschlossene Einheit gebildet in dem Sinne, dass sie sich zu einem einzigen Stamm mit eigener Identität zusammengeschlossen hätten. *** Über die Ansiedlung der Slawen in der Ostalpen- und Voralpenwelt ist fast nichts bekannt.3 Deshalb stellt die Frage, wie dieser Raum slawisch geworden ist, ein ähnliches Problem dar wie die Erklärung des Phänomens, wie ein riesiges, von der

* Der Beitrag wurde im Rahmen des thetmatischen Blocks Begegnung und Konflikt. Die Slawen und ihre Nachbarn bis ins 11. Jahrhundert an dem internationalen Workshop Slawische Ursprünge/Slavic Origins in der Organisation der Forschungstelle für Geschichte des Mittelalters der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien am 17. 1. 2003 präsentiert. 1 S. Harald Krahwinkler, Ausgewählte Slaven-Ethnonyme und ihre historische Deutung, in: Slovenija in sosednje dežele med antiko in karolinško dobo. Začetki slovenske etnogeneze/Slowenien und die Nachbarländer zwischen Antike und karolonigischer Epoche. Anfänge der slowenischen Ethnogenese I, Hg. Rajko Bratož, Situla 39 – Razprave SAZU I/18, Ljubljana 2000, S. 403-423; Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Der Staat der Karantanen (Slovenija in sosednje dežele med antiko in karolinško dobo. Začetki slovenske etnogeneze/Slowenien und die Nachbarländer zwischen Antike und karolonigischer Epoche. Anfänge der slowenischen Ethnogenese. Supplementum, Hg. Rajko Bratož, Situla 39 – Razprave SAZU I/20, Ljubljana 2002, S. 38. 2 S. Peter Štih, Plemenske in državne tvorbe zgodnjega srednjega veka na slovanskem naselitvenem prostoru v Vzhodnih Alpah [Die frühmittelalterlichen Stammes- und Staatsbildungen im slawischen Siedlungsraum in den Ostalpen], in: Slovenci in država. Zbornik prispevkov z znanstvenega posveta na SAZU (od 9. do 11. novembra 1994), Razprave SAZU I/17, Ljubljana 1995, S. 21-45; ders., Ozemlje Slovenije v zgodnjem srednjem veku. Osnovne poteze zgodovinskega razvoja od začetka 6. do konca 9. stoletja [Das Gebiet Sloweniens im Frühmittelalter. Grundzüge der geschichtlichen Entwicklung vom Anfang des 6. bis zum Ende des 9. Janhrhunderts], Ljubljana 2001, 19 ff.; ders., Državne tvorbe v srednjem veku na slovenskem ozemlju [State Formations in the Middle Ages in the Territory of Slovenia], in: Od sanj do resničnosti. Razvoj slovenske državnosti (Publikacije Arhiva Republike Slovenije) Katalogi 18, Ljubljana 2001, 1 ff. 3 Zuletzt mit älterer Literatur: Peter Štih, Ob naselitvi Slovanov vse pobito? [Bei der Landnahme der Slawen alles niedergemetzelt?], in: Množične smrti na Slovenskem, Red. Stane Granda und Barbara Šatej, Zbornik referatov 29. zborovanja slovenskih zgodovinarjev, Ljubljana 1999, 79 ff.; ders., Ozemlje

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Ostseee bis zum Ägäischen Meer und von der Elbe bis in die russischen Steppen reichendes Gebiet in einer verblüffend kurzen Zeit slawisiert werden konnte.4 Vor dem letzten Jahrzehnt des 6. Jahrhunderts treten die Slawen in diesem Raum überhaupt nicht in Erscheinung. Damals kämpften sie jedoch im oberen Drautal schon mit den Bayern und drängten im Süden über Istrien schon nach Italien. Bereits diese ersten, ausschließlich aus Italien – von Papst Gregor dem Großen in seinen Briefen und Paulus Diaconus in dessen Geschichte der Langobarden5 – stammenden Berichte über die Slawen des weiteren ostalpinen Raums belegen die Beziehungen der Slawen zu ihren Nachbarn im Westen: im Nordwesten waren es die Bayern, im Südwesten die Langobarden in Friaul und die romanische Bevölkerung im byzantinischen Istrien. Und gerade in der Konfrontation mit diesen hat sich die Westgrenze des slawischen Siedlungsgebietes im Ostalpen- und Voralpenraum herausgebildet. Diese Konfrontationen haben die slawische Beziehungen mit den Nachbarn auch im frühen 7. Jahrhundert geprägt. Möglicherweise um das Jahr 610 besiegten die Slawen bei Aguntum an der oberen Drau die Bayern;6 im Süden gelang es etwas später den Langobarden, sich die Slawen im Kanaltal unterzuordnen, die darauf über ein Jahrhundert lang an die friulanischen Herzögen in Cividale eine besondere Abgabe, pensio, zu entrichten hatten.7 Das slawische Siedlungsgebiet in den Ostalpen war mit Ausnahme jener wenigen Slawen, die in Istrien unter die byzantinische und in Friaul unter die langobardische Oberherrschaft fielen, in das awarische überregionale politische Gebilde mit dem Zentrum in Pannonien einbezogen.8 Es war ein Teil der Avaria, und die Awaren mit dem Kagan an der Spitze haben als politische Oberherren das Verhältnis und

Slovenije (wie Anm. 2) 19 ff. S. auch Erik Szameit, Kärnten und die Slawen, in: Kärntner Jahrbuch für Politik 2000, Klagenfurt 2000, 71 ff. (mit anderen Schwerpunkten); ders., Zum archäologischen Bild der frühen Slawen in Österreich. Mit Fragen zur ethnischen Bestimmung karolingerzeitlicher Gräberfelder im Ostalpenraum, in: Slovenija in sosednje dežele med antiko in karolinško dobo. Začetki slovenske etnogeneze/Slowenien und die Nachbarländer zwischen Antike und karolinigischer Epoche. Anfänge der slowenischen Ethnogenese I, Hg. Rajko Bratož, Situla 39 – Razprave SAZU I/18, Ljubljana 2000, 507 ff., bes. 516 ff. Zusammenfassungen aktueller Überlegungen und Vorstellungen von Modellen über das Problem der slawischen Expansion in der Geschichtschreibung bieten z. B. Patrick J. Geary, Europäische Völker im frühen Mittelalter. Zur Legende vom Werden der Nationen (Frankfurt am Main 2002) 162 ff.; Walter Pohl, Die Völkerwanderung. Eroberung und Integration (Stuttgart-Berlin-Köln 2002) 201 ff. S. auch: ders., Die Awaren und ihre Beziehungen zu den Slawen, in: Slovenija in sosednje dežele med antiko in karolinško dobo. Začetki slovenske etnogeneze I (Hg. Rajko Bratož, Situla 39 – Razprave SAZU I/18, Ljubljana 2000) 341 ff. Von neueren Monographien, die sich mit der Problematik der frühen Slawen beschäftigen, seien hier nur zwei, konzeptuell verschiedene, Arbeiten erwähnt: P. M. Barford, The Early Slavs. Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe (London 2001); Florin Curta, The Making of the Slavs. History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 (Cambridge 2001). Gregorius, Registrum epistolarum 2, IX 154, X 15. MGH Epistolae 2 (ed. Ludo Moritz Hartmann, Berlin 21957); Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum IV 7, 10. MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 48 (ed. Georg Waitz, Hannover 1878). Herwig Wolfram, Grenzen und Räume. Geschichte Österreichs vor seiner Entstehung. Österreichische Geschichte 378-907 (Wien 1995) 78 ff. Harald Krahwinkler, Die Langobarden und Kärnten, in: Kärntner Jahrbuch für Politik 2000 (Klagenfurt 2000) 58 ff. Walter Pohl, Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk in Mitteleuropa 567-822 n. Chr. (München 1988) 94 ff.

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die Beziehung der ihnen untergeordneten Slawen zu ihren westlichen Nachbarn entscheidend geprägt. Der awarische Kagan griff schon in die bayerisch-slawischen Kämpfe um das Jahr 595 entscheidend ein, in denen die Bayern Verluste in der Größenordnung des Stammesheeres erlitten.9 Ähnlich beeinflusste der Kagan auch die Verhältnisse an der Grenze von Italien, wo die Awaren mit slawischer Unterstützung das byzantinische Istrien verwüsteten10 und mit der Niederbrennung von Cividale im Jahre 611 wahrscheinlich ihrem Verbündeten, dem langobardischen König Agilulf gegen den zu selbstständigen friaulischen Herzog Gisulf II. halfen, der dabei auch ums Leben kam. Und gerade der Kampf um die Kontrolle über das erste und wichtigste langobardische Herzogtum in Norditalien, der im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert zwischen der Zentralmacht in Pavia und der Regionalmacht in Cividale tobte, verwickelte auch die awarischen und slawischen Nachbarn von jenseits der Grenze in friaulische Angelegenheiten. Der traditionelle Verbündete des langobardischen Königs war der awarische Kagan, die Träger der friaulischen Autonomie suchten dagegen Hilfe bei den ihnen vergleichbaren Slawen aus dem karantanischen und möglicherweise auch karniolischen Raum. Als das Kaganheer im Jahre 664 auf eine Intervention des langobardischen Königs hin in Friaul einfiel und den dortigen Herzog erschlug, floh sein Sohn nach Karantanien – ein Name, der bei dieser Gelegenheit erstmals als Territorialname aufscheint –, wo ihm nicht nur Asyl gewährt wurde sondern auch militärische Hilfe für den übrigens fehlgeschlagenen Versuch, den väterlichen Herzogsthron wieder zu erobern.11 Im Kärntner Draugebiet, im Raum des neu entstehenden Karantaniens, war die Oberherrschaft der Awaren schon in den zwanziger Jahren des 7. Jahrhunderts zu Ende, als die Niederlage vor Konstantinopel und der Aufstand der Slawen unter der Führung des fränkischen Kaufmanns Samo, dem sich auch Slawen aus dem Kärntner Raum anschlossen, das Awarenreich in seinen Fundamenten erschütterte. Gerade in die Jahrzehnte nach der Katastrophe der Awaren im Jahre 626 fallen die Anfänge der Ethnogenese der Karantaner.12 Überhaupt war ein typisches Merkmal aller slawischen Ethnogenesen im Gebiet des awarischen Kaganats vom böhmischen Raum im Norden bis zum dalmatinischen Hinterland im Süden, daß sie erst nach dem Ende der Awarenherrschaft begannen. Deshalb konnte es südlich der Karawanken, im Flussgebiet der Save, zur Herausbildung der Carniolenses als eines eigenen slawischen Stammes erst Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts kommen, als die Awarenkriege Karls des Großen auch hier der Awarenherrschaft ein Ende bereiteten.13

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Wolfram, Grenzen und Räume (wie Anm. 6) 78. Peter Štih, Istra v času ustanovitve koprske škofije [L´Istria al tempo della fondazione della diocesi di Capodistria], in: Prispevki z mednarodne znanstvene konference 1400. letnica koprske škofije in omembe Slovanov v Istri (Acta Histriae 9/1, 2001) 12 ff. Peter Štih, Die Ostgrenze Italiens im Frühmittelalter, in:Walter Pohl – Helmut Reimitz (Hg.), Grenze und Differenz im frühen Mittelalter (Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 1, Denkschriften der phil.-hist. Kl. der ÖAW 287, Wien 2000) 29 ff. Herwig Wolfram, Salzburg, Bayern, Österreich. Die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum und die Quellen ihrer Zeit (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung Ergänzungsband 31, 1995) 39 ff.; Krahwinkler, Slaven-Ethnonyme (wie Anm. 1) 414 ff.; Štih, Državne tvorbe (wie Anm. 2) 8 ff.; Kahl, Staat der Karantanen (wie Anm. 1) 67 ff., bes. 134 ff. Štih, Plemenske in državne tvorbe (wie Anm. 2) 38 ff.

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Trotzdem scheint das zwar in das awarische Kaganat einbezogene heutige slowenische Territorium für die awarische Lebensweise eher eine Randbedeutung gehabt zu haben, denn es gehörte nie zum awarischen Siedlungsgebiet. Seine einzige echte Bedeutung für die Awaren ist in erster Linie in seiner Funktion als Kontaktund Einfallsraum für Italien zu sehen. Denn wer diesen Raum kontrollierte, besaß sozusagen den Schlüssel, der Tür und Tor nach Italien an seiner exponiertesten Grenze öffnete. Deshalb ist die awarische Herrschaft über das slowenische Gebiet und seine slawische Bevölkerung in erster Linie als Kontrolle über die alten antiken Straßen als Verbindung zwischen Italien und dem pannonischen Raum zu sehen.14 Es scheint auch, daß die awarische Herrschaft über diese Slawen weder stabile soziale Beziehungen noch ausgeprägte Verfassungsformen ausbildete und genügend Freiraum für eine bis zu einem gewissen Grad autonome slawische Gesellschaftsund Rechtsordnung ließ.15 Die ethnische Differenzierung der Alpenslawen, die im Ostalpenraum zur Herausbildung von zweier slawischer Stämme, der Karantaner und der Karnioler, führte, war ein gleichzeitig mit der Herausbildung ihrer politischen Gemeinschaften verlaufender Prozess. Denn die frühmittelalterlichen Völker waren bekanntlich Rechtsgemeinschaften, in denen gewisse, wenn auch noch so rudimentäre Rechtsnormen galten.16 Das bedeutet mit anderen Worten, dass die Existenz einer ethnischen Gemeinschaft auch die Existenz eines politisch-rechtlichen Rahmens, in dem eine solche Gemeinschaft lebt, voraussetzt. Mehr noch: ein politisch organisiertes Gebiet war einer der Generatoren der Ethnogenese und war konstitutiv fü die Herausbildung der ethnischen Identität.17 Die erste Spur einer politischen Organisation der Slawen im Ostalpenraum stellt die bei Fredegar erwähnte marca Vinedorum dar, die politisch und herrschaftlich bereits so strukturiert war, dass sie einen eigenen Fürsten – Walluc – hatte.18 Zunächst wird sie wohl in einer nicht näher bekannten Weise in das Reich Samos einbezogen gewesen sein,19 später wird es gelungen sein, nach dem Niedergang von Samos Reich im politischen Vakuum und im abgelegenen geographischen Umfeld der Alpentäler der Drau und Mur die politische Unabhängigkeit von den awarischen, bayerischen und langobardischen Nachbarn zu wahren. Die gleichzeitige Bezeichnung ihrer Einwohner mit dem kollektiven gentilen Namen Vinedi bzw. Slawen ist als Hinweis zu werten, dass die ethnische Entwicklung im Walluc-Fürstentum noch nicht jene Stufe erreicht hatte,

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Štih, Ozemlje Slovenije (wie Anm. 2) 32. Sergij Vilfan, Rechtsgeschichte der Slowenen bis zum Jahre 1941 (Grazer Rechts- und Staatswissenschaftliche Studien 21, Graz 1968) 53. Katja Škrubej, “Ritus gentis” Slovanov v vzhodnih Alpah. Model rekonstrukcije pravnih razmerij na podlagi najstarejšega jezikovnega gradiva [Ritus gentis of the Slavs in the Eastern Alps. A Model of Reconstruction on the Basis of the Old Vernacular Language Material] (Ljubljana 2002) 67 ff. Štih, Državne tvorbe (wie Anm. 2) 7 ff. Fredegar, Chronicae IV 72. MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 2 (ed. Bruno Krusch, Hannover 1888). Ludmil Hauptmann, Politische Umwälzungen unter den Slowenen vom Ende des sechsten Jahrhunderts bis zur Mitte des neunten, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 36 (1915) 245 ff.

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auf der sich aus der politischen Gemeinschaft eine besondere ethnische Gemeinschaft mit individuellem Stammesnamen entwickelt hätte. Es dauerte dann noch etwa eine bis zwei Generationen, bis die in dem Carantanum gennanten Gebiet lebende gens Sclavorum das aus diesem Choronym abgeleitete Ethnonym Carantani bekam.20 Der neue, erstmals in der chronologisch ausgesprochen undurchsichtig strukturierten Kosmographie des anonymen Geographen aus Ravenna21 erwähnte Stammesname schloss die Ethnogenese der Karantaner spätestens in den ersten Jahrzehnten des 8. Jahrhunderts ab. Das scheint auch die Zeit gewesen zu sein, als die Karantaner zu Lasten ihrer westlichen Nachbarn zu expandieren trachteten. In den dreißiger Jahren des 8. Jahrhunderts verwüsteten sie die Maximilianszelle im benachbarten bayerischen Pongau,22 ein gutes Jahrzehnt später stellten die Slawen in der regio Zellia im Kanaltal nach über einem Jahrhundert die Zahlungen an die langobardischen Herzöge in Cividale ein,23 was bedeuten könnte, dass sie in den karantanischen politischen Rahmen gerieten oder zurückkehrten. Als allerdings etwa zur selben Zeit für die Karantaner eine existentielle Gefährdung durch die östlichen Nachbarn, die Awaren, einsetzte, mussten die Karantaner im Westen ihre Politik ändern und anstelle der Konfrontation um eine Zusammenarbeit bemüht sein. Die Folge der neuen Verhältnisse war, dass Karantanien als Stammesfürstentum über die Bayern unter die fränkische Oberhoheit geriet. Die politische Abhängigkeit schlug sich auch in der Rechtsordnung nieder, und die fränkischen Herrscher bzw. bayerischen Herzöge erhielten das Mitspracherecht bei der Einsetzung der Fürsten der Karantaner.24 So gehörten die Karantaner zu den ersten, wenn sie nicht überhaupt die ersten waren, bei denen sich schon um Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts ein Verfassungsmodell durchsetzte, das die gentile Verfassung mit der Oberhoheit des fränkischen Herrschers verband; ein Modell, das im 9. Jahrhundert an der östlichen und südöstlichen fränkischen Grenze allgemein verbreitet wurde.25 Die Verbindung mit Bayern bahnte den Weg für die Integration Karantaniens in den Westen an. Das Haupt- und zugleich transparenteste Instrument der Integration heidnischer Völkern in den Kreis der westeuropäischen Zivilisation war die Christianisierung. Die Eingliederung in die Gemeinschaft der Christen bedeutete die Übernahme der moralisch-ethischen Fundamente für ein gemeinsames Leben. Die Christianisierung war deshalb nicht nur eine religiöse Tat sondern die beste Art der Integration von neugewonnenen oder neueroberten Gebieten.26 Von diesem Stand-

20 Krahwinkler, Slaven-Ethnonyme (wie Anm. 1) 414 ff.; Kahl, Staat der Karantanen (wie Anm. 1) 68 ff. 21 Ravennatis anonymi Cosmographia et Gvidonis Geographica IV 37 (edid. N. Pinder et G. Parthey, Aalen 21962). 22 Breves Notitiae c. 3. Hg. Fritz Lošek, Notitia Arnonis und Breves Notitiae. Die Salzburger Güterverzeichnisse aus der Zeit um 800: Sprachlich-historische Einleitung, Text und Übersetzung, in: Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde 130 (1990). 23 Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum IV 38 (wie Anm. 5). 24

Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum, c. 4. Hg. Fritz Lošek, Die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum und der Brief des Erzbischofs Theotmar von Salzburg (MGH Studien und Texte 15, Hannover 1997); s. dazu Kommentar von Wolfram, Salzburg, Bayern, Österreich (wie Anm. 12) 276 ff. 25 Štih, Plemenske in državne tvorbe (wie Anm. 2) 28. 26 Vgl. Martin Kaufhold, Europas Norden im Mittelalter. Die Integration Skandinaviens in das christliche

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punkt aus ist die Teilnahme von Bischöfen schon am Kriegszug des fränkischen Heeres in die Avaria im Jahre 796 umso verständlicher. Allerdings konnte die Bekehrung von weiterhin in einer durch heidnische Rituale geprägten Stammesgemeinschaft lebenden Einzelpersonen ein Unterfangen ohne die erwünschte Wirkung sein. Wesentlich für den Erfolg der Missionierung war die “Bekehrung von oben”. Es galt, die gesellschaftliche und politische Elite zu bekehren, innerhalb derer der Stammesfürst als legitimer Vertreter des gesamten Volkes die Zentralfigur darstellte. Für die Franken galt ein Volk als bekehrt in dem Augenblick, da der Herrscher die christliche Religion angenommen hatte. Unter diesem Gesichtspunkt waren die Karantaner das erste bekehrte slawische Volk, denn die karantanischen Fürsten Cacatius und Cheitmar nahmen bereits um die Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts den christlichen Glauben an; Cheitmar war neben dem Salzburger Bischof Virgil und dessen Chorbischof Modestus besonders verdienstvoll für den erfolgreichen Beginn der Christianisierung unter den Karantanern.27 Der neue Glaube konnte aber nicht verbreitet werden, solange die grundlegenden religiösen Formeln nicht in die heimische Sprache übersetzt waren. So bildete sich bei den Karantanern als erstem slawischen Volk allmählich eine christliche Terminologie heraus, die möglicherweise über Pannonien auch in das Altkirchenslawische und die Missionstätigkeit von Konstantin und Methodius bzw. ihrer Schüler Eingang gefunden hat.28 Die Christianisierung der Karantaner war demnach von überregionaler Bedeutung. Allerdings verlief die Integration weder schnell noch leicht. Schon in den sechziger Jahren des 8. Jahrhunderts wurde Karantanien von drei Aufständen gebeutelt, die sich nicht nur gegen die neue Religion richteten. In bayerischen Augen war es eine carmula,29 was in ihrer Rechtssprache soviel wie den Aufstand gegen den bayerischen Herzog,30 also einen Aufstand gegen die legitime Macht bedeutete. Die Aufstände zeugen von tiefen Gegensätzen unter den Karantanern selbst wegen ihrer ideologisch-religiösen und politischen Ausrichtung. Neben dem fest hinter der neuen Religion und der Anlehnung an Bayern stehenden Fürsten und seinem Kreis, gab es offensichtlich auch Kräfte, die vielecht wegen der verlorenen alten Positio-

29 30

Europa (9.-13. Jh.) (Darmstadt 2001) 38 ff. S. Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Virgil und die Salzburger Slawenmission, in: Heinz Dopsch – Roswitha Juffinger (Hg.), Virgil von Salzburg. Missionar und Gelehrter. Beiträge des Internationalen Symposiums vom 21.-24. September 1984 in der Salzburger Residenz (Salzburg 1985) 112 ff.; Wolfram, Salzburg, Bayern, Österreich (wie Anm. 12) 280 ff. Ivan Grafenauer, Karolinška kateheza ter izvor Brižinskih spomenikov in Čina nad´ ispovêdajaštiim´ sę [Die karolingische Katechese und der Ursprung der Freisinger Denkmäler und des Čin nad´ ispovêdajaštiim´ sę] (Razprave znanstvenega društva v Ljubljani 13/2, 1936) 38 ff.; Bogo Grafenauer, Zgodovinarjeva paralegomena k novi izdaji Freisinških spomenikov [Historische Paralegomena zur Neuausgabe der Freisinger Denkmäler], in: Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje n. v. 5 (1969) 148 ff.; Christian Hannick, Die Freisinger Denkmäler innerhalb der Entwicklung des slawischen christlichen Wortschatzes, in: Zbornik Brižinski spomeniki (Dela SAZU II/45, Ljubljana 1996) 239 ff. Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum, c. 5 (wie Anm. 24). Lex Baiwariorum II 3. MGH Leges nationum Germanicarum 5, 2 (ed. Ernst von Schwind, Hannover 1926); Paul Puntschart, Carmula, in: Zeitschrift des historischen Vereines für Steiermark 26 (1931) 9 ff.; Joachim Jahn, Ducatus Baiuvariorum. Das bairische Herzogtum der Agilolfinger (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 35, Stuttgart 1991) 472 ff.

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nen zwecks Geltendmachung der eigenen Interessen möglicherweise auch bereit waren, auf Gewalt zurückzugreifen. Aber Widerstand gegen Veränderungen und die Integration gab es nicht nur in Karantanien und auch nicht nur bei den Slawen. Für die Bayern war auch der Aufstand des unterpannonischen Fürsten Liudewit, der zwischen 818 und 823 den Südosten des fränkischen Reiches beutelte, eine carmula.31 Die Ursache bzw. der Auslöser war die allgemein formulierte ‘Grausamkeit und Intoleranz’ des friaulischen Markgrafen Cadolah, unter dessen Hoheit auch die slawischen Stammesfürstentümer an der Save, in Slawonien und im dalmatinischen Hinterland gehörten. Die Konfliktsituation wurde durch das Verhältnis zwischen dem fränkischen Machthaber und den ihm untergeordneten Stammesstrukturen ausgelöst, die vom neuen Regime zweifellos nicht unverändert belassen wurden.32 Aus ähnlichen Gründen beschwerten sich 804 im Placitum von Rižana/Risano im Hinterland von Koper/Capodistria über den Vertreter der fränkischen Gewalt in Istrien auch die romanischen Bewohner der Halbinsel, die unter dem neuen Regime eine ganze Reihe von Rechten und Institutionen aus der byzantinischen Zeit verloren hatten.33 Jedenfalls hat Liudewits Aufstand, der sich schnell zu einem richtigen Krieg auswuchs und sich auf die slawischen Nachbarvölker sehr integrativ auswirkte und sogar Bayern berührte, wo nach fast hundert Jahren im Jahre 820 die Maximilianszelle in Bischofshofen von den Slawen erneut niedergebrannt wurde,34 auf Schwachpunkte der fränkischen Ordnung im Südosten hingewiesen. Die Konzeption, das Reichsgebiet im Osten von Bayern, Friaul und Istrien durch eine Reihe von meist slawischen untergeordneten Stammesfürstentümern zu umgeben, die jedoch unter der fränkischen Oberherrschaft ein hohes Maß innerer Selbstständigkeit beibehalten konnten und zugleich die erste Schutzzone des fränkischen Reiches bildeten, hat die erste Bewährungsprobe nicht bestanden. Indem sie sich dem Aufstand Liudewits anschlossen, erwiesen sich die slawischen Stämme als zu selbstständig und deshalb unzuverlässig. In der Folge wurde eine gründliche, im Jahre 828 abgeschlossene Neuorganisation durchgeführt. Damals trat die Grafschaftsverfassung an die Stelle der Stammesverfassung.35 Die slawischen Stammesfürsten wurden durch fränkische, aus Bayern stammende Grafen ersetzt. Die Veränderung, welche die beiden slawischen Fürstentümer in den Ostalpen erfasste und den Verlust der politischen Identität und die institutionell wichtigste Einbeziehung der dortigen Slawen in das fränkische Reich bedeutete, ist mit der Umgestaltung eines Föderatenreiches

32 33

Annales Sancti Emmerami Ratisponensis Maiores a. 819. MGH Scriptores 1 (ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, Hannover 21976); S. Harald Krahwinkler, Friaul im Frühmittelalter. Geschichte einer Region vom Ende des fünften bis zum Ende des zehnten Jahrhunderts (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtschforschung 30, Wien-Köln-Weimar 1992) 187 und Anm. 380. Štih, Ozemlje Slovenije (wie Anm. 2) 55. Il placito del Risano, Hg. Anamari Petranović - Anneliese Margetić (Hg.), in: Atti. Centro di Ricerche storiche - Rovigno 14 (1983/84) 55-75. Salzburger Formelbücher und Briefe aus tassilonischer un karolingischer Zeit (Hg. Bernhard Bischoff, Sitzungsberichte der BAW, phil.-hist. Kl. Heft 4, München 1973) 28. S. Peter Štih, Priwina: slawischer Fürst oder fränkischer Graf?, in: Karl Brunner und Brigitte Merta (Hg.), Ethnogenese und Überlieferung. Angewandte Methoden der Frühmittelalterforschung (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 31, Wien-München 1994) 212 ff.

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zu einer römischen Provinz zu vergleichen.36 Die Geltung des bayerisch-fränkischen Rechts verbreitete sich auch unter den Ostalpenslawen, und die zunächst als Missionare und später als Grundbesitzer in diesen Raum gekommenen Bayern wurden nun als Grafen zu zentralen Gewaltträgern. Allerdings existierten laut einer Kärntner Urkunde aus dem Beginn des 11. Jahrhundert damals im Lande nebeneinander noch die bayerische und die slawische Rechtsgemeinschaft, denn die Zeugen wurden in testes tracti per aures und Sclauenicę intitutionis testes geschieden.37 Die intensiven Integrationsprozesse, von denen die Slawen des Ostalpenraumes im 9. Jahrhundert erfasst wurden, werden durch die ersten Angaben über Verbindungen der bayerisch-fränkischen Aristokratie mit dem karantanischen Adel zusätzlich erhellt.38 Die frühmittelalterliche Entwicklung im Ostalpenraum, in deren Verlauf die damalige Slawen nach und nach in die karolingisch-fränkische Ökumene integriert wurden, war keine Ausnahmeerscheinung. Ähnliche Strukturen und ähnliche Phänomene gab es auch bei den übrigen Slawen an der östlichen und südöstlichen Grenze des Frankenreiches.39 Sie zeigen sch in verschiedenen Bereichen, wie zum Beispiel in der Stellung des Stammesfürsten, der an die Existenz eines Herrscherhauses und der Erblichkeit der Fürstenwürde innerhalb dieses Hauses gebunden ist, oder zum Beispiel im Verhältnis zum fränkischen Reich, verbunden mit der Rolle des fränkischen Herrschers bei der Einsetzung eines neuen Fürsten. Freilich gab es auch Unterschiede, und die geschichtliche Entwicklung im Ostalpenraum verlief anders als etwa an der Elbe oder im dalmatinischen Hinterland. Allerdings weisen Ähnlichkeiten in der Struktur von einzelnen Stammes- und politischen Gebilden unzweideutig auf eine Art Organisations- und Verfassungsmodell hin, das allen mehr oder weniger gemeinsam war. Deshalb kann man durch die Kenntnis der Dinge an einem Ende auch andere besser oder überhaupt verstehen. In diesem Zusammenhang sei nur an den in St. Martin am Silberberg in Kärnten gefundenen Marmorkopf mit drei Gesichtern erinnert.40 Der Schlüssel für Verständnis und Interpretation dieses Ausnahmefundes kommt aus dem über eintausend Kilometer entfernten hochmittelalterlichen Dänemark, wo um das Jahr 1200 Saxo, Sekretär des Erzbischofs von Lund, in seinen Gesta Danorum auch über die Zerstörung des

Harald Krahwinkler und Herwig Wolfram, Der Alpen-Adria-Raum im Frühmittelalter, in: Andreas Moritsch (Hg.), Alpen-Adria. Zur Geschichte einer Region (Klagenfurt/Celovec-Ljubljana/LaibachWien/Dunaj 2001) 109. 37 August Jaksch (Hg.), Monumenta historica ducatus Carinthiae III (Klagenfurt 1904) Nr. 205. S. dazu Heinz Dopsch, Die Stifterfamilie von St. Georgen und ihre Gründung – Bayerischer Hochadel als Klosterstifter in Kärnten, in: 1000 Jahre Stift St. Georgen am Längsee. Festschrift. Frauen zwischen benediktinischem Ideal und monastischer Wirklichkeit. Beiträge des Symposiums zur Geschichte des ehemaligen Benediktinerinnenklosters St. Georg am Längsee aus Anlass des 1000-Jahr-Jubiläums vom 29. bis 31. Mai 2003 (Hg. Johannes Sacherer, St. Georg am Längsee 2003) 121 ff. 38 Michael Mitterauer, Slawischer und bayrischer Adel am Ausgang der Karolingerzeit, in: Carinthia I 150 (1960) 693 ff. 39 S. Milko Kos, Država karantanskih Slovencev [Der Staat der karantanischen Slowenen], in: ders., Srednjeveška kulturna, družbena in politična zgodovina Slovencev. Izbrane razprave (Ljubljana 1985)182 ff.; Štih, Plemenske in državne tvorbe (wie Anm. 2) 24 ff. 40 Paul Gleirscher, Karantanien. Das slawische Kärnten (Klagenfurt 2000) 149 ff.

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slawischen Heiligtums in Arkona im Jahre 1168 berichtete. Unter den beschriebenen zerstörten Kultstatuen wird auch eine mit mehreren Gesichtern auf einem Kopf beschrieben. Der Marmorkopf von St. Martin stellt offensichtlich eine Gottheit dar – vielleicht den Triglav (Dreikopf) –, die noch von den heidnischen Karantanern verehrt wurde.41 Nach dieser Interpretation gehört der Fund zu den wichtigsten Denkmälern nicht nur der karantanischen Geschichte, sondern auch eines weiteren slawischen Umfeldes in den Ostalpen.

Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Der Millstätter Domitian. Abklopfen einer problematischen Klosterüberlieferung zur Missionierung der Alpenslawen Oberkärntens (Vorträge und Forschungen Sonderband 46, Stuttgart 1999) 49 ff.; ders., Staat der Karantanen (wie Anm. 1) 296 ff.

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Peter Štih ALPSKI SLOVANI IN NJIHOVI SOSEDJE: OD KONFRONTACIJE DO INTEGRACIJE POVZETEK Prvo razmerje Alpskih Slovanov do njihovih sosedov na zahodu (Bavarci, Langobardi in bizantinsko-romanska Istra) opredeljujejo (vojaški) konflikti, evidentirani že od zadnjega desetletja 6. stol. Prav v konfrontaciji z njimi se je izoblikovala zahodna meja slovanskega naselitvenega ozemlja v vzhodnoalpskem in predalpskem svetu. Toda iz poročil o bojih za oblast v Furlaniji je tudi razvidno, da je že kmalu po sredi 7. stol. prišlo do prvega sodelovanja med Slovani Karantanije in nosilci furlanske avtonomije, čeprav konflikti niso pojenjali (opustošenje meniške celice v Bischofshofnu, pridobitev regio Zellia). Sredi 8. stol. so morali Karantanci zaradi avarske nevarnosti na zahodu spremeniti svojo politiko in namesto konfrontacije iskati sodelovanje. Končna posledica novega stanja stvari je bila, da je Karantanija prišla preko Bavarcev kot gentilna kneževina pod frankovsko nadoblast. Povezava z Bavarsko je odprla pot za integracijo Karantanije na Zahod. Glavni in najbolj transparenten instrument integracije poganskih ljudstev v krog zahodnoevropske krščanske civilizacije je bilo pokristjanjevanje in Karantanci so bili prvo spreobrnjeno slovansko ljudstvo. Toda integracija ni potekala niti hitro niti lahko, o čemer pričajo trije upori, ki niso bili uperjeni samo proti novi veri. A spremembam in integraciji se niso upirali samo v Karantaniji in tudi ne samo Slovani. Podobno so se upirali tudi Slovani pod komando Ljudevita Posavskega, medtem ko so se romanski prebivalci Istre 804 na sodnem zboru v Rižani v zaledju Kopra pritoževali nad predstavnikom tamkajšnje frankovske oblasti. Okrog 828 je z reformo, zaukazano z dvora, grofovska uprava zamenjala gentilno. Spremembo, ki je zajela slovanski kneževini v Vzhodnih Alpah in ki je pomenila izgubo politične identitete ter institucionalno najpomembnejšo integracijo tamkajšnjih Slovanov v frankovsko državo, je po pomenu primerjati s preoblikovanjem federatske države v rimsko provinco. Intenzivne integracijske procese, katerim so bili podvrženi Slovani vzhodnoalpskega prostora v 9. stoletju, dodatno osvetljujejo prvi podatki o rodbinskih povezavah frankovsko-bavarske aristokracije s karantanskim plemstvom.

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UDK 248(497.4)”15/19” 1.02 Review

Signs, Wonders, Miracles in the Religious Life in Slovene Area from the 16th to the 20th Century Vincenc Rajšp Ph.D. in History, Assistant Professor Slovenski znanstveni institut / Slowenisches Wissenschaftsinstitut Wien, Seilerstätte 2, A - 1010 Vienna, Austria e-mail: vincenc.rajsp@szi-dunaj.at

Abstract: The article is about wonders in Slovene area from the 16th till the 20th century. Wonders were close connected to pilgrim churches. In faith they were present already before the 16th century, but there is more written material about them only since the 16th century. There was written a lot about them during Reformation, for example by Primož Trubar. The book Himmlische Welt - Arzney and J. W. Valvasor are important for the 17th century. Different literature and votive paintings in pilgrim churches show miracles of modern time.

Key words: History, religions, 16th - 20th century, pilgrimages, miracles, wonders. Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, pp. 21-32, 45 notes. Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene).

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In the past miracles played an important role in the religious life and also in the everyday life of the Slovenes, but the existing sources allow us to observe this phenomenon only since the 16th century. Numerous churches, places of pilgrimage, votive paintings in churches and museums, inscriptions on the walls of churches, notes of modern writers and pilgrimage books testify that miracles happened on the Slovene territory. These sources are a “valuable material for historians, Slovene language specialists, sociologists, anthropologists, experts of religion and theologians ”1 but we still do not have a work that would globally discuss miracles on the Slovene territory. The reason could be the fact that there were no Slovene saints canonized by the church. The first officially confirmed miracle is dated only after the year 1990. It was a miracle of cure that was examined and certified by the church at the beatification of Anton Martin Slomšek. The other reported miracles were not officially examined by the church. Till the 16th century the most important places of pilgrimage that were also visited by Slovene people were: Aachen, Altöting, Rome, St. Jacob in Compostela, Jerusalem and others. There are no data showing that miracles happened also to Slovene pilgrims in these places. *** The data on miracles are connected to pilgrimages and pilgrimage churches. The sources for the Slovene territory are mostly from the 16th century onwards. The ones from the 16th century were passed on to our generation by protestant writers, who wrote a detailed description about the pilgrimages and miracles connected to these pilgrimages. Pilgrimages and miracles inside the national territory became interesting in the 16th century. So we can understand the building of new pilgrimage churches, which were then visited by many believers. The initiative to build new pilgrimage churches usually came from simple believers and not from the church authority. Slovene reformers, however, were against this practice. The writer of the first Slovene book and a productive religious writer, the reformer Primož Truber often wrote about miracles and pilgrimages connected to these miracles and building of churches. His reports about the miracles are very important for us to understand the idea of perception and the role of miracles in religious and everyday life of that time. Truber describes Slovene people as good-hearted but superstitious people who hope to get help from God, the Holy Virgin and the saints by going on pilgrimages and by building new churches. That should also protect them from diseases, inflation, wars, God’s punishments and similar.2 Such hopes were caused by crazy and honourless people “leichtfetige, wohnsinnige und ehrlose Leute,” who related the appearance of

1 2

Jože Dežman, Mariji. Iz romarskih knjig, Radovljica 1999 (further reading: Dežman, Mariji), p. 15. Oskar Sakrausky, Primus Truber - Deutsche Vorreden zum slowenischen und kroatischen Reformationswerk, Wien 1989, p. 211.

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the Holy Virgin or the saints with the demand for a new church, to go on a pilgrimage, or the people would be punished and suffer from hail, plague and other difficulties. Truber treats miracles according to the Protestantism, the religion he preached. In his works he does not deny miracles, he only rejects the faith in miracles and their perception in his time and land. According to Truber the most important are the first of all miracles described in the bible, because Christ confirmed his words and promises with big signs and miracles “zaihni inu zhudesi ”3 and also the fact that he is the only son of God, real God and the promised Messiah.4 His miracles were a part of redemptive history, because prophet Izaija predicted them in advance – he foretold that a blind and sick person will be cured by Christ.5 Important are miracles in the Old Testament, the miraculous conception of John the Baptist, for example, who was born to the old and already barren parents.6 In his works Truber mentions miracles of cure: Christ heals a leper,7 a captain8 and many other patients. Among these miracles there is a miracle of incredible fishing,9 the miracle when Christ made wine of water, and others.10 He gives importance also to the miracles of Christ’s apostles, who were confirming the annunciation of the new Christian religion by many miracles and signs “s mnogoterimi zhudesi inu zaihni” after the Pentecost.11 *** Regarding his period Truber refers to the 24th chapter of Matthew’s gospel, the 13th Chapter of Marc’s and the 21st Chapter of Luke’s gospel and warns that before the end of the world false prophets will be active and false Christs “falsh Cristusi” will mislead a lot of people with their signs and miracles “zaihne inu zhudesa.”12 That is why people have to be aware of them.13 Truber sees an example for such

Primus Truber, En Regishter, ta kashe, kei ty nedelski inu tih drugih prasnikov Evangelij, vtim Novim Testamentu, se imaio iskati inu naiti. Per tim ie tudi ena kratka Postilla... Register, wie die sontäglichen, vnd der anderen Festen Euangelien, in dem newem Windischen Testament zusuchen vnd zufinden sein. Sampt einer kurtzen Postill, V Tibingi /Tübingen 1558 (further reading: Truber, En Regishter). 4 Truber, En Regishter, p. V 2a. 5 Ibidem, p. C 4b. Izaija 35. 6 Ibidem, p. e 2b 7 Ibidem, p. T 2b 8 Ibidem, p. C 4b. 9 Ibidem, p. Qb. 10 Ibidem, p. C 4b. 11 Ibidem, p. d 4b. 12 13

Ibidem, p. Y 3a. Primus Truber, Ta pervi deil Tiga noviga Testamenta, vtim so vsi shtyri Evangelisti inu tv diane tih Iogrou, sdai peruizh vta slouenski iesik skusi Primosha Truberia sueistu preobrnen. Der erst halber Teil des newen Testaments, darinn seind die vier Euangelisten, vnd der Apostel Geschicht, auß den fürnembsten vnd Newen Translationnen, in die gemeine Windische sprach, jetzund zum ersten mal fleissig verdolmetscht..., Tubingae/Tübingen 1557 (further reading: Truber, Ta pervi deil Tiga noviga

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seducing in the practise of his period. People were misled by false prophets (falsh Vuzhenikou): heretic (kezari), popes, cardinals, bishops (faryeu) and monks. Because of them people hoped to get God’s mercy and remission with pilgrimages. They also believed that claptrap (babishnih fanah), devil’s miracles and different madly human divine services could help them.14 Believers have to know the difference between God’s and devil’s miracles. The Devil cannot bring a dead person back to life or to make a barren woman give birth to a child (Josue 10, Esa 38, Gen. 21. 1.), but God can allow him to make other big miracles and signs (zaihne inu zhudesa) alone or with the help of his servants (skusi suie sle), false prophets and magicians. As an example he quotes magicians of Egypt (Exod. 7, 8). *** In Truber’s book Catehism s dvema islagama15 there is a whole chapter devoted to miracles titled “Od zaihnov oli zhudessou, te Diuice Marye tih Suetnikou inu Rumane knih Cerkvom.”16 At the beginning he writes about a big contrast between the follower of the Catholic Church compared to Lutherans also on the Slovene territory. Truber writes that simple and educated followers of the Catholic Church plead for the adoration of saints and the Virgin Mary because of the miracles that happened after the intercession. They claim that people built churches and went on a pilgrimage to these churches because of the miracles that happened there first of all the cure of sick, paralysed and blind people. They also try to prove that Protestantism is not the right religion, because it has no miracles. Truber answers that Protestants also believe in miracles, that miracles were happening and will continue to happen till the Last Day, but he mentions two kinds of miracles: God’s and Devil’s. The most important role of believers is to see the difference between the real and the false miracles. The citation from the bible shows that even Christ warned of false prophets for example: “If someone tells you: ‘Look, there is Christ or He is there,’ don’t believe him. False Christs and prophets will appear and make big signs and miracles, so they would be able to seduce even the chosen ones, if it were possible.”17 Also Paul warned in the Second letter to the Thessalonians. “The Wicked One will come with the power of Satan and perform all kinds of miracles and false sings and wonders.”18 One of the proofs is also the Old Testament, Aaron made miracles in front of Pharaoh that also the magicians of Egypt were capable of.

Testamenta, p. bb 3b. Truber, Ta pervi deil Tiga noviga Testamenta, u 4a. 15 Primus Truber, Catehismus s dveima islagama, ena pridiga od starosti te praue inu kriue vere, kerszchounane, mashouane, zhestzhena tih suetnikou, od cerkounih inu domazhih boshyh slushbi, is S. Pisma, starih Cronik inu Vuzhenikou vkupe sbrane. Ta mahina Agenda, otrozhie molitue, skusi Primosha Truberia. Catechismus mit des Herrn Brentij und M. C. Vischers außlegung , ein Predig vom Vrsprung vnd Alter deß rechten vnd falschen Glaubens vnd Gottesdiensts, die Haußtaffel, vnd die kleine Agenda, V Tibingi /Tübingen 1575 (further reading: Truber, Catehismus s dveima islagama). 16 Truber, Catehismus s dveima islagama, p. 234. 17 Matthew, 24, 23-24. 18 The Second letter to the Thessalonians, 2, 9. 14

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He also says for his time, that “magicians make thunder and hail, cause illness and invalidism of young people, etc.” Further, Truber describes an example for which he claims to see it with his own eyes - how Balthazar Hubmayer in 1519 made such a sorcery near a chapel with the image of the Virgin Mary near Regensburg that people from the whole Bavaria came to see it. This monk was founder of Anabaptism and was burnt up in Vienna in 1528 because of this. Truber was the witness of this event as well.19 He mentions that a lot of similar things happened near the churches. “Bad and lying priests (fary) and monks ” achieved massive pilgrimages with this kind of miracles that were in Truber’s opinion nothing else but a cheat. As he writes himself, he was regarded as a heretic by simple and educated opponents, because he was against pilgrimages and the faith in miracles.20 There were a lot of churches built in his time, because of the miracles that happened in that area. Truber recognises them as “false miracles ” sometimes also false testimonies etc. Priests turned this to good accounts, which, he says, gives us another prove that these so called miracles were devil’s work. He quotes Sveta gora near Gorica, Nova Štifta near Gornji grad, Brunk, Kum and others as the places of miracles.21 He defines the miracles as a cheat and claims that “some devil’s people ” only pretended to be blind or paralysed so it was not possible to speak about their cure. Also the crutches that were left by the churches were not the proof for miracles. The priests hanged these crutches on the walls, made notices and painted the happenings on the walls. Truber’s opinion is, that such cheats persuaded simple people to believe. Further he explains that also Lutherans acknowledge the prayers of Virgin Mary, the saints and the angels for people, but they are against the praxis that has been just described, because all of this is nothing but devil’s work. However, he points out that he doesn’t reject prayers to the Virgin Mary “our parents made beautiful songs and prayers to the Virgin Mary such as Salve Regina, Mater Gratiae and others.”22 *** In the next centuries the image of pilgrimage and miracles did not change much - till the prohibition of pilgrimages by emperor Josef II. According to the sources there were only no antagonisms. One of these sources is a small book Himmlische Welt=artzney.23 It describes miracles that happened in a small church on Krka after entreaty to St. Kosmas and Damian in the years 1646-1710. They were all about the cure of physical illness.

Truber, Catehismus s dveima islagama, p. 241. Ibidem, p. 248. 21 Ibidem, p. 202. 22 Ibidem, p. 212. 23 Himmlische Welt-Artzney / In den Wunder=Kraefftigen Blut=Baad der Zwey Heiligen Gesund=Artzten und Glaubens=Martyrer COSMAE und DAMIANI, Als sonderbaren Schutz= und Gnaden=Patronen der Loeblichen Pfarr=kirchen in Obergurg zubereithet: Und zu Andaechtiger Leibs= und Seelen = Zuflucht in offentlichen Druck Vorgestelt, Laybach / bey Johann Georg Mayr / Landschafft Buchdrucker 1712. 20

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Putative miracles happened in 31 years and they included patients of all ages – children, adults and old people. As it is written for the year 1707 many more miracles happened: “No one should think, that there were not even more miracles this year. I should tell, that it is impossible to write about all miracles that country people talk about, we are forced to shorten the material.” The descriptions include all social strata: country people, aristocracy and ordinary citizens. Mostly people were from castles, either they were members of the aristocratic family or they belonged to the families of castle managers. The writer of this note complains that it is impossible to present all the putative miracles on Krka “because of careless and intentional laziness of chaplains on Krka, who do not want to write about this kind of happenings that could give books containing not only a few pages.” In the Liber contineus gratias a SS Cosmae et Damiano obtentas incipiendo anno 1757 usque 1784 561 recoveries are noted, and in the years 1770-1774 there are 57 recoveries mentioned.24 As it is evident from the notes, recovered patients left pictures on the walls of the church, but they are not preserved because of its renovation after 1710. *** The books of Primož Truber from the 16th century show that different appearances and visions caused the building of new churches. That was the case also in the 17th century. Churches built in the 16th and 17th centuries were mostly based on miracles - already mentioned churches on Sveta gora, Nova Štifta, Sveta Trojica (The Holy Trinity) in Slovenske gorice, the church of St. Josef in Celje, etc. The efforts for the building of the Holy Trinity Church go back to the beginning of the 17th century, when the inhabitants wanted to build a chapel in Radehova, expecting the Holy Sepulchre to be moved here. The construction was prevented by the secular and church authorities, because it was suspected the inhabitants to be so called ‘jumpers’. The later appearance of three stars on a hill caused the construction of the Holy Trinity church. The fact that a Protestant painter of the picture the Holy Trinity changed his religion to catholic, was also considered as a miracle.25 Different votive images: with a transcript “Janes Schober from Gačnik thanks to Almighty for his miraculous lifesaving.” *** Miracles were described also by J.W. Valvasor in Die Ehre des Herzogthums Krain 1689.26 Beside the history, habits and sights of the places he also described miracles

24 25

Jože Gregorič, Sveti Kozma in Damjan. Krka na Dolenjskem, Ljubljana 1977, p. 16. Alfred Hoppe, Heilige Dreifaltigkeit in Windisch=Büheln. Separatabdruck aus dem Werke: ‘Des Österreichers Wallfahrtsorte’, 1913.

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as special notabilities of the churches. He did not want to be uncritical but he took miracles as a real happening. Mostly he writes about miracles of cure, usually near pilgrimage churches, also smaller ones as for example at the succursal church of St. Catharine, where there was also a water source. Many patients who came here recovered after washing in this water and also their religiousness brought them the cure.27 Another example is the church of St. Peter. After a woman who had walked with crutches many years had realised her godly promise, she suddenly recovered. That happened in 1634.28 Recoveries happened also at the parish Zagorje by Sava,29 and after the brotherhood of St. Fabians and Sebastian was founded in 1614 the plague stopped immediately.30 There were also many recoveries on Planinska gora.31 Valvasor explained his personal relation to miracles with a story for which he claims: “Dieses ist kein Geticht, sonder eine wahrhaffte Gegebenheit, sintemal Ich selber gute Wissenschafft drum habe.”32 Valvasor’s bondman (Valvasor knew him well) had broken his legs some years ago and could then walk only with difficulties. He prayed a lot and promised to go on a pilgrimage to the church of St. Anthony of Padova,33 which was built in 1677. His wife laughed at him, but he did not give up and the man recovered “er ist mit der Zeit so gesund frisch und fertig im gehen geworden, als wie ein Fisch im Wasser, auch die geringste Spur oder Empfindlichkeit eines Bruchs ihm nicht mehr übrich geblieben.” Valvasor adds that in the opinion of some people miracles do not happen any more since the period of the Twelve Apostles or since the conversion of pagans. Also he knows some of the cheats, but he still believes that the cure of his bondman was truly a miracle.34 He also describes the happening at Nova Štifta. Truber was against the construction of that church. The people persuaded the bishop of Ljubljana, so that he finally “nach vielen Entschuldigungen und Ausflüchten endlich bewogen und überredet worden” agreed to build it. A miracle helped the people to get the church - as the bishop walked with a procession, there was a star above the chapel in the middle of the day. Later some more miracles happened here.35 A lot of miracles happened at the Church of Assumption (Cerkev Marijinega

Johann Weichard Valvasor, Die Ehre des Herzogthums Crain, Laibach 1689 (further reading: Valvasor, Die Ehre). 27 Valvasor, Die Ehre, VIII: p. 724. “Zu dieser Kirchen verloben sich viel bresthaffte und kranke Leute, welche hinauff steigen und daselbst ihre Andacht verrichten, herrnach von diesem Quell=Wasser nicht allein trinken, sondern auch ihre Augen damit waschen, wovo Ihrer viele genesen.” 28

Ibidem, VIII: p. 788. Ibidem, VIII: p. 798. “Diese Geschicht begab sich im 1681 Jahr den 7. Aug. und ist so gewiß, daß nicht allein andre Leute, sondern auch der noch lebende Selbst=Zeuge den Zweifelnden alle ungleiche Gedancken benehmen können.” 30 Ibidem, VIII: p. 798. 31 Ibidem, VIII: p. 799. 32 Ibidem, VIII: p. 768. 33 In the village Velika Štanga. 34 Ibidem, VIII: p. 769. 35 Ibidem, VIII: p. 665. 29

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vnebovzetja) in Dobrova near Ljubljana. A lady of rank from Carinthia made a vow to procure a crown for the Virgin Mary, if her blind six year-old son would see again. Both happened. Even a small baby was brought back to life, after his mother had suffocated him during the sleep. Valvasor claims that such miracles happen often “Dergleichen Miraculn geschehen allhie viele und offt.” The whole city of Ljubljana gave thanks with a special board, because the land was spared by plague: “Magni dei Matri - Mariae in Dobraua – Pouli, è vicinis, remotioribusque Carnioliae partibus – Loci venerandi causa confluentis – Frequentia famosissimae. – Quod – Hic sibi locum gratiae elegerit – Miraculis clareat. – Totamque Carnioliae Provinciam – â peste – In quartum annum ad confinia usque grassante – Miraculose salvaverit. – Se, & suos – In Perpetuum gratitudinis Mnemosynon – Æmona devovet. – Anno Christi 1682, qui est Æmon : Cond : 2904.”36 Because of the plague in the village Dravlje, upper classes took vows to build a church of St. Rochus. They began in 1644 and the plague stopped immediately. The citizens believed that St. Rochus protected them from the plague in the years 1680, 81 and 82. In 1683 they gave thanks with a procession which began at the cathedral of Ljubljana 4km away.37 St. Agnes on Kum. On the 29th of August 1688, Valvasor was present at the pilgrimage and according to his estimation there was a gathering of about 50.000 pilgrims. There were 40.000 confessions and communions, three women gave birth and people drank 40 loads of wine. Many miracles happened also at this church first of all recoveries. Many blind people were able to see again. Also the ones who wanted to get married came to ask for help.38 *** On the Hill in Strunjan near Piran (Slovene coastal area) there is a church of the Virgin Mary since the beginning of the 13th century. At first it belonged to the Benedictine nuns later to the Benedictine monks. The miracle was believed to happen in 1512. The church was in a bad condition. Two field guards had a vision in the evening before the holiday of the Assumption. They reported about it to the notary and the parish priest of Piran. In front of the church they saw an unusual flame and as they approached the church a woman dressed in white appeared. Near her there was an old bearded man kneeling, to whom she said: “Look, how ruined my house is! ” The guards got scared and ran away but they heard a voice saying: “Do not run! Tell the priest to repair the church, otherwise woe to Piran! ”39 The general vicar from Koper ordered to repair the church. There was a solemn mass on the 12th of September, where the parish priest from Piran, temporal and order priests, the mayor of Piran with councillors and the people of Piran were

36 37 38 39

Ibidem, VIII: p. 820. Ibidem, VIII: p. 822. Ibidem, VIII: p. 803. Rožana Špeh, Strunjan, Ljubljana 2002 (further reading: Špeh, Strunjan), p. 15.

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present. They also decided to remember this every year on the 15th of August and named the church after the apparition of the Virgin Mary (Sveta Marija od prikazanja). Soon it became the central pilgrimage church of the whole Istria. The preserved votive paintings are younger – the oldest one is from 1787. Most of them give thanks for the surviving of accidents on the sea. Some testimonies are written also in the monastic chronicle.40 People also thanked for recoveries.41 Notes of recoveries remained on Ptujska gora (from 1638 onwards), in Pauline cloister in Olimlje (1672) and at St. Francis Xaver at Straža (1741-1757).42 *** Even today the Slovene centres of pilgrimage are very well visited. Now, the majority of thanks is dedicated to the Virgin Mary, while the saints play a smaller role, people still give thanks for God’s help. The word miracle is not used so often any more, but it has not totally disappeared. When the people ask for help, they turn to the Virgin Mary and rarely to the saints. In the book of pilgrimages at the pilgrimage centre Brezje we can find the following sentence from the year 1974: “Cordial thanks to the Virgin Mary for the miraculous rescue of our immensely loved 23 month old son T., who was miraculously rescued from the cold waves of the river Tržiška Bistrica. Overjoyed parents.”43

40 41 42 43

Špeh, Strunjan, p. 42. Ibidem, p. 56. Jože Gregorič, Sveti Kozma in Damjan, Krka na Dolenjskem, Ljubljana 1977, p. 15. Dežman, Mariji, p. 64.

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Vincenc Rajšp ZNAMENJA IN ČUDEŽI V VERSKEM ŽIVLJENJU NA SLOVENSKEM OD 16. DO 20. STOLETJA POVZETEK Prispevek obravnava čudeže v verskem življenju na Slovenskem od 16. do 20. stoletja. O čudežih nam pričajo številne cerkve in romarske poti ter votivne slike v cerkvah in muzejih, napisi na zidovih cerkva, zapisi raznih sodobnih avtorjev in romarske knjige. Kljub temu da so ta sporočila “dragoceno gradivo za zgodovinarje, slaviste, sociologe, antropologe, religiologe in teologe,”44 še nimamo dela, ki bi kompleksno obravnavalo čudeže na slovenskem ozemlju. Morda so razlogi v dejstvu, da Slovenci niso imeli svetnikov, ki bi jih priznala Cerkev; prvi uradno priznani čudež datira šele v čas po letu 1990, tj. čudež ozdravljenja, ki ga je Cerkev proučila in priznala za beatifikacijo Antona Martina Slomška, medtem ko ostalih domnevnih čudežev ni uradno preverila. Za slovensko ozemlje imamo obširnejše zapise o čudežih od šestnajstega stoletja dalje. V drugi polovici šestnajstega stoletja so obširno obravnavana romanja in z njimi povezani čudeži v delih protestantskih piscev. Da so bila na domači prostor vezana romanja in z njimi povezani čudeži aktualni prav v 16. stoletju, nam priča tudi dejstvo, da je bilo takrat zgrajenih več romarskih cerkva, ki so privlačile številne vernike. Takšna praksa je naletela na odpor predvsem pri slovenskih reformatorjih. Primož Trubar v svojih delih pogosto piše o čudežih ter o romanjih in gradnji cerkva, ki so z njimi povezane, kar nam omogoča predstavo o pojmovanju in vlogi čudežev v takratnem verskem in vsakdanjem življenju. V Catehismu s dvema islagama je Primož Trubar posvetil čudežem posebno poglavje. Kot piše na začetku, predstavlja to vprašanje veliko nasprotje med pripadniki katoliške cerkve in luterani tudi v slovenskem prostoru. Za pripadnike katoliške cerkve, preproste in učene, piše, da zagovarjajo češčenje svetnikov in Marije prav zaradi čudežev, ki bi se naj dogajali po njihovi priprošnji, s čudeži utemeljujejo gradnjo cerkva in romanja k tem cerkvam. Trubar odgovarja, da tudi protestanti verujejo v čudeže, da so se ti dogajali in da se bodo dogajali do sodnega dne. Pri tem razlikuje dve vrsti čudežev: božje in hudičeve. Glavna naloga vernikov je, da razlikujejo med pravimi in krivimi čudeži. Po njegovem so bili čudeži, ki so vzpodbudili gradnjo cerkva, 'lažni čudeži', včasih tudi kriva pričanja itd., ki bi naj služili le pridobitništvu duhovnikov in so kot taki bili hudičevo delo. Med cerkvami našteva Sveto goro pri Gorici, Novo Štifto pri Gornjem Gradu, na Bruniku, na Kumu in druge.45 Čudeže, ki bi se naj tam dogajali, pojmuje kot goljufijo, da so se ”eni hudizheui ludie” le delali slepe, hrome in tako tudi ozdravljenj ni bilo. Slika o romanjih in čudežih se tudi v naslednjih stoletjih, tj. do takrat, ko je romanja prepovedal cesar Jožef II., ni bistveno spremenila, le da nasprotovanj ni bilo več, o čemer nam pričajo ohranjeni zapisi. Eden takšnih je knjižica Himmlische Welt=Arzney. Opisani so čudeži, ki bi se naj zgodili na priprošnjo sv. Kozme in Damjana v letih 1646–1710 v cerkvi na Krki. Med ozdravljenci je omenjeno tako plemstvo kot tudi kmečko prebivalstvo. Čudeže opisuje tudi J. W. Valvasor v Die Ehre des Herzogthums Krain 1689. Pri opisu zgodovine, običajev in krajevnih znamenitosti je med posebnimi znamenitostmi cerkva opisal

44 45

Ibidem, p. 15. Primus Truber, Catehismus sdveima islagama, p. 202.

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tudi čudeže. Pri opisovanju ni želel biti nekritičen, vendar obravnava čudeže kot resnične dogodke. Tudi tukaj gre največkrat za čudeže ozdravljenja, običajno pri romarskih cerkvah. O čudežih v novejšem času nam pričajo votivne slike in zapisi v cerkvah, običajno romarskih.

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UDK 636.083:347.236:2622”17-19”(497.4) 1.01 Wissenschaftlicher Aufsatz

‘Eisernes Vieh‘ im Eigentum einiger untersteirischer und kärntnerischer Kirchen und frommen Bruderschaften von 17. bis 19. Jahrhundert Jože Maček Akademiemitgl. emer. O. Univ.-Prof. DDDr. Universität in Ljubljana, Biotechnische Fakultät, Jamnikarjeva 10l, SI - 1111 Ljubljana, Slowenien

Abstract: In the present paper an interesting economical phenomenon namely ‘Eisernes Vieh’ (German) is described. The English word for it would be ‘the iron livestock’, meaning the livestock in the property of some churches and religious brotherhoods from 17. to 19. century in the Lower Styria and Carinthia. This livestock was given to the peasants permanently (‘for ever’) into breeding. The origin of this livestock is unknown. Some facts speak in favour of the meaning that these were gifts and legacies of believers for their salus animarum. It is also possible that they were ordinary reliable investments of the church funds. Still the question remains unanswered. The general problems of this economical phenomenon are described together with the unsuccessful efforts of the Inner Austrian States for its liquidation in the early 16. century. A numerical overview of this livestock is given for individual parish and succursal churches and brotherhoods in some deaneries in the Lover Styria and for some churches in Carinthia.

Key words: ‘The iron livestock’, peasants, parish, succursal churches, religious brotherhoods, Lover Styria, Carinthia, 17.-19. century. Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, S. 33-58, 197 Fußnoten, 12 Tabellen. Sprache: Original in Deutsch (Kurzfassung in Englisch und Slowenisch, Zusammenfassung in Slowenisch)

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Die Problematik des 'Eisernen Viehs' ist in der slowenischen (Rechts-) Geschichtsschreibung nur fragmentarisch behandelt. Das meiste trug zu dieser Thematik der verstorbene Rechts- und Agrarhistoriker Sergej Vilfan mit seinem Werk Geschichtliche Rechtsbildung bei den Slowenen bei.1 ‘Eisenvieh‘, auch ‘Eisern Vieh‘, bzw. den Vertrag über dieses Vieh ‘Eisernviehvertrag‘ reihte er unter die Viehhaltung (im Sinne von Bestand) und die allgemeine Teilung des Nutzens von diesem Vieh zwischen dem Vieheigentümer und Viehhalter je zur Hälfte (slowenisch spolovina, sowie beim Kolonat mezzadria). Es muss aber auf zwei Bedeutungen der Haltung hingewiesen werden. Die Erste ist technischer Natur, z. B. Haltung des Viehs im Stall oder im Freien, die zweite aber ist das Vieh zu geben oder unter besonderen Bedingungen in die Haltung zu empfangen. Natürlich wird in dieser Abhandlung die Rede nur von der zweiten Bedeutung sein. Der Grundgedanke bei der Haltung des Viehs in sehr verschieden Formen war, daß der Vieheigentümer das Tier für bestimmte Zeit oder für beständig dem Viehhalter überlässt, der Zuwachs des Wertes wird aber untereinander geteilt. Die Viehhaltung im obigen Sinne ist unter verschiedenen Namen bekannt: Contractus soccidae, italienisch Soccida (wird schon im 13. Jahrhundert in Piran erwähnt), im Deutschen schon erwähnter Ausdruck, im Französischen Bail á cheptel. In der Umgebung von Trieste (Trst) schrieb man im 17. Jahrhundert in italienischen Texten, dass der Bauer das Vieh zur Hälfte (alla metá) übernimmt. In der Theorie versucht man hie und da verschiedenen Termini verschiedene Bedeutungen zuzuschreiben. Und so unterscheiden einige Autoren z.B. Soccida von ‘Eisernem Vieh‘, andere aber nicht. In Wirklichkeit war die Viehhaltung in verschiedenen Varianten verbreitet, zwischen denen es schwer ist, scharfe Grenzen zu ziehen; ein Ausdruck kann auch verschiedene Bedeutungen haben. Wenn z B. verabredet wurde, dass der Viehhalter nach Ablauf der Vertragszeit ein Tier gleichen Wertes rückerstatten muss, und also Gefahr des Verendens des Tieres auf seine Rechnung fällt, ist für die Haltung mit so einer Absprache der Terminus Eisernviehvertrag berechtigt, wobei der Ausspruch gilt, dass “eisernes Vieh niemals verendet “ (im weiteren Text wird ‚eisernes Vieh‘ ohne Anführungsteichen geschrieben).2 *** Im weiteren wird nur vom eisernen Vieh die Rede, denn in diesem Fall gab es eigentlich keine Vertragszeit. Das Vieh wurde dem Halter in die Haltung für immer überlassen, die Verpflichtung zur Werterhaltung des in die Haltung übernommenen Viehs belastete den Halter bzw. den Haltungnehmer. Laufend teilten sich der Eigentümer und der Haltungtnehmer nur den Zuwachs von diesem Vieh. Daß es wirklich um beständiges Verhältnis ging, ist auch aus unseren Daten ersichtlich. In einigen sehr alten Pfarren oder Dekanaten in der Untersteiermark (z.B. Braslovče, Laško, Škale) und in Kärnten wurde der Viehwert fiktiv ins Kapital umgewandelt und wurden davon Zinsen eingehoben (siehe Tabellen 5, 6, 7, 11, 12). Im Falle eines Eisernviehvertrags traten zwei Vertragspartner auf, Eigentümer

1 2

Sergij Vilfan, Zgodovinska pravotvornost in Slovenci, Ljubljana 1996, S. 374, 376-377. Ibidem, S. 374-375.

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bzw. Haltunggeber (z.B. Grundherrschaften, kirchliche Institutionen oder Private) und Haltungnehmer, der gewöhnlich ein Untertan oder später Bauer war, der über kein eigenes Vieh verfügte, oder hatte zuwenig eigenes Zugvieh, oder kam zeitweilig in Not wegen Verendung einiger Tiere, wegen einer Viehseuche u. ä. Die Übergabe des Viehs in die Haltung (es ging hauptsächlich um Kühe und Ochsen) erhielt sich allerdings in einem rudimentären Umfang und mehr oder weniger insgeheim in der Umgebung von Laško bis in die siebziger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts. In diesem Fall war das Anliegen der Viehhändler, sich in ungewissen valutären Verhältnissen ihr Kapital zu sichern. Natürlich waren die erwähnten Vetragspartner, außer Ausnahmen, sozial immer stark differenziert. In dem vorgelegten Beitrag über das Eisernvieh im Eigentum einiger untersteirischen und kärntnerischen Kirchen und Bruderschaften vom 17. bis 19. Jahrhundert sollte vor allem der nummerische Umfang dieser Erscheinung dargestellt werden, der unseres Wissens in der slowenischen Geschichtsschreibung noch nicht behandelt wurde, für die Untersteiermark und Kärnten aber überhaupt nicht. Vilfan erwähnt verschiedene Fälle (jedoch nicht zahlenmässig) aus dem Küstenland, Inner- und Unterkrain. In unserer Übersicht sind beide Vertragspartner Haltunggeber – verschiedene Pfarr- und Filialkirchen sowie Bruderschaften und Haltungnehmer – Untertanen bzw. Bauern klar ersichtlich.3 Über den Ursprung des eisernen Viehs als kirchlichen Vermögens herrscht aber keine Klarheit. Zur Klärung dieser Frage muss man ein wenig die Problematik dieses Vermögens erörtern. Sogenanntes unbelastetes kirchliches Vermögen entstand aus Gaben oder Legaten der Gläubigen inter vivos et mortis causa bestimmter Kirche, die aber dieser keine konkreten Auflagen (z.B. Messelesen) aufbürdeten, außer natürlich des allgemeinen Dankes den Wohltätern. Belastetes kirchliches Vermögen entstand aber durch fiduziarische geistliche (fromme) Stiftungen (pia causa), die bei Kirchen loziert waren, ihr Vermögen war juristisch zwar getrennt, inhaltlich aber als kirchliches Vermögen vereint. Die Begründer dieser Stiftungen haben aber durch Stiftbriefe der Kirche für den Genuß der Zinsen von Stiftungskapitalien, oder vom naturalem Genuß der übergebenen Stiftungsrealitäten inter vivos et mortis causa verschiedene Verbindlichkeiten, vor allem Messelesen, Zelebrieren von Anniversarien udgl. auferlegt. Diese Verbindlichkeiten bedeuteten für die Kirche eine Last und deswegen wurden solche Stiftungskapitalien belastetes kirchliches Vermögen genannt. Es gibt keine Anzeichen oder Angaben, daß es sich beim eisernen Vieh in unserem Fall um belastetes kirchliches Vermögen, also um geistliche Stiftungen, handelt, daher muß dieses Vermögen unbelastet sein. Die Frage bleibt aber, ob dieses kirchliche Vermögen aus zweckgemäßen Zuwendungen bzw. Gaben oder Legaten der Gläubigen zum salus animarum entstand, was in den oberen Gesellschaftsschichten der mittelalterlichen und neuzeitlichen Menschen ziemlich verbreitet war.4 Es ist nicht zu ersehen, warum es bei ärmeren Gesellschaftsschichten anders

3 4

Ibidem, S. 376-378. Dušan Kos, Plemiška darovanja cerkvenim ustanovam (s posebnim ozirom na 14. stoletje), Zgodovinski časopis Jahre 47 (1993), N. 1, S. 25.

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wäre, natürlich im Rahmen ihrer Möglickeiten. Oder geht es aber um auf andere Weise erworbenes kirchliches Vermögen, schon bestehend im Vieh oder im Geld und umgewandelt ins Vieh mit der Absicht einer beständigen ‚eisernen Anlage‘, was im Grunde ja das Hauptanliegen war, und Erlangung des Nutzens in Form des Viehzuwachses, den sich dem Vertrage nach beide Vertragspartner teilten. Vilfan schreibt: “In solche Haltung gaben das Vieh hauptsächlich Kirchen, die die Tiere meistens als Legate erhielten, im 19. Jahrhundert haben aber einige Filialkirchen die Tiere auch gekauft.“5 Wir meinen, dass sich die erste Behauptung mit größter Wahrscheinlichkeit auch auf unsere Untersuchung bzw. auf unsere Fälle bezieht, vor allem deshalb, weil es anders schwer zu erklären ware, auf welche Weise ganz unbedeutende, arme Filialkirchen auf dem Lande, die in unserer Űbersicht weit überwiegen, auf anderem Weg zum beträchtlichen Vermögen in Form von ansehnlicher Zahl der Tiere kommen könnten. Und nicht zuletzt war auch bei der Behandlung der Landordnung im Jahre 1524 bezüglich der Liquidierung des Instituts des eisernen Viehs nur von der Kirche als Vieheigentümer, die die Tiere in die Haltung gibt, die Rede, was später erwähnt wird. Wirtschaftlich sehr ungewöhnlich wäre es auch, daß die Kirchen ihr Geld in Kleinvieh (Schafe und Ziegen), Bienenstöcke und Schweine anlegten. Anders war es aber natürlich wenn die Gläubigen diese Viehgaben schenkten oder vermachten und es sich nicht ziemte sie gleich oder bald zu verkaufen. Da hat sich sehr trefflich das Institut des eisernen Viehs bewährt. Wir meinen, dass bei der Erörterung der Frage des Ursprungs des eisernen Viehs auch ganz praktische Fragen der Schwierigkeit der Verwaltung dieses Vermögens nicht vernachlässigt werden dürfen, besonders so lange als das Vieh in natura bestand und sein Wert nicht kapitalisiert wurde und die Zinsen nicht in Geld behoben wurden. Nur wenn die Übergabe des Viehs in die Haltung wesentlich einträglicher wäre als das Einheben von Zinsen vom Kapital, wäre der Kauf des Viehs mit Bargeld oder sicheren Schuldscheinen verständlich. Das war aber keineswegs der Fall, auch wenn wir die Schwierigkeiten mit der Verwaltung nicht in Betracht ziehen. Seit sich der Staat in das kirchliche Vermögen einzumischen begann, hat er direkt alle Formen des Naturalvermögens (eisernes Vieh, Realitäten, Fahrnisse, Rechte soweit sie die Untertanen in naturaler Form ableisteten) verpönnt, ihren Verkauf und die Anlage der Kaufgelder in öffentliche Fonds gefördert oder sogar angeordnet und den Genuß der Zinsen erlaubt. Die Flucht von naturalen Werten musste schon wirtschaftlich begründet sein, solange der Geldwert nicht durch Inflation ernstlich beeinträchtigt wurde. Das zeigt auch sehr gut die Kapitalisierung des naturalen Wertes des eisernen Viehs und Beheben der Zinsen. Es bestehen aber auch Angaben für die zweite Behauptung von Vilfan, zum Anlegen des kirchlichen Geldes in eisernes Vieh. So war es in der Pfarre Ig üblich, daß man kirchliche Gelder in erwähntes Vieh anlegte, das den Untertanen in die Haltung übergeben wurde. Zuständiges Kreisamt befürwortete dieses Vorgehen, jedoch mit der Bedingung, daß es in das Grundbuch der betreffenden Grundherrschaft intabuliert wird. Das Grazer Gubernium war aber dagegen, mit der Begründung, daß sich dabei allerlei Unregelmässigkeiten ereignen können, und verlangte, daß das Pfarrgeld im Betrag von 3.600 Gulden sofort in öffentliche

Sergij Vilfan, Zgodovinska pravotvornost in Slovenci, Ljubljana 1996, S. 376-378.

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Fonde angelegt wird.6 Bei den Filialen des Vikariates Šentjanž in Unterkrain war einiges kirchliche Vieh in der Haltung (wobei der Ursprung dieses Viehs nicht klar ist, Anm. d. Verf.).7 Es scheint uns, daß die Frage des Ursprungs des eisernen Viehs, für die in unserem Beitrag behandelten Kirchen und Bruderschaften, solange ungelöst bleiben muß, bis keine aufschlußreicheren Quellen erschloßen werden (es wäre nötig den kompleten wirtschaftlichen Teil des Archivs einer grösseren Kirche für die behandelten Jahrhunderte durchzuforsten). Dieses Vieh verwalteten wenigstens zu Anfang nach der Übergabe die Kirchenpröbste oder Vertreter der Bruderschaften. Das war aber bei Kirchen mit größeren Anzahl des Viehs ein schwieriges Geschäft (Versetzung der Tiere vom Halter, der sie nicht halten wollte oder konnte, zum anderen Halter, die Sorge um den Zuwachs, sein Verkauf, der Umtausch alter Tiere mit jungen, Streitschlichtungen u. ä.). Deshalb hat sich anstatt der laufenden Ermittlung des Gewichtszuwachses, des Zuwachses der Jungtiere, des Wollgewichtes oder anderer Nutzungen (z.B. bei Zugochsen) allmählich eine jährliche Geldgabe durchgesetzt, der Zins (Viehzins), im Grunde Zinsen vom kapitalisierten Viehwert. Nach der Umwandlung der naturalen Form in die geldliche, belastete aber der Viehzins den Halter, der darauf einging, für immer. Kapitalisierter Wert bestand als Verpflichtung des Halters, als das Tier schon lange nicht mehr vorhanden war. Solange auf dem Hof des Halters noch die Erinnerung, daß der Viehzins eine Giebigkeit für ein Tier, das in früheren Zeiten einmal dem Hof zugeführt wurde, lebte, haben sich die Besitznachfahren des letzten echten Halters der Zahlung dieser Giebigkeit nicht widersetzt. Sobald aber die Erinnerung ganz verblasste, erschien die Giebigkeit als ungerecht. Wenn sich die Besitznachfahren des letzten Halters von dieser Giebigkeit befreien wollten, mußten sie in unserem Fall dem Vieheigentümer ein gleichwertiges Tier oder entsprechendes Kapital rückerstatten. Es scheint, dass die Problematik des eisernen Viehs im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert sehr aktuell sein mußte, besonders ihre sozialen Implikationen, da sie Verhandlungsgegenstand von Landtagen und Hofrechten einzelner Länder war, ebenso auf den Zusammenkünften der Vertreter innerösterreichischer Länder (Kärnten, Krain, Steiermark) verhandelt wurde. Bei diesen Treffen wurden neben anderen drängenden Fragen auch Themen behandelt, die nach Auffassung damaliger Zeiten unter ‘Polizeygegenstände‘ eingereiht wurden (Kirchensachen, Rechtssprechung, öffentliche Moral, Volkswirtschaft, Verkehr). In den nächsten Jahrzehnten haben die Landstände begonnen, Materialien für die ‘Landordnung‘ zu sammeln, die für erwähnte Gruppe der Länder gelten sollte.8 Im Jahre 1513 wurde der Entwurf von besonderen für diese Fragen einberufenen Ständeausschüßen der unter- und innerösterreichischen Länder verhandelt. Die Be-

7 8

AS (Archiv Sloweniens), Gub., II. Reg., (1787-1794), Fasc. 291, blaue 218, Akt 23932/2359, 15. August 1787) Ibidem, Fasc. 291, blaue 224, Akt 3338/321, 20. September 1787. Josip Žontar, Nastanek, gospodarska in družbena problematika policijskih redov prve polovice 16. stoletja za dolnjeavstrijske dežele s posebnim ozirom na slovenske pokrajine, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 10-11 (1956-1957), S. 59.

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strebungen einzelner Stände zur Klärung von Fragen, die die Landordnung erfassen sollte, drückten die Vertreter erwähnter Länder auf ihrer gemeinsamen Ständeversammlung in Innsbruck von Januar bis Mai 1518 aus. Resultat dieser Verhandlungen war aber nur das ‘Innsbrucker Libel‘. Schließlich hat man hauptsächlich nach dem Entwurf von 1518 aus einen neuen Entwurf ausgearbeitet, den die Vertreter der unterösterreichischen Länder in Wien zu Anfang Februar 1524 in Wien verhandelten. In diesem sind im Paragraph 21 kirchliche oder eiserne Kühe erörtert.9 Die Einreihung der Haltung kirchlicher oder eiserner Kühe im Entwurf, der 80 Punkte enthielt, auf den hohen 21. Platz, zeigt, dass diese Problematik verbreitet und prekär war und geregelt werden mußte. Im Paragraph 21 wurde die Abschaffung in den slowenischen Ländern sehr verbreiteten rechtlichen Instituts, des eisernen Viehs gefordert. Ständevertreter schlugen vor, daß die Regierung eisernes Vieh abschafft. Die Untertanen sollen es von der Kirche für entsprechende Geldsumme, die diese bestimmen sollte, abkaufen. Damit sollte nicht verboten werden, daß die Leute der Kirche oder jemand Anderen als Vermächtnis ein Tier geben und sich als Halter verbinden eine Giebigkeit davon abzugeben. Doch diese Verbindlichkeit sollte nur so lange bestehen, bis das Tier leben sollte. In die Polizeiordnung wurde dieser Vorschlag nicht eingereiht.10 Für schon erwähnte Schwierigkeiten bei der Verwaltung des eisernen Viehs konnte ein Beweis beigebracht werden. Simon Vrhovšek, Kirchenprobst der Filialkirche St. Peter in damaliger Laško/Tüfferer Urpfarre, später in der Pfarre sv. Rupert/St. Ruprecht, klagte auf der Bergrechtsversammlung der Krumpergergült in Rečka gorca über dem Ort Reka bei Laško am 29. September 1698 Jakob Rogelj als Halter einer eisernen Kuh der erwähnten Filialkirche auf die Rückerstattung des Wertes dieser Kuh. Der Beklagte entgegnete, daß ihm diese Kuh Jurij Titovšek mit Gewalt entnommen habe. Die Bergrechtsversammlung hat unter dem Vorsitz eines unabhängigen Richters und mit zwölf Beisitzern entschieden, daß Jurij Titovšek dem Beklagten Jakob Rogelj den Geldwert der Kuh rückerstatten muß, dieser aber den Betrag der erwähnten Filialkirche weiterleiten sollte. Die Verhandlung dieses Falls vor der Bergrechtsversammlung ist interessant. Nach Vilfan (1961)11 verhandelten und entschieden solche Versammlungen “nur über Gegenstände, die mit dem Nutzungseigentum der Weingärten verbunden waren, oder sich auf ihrem Boden ereigneten. Sie hatten Zuständigkeiten nur für Verwaltungs-, Eigentums- und kleine Kriminalgegenstände. Als sich einige Bergrechtler oder sogar Inwohner in den Weinberghäuschen ansiedelten, hatte die Bergrechtversammlung nach dem Wohnsitzprinzip automatisch ihre Zuständigkeit auf alle privatrechtliche und kleine Kriminalsachen dieser Ansiedler ausgedehnt.“ Auf diese Weise wurde die gewalttätige Entnahme der eisernen Kuh auf der Bergrechtsversammlung verhandelt. Dazu gibt es noch einen weiteren Grund. Aus erhaltener Quelle ist ersichtlich, daß sich dieses Delikt auf dem Boden des Eigentümers dortiger Weinberge Hans Ludwig Rasp ereignete und deshalb die Klage vor diese Versammlung vorgebracht wurde. Übrigens wurde der Täter mit 10 Gulden bestraft.12

Ibidem, S. 42. Ibidem, S. 68. 11 Sergij Vilfan, Pravna zgodovina Slovencev, Ljubljana 1961, S. 355. 12 AS (Archiv Sloweniens), Herrschaft Krumperk, fasc. 29. 10

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Die Verbreitung des eisernen Viehs in der Untersteiermark und in Kärnten In den Tabellen ist der zahlenmäßige Stand des eisernen Viehs bei einzelnen Pfarrund Filialkirchen sowie Bruderschaften in ungefähr der Hälfte untersteirischer Dekanate, der aus den Visitationsprotokollen stammt und in dem Werk Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant des Mariborer Kanonikers und späteren Domprobstes Ignaz Orožen seinen Niederschlag fand. Aus den Publikationen von Anton Svetina wurden die Daten für einige Kärntnerkirchen aus dem dortigen Besitz des Bisthums von Ljubljana beigefügt. Die Angaben über eisernes Vieh sind natürlich sehr fragmentär und beziehen sich meistens nur auf ein Jahr. Eine Ausnahme davon bilden die Pfarren des Bistums von Ljubljana in der Untersteiermark, wo oft die Jahre 1631 und 1690 angeführt werden. Die Daten zeigen, daß die Anzahl des eisernen Viehs verhältnismässig hoch war, besonders bei kleinen Filialkirchen. Zahlenmäßige Bewertung des Anteils des eisernen Vieh an der Gesamtzahl ist natürlich unmöglich, da die geordnete Viehstatistik erst im Jahre 1869 begann, zu dieser Zeit aber die Institution des eisernen Viehs nahezu verschwunden war. Aber wennauch die Zahlen vorlägen, könnte in den seltensten Fällen der Anteil dieses Viehs eruiert werden, da sich die politisch-territoriale Einteilung der Zählgebiete für die Bevölkerung und das Vieh selten mit den Pfarr- oder Filialkirchensprengeln deckten. Unabhängig davon können wir aber schließen, daß das eiserne Vieh in den behandelten Ortschaften verhältnismäßig stark verbreitet war. Es ist aber auch interessant, daß in einigen Dekanaten (Marenberg, Jarenina) das Institut des eisernen Viehs überhaupt unbekannt war, in drei Dekanaten (Maribor, Sv. Lenart v Slovenskih goricah und Rogatec) war aber die Zahl des eisernen Viehs sehr gering. In den Tabellen ist immer die Anzahl des Viehs, in einigen Dekanaten auch die Jahresgiebigkeit von einzelnem Tier – der Viehzins, in einigen Fällen (besonders bei den Jungochsen und Ochsen) aber auch ihr Geldwert angegeben. Tabelle 1 Dechanat Maribor

Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. I. Theil: das Bisthum, das Domkapitel und die Dekanate 1. Marburg, 2. Mahrenberg, 3. Jahring, 4. St. Leonhard in den Windischen Büheln, 5. Kötsch, 6. Zirkovitz, Marburg 1875, XXXII + 624 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, I/1-6), I/1, S. 42. Orožen, I/1, S. 71.

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Dechanat Marenberg Die Kirchen in diesem Dekanat hatten nach Orožen15 kein eisernes Vieh. Dechanat Jarenina Die Kirchen in diesem Dekanat hatten nach Orožen16 kein eisernes Vieh. Dechanat sv. Lenart v Slovenskih goricah Pfk. sv. Jurija/St. Georg v Slov. goricah (Jurovski dol), Bruderschaft (sv. Jožef)17 hatte vor langer Zeit 30 Kühe mit jährlichen Einkommen 30 Kreuzer. Tabelle 2 Dechanat Hoče

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Orožen, I/2, S. 78-138. Orožen, I/3, S. 139-182. Orožen, I/4, S. 214. Orožen, I/5, S. 293. Ibidem, S. 345. Ibidem, S. 347. Ibidem, S. 351. Ibidem, S. 370. Ibidem, S. 399. Ibidem, S. 420.

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Dechanat Cirkovce (Dravsko polje) Die Kirchen in diesem Dekanat hatten nach Orožen25 kein eisernes Vieh. Tabelle 3 Dechanat Gornji grad

Orožen, I/6, S. 439-522. Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. Theil II b: Das Dekanat Oberburg, Marburg 1877 (von jetzt an: Orožen, IIb), II/b, S. 35. 27 Orožen, II/b, S. 35. 28 Ibidem, S. 37. 29 Ibidem, S. 37. 30 Ibidem, S. 76. 31 Ibidem, S. 78. 32 Ibidem, S. 84. 33 Ibidem, S. 112. 34 Ibidem, S. 117. 35 Ibidem, S. 124. 26

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36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

124. 125. 125. 125. 133. 133. 136. 136. 145. 145. 145. 145. 146.

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49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

154. 154. 156. 159. 160. 178. 180. 183. 184. 197. 204. 208. 210.

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Tabelle 4 Dechanat Celje

62 63 64 65 66

67 68 69 70

Ibidem, S. 239. Ibidem, S. 241. Ibidem, S. 249. Ibidem, S. 258. Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. III. Theil. 1. Das Archidiakonat Saunien, 2. Das Dekanat Cilli, Cilli 1880, 598 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, III/1-2), III/2, S. 448. Orožen, III/2, S. 451. Ibidem, S. 452. Ibidem, S. 460. Ibidem, S. 462.

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Tabelle 5 Dechanat Braslovče

Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. IV. Theil. 1. Das Dekanat Frasslau, 2. Das Dekanat Tüffer, Cilli 1881, 504 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, IV/1-2), VI/1, S. 30.

Orožen, IV/1, S. 51. Ibidem, S. 33. Ibidem, S. 35. Ibidem, S. 35. Ibidem, S. 35, 36. Ibidem, S. 58. Ibidem, S. 60. Ibidem, S. 60. Ibidem, S. 62. Ibidem, S. 63.

73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

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82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

63. 82. 88. 90. 91. 95. 96. 135. 135. 137. 138. 138.

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Tabelle 6 Dechanat Laško

94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103

Ibidem, S. 154. Ibidem, S. 157. Ibidem, S. 157. Ibidem, S. 159. Ibidem, S. 160. Ibidem, S. 180. Ibidem, S. 186. Ibidem, S. 189. Orožen, IV/2, S. 48-49. Ibidem, S. 95.

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104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

103. 109. 112. 247. 249. 252. 268. 346. 353. 364. 365.

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Tabelle 7 Dechanat Šaleška dolina

115

Ibidem, S. 374. Ibidem, S. 378. 117 Ibidem, S. 390. 118 Ibidem, S. 392. 119 Ibidem, S. 394. 120 Ibidem, S. 396. 121 Ibidem, S. 396. 122 Ibidem, S. 398. 123 Ibidem, S. 437. 124 Ibidem, S. 439. 125 Ibidem, S. 447. 126 Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. V. Theil: Das Dekanat Schallthal, Marburg 1884, 564 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, V), V, S. 43. 116

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127

Orožen, V, S. 43. Ibidem, S. 49. 129 Ibidem, S. 48. 130 Ibidem, S. 51. 131 Ibidem, S. 53. 132 Ibidem, S. 54. 133 Ibidem, S. 136. 134 Ibidem, S. 146. 135 Ibidem, S. 162. 136 Ibidem, S. 236. 137 Ibidem, S. 165. 138 Ibidem, S. 329. 128

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139

Ibidem, Ibidem, 141 Ibidem, 142 Ibidem, 143 Ibidem, 144 Ibidem, 145 Ibidem, 146 Ibidem, 147 Ibidem, 148 Ibidem, 149 Ibidem, 150 Ibidem, 140

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

370. 387. 388. 391. 398. 399. 403. 405. 412. 413. 483. 492.

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Tabelle 8 Dechanat Kozje

151

Ibidem, S. 505. Ibidem, S. 506. 153 Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. VI. Theil. Das Dekanat Drachenburg, Marburg 1887, 580 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, VI), VI, S. 70. 154 Orožen, VI, S. 186. 155 Ibidem, S. 187. 156 Ibidem, S. 194. 157 Ibidem, S. 210. 158 Ibidem, S. 273. 152

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159

Ibidem, Ibidem, 161 Ibidem, 162 Ibidem, 163 Ibidem, 164 Ibidem, 165 Ibidem, 166 Ibidem, 167 Ibidem, 168 Ibidem, 160

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

285. 297. 366. 396. 427. 431. 460. 478. 482. 483.

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Tabelle 9 Dechanat Rogatec

Tabelle 10 Dechanat Nova cerkev

169 170

Ibidem, S. 483. Ibidem, S. 485.

171

Ibidem, S. 535. Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. VII. Theil. Das Dekanat Rohitsch. Graz-Marburg 1889, 384 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, VII), VII, S. 220. 173 Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. VIII. Theil. Das Dekanat Neukirchen. Marburg 1893, 612 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, VIII), VIII, S. 313. 174 Orožen, VIII, S. 572. 172

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Tabelle 11 Pfarren Črna und Vogrče

175

Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Črne in Vogrč na Koroškem, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 30, (1976) 3-4 , S. 300. 176 Ibidem, S. 301. 177 Ibidem, S. 300. 178 Ibidem, S. 300. 179 Ibidem, S. 301. 180 Ibidem, S. 302. 181 Ibidem, S. 302. 182 Ibidem, S. 303. 183 Ibidem, S. 312. 184 Ibidem, S. 312.

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Tabelle 12 Pfarre Šmihel/St. Michael pri Pliberku und Bruderschaft sv. Florjana/St. Florian v Dvoru nad Vrbo

185

Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Šmihela pri Pliberku, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 29 (1975), 3-4, S. 283.

186

Ibidem, S. 283. Ibidem, S. 284. 188 Ibidem, S. 284. 189 Ibidem, S. 284. 190 Ibidem, S. 285. 191 Ibidem, S. 286. 192 Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Dvora nad Vrbo, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 36 (1982), 1-2, S. 104. 193 Ibidem, S. 104. 194 Ibidem, S. 104. 195 Ibidem, S. 104. 187

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Pfarre sv. Rupert/St. Ruprecht pri Beljaku Diese Pfarre mit sechs Filialkirchen hatte kein eisernes Vieh.198 Pfarre sv. Martin/St. Martin v Lipi nad Vrbo Diese Pfarre mit drei Filialkirchen hatte kein eisernes Vieh.199

196

Ibidem, S. 104. Ibidem, S. 104. 198 Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Šentruperta pri Beljaku, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 32 (1978), 4, S. 413-428. 199 Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Lipe nad Vrbo, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 34 (1980), 3, S. 313325. 197

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Jože Maček ‘ŽELEZNA ŽIVINA‘ V LASTI NEKATERIH SPODNJEŠTAJERSKIH IN KOROŠKIH CERKVA IN BRATOVŠČIN OD 17. DO 19. STOLETJA POVZETEK V tej razpravi poročamo o zanimivem in tudi precej pomembnem pojavu, o ‘železni živini‘ (v nadaljnjem je ne bomo več pisali z navednicami), ki je bila v srednjem veku in tudi daleč v novi vek precej močno razširjena. Ta pojav je omenjen v slovenskem pravnem zgodovinopisju in za začetek 16. stoletja tudi problematiziran. O razširjenosti železne oz. cerkvene živine pa za slovenska območja ni nobenih ustreznih razprav s številčnimi podatki. Izvor železne živine za obravnavani območji ni jasen. Nekaj dejstev kaže, da gre za darila ali legate vernikov njihovim cerkvam in bratovščinam za njihov salus animarum, prav tako pa je mogoče, da gre za zanesljive ‘železne‘ naložbe na drug način pridobljenega cerkvenega premoženja. To vprašanje ostaja nerešeno. Železno živino so dajale cerkve in bratovščine podložnikom (kmetom) v trajno rejo. Rejodajalec in rejec (rejojemalec) sta si po dogovoru delila prirastek (teleta, jagnjeta, pridobitek na teži in pod.). Vsekakor pa je bila dolžnost rejca, da je rejodajalcu žival po njeni prodaji, zakolu ali poginu nadomestil z drugo enakovredno živaljo. Odtod izvira oznaka železna živina, ker ta za rejodajalca (cerkev, bratovščino) nikoli ni mogla propasti. Iz tega pa so nastale resne težave. Dokler so obstajale živali in natura in je bil še živ spomin posestnih naslednikov prvega rejojemalca, da gre za konkretno železno žival, se dajatve od nje niso zdele pretežke. To pa se je spremenilo pri poznejših generacijah. Upravljanje cerkvenega ali bratovščinskega premoženja v obliki žive železne živine je bilo težavno in je sčasoma postalo za cerkvene ključarje in za zastopnike bratovščin prenadležno, kajti morali so skrbeti za prevzem telet, jagnjet, medu ipd., na predlog rejojemalcev, ki niso mogli ali želeli več rediti železno živino, so morali iskati druge rejojemalce, poravnavati so morali spore ipd. Pozneje so denarno vrednost živali kapitalizirali in so rejci odvajali le ustrezne obresti – živinski činž. Te obresti sicer niso bile visoke, največ 10 krajcarjev na leto za kravo, ker pa je vzrok za njihovo plačilo utonil v pozabo, so jih rejci naposled občutili kot nadležno in nepravično dajatev. V tem smislu je treba razumeti prizadevanja notranjeavstrijskih stanov za odpravo pravnega inštituta železne živine v začetku 16. stoletja, ki pa so se izjalovila. Cerkvena železna živina se je ohranila, sicer v pojemajočem številu do zadnjih desetletij 19. stoletja. Številčno smo razširjenost železne živine za Spodnjo Štajersko zajeli iz Orožnovega velikega dela Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant, kjer je obdelana približno polovica spodnještajerskih dekanij, za koroške cerkve, ki so bile v sestavu ljubljanske škofije smo podatke povzeli po objavah Antona Svetine. Iz preglednic je razvidno sorazmerno veliko število železne živine v lasti posameznih, posebno podružničnih cerkva. Pobožne bratovščine so pri tem sorazmerno malo zastopane. Številčni podatki dajejo le vtis o velikem številu železne živine v lasti cerkva. Za kakšen delež od vse živine pri tem gre, ni mogoče ugotoviti, ker so prvo uradno in vseobsegajoče štetje živine, ki bi morebiti omogočalo izračun deleža, opravili šele leta 1869.

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UDK 636.083:347.236:2622”17-19”(497.4) 1.01 Wissenschaftlicher Aufsatz

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1 2

Sergij Vilfan, Zgodovinska pravotvornost in Slovenci, Ljubljana 1996, S. 374, 376-377. Ibidem, S. 374-375.

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3 4

Ibidem, S. 376-378. Dušan Kos, Plemiška darovanja cerkvenim ustanovam (s posebnim ozirom na 14. stoletje), Zgodovinski časopis Jahre 47 (1993), N. 1, S. 25.

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Sergij Vilfan, Zgodovinska pravotvornost in Slovenci, Ljubljana 1996, S. 376-378.

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7 8

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Ibidem, S. 42. Ibidem, S. 68. 11 Sergij Vilfan, Pravna zgodovina Slovencev, Ljubljana 1961, S. 355. 12 AS (Archiv Sloweniens), Herrschaft Krumperk, fasc. 29. 10

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15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Orožen, I/2, S. 78-138. Orožen, I/3, S. 139-182. Orožen, I/4, S. 214. Orožen, I/5, S. 293. Ibidem, S. 345. Ibidem, S. 347. Ibidem, S. 351. Ibidem, S. 370. Ibidem, S. 399. Ibidem, S. 420.

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Dechanat Cirkovce (Dravsko polje) Die Kirchen in diesem Dekanat hatten nach Orožen25 kein eisernes Vieh. Tabelle 3 Dechanat Gornji grad

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36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

124. 125. 125. 125. 133. 133. 136. 136. 145. 145. 145. 145. 146.

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49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

154. 154. 156. 159. 160. 178. 180. 183. 184. 197. 204. 208. 210.

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Tabelle 4 Dechanat Celje

62 63 64 65 66

67 68 69 70

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Tabelle 5 Dechanat Braslovče

72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. IV. Theil. 1. Das Dekanat Frasslau, 2. Das Dekanat Tüffer, Cilli 1881, 504 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, IV/1-2), VI/1, S. 30. Orožen, IV/1, S. 51. Ibidem, S. 33. Ibidem, S. 35. Ibidem, S. 35. Ibidem, S. 35, 36. Ibidem, S. 58. Ibidem, S. 60. Ibidem, S. 60. Ibidem, S. 62. Ibidem, S. 63.

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82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

63. 82. 88. 90. 91. 95. 96. 135. 135. 137. 138. 138.

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Tabelle 6 Dechanat Laško

94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103

Ibidem, S. 154. Ibidem, S. 157. Ibidem, S. 157. Ibidem, S. 159. Ibidem, S. 160. Ibidem, S. 180. Ibidem, S. 186. Ibidem, S. 189. Orožen, IV/2, S. 48-49. Ibidem, S. 95.

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104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114

Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem, Ibidem,

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

103. 109. 112. 247. 249. 252. 268. 346. 353. 364. 365.

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Tabelle 7 Dechanat Šaleška dolina

115

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127

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139

Ibidem, Ibidem, 141 Ibidem, 142 Ibidem, 143 Ibidem, 144 Ibidem, 145 Ibidem, 146 Ibidem, 147 Ibidem, 148 Ibidem, 149 Ibidem, 150 Ibidem, 140

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

370. 387. 388. 391. 398. 399. 403. 405. 412. 413. 483. 492.

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Tabelle 8 Dechanat Kozje

151

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159

Ibidem, Ibidem, 161 Ibidem, 162 Ibidem, 163 Ibidem, 164 Ibidem, 165 Ibidem, 166 Ibidem, 167 Ibidem, 168 Ibidem, 160

S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S. S.

285. 297. 366. 396. 427. 431. 460. 478. 482. 483.

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Tabelle 9 Dechanat Rogatec

Tabelle 10 Dechanat Nova cerkev

169

Ibidem, S. 483. Ibidem, S. 485. 171 Ibidem, S. 535. 172 Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. VII. Theil. Das Dekanat Rohitsch. Graz-Marburg 1889, 384 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, VII), VII, S. 220. 173 Ignaz Orožen, Das Bisthum und die Diözese Lavant. VIII. Theil. Das Dekanat Neukirchen. Marburg 1893, 612 S. (von jetzt an: Orožen, VIII), VIII, S. 313. 174 Orožen, VIII, S. 572. 170

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Tabelle 11 Pfarren Črna und Vogrče

175

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Tabelle 12 Pfarre Šmihel/St. Michael pri Pliberku und Bruderschaft sv. Florjana/St. Florian v Dvoru nad Vrbo

185

Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Šmihela pri Pliberku, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 29 (1975), 3-4, S. 283. 186 Ibidem, S. 283. 187 Ibidem, S. 284. 188 Ibidem, S. 284. 189 Ibidem, S. 284. 190 Ibidem, S. 285. 191 Ibidem, S. 286. 192 Anton Svetina, Prispevki k zgodovini Dvora nad Vrbo, Zgodovinski časopis, Jahre 36 (1982), 1-2, S. 104. 193 Ibidem, S. 104. 194 Ibidem, S. 104. 195 Ibidem, S. 104.

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196

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UDK 94(437.1) “16” 1.01 Wissenschaftlicher Aufsatz

Kontinuität und Wandel im böhmischen Adel nach 1620 oder “Der Anfang und das Tor zu all unserem Elend und Trübsal?” Marija Wakounig Ao. Univ.-Prof. Mag. Dr. Universität Wien, Geistes- und Kulturwissenschaftliche Fakultät, Institut für Osteuropäische Geschichte, Universitätscampus IX., Spitalgasse 2/ Hof 3, A - 1090 Wien, Österreich e-mail: marija.wakounig@univie.ac.at

Kurzfassung: Die Schlacht am Weißen Berg 1620 hatte für die böhmische Gesellschaft im allgemeinen und den böhmischen Adel im besonderen enorme politische und sozioökonomische Veränderungen zur Folge. Die beiden Konfiskationswellen in den zwanziger und dreißiger Jahren führten zu einem erheblichen Elitenaustausch und zu einer beispiellosen Güterverschiebung in Böhmen. Die ehemals tonangebende protestantische Oberschicht wurde zwischen 1621 und 1645 wegen ihrer Konfession und ihres Widerstandes gegen den habsburgischen Absolutismus zur Heimatlosigkeit ohne Chance auf Wiederkehr verdammt. Von den Enteignungen profitierten den Habsburgern loyale (vorwiegend deutschsprachige) und katholische Adelsfamilien.

Schlüsselwörter: Prager Fenstersturz 1618, Schlacht am Weißen Berg 1620, ständische Opposition, Ferdinand II., Waldstein, Verneuerte Landesordnung 1627/Pazifizierung, Dreißigjähriger Krieg, Vertreibung, Absolutismus, Elitenaustausch, Konfiskation, Emigration, Güterverschiebung, Restitution, Repatriierung, Bilingualismus/Mehrsprachigkeit, Akkulturation, Europäisierung. Studia Historica Slovenic Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, S. 59-74, 77 Fußnoten. Sprache: Original in Deutsch (Kurzfassung in Deutsch und Slowenisch, Zusammenfassung in Slowenisch).

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Einleitung Als “den Anfang und das Tor zu all unserem Elend und Trübsal ”1 bezeichnete der zeitgenössische böhmische Historiker, Pavel Skála ze Zhoře, die altböhmische Tradition,2 sich unliebsamer Menschen durch Defenestration zu entledigen. Damit gemeint ist der folgenschwere Prager Fenstersturz des Jahres 1618,3 der das Präludium für eine Veränderung der böhmischen Gesellschaft im allgemeinen und des böhmischen Adels im besonderen bedeutete.4 Die Schlacht am Weißen Berg 1620, mit der der böhmische Ständestaat machtpolitisch ausgehöhlt wurde, wurde zur Zäsur in der böhmischen beziehungsweise tschechischen Geschichte. Die tschechische Historiographie unterteilt teilweise noch bis heute die Epoche in vorweißenbergisch (předbělohorsko) und nachweißenbergisch (pobělohorsko) respektive ‘temno’ (dunkel, finster). Die als traumatisch empfundene Zäsur führte zur unreflektierten Verherrlichung der vorweißenbergischen Epoche. Die Ereignisse nach 1620 wurden für Unzulänglichkeiten der Geschichte bis 1945 verantwortlich gemacht, als politische Stimmen nach “Wiedergutmachung” laut wurden, um die “tiefen Eingriffe in die gewachsene Sozialstruktur zu rechtfertigen.” Bei diesen Bewertungen spielten die Sprache und die Religion eine große Rolle, wobei übersehen wurde, daß die Deutschsprachigen Böhmens, abgesehen von der Sprache, denselben Repressalien nach 1620 unterworfen waren wie die Tschechischsprachigen.5 Die erwähnte Epocheneinteilung ließ Desiderata entstehen, so zum Beispiel die historische Entwicklung des Adels nach 1620, die erst in letzter Zeit stärker in die

Josef Janáček (Hg), Pavel Skála ze Zhoře, Historie česká. Od defenestrace k Bíle Hoře, Praha 1984; vgl. auch Karel Tieftrunk (Hg.), Pavla Skály ze Zhoře Historie česká od r 1602, Bd. 1, Prag 1866; Friedrich Prinz (Hg.), Böhmen und Mähren. Deutsche Geschichte im Osten Europas 2, Berlin 1993 (weiter: Prinz, Böhmen), S. 206. Am 30. Juli 1419 warfen Hussiten unter Jan Žižka mehrere Ratsherren durch das Prager Burgfenster. Anlaß war die Verhöhnung des Kelches (als Zeichen des neuen hussitischen Glaubens) von Hussitengegnern bei einer Prozession; dies markierte den Beginn der Hussitenkriege, die bis 1436 dauerten. Den Sturz in den Burggraben überlebten die kaiserlichen Beamten Wilhelm Slavata, Jaroslav Martinic und Philipp Fabritius. Der Konvertit Slavata war überzeugt, daß er und seine beiden Kollegen das Überleben der “wunderbaren Errettung“ durch die Gottesmutter Maria verdankten. Vgl. Adam Wolf, Geschichtliche Bilder aus Oesterreich 1, Wien 1878, S. 361; Jaroslav Vlček, Dějiny české literatury 1, Praha 1960 S. 475f; Thomas Winkelbauer, Karrieristen oder fromme Männer? Adelige Konvertiten in den böhmischen und österreichischen Ländern um 1600, in: Frühneuzeit-Info 10, Wien 1999, S. 9-20, hier S. 17; sowie ders. Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburg im konfessionellen Zeitalter 1, Wien 2003, S. 92f. Prinz, Böhmen, S. 211, sieht in diesem Anlaßfall, der zur Anlaßgesetzgebung führte, ein “gewisses burleskes, tragikomisches Element.“ R(obert) J. W. Evans, Rudolf II. and his World. A Study in Intellectual History 1576-1612, Oxford 1973 respektive ders. Rudolf II. Ohnmacht und Einsamkeit, Graz-WienKöln 1980 (weiter: Evans, Rudolf II.) S. 15, konstatiert, daß sich der “hektische Akt von 1618“ bereits um 1600 ankündigte, als sich einerseits ein konfessioneller Dogmatismus entwickelte und andrerseits der passive und intellektuelle Wunsch Pate standen, “die dahinschwindende Harmonie der sichtbaren und geistigen Welt “ zu restaurieren. Jörg K. Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens. Von der slavischen Landnahme bis zur Gegenwart, München 1997 (3. Aufl.) (weiter: Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens), S. 229. Zu den Argumenten im Kampf um das Staatsrecht in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts vgl. Friedrich Edelmayer, Der Deutschliberalismus und das böhmische Staatsrecht während des Ministeriums Adolf Auersperg, in: Studien zum Deutschliberalismus in Zisleithanien, Wien 1992, S. 143-174.

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Forschung einbezogen wird. Der Verlust der politischen Macht des böhmischen Adels, seine Symbiose zwischen alten und neuen Geschlechtern sowie seine teilweise Wandlung zum Hofadel nach 1620 führten zur Schwarz-Weiß-Malerei, die die Sicht auf die Komplexität des Themas Adel verstellte. Die eindimensionale Bewertung der nachweißenbergischen Zeit als Epoche der Erniedrigung und des Verfalls schuf ein abwertendes Bild über die politische, wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Kraft der neuen böhmischen Adelsgesellschaft.6 Das sprechende Zitat von Pavel Skála ze Zhoře wurde geringfügig verändert, indem es mit einem Fragezeichen versehen und inhaltlich auf die Kontinuität und den Wandel im böhmischen Adel nach der Schlacht am Weißen Berg 1620 reduziert wurde. Im Folgenden wird 1) auf das Schicksal des böhmischen Adels nach 1620 (zwischen Widerstand und Anpassung); 2) auf die Kontinuität und den Wandel des adeligen Sprachverhaltens; sowie 3) auf die Neuordnung bzw. Europäisierung der böhmischen Adelsgesellschaft eingegangen. Zwischen Widerstand und Anpassung Mit der Schlacht am Weißen Berg 1620 brach in Böhmen die ständische Rebellion zusammen. Die führenden Häupter flüchteten entweder bzw. erhofften sich Gnade (Revers vom 13. November 1620) durch die Anerkennung Ferdinands II. als rechtmäßigen Herrscher.7 Dieser allerdings, bestrebt, die kaiserliche Autorität im Reich wieder durchzusetzen, demonstrierte in Böhmen Härte: Am 21. und 22. Juni 1621 wurden am Altstädter Ring in Prag insgesamt 27 am Aufstand beteiligte Personen, drei Herren, sieben Ritter, 17 Bürger, Böhmen und Deutsche protestantischer und katholischer Konfession, hingerichtet.8 Zur Abschreckung und zur Warnung wurden außerdem harte Strafen verhängt und die Köpfe der Hingerichteten bis 1631 zur Schau gestellt. Das grausame Prager Blutgericht, das internationalen Widerhall fand,9 ebnete dem Kaiser den Weg zum politischen, gesellschaftlichen und konfessionellen Umbau der böhmischen Länder.10 Um dem rebellischen Adel die Existenz zu entziehen

Zur bis in jüngster Zeit verpönten Adelsgeschichte in Tschechien vgl. Jaroslav Pánek, Šlechta v raně novověké Evropě z pohledu českého a evropskěho bádání, in: Opera historica 5, Praha 1996, S. 19-45. 7 Dazu u.a. Handbuch der Geschichte der böhmischen Länder 2: Die Böhmischen Länder von der Hochblüte der Ständeherrschaft bis zum Erwachen eines modernen Nationalbewußtseins, hg. Karl Bosl, Stuttgart 1974 (weiter: Handbuch), S. 277. 8 F. Pick, Die Prager Exekution im Jahre 1621, Prag 1922 (=Pragensia 4). Dazu ferner Handbuch, S. 283f.; Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 225, der von 28 Hingerichteten spricht; sowie Prinz, Böhmen, S. 213. In Mähren wurde gegen die Aufständischen erst 1622 vorgegangen, wobei die 20 ausgesprochenen Todesurteile nicht exekutiert wurden. 9 Vgl. u.a. die Schilderungen des Veronesers Alessandro De Noris, Guerre di Germania dall´anno MDCXVIII sino alla pace di Lubeca trasportate nella lingua italiana, in Bologna MDC81-186.XL, S. 181-189. 10 Anton Gindely, Geschichte des böhmischen Aufstandes 1, Prag 1869, S. 257; Handbuch, S. 284; Prinz, Böhmen, S. 213; Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 225.

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und die Anhänger des Kaisers zu belohnen,11 konfiszierte eine Kommission zwischen 1623 und 1626 die Güter der Rebellen.12 In Böhmen wurden von den etwa 1400 landschaftsfähigen Herren und Rittern nahezu die Hälfte an den Bettelstab gebracht und ein Vermögen im Wert von etwa 40 Millionen rheinischen Gulden eingezogen.13 Für Mähren wird eine Umverteilung des Vermögens von etwa fünfzig Prozent angenommen.14 Nutznießer der Enteignungen waren der Episkopat, die Klöster, die Anhänger Ferdinands II., die verdienstvollen Militärs15 und der einheimische katholische Adel. Schamlos wurde mit der sogenannten “langen Münze” auf Kosten jener Aufständischen Profit gemacht, die zwischen einem Fünftel und einer Hälfte ihres Besitzes abgeben mußten.16 Bedeutende katholische Familien wie die Thun, Metternich oder Clary erwarben auf diese Weise Güter und faßten damit Fuß in Böhmen.17 Noch vor den Güterkonfiskationen setzten gezielte Rekatholisierungsmaßnahmen ein, was seit Dezember 1621 die Vertreibung der nichtkatholischen Geistlichkeit und der Lutheraner bedeutete.18 1624, also während der laufenden Enteignungen, wurde für Böhmen und Mähren die katholische Konfession als einzig gültige dekretiert. Dies erhöhte den Druck auf den nichtkatholischen Adel enorm, da ihm das Recht, “sich zum Schutz seines Besitzes der Landtafel zu bedienen,” entzogen und er so zur Heimatlosigkeit verdammt wurde. Als Ausweg blieben neben dem Konfessionswechsel im Prinzip nur die Alternative: Flucht oder Emigration. Wegen der Widerstandes des Adels gab es zwar eine sechsmonatige Bekehrungsfrist (Februar 1627),19 es änderte sich aber am Faktum der Auswanderungen nichts. Zur

R(obert) J. W. Evans, The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy 1550-1700. An Interpretation, Oxford 1979 (weiter: Evans, Making), S. 201f. 12 Evans, Making, S. 196f. 13 Handbuch, S. 285. 14 Pobělohorsky konfiskačni protokol moravsky z roku 1623, Kremsier 1920; J. Slovak, O konfiskovanich statcích na Moravě, Brno 1919; Handbuch, S. 285. 15 Evans, Making, S. 201f, spricht von einer internationalen Soldateska, deren Vertreter teilweise wie “leeches,“ also Blutegel über Böhmen herfielen. 16 Ferdinand II. hatte die Münzprägung an die Gesellschaft des Niederländers Hans de Witte und des Prager Juden Jakob Bassevi verpachtet. Diese prägte mit Unterstützung der politischen Elite in Prag (Liechtenstein, Slavata, Wallenstein) minderwertiges Geld, wodurch die Güter weit unter ihrem Wert verkauft werden mußten, was praktisch einer Konfiskation gleichkam. Vgl. Handbuch, S. 285; Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 225. Zu den Profiteuren dieser zweifelhaften Transaktion gehörten der Erzbischof von Prag, Kardinal Dietrichstein in Mähren, der Jesuitenorden, der Abt des Klosters Strahov, Albrecht Waldstein (Besitz der Herren Smiřicky), Karl von Liechtenstein u.a. 17 Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 226; Volker Press, Adel in den österreichisch-böhmischen Erblanden und im Reich zwischen dem 15. und dem 17. Jahrhundert, in: Adel im Wandel. Politik – Kultur – Konfession 1500-1700, Wien 1990, S. 19-32, hier S. 27. 18 Anton Gindely, Geschichte der Gegenreformation in Böhmen. Nach dem Tode des Verfassers hg. von Theodor Tupetz, Leipzig 1894, S. 93f.; Handbuch, S. 286. 19 Lenka Bobková, Böhmische Exulanten in Sachsen während des Dreißigjährigen Krieges. Am Beispiel der Stadt Pirna, in: Frühneuzeit-Info 10, Wien 1999 (weiter: Bobková, Exulanten), S. 21-29, hier S. 22. 1627 und 1628 mußten etwa ein Viertel kaisertreuer, jedoch nichtkatholischer Adelige und rund etwa ein Fünftel vermögender Bürger Böhmen und Mähren verlassen, darunter der verdienstvolle Karl von Žerotin, der sich 1619/20 gegen eine Beteiligung an der ständischen Rebellion ausgesprochen hatte. Vgl. dazu auch Eduard Winter, Die tschechische und slowakische Emigration in Deutschland im 17.

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Emigration wurden allein in Böhmen etwa 36.000 Familien (etwa 150.000 Personen) gezwungen. Diese fanden in Polen, den angrenzenden Reichsterritorien, in der Eidgenossenschaft, in England oder Ungarn Aufnahme oder boten bei protestantischen Fürsten ihre Dienste an.20 Die gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen des Massenexodus waren verheerend: Neben der ehemals staatstragenden, mehrheitlich protestantischen Oberschicht verließ das Land die geistige und die unternehmerische Elite,21 darunter Ärzte wie Haberwaschl (Haberve‚l), die Historiker Pavel Skala ze Zhoře und Pavel Stránsky oder der berühmte Pädagoge Jan Amos Comenius (Komensky, 1592-1670, Didacta magna, Orbis sensualium pictus).22 Der Aderlaß wirkte sich auf allen Ebenen verhängnisvoll aus, weil bedeutende Exponenten der böhmischen Kultur und des Geistesleben nicht mehr für die weitere Entwicklung des Landes zur Verfügung standen. Mit der gewaltsamen ‘Pacificirung’ Böhmens, also der ‘Verneuerten Landesordnung’ vom Mai 1627 (für Mähren 1628) stieß Kaiser Ferdinand II. sogar die ihm treu ergebenen protestantischen wie katholischen Adeligen vor den Kopf: Die Landesordnung proklamierte nämlich die böhmischen Länder als habsburgische Erbmonarchie und erhob die katholische Konfession zur Landesreligion. Dem Herrscher blieb es künftig hin vorbehalten, Gesetze zu erlassen, die Amtsträger ein- und abzusetzen, höchste Gerichtsinstanz zu sein und über die Inkolatserteilung, daß heißt, über die Landsässigkeit der Adeligen, zu entscheiden. Tatsächlich hat Ferdinand II. von 1621 an de facto durch die Verleihung von Gütern und der Landstandschaft an ausländische Adelige dieses Recht ohnehin ausgeübt. Den Ständen erteilte der Kaiser als “Gnadenerweis” das Recht, Steuern festzulegen und einzuheben. Gleichzeitig veränderte er die landständische Rangordnung und wies dem katholische Klerus den ersten Rang zu (Vorbild: der französische Kardinal Richelieu?). Die Inkolatserteilungen und die Zusammensetzung des Landtages ermöglichten es dem Monarchen, die Landstandschaft nach seinem Willen zu beeinflussen.23 Der Artikel C II/117 der ‘Verneuerten Landesordnung’ über die Festschreibung der Gleichberechtigung beider Landessprachen, also des Tschechischen und des Deutschen, begünstigte wesentlich das Vordringen der deutschen Sprache in der Verwaltung, bei Gericht und bei Landtagsverhandlungen. 24

und 18. Jahrhundert. Beiträge zur Geschichte der hussitischen Tradition, Berlin 1955 (weiter: Winter, Emigration); sowie Handbuch, S. 275. 20 Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 226f. Vgl. dazu auch Prinz, Böhmen, S. 217. 21 Robert Evans, Bílá hora a kultura českych zemí, in: ČSČH 17, Praha 1969, S. 845-862; zitiert bei Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 227. 22 Winter, Emigration; Jaroslav Purš - Miroslav Kropilák (Hgg.), Přehled dějin Československa 1/2 (15261848), Praha 1982, S. 193-196; Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 227. Zu Comenius vgl. Jaroslav Pánek, Jan Amos Comenius 1592-1670. Lehrer der Nationen, Prag 1991. 23 Vgl. Text bei Hermengild Jireček (Hg.), Die verneuerte Landes-Ordnung des Erb-Königreiches Böhmen, Prag 1888. Interpretation bei Hans Sturmberger, Kaiser Ferdinand II. und das Problem des Absolutismus, München 1957; Jan Polišensky, Třicetiletá válka a česky narod, Prag 1960; Handbuch, S. 287f.; Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 228; Prinz, Böhmen, S. 218. 24 Bezeichnenderweise wurde der Text der VLO nur in deutscher Sprache publiziert. Vgl. dazu Gotthold Rhode, Stände und Königtum in Polen/Litauen und Böhmen/Mären, in: JGO12, Wiesbaden 1964, S. 221-246, hier S. 229f. Evans, Making, S. 199, spricht davon, daß dies ein Versehen gewesen sein könnte.

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Die Emigranten der zwanziger Jahre hofften in ihren Exilen auf die Rückkehr in ihre Heimat.25 Deren Hoffnungen nährte der wechselvolle Verlauf des Dreißigjährigen Krieges. Eine realistische Chance bot die Absetzung des erfolgreichen Kriegsunternehmers Waldstein im Jahr 1630 sowie die geschwächte Stellung Ferdinands II.26 Die politisch regen böhmischen Emigranten unter Heinrich Matthias Thurn - inzwischen in schwedischen Diensten - nützten 1631 die Gunst der Stunde für die Rückkehr nach Böhmen.27 Vorübergehend erzwangen die exilierten Adeligen unter schwedischer Fahne die Restitution ihrer konfiszierten Güter. Kurzfristig - nach der Vertreibung der Jesuiten aus Prag - konnten protestantische Gottesdienste wieder abgehalten werden. Die seit 1621 zur Schau gestellten Köpfe der Enthaupteten wurden vom Rathausturm genommen und feierlich bestattet (1631). Jedoch, nach kaum sieben Monaten beendete jene Person die Repatriierung, die diese ermöglicht hatte, nämlich Waldstein, der erneut in kaiserlichen Diensten war.28 Die erfolglosen Versuche der böhmischen Emigration, sich wieder in ihrer alten Heimat niederzulassen, führten zur Beschlagnahme ihres Besitzes. Gemeinsam mit der Einziehung der Güter des 1634 ermordeten Waldstein kam es innerhalb von elf Jahren zum zweiten Mal zur strukturellen Veränderung der führenden Oberschicht und des Besitzes.29 Neue adelige Familien wie Auersperg, Fürstenberg, Hohenlohe, Coudenhove-Calergi, Rohan sowie Generäle wie Gallas, Colloredo, Piccolomini wurden in Böhmen landsässig.30 Sie trugen zur Konsolidierung der katholischen Konfession und trotz ihrer internationalen Zusammensetzung zu einer neuen (böhmischen) aristokratischen Oberschicht bei.31 Noch einmal, 1645, eröffnete sich den böhmischen Emigranten und den böhmischen Ständen mit Hilfe von Schweden eine neuerliche Chance, das Rad der Zeit vor das Jahr 1627 zurückzudrehen.32 Doch die Umwälzungen der vorangegangenen

Vgl. auch die Mikrostudie über die böhmischen Exilanten in Pirna (Sachsen), die mit Aufenthaltsbewilligungen ausgestattet waren und u.a deswegen auf Rückkehr hofften. Bobková, Exulanten, S. 21-29. 26 Zu Waldstein vgl. u.a. Josef Pekař, Wallenstein 1630-1634/1. Tragödie einer Verschwörung, Berlin 1937 (weiter: Pekař, Wallenstein) , S. 105f.; Handbuch, S. 298. 27 Zu Thurn vgl. Pekař, Wallenstein, S. 105; sowie Handbuch, S. 299. 28 Handbuch, S. 289; Prinz, Böhmen, S. 221; Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 231. 29 Zu den Konfiskationen der Emigration und des Waldsteinischen Besitzes vgl. Tomáš V. Bílek, Dějiny konfiskaci v Čechách po r. 1618/1, Praha 1882, CXL III f., CXLVIf.; Handbuch, S. 300. Vgl. dazu auch Prinz, Böhmen, S. 230. Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 232, beziffert den Wert von Waldsteins Besitzungen mit rund 15. Millionen Gulden. 30 Die Zahlen über die landsässigen Familien divergieren erheblich. Einen Anhaltspunkt bietet Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 232f., demzufolge zwischen 1615 und 1648 die Zahl der Herrenstandsfamilien von 194 auf 297 anstieg, wobei 169 alte Familien 128 neuen gegenüberstanden. Die freizügige Verleihung des Inkolats führte außerdem in Böhmen dazu, daß zwischen 1627 und 1656 417 neue Personen bedacht wurde. Ähnlich wie in Böhmen behielten auch in Mähren im selben Zeitraum die alten Herren gegenüber den neuen die Majorität: 39:27. Der Landadel, die sogenannten Ritter, war ungleich mehr betroffen: In Böhmen verringerte sich die Zahl von 938 auf 573 Familien (457 alte, 116 neue); in Mähren 35 alte und 30 neue. 31 Vorzeitig verließen Böhmen die meisten Condottieri, die mit den Landesgewohnheiten nicht vertraut waren und mit ihrem selbstherrlichen Auftreten zur gesellschaftlichen Polarisierung beigetragen hatten. Evans, Making, S. 202f.; Handbuch, S. 304 Anm. 16. Prinz, Böhmen, S. 230, Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 233. 32 Otakar Odložilík, Česka emigrace, in: Doba belohorská a Albrecht z Valdštejna. Sborník osmi statí, hg.

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zwanzig Jahre verhinderten nicht nur eine innere Abstimmung der Standpunkte zwischen den enteigneten Emigranten und jenen böhmischen Adeligen, denen die Emigration ihre Existenz überhaupt ermöglicht hatte, sondern auch die Wiedererrichtung der ständischen Herrschaft. Die wiederholten und letztlich erfolglosen Restitutionsversuche der Enteigneten zeugen von Hartnäckigkeit. Dabei wurden sie von der eigenen Handlungsweise eingeholt. Als sich nämlich 1619 einige Adelige dem damaligen Ständedirektorium widersetzten, wurden sie mit Konfiskationen bestraft. Nicht anders verfuhr Ferdinand II., als er ihm nicht ergebenen und genehmen Personen die Existenzgrundlage entzog und seinen Parteigängern diese ermöglichte beziehungsweise Kriegsschulden beglich - nur eben in einem viel größeren Umfang. Für Mähren zum Beispiel ist Tomáš Knoz der überraschende Nachweis gelungen, daß sich nach 1620 kein Betroffener über das Grundprinzip der Konfiskationen beschwerte, vielmehr interpretierte man die Gütereinziehungen wegen der Verletzung des Prinzips der gegenseitigen Treue zwischen Lehensherr (König) und Lehensmann (Adeliger) als “natürlich und rechtlich gegeben.” Beschwerden gab es nur in Fällen ungerechtfertigter Konfiskationen.33 Dieser Befund gilt für Böhmen nur teilweise. Die evangelischen Stände waren zwar über die gegenreformatorischen Maßnahmen in den innerösterreichischen Ländern informiert und befürchteten eine Ausweitung auf die böhmischen Länder, doch ob sie mit dem Verlust ihrer Existenzgrundlage und ihrer Heimat rechneten, muß dahin gestellt bleiben. Mögen die Betroffenen der ersten Konfiskationswelle die Beteiligung am Aufstand als illoyalen Akt gegenüber dem Herrscher und daher ihre Bestrafung noch einigermaßen eingesehen haben, so ist diese Einsicht bei den Betroffenen der zweiten Gütereinziehung in Zweifel zu ziehen, weil sie aus machtpolitischen und konfessionellen Gründen erfolgte. Kontinuität und Wandel im adeligen Sprachverhalten Wie bereits erwähnt, proklamierte Ferdinand II. in der ‘Verneuerten Landesordnung’ die Gleichstellung der deutschen mit der tschechischen Sprache. Verordnete der absolutistische Monarch im Jahre 1627 sprachenpolitisch etwas, das “lediglich ein(en) bereits bestehenden Zustand ” festschrieb34 oder tat er das, um “das Vordringen der deutschen Sprache ” wesentlich zu begünstigen?35 In Böhmen gab es seit den Přemysliden (12./13. Jahrhundert), die den Landesausbau mit Hilfe von deutschen Kolonisten vorantrieben, eine dynamische Entwicklung der Sprachengrenze.36 Im Laufe des 14. Jahrhunderts wurden die ehemals überwiegend deutschen Städte tschechisch, eine Entwicklung, die sich im 15.

Jaroslav Prokeš, Praha 1934, S. 85-117, hier S. 112-114. Vgl. dazu Tomáš Knoz, Die Konfiskationen in Mähren nach 1620 als politischer und juristischer Prozeß, in: Frühneuzeit-Info 12, Wien 2001, S. 40-52, hier S. 41. 34 Prinz, Böhmen, S. 218. 35 Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 228. 36 Emil Skála, Die Entwicklung der Sprachengrenze in Böhmen von 1300 bis etwa 1650, in: Acta Universitatis Carolinae 5, Praha 1968, S. 8. 33

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Jahrhundert verfestigte und ihren Niederschlag in der Verordnung von 1495 fand, die das Tschechische als einzige offizielle Landessprache festlegte.37 Der vermehrte Zuzug deutschsprachiger Siedler in die böhmischen Randgebiete (Bergbau, Glasindustrie), insbesondere in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, ließ den deutschsprachigen Bevölkerungsanteil wieder wachsen.38 Dies führte nicht nur zu sozialen und nationalen Spannungen, wie in Kuttenberg (Kutna Hóra),39 sondern auch zu Polemiken gegen die Durchdringung des Alltags mit der deutschen Sprache.40 Wie sah im Gegenzug das Sprachverhalten der führenden Oberschicht aus? Gab es eine Kontinuität? Bereits als Ferdinand I. 1526 zum böhmischer König gewählt wurde, empfanden ihn die Stände als Deutschen, was die Reserviertheit und das Mißtrauen gegen dessen Zentralisierungsbestrebungen vertiefte.41 Zur Verbesserung der Beziehungen setzte der König auf Nobilitierungen beziehungsweise auf die bewährte Heiratsdiplomatie.42 Auch ausländische Adelige versuchten, durch Heiratsallianzen und Gütererwerbungen in Böhmen ansässig zu werden. Mit dem Erlernen der Landessprache akzeptierten sie grosso modo den Primat des Tschechischen, insbesondere im Umgang mit den Behörden.43 Die Eingliederung Böhmens in den habsburgischen Länderkomplex führte zu einem veränderten Sprachverhalten in der Kommunikation unter den böhmischen

Das Tschechische wurde nicht bloß für den Amtsgebrauch verordnet, sondern verpflichtete alle Ausländer, sich vor Gericht der tschechischen Sprache zu bedienen. Ferner sollte auf dem Landtag tschechisch verhandelt und die Landtafel in tschechischer Sprache geführt werden. Vgl. dazu Josef Klik, Národnostní pomeřy v Čechach od válek husitskich do bitvy bělohorské, in: Česky časopis historicky 27, Praha 1921, S. 39. Václav Bủžek, Zum tschechisch-deutschen Bilinguismus in den böhmischen und österreichischen Ländern in der Frühen Neuzeit, in ÖOH 35, Linz 1993 (weiter: Bủžek, Bilinguismus), S. 577-592, hier S. 578, 585f. Seit den dreißiger Jahren des 16. Jahrhunderts wurden deutsch-tschechische Konversationsbücher für Kaufleute in böhmischen Druckereien gedruckt. Vgl. dazu Mirjam Bohatcová, Českoněmecká konverzace pro kupce. K počátkum tištenych učbenic 1531, 1540, in: Sborník Národního muzea v Praze, Reihe C/21, Praha 1976, S. 117-158; diesel., Hans Pekk aus Schwabach als Drucker der ersten tschechisch-deutschen Konversationsunterweisung - Pilsen 1531, in: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 1977, S. 140-143. Helena Štroblová, Německá osada u sv. Jiři v Kutné Hoře, in: Dějiny a současnost 19/2, Praha 1997, S. 23-26. Insbesonder Pavel Stránsky erhob 1618 polemisch seine Stimme: “Nicht umsonst bezeichneten unsere alten Ahnen der slavischen Nation die Deutschen als Stumme, weil sie sich mit ihnen nicht verständigen konnten. Wir, ihre Nachfolger, müssen bald im Gegenteil selbst in unserer Heimat stumm sein, denn verschmähend unserer Zungen, den Deutschen, den Gästen zuliebe, deutsch sprechen müssen.“ Zitiert nach Vlasta Valeš, Sprachverhalten in den Ländern der böhmischen Krone in der Frühen Neuzeit, in: Frühneuzeit-Info 10, Wien 1999 (weiter: Valeš, Sprachverhalten), S. 30-42, hier S. 32. Jarolsav Pánek, Česká a rakouská šlechta v počatcích habsburské monarchie, in: Dějiny a součanost 12/3, Praha 1990, S. 26-29. Valeš, Sprachverhalten, S. 33. Vgl. dazu Jaroslav Pánek, Rožmberští sirotci na jindřichohradeckém a českokrumlovském zámku, in: Jindřichohradecky vlastivĕdny sbornik 1, 1989 (weiter: Pánek, Sirotci), S. 2f.; Bủžek, Bilinguismus, S 583; sowie Valeš, Sprachverhalten, S. 33. Die verschwägerten Ladislavs Popel von Lobkowitz und Erasmus I. von Starhemberg führten über Jahre einen bilingualen Briefwechsel, in dem sich beide versicherten, trotz verschiedener Sprache einander verstanden zu haben. Interessant dabei sind außerdem Anregungen und Ratschläge, die sich Lobkowitz für das Alltagsleben beim Schwager erbat. Vgl. Bủžek, Bilinguismus, S. 580-582; sowie Valeš, Sprachverhalten, S. 34.

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Adeligen. Wegen zunehmender Kontakte zu den benachbarten Standesgenossen bedienten sie sich nun eines aktiven Bilinguismus, der durch den Austausch von Bediensteten und minderjährigen Kindern praktiziert und gefördert wurde44, oder durch Eltern, die ein unterschiedliches Sprachverhalten aufwiesen.45 Die Kultivierung des Bilinguismus stärkte indessen das gemeinsame Ständebewußtsein46, und unterlief mitunter das Bestreben der Habsburger, ihren Zentralismus in Böhmen über Heiratsallianzen zu stärken.47 Die zunehmende Internationalisierung der böhmischen Stände führte nolensvolens zur Reduktion der Tschechischkenntnisse.48 Insbesondere die Verlegung der kaiserlichen Residenz nach Prag im Jahr 158349 lockte eine multikulturelle Gesellschaft an, die auch neue Sprachgewohnheiten einführte. Dem sogenannten Kosmopolitismus konnten die böhmischen Stände wenig abgewinnen, verschärften sich doch die sprach- und konfessionspolitischen Spannungen. Die beginnende Relativierung des tschechischen Sprachverhaltens, der Zuzug fremder und kaisertreuer Personen sowie der befürchtete Schwund des eigenen Einflusses nährten Sorgen um die Erhaltung des ständischen Bewußtseins im Land.50 Unter diesen Aspekten sind die wiederholten Sprachenverordnungen der böhmischen Stände im Laufe des 16. Jahrhunderts sowie das rigorose Sprachgesetz von 1615 zu sehen: Das Inkolat, also die Landsässigkeit, wurde mit der Kenntnis der tschechischen Sprache verknüpft, ebenso die Vererbung des Bodenbesitzes. Neu zugezogenen Familien wurde in den ersten drei Generationen der Zugang zu Landes- und städtischen Ämtern untersagt. Die Bestimmungen waren anachronistisch und konnten praktisch nicht durchgeführt werden, weil sie sich sogar gegen einige Mitglieder der ständischen Opposition wandten.51 Mit dem Artikel CII/117 in der ‘Verneuerten Landesordnung’ wurde sowohl auf die Gegenwart als auch auf die Zukunft Bedacht genommen. Es wurde etwas fest geschrieben, was sich seit der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts sprachenpoli-

47 48

49 50 51

Pánek, Sirotci, S. 12; Bủžek, Bilinguismus, S. 584; ders., Prameny k českym šlechtickym dĕjinám 16. a prvni poloviny 17. století v Rodinném archivu Starhemberg-Riedeggu, in: Archivní časopis 21, Praha 1993, S. 26f. Die Kinder von Jošt III. Rosenberg und Anna Rogendorf wuchsen zweisprachig auf: Wilhelm und Peter Vok kommunizierten mit dem Vater tschechisch, mit der Mutter deutsch, brieflich korrespondierten die beiden entweder tschechisch oder lateinisch, nie jedoch in der deutschen Muttersprache. Vgl. Pánek, Sirotci, S. 12-14; sowie Valeš, Sprachverhalten, S. 34. Seit etwa 1540 kam es zu einem verstärkten tschechisch-deutschen Biliguismus innerhalb des ständischen Oberschicht, der das (bilaterale?) ständische Bewußtsein vertiefte. Vgl. Bủžek, Bilinguismus, S. 580. Bủžek, Bilinguismus, S. 580f. Valeš, Sprachverhalten, S. 35, weist nach, daß auf der landesherrlichen Ebene bereits seit 1527 beide Sprachen verwendet wurden und daß seit 1592 das Personal beide Sprachen beherrschen mußte. Bei den Generallandtagen zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts bedienten sich die Stände Böhmens und Mährens der tschechischen und jene Schlesiens, der Ober- und Niederlausitz der deutschen Sprache. Als Dolmetscher fungierte der Sekretär der böhmischen Kanzlei. Zu den Gründen der Residenzverlegung vgl. Evans, Rudolf II., S. 24, 28f. Valeš, Sprachverhalten, S. 36. Alois Míka, Národnostni pomeřy v českych zemích před třicetiletou válkou, in: Československy časopis historicky 20, Praha 1972, S. 224-227.

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tisch abzuzeichnen begann, nämlich die partielle Durchdringung des Alltags mit zwei Sprachen (Bilingualismus). Auch die Zukunft, die sich in den anschließenden Mandaten zur Ausweisung der protestantischen Stände im Jahre 1628 manifestierte, wurde im Sinne des Absolutismus programmatisch vorweggenommen. Von der zweiten Konfiskation profitierten vorwiegend ergebene und abhängige deutschsprachige und katholische Adelsfamilien, die man nicht verdächtigte, sich für das Wiedererstarken einer ständischen Opposition stark zu machen. Die Versippung mit führenden katholischen Familien Europas gewährte anfänglich anderen Sprachen als der tschechischen den Vorrang.52 Nun aber zu verkürzen und zu behaupten, der böhmische Adel sei durch den Zuzug ausländischer Adeliger germanisiert oder gar romanisiert worden,53 hieße die Tatsache zu negieren, daß der alt eingesessene katholische Adel im Land verblieben war, als Profiteur der Konfiskationen immense Gütekomplexe anhäufen und somit auch seinen Einfluß geltend machen konnte.54 Der Bedeutungsverlust des Tschechischen und die stärkere Verbreitung der deutschen, italienischen und französischen Sprache gegen Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts ist daher mehr als Folge der “kosmopolitischen (aristokratischen) Atmosphäre und nicht der offiziellen Politik ”55 zu sehen. Neuordnung bzw. Europäisierung der böhmischen Adelsgesellschaft Die beiden Konfiskationswellen in den zwanziger und dreißiger Jahren führten wie erwähnt zu einem erheblichen Elitenaustausch und in Folge dessen zu einer beispiellosen Güterverschiebung in Böhmen. Die nunmehrige heterogene Zusammensetzung des katholischen Hochadels Böhmens ließ bei diesem zunächst weder einen ausgeprägten Landespatriotismus, noch ein “altböhmisch geprägtes Standesbewusstsein” aufkommen.56 Obwohl bis heute kaum Forschungsergebnisse darüber vorliegen, wie der ansässige böhmische Adel auf die zugezogenen Standesgenossen reagierte und umgekehrt, in welchem Ausmaß und wie sich die Akkulturation vollzog (neue kulturelle und geistige Impulse),57 ist davon auszugehen, daß sich die Knüpfung familiärer Bande hilfreich bei der Überwindung von anfänglichen Animositäten und bei der allmählichen Herausbildung eines neuen Landespatrio-

52 53

55 56 57

Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 239. Vgl dazu die berní rula (Steuerrolle) von 1653 bis 1656, die in tschechischer Sprache verfaßt wurde; in Mähren dagegen wurde das gleichzeitig erstellte Lanenregister (Untertanenregister?) bereits in deutscher Sprache verfaßt. Vgl. dazu Thomas Winkelbauer, Krise der Aristokratie? Zum Strukturwandel des Adels in den böhmischen und niederösterreichischen Ländern im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, in: MIÖG 100, Wien 1992 (weiter: Winkelbauer, Krise), S. 328-353, hier S. 345. Evans, Making, S. 205, betont, daß der alte Adel nach 1620 die politische Führungsschicht darstellte. Zu den primi inter pares zählte die Familie Lobkowicz, die mit der Verleihung des Fürstentitels 1624 quasi politisch ruhig gestellt wurde Evans, Making, S. 214. Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 234. Václav Bủžek - Pavel Král - Zdenek Vybíral, Der Adel in den böhmischen Ländern 1526-1740. Stand und Tendenzen der Forschung, in: Anzeiger der ÖAW, phil.-hist. Klasse 137, Wien 2002 (weiter: Bủžek - Král - Vybíral, Adel), S. 55-98, hier S. 38.

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tismus erwies. Dazu beigetragen haben auch die gemeinsame Konfession und die Verbundenheit mit dem Herrscherhaus sowie - so grotesk es auch klingen mag -, die politische Verprovinzialisierung Böhmens nach dem Zusammenbruch des Ständestaates und dem absolutistischen Eingriff der Habsburger. Abgezeichnet hatte sich das bereits mit den Verlegungen der Kaiserresidenz (1612/1618) und der böhmische Hofkanzlei (1624) nach Wien. Zwischen dem einheimischen und dem zugezogenen Adel scheint es jedoch erhebliche Interessensunterschiede gegeben zu haben. So ließen sich zum Beispiel die Slavata oder die Martinic Genealogien erstellen, die deren Exklusivität als altehrwürdige böhmische Aristokratien nachweisen sollten, die auf der persönlichen Erfahrung aus der Zeit vor 1620 gründeten.58 Ambivalent war auch die Hinwendung zum Kaiserhaus, empfanden doch etliche eingesessene Adelige die kollektive Verantwortung für die Rebellion, die in der Verneuerten Landesordnung zum Ausdruck kam,59 als persönlichen Affront.60 Die Anpassung des böhmischen Adels an die realen Gegebenheiten sowie die unangetastete Stellung auf seinen Gütern und gegenüber seinen Untertanen schufen einen Ausgleich zum Verlust der politischen Macht.61 Jene, die am Wiener Parkett gesellschaftlich, aber auch politisch reüssieren konnten, also die Hofadeligen, nützten den Rückzug auf ihre Landsitze für die Erholung, aber auch für den kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbau des Landes.62 Die großen Güterkomplexe ermöglichten es, auch wegen der Reserven an Arbeitskräften, gewinnbringende Wirtschaftsbetriebe zu errichten. Adelige Manufakturen im Bereich der Leinwand-, Tuch- und Glaserzeugung am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts prosperierten auf Kosten der bürgerlichen Unternehmen.63 Die kulturelle Entfaltung Wiens erwies sich in mehrfacher Hinsicht als Impulsträgerin für Böhmen. Inspiriert vom Wiener Ambiente, wo böhmische Adelige repräsentative Stadt- und Gartenpalais errichten ließen, setzte in Böhmen eine rege Bautätigkeit im Stil des Frühbarock ein,64 die vorbildhaft auf den Klerus wirkte, der ebenso italienische, später deutsche, Baumeister

Insbesondere die Familien Slavata und Martinic bildeten den Kern einer böhmisch-nationalen Gruppe, die von patriotischen Jesuiten um Bohuskav Balbín unterstützt wurde. Vgl. dazu Winkelbauer, Krise, S. 345. 59 “unser Erbkönigreich (hat) in forma universitatis rebellieret.“ Vgl. dazu Jiři Mikulec, Das Odium des Verrates und der Mythos der Loyalität. Die Böhmen in der Habsburgermonarchie in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts, in: Polen und Österreich im 18. Jahrhundert, Hgg. Walter Leitsch - Stanisław Trawkowski, Warszawa 2000 (weiter: Mikulec, Odium), S. 7-18, hier S. 10. 60 Bủžek - Král - Vybíral, Adel, S. 88. 61 Vgl. dazu Wolfgang Neuber, Adeliges Landleben in Österreich und die Literatur im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, in: Adel im Wandel. Politik - Kultur - Konfession 1500-1700, Wien 1990, S. 543-564, hier S. 543-553. 62 Zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung vgl. Arnošt Klíma, Die Länder der böhmischen Krone 1648-1850, in: Handbuch der europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 4, Stuttgart 1993, S. 688-719. 63 Handbuch, S. 332f. 64 Eva Berger, Adelige Baukunst im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, in: Adel im Wandel. Politik – Kultur – Konfession 1500-1700, Wien 1990, S. 113-146, hier S. 114. Der Umbau des Lobkowiczschen Schlosses in Roudnice dauerte von 1653 bis 1684. Als Baumeister sind Francesco Caratti und Antonio della Porta bekannt. Der Umbau des Liechtensteinischen Schlosses in Plumlov ging relativ zügig voran. Vgl. auch Friedrich Polleross, ‚Des Kaysers Praccht an seinen Cavalliers und hohen Ministern‘. Wien als Zentrum

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ins Land berief. Dem Repräsentationsbedürfnis auf den Gütern entsprach es auch, analog zu Wien, aufwendige Feste mit kulturellen Darbietungen zu veranstalten. Theaterensembles, Chöre und Orchester trugen so wesentlich zur Entfaltung des Theater und der Musik in Böhmen bei.65 Gab es Möglichkeiten, die verlorengegangenen politischen Positionen wieder zurück zu gewinnen und wenn ja, wurden diese wahrgenommen? Als Hoffnungsträger sind auf jeden Fall jene böhmischen Adeligen zu werten, die über ziemlich gute Beziehungen zum Herrscherhaus verfügten und im Verhältnis zu ihrer geringen Anzahl überproportional in einflußreichen Hofämter wirkten.66 So zählten zum Beispiel zum engsten Beraterkreis Leopolds I.67 Vertreter des alten (Lobkowicz, Czernin, Waldstein, Martinic, Kaunitz) und des neuen Adels (Metternich, Thurn). Insbesondere während der 15 Monate dauernden Wahl Leopolds I. (1657-1705) zum Kaiser (8. Juli 1658) kam es zu einer Intensivierung der Kontakte, die Hoffnungen auf die teilweise Restitution der alten Rechte und auf eine Minderung der exorbitanten Steuerforderungen, die Böhmen nach wie vor belasteten, weckten. In den Jahren, 1679/1680, als der Kaiserhof wegen der Pest vorübergehend nach Prag übersiedelte,68 rechnete man sogar mit der neuerlichen Verlegung der Kaiserresidenz. Diese Hoffnungen wurden nie realisiert, obwohl Wenzel Eusebius Lobkowicz zwischen 1669 und 1674 als Präsident des Hofkriegsrates an den Schalthebeln der Macht saß.69 Auch die Tatsache, daß es böhmischen Adeligen mit ihrem Verhandlungsgeschick und ihren slavischen Sprachkenntnissen gelungen war,70 den Polenkönig Jan III. Sobieski für die Osmanenabwehr 1683 zu gewinnen,71 änderte nichts am Status quo. Die böhmischen Adeligen versäumten es, die zunehmende südöstliche Ausrichtung der habsburgischen Politik in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, (Rakoczi-Aufstand, Osmanen) für ihre Anliegen zu instrumentalisieren, verfügten sie doch über das Steuerbewilligungsrecht, also über ein traditionelles Druckmittel. Der Herrscher wich diesem Instrument der Erpressung zwar elegant aus, indem er Surrogatlandtage (also Ersatzlandtage) berief,72 doch der Mangel einer straffen Geschäftsordnung auf den Landtagen (der in der Regel zweimal jährlich tagte), ar-

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aristokratischer Repräsentation um 1700, in: Polen und Österreich im 18. Jahrhundert, Hgg. Walter Leitsch – Stanisław Trawkowski, Warszawa 2000, S. 95-122. Evans, Making, S. 214; Handbuch, S. 373. Vgl. auch Robert Lindell, Musikkultur des Adels im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, in: Adel im Wandel. Politik – Kultur – Konfession 1500-1700, Wien 1990, S. 529-543. Evans, Making, S. 211. Zu Leopold I. vgl. Stefan Sienell, Die Geheime Konferenz unter Kaiser Leopold I. Personelle Strukturen und Methoden zur politischen Entscheidungsfindung am Wiener Hof, Frankfurt/Main 2001 (weiter: Sienell, Geheime Konferenz). Sienell, Geheime Konferenz, S. 172f. Vgl. Sienell, Geheime Konferenz, S. 91-93. Zu den führenden Diplomaten gehörten Dominik Andreas Kaunitz, Georg Adam Martinic und Karl Ferdinand Waldstein. Vgl. dazu Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 244. Vgl. dazu Zbigniew Wojcik, Jan Sobieski 1629-1696, Warszawa 1983; sowie Gerda Hagenau, Jan Sobieski. Der Retter Wiens, Wien-München 1983, S. 424f. Vgl. auch Ernst Waldstein, Die Fürstenberger und die Familie der Grafen von Waldstein, in: Die Fürstenberger. 800 Jahre Herrschaft und Kultur in Mitteleuropa, Korneuburg 1994, S. 283-289, hier S. 288. Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 245.

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beitete ihm geradezu in die Hände. Weil weder eine Anwesenheitspflicht, noch ein Quorum für die Landtagsbeschlüsse notwendig war, überdies die Aufenthaltskosten von den Teilnehmern selbst getragen werden mußten, verkam gegen Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts das wichtige politische Forum zur geselligen Zusammenkunft einiger vermögender Herren. Die ausgedehnten Landtagssitzungen, die zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zu acht Monaten dauerten, nahmen die spöttische Charakterisierung des Wiener Kongresses vorweg, nämlich: “...dieser Landtag tagt nicht, er tanzt.” Denn statt zügig zu verhandeln, wurden rauschende Feste gefeiert bzw. die Herren übertrafen einander in der Zurschaustellung ihres Reichtums.73 Der Bruch in der Kontinuität der ständischen Selbstbehauptung hätte nicht größer sein können: Während die Stände knapp vor dem Prager Fenstersturz auf ihren Landtagen zu ihrer politischen Höchstform aufliefen, waren sie etwa 60 Jahre später infolge ihrer Anpassung zu tragischen Darstellern ihrer politischen Ohnmacht geworden. *** Um zum Titelzitat zurückzukehren, könnte man Pavel Skála sowohl zustimmen als auch nicht: Die mittelbaren Folgen des Prager Fenstersturzes haben in Böhmen nicht nur zu einer enormen politischen Veränderung, sondern auch zu einem menschlichen Aderlaß geführt. Die ehemals tonangebende protestantische Oberschicht wurde zwischen 1621 und 1645 aufgrund ihrer Konfession und ihres Widerstandes gegen den Absolutismus zur Heimatlosigkeit ohne Chance auf Wiederkehr verdammt. Viele Vertriebene empfanden den Verlust der böhmischen Heimat - so altmodisch das auch klingen mag - als Trübsal und Elend, mußten sie doch im jeweiligen Ausland, dessen Sprache sie auch als privilegierte Schicht nicht immer beherrschten, eine neue Existenz aufbauen; und das zum Teil während des Dreißigjährigen Krieges. Stimmt man Pavel Skála nicht zu und interpretiert die tragischen Ereignisse in Böhmen auch als einen Aufbruch zu neuen Ufern, so ist dies ungleich schwieriger zu beantworten. Am einfachsten ließe sich der Aufbruch aus konfessioneller Sicht beantworten, weil der Katholizismus, der seit den hussitischen Wirren darbte, wieder erstarkte. Zu neuen Ufern sind selbstverständlich auch jene Adeligen aufgebrochen, die entweder als ländsässige Katholiken bereits nach der ersten Enteignungswelle ihren Besitzstand auf Kosten der vertriebenen Protestanten vergrößern konnten (zum Beispiel Liechtenstein, Dietrichstein) oder jene ausländischen Familien, die ebenfalls auf Kosten der Vertriebenen landsässig wurden. Mit der neuen Elite kamen auch neue kulturelle Impulse ins Land, die diesem nach den tiefgreifenden Umwälzungen der zwanziger und dreißiger Jahre zum ‘Wiederaufbau’ und zur Regeneration verhalfen. Bei der Neuformierung der böhmischen Adelsgesellschaft erwiesen sich die katholische Konfession und die Verbundenheit mit dem Herrscherhaus als hilfreiche Klammern, die die heterogene Gesellschaft zusammen hielten. Während es durch den Zuzug fremder Adeliger zu keiner gravierenden Veränderung des Sprachverhaltens kam – die Zwei- bzw. Mehrsprachigkeit verstärkte sich nur -, wandelte sich die politische Selbständigkeit

Hoensch, Geschichte Böhmens, S. 248.

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des Adels wegen interner Interessensunterschiede erheblich. Dafür verantwortlich waren nicht bloß die Bestimmungen der Verneuerten Landesordnung, sondern in weit höherem Maße die heterogene Zusammensetzung und die zunehmende materielle Saturiertheit. Aus Eigennutz und zur Wahrung von Aufstiegschancen identifizierten sich die meisten böhmischen Adeligen eher mit den politischen Zielen und Interessen der Habsburger als mit jenen ihres Landes. Die Mutation zum Hofadel war Kalkül. Die Akzeptanz der Spielregeln des Hofes legitimierte zwar deren Existenz,74 doch das bis Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts latente Mißtrauen gegen die “haimbtükischen Böhmen,”75 wie sie wohl nicht nur scherzhaft von Leopold I. genannt wurden,76 machten für die böhmischen Adeligen eine Rückkoppelung mit ihrem Land erforderlich. Pointiert gesagt, erwies sich die lokale Verankerung des böhmischen Adels als wichtige Stütze seines Selbstbewußtseins.77 Sie könnte aber auch eine der Ursachen für die politische Lethargie und die mangelnde Wahrnehmung von Chancen zur teilweisen Wiederherstellung der alten Standesrechte im 17. Jahrhundert gewesen sein. Zweifelsohne war es schwierig, die Balance zwischen neuen politischem Chancen und alten ständischen Rechten zu wahren. Trotz der unzureichenden Forschungslage kann konstatiert werden, daß die Entstehung einer neuen bzw. die ‘Europäisierung’ der böhmischen Adelsgesellschaft nach 1620 ohne Kontinuität und ohne Bereitschaft zum Wandel ihrer politischen Rolle sowohl in Böhmen als auch in der Gesamtmonarchie gar nicht möglich gewesen wäre.

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Press, Adel, S. 28; Handbuch, S. 351. Vgl. dazu auch Mikulec, Odium, S. 7-18. Evans, Making, S. 211. So zum Beispiel gegen den Präsidenten des Hofkriegsrates, Wenzel Eusebius Lobkowicz. Vgl. dazu Handbuch S. 359f. Press, Adel, S. 28.

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Marija Wakounig KONTINUITETA IN SPREMEMBA V ČEŠKEM PLEMSTVU PO LETU 1620 ALI “ZAČETEK IN VRATA K VSEJ NAŠI BEDI IN TEGOBAM?” POVZETEK Če se vrnemo k citatu iz naslova, lahko Pavlu Skáli pritrdimo ali pa tudi ne: posredne posledice praške defenestracije na Češkem niso privedle le do znatnih političnih sprememb, temveč tudi do večjega upada števila prebivalstva. Prej odločujoči protestantski vrhnji sloj je bil v letih 1621 do 1645 zaradi svoje vere in upora proti habsburškemu absolutizmu obsojen na izgon brez možnosti povratka. Mnogi češki pregnanci so izgubo svoje domovine – pa naj se to sliši še tako staromodno - dojemali kot tegobo in bedo, kajti v tujini so si morali zagotoviti obstoj kljub morebitnemu nepoznavanju jezika in tridesetletni vojni. Če Pavlu Skáli odgovorimo negativno in tragične dogodke na Češkem razlagamo tudi kot začetek nečesa novega, potem je odgovor na to vprašanje neprimerno težji. Najenostavneje bi se ta usmeritev k novim ciljem dala upravičiti z verskega vidika, saj se je katolicizem, ki je vse od husitskih nemirov dalje tičal v ozadju, znova okrepil. Nov začetek so seveda doživljali tudi tisti podložni plemiči, ki so kot katoliški posestniki že po prvem valu zaplembe imetja povečali svoje posesti na račun pregnanih protestantov (npr. Liechtenstein, Dietrichstein) ali pa tiste tuje plemiške rodbine, ki so se prav tako na račun pregnancev dokopale do posesti. Z novo elito je v deželo prihajal nov kulturni utrip, ki je po globokih pretresih dvajsetih in tridesetih let pripomogel k ponovni izgraditvi in regeneraciji dežele. Pri prenovi češkega plemstva sta se pripadnost katolištvu in zvestoba vladarski hiši izkazali kot glavna dejavnika združevanja sicer heterogene družbe. Medtem ko s priseljevanjem tujerodnega plemstva ni prišlo do kakšne temeljite spremembe na jezikovnem področju – dvo- oziroma večjezičnost se je le še okrepila – pa se je zaradi internih razlik v interesih znatno spremenila politična samostojnost plemstva. K temu pa niso odločilno prispevala le določila obnovljenega deželnega reda, temveč v večji meri heterogena sestava plemstva in vse večja materialna nasičenost. Iz koristoljubja in oportunizma se je večina češkega plemstva raje identificirala s političnimi cilji in interesi Habsburžanov kakor pa z interesi lastne dežele. Preobrazba k dvornemu plemstvu je bila zelo preračunljiva. Sprejemanje habsburških pravil igre je sicer plemstvu legitimiralo eksistenco, toda vse do 18. stoletja tleče nezaupanje proti “zahrbtnim Čehom,” kot jih je nekoč, najbrž ne zgolj v šaljivem tonu, imenoval Leopold I., je to isto plemstvo primoralo k povratni povezanosti s svojo deželo. Poudarjeno rečeno, se je lokalna vpetost češkega plemstva izkazala za pomembno oporo njegovi samostojnosti. Lahko pa da je bila tudi eden glavnih razlogov za politično mrtvilo in pomanjkljivo zavedanje priložnosti za delno obnovitev starih stanovskih pravic v 17. stoletju. Nedvomno je bilo težko držati ravnotežje med novimi političnimi priložnostmi in starimi stanovskimi privilegiji. Kljub pomanjkljivim tozadevnim raziskavam lahko zaključimo, da nastanek nove oziroma ‘evropeizacija’ češke družbe po 1620 ne bi bila možna brez kontinuitete in brez pripravljenosti na spremembo njene politične vloge tako na Češkem kot tudi v celotni monarhiji.

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UDK 27-789.5(497.4-18)”16/17”:51(092) 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

Lower Styrian Jesuit Mathematicians and Physicists Stanislav Južnič B.A. in Physics, Ph.D. in History, Mellon Fellowship Department of the History of Science, University of Oklahoma 601 Elm, Room 622 Norman, Oklahoma, 73019-3106, USA e-mail: Stanislav.Juznic-1@ou-edu

Abstract: We researched the work of the Lower Styrian Jesuits in mathematical science. Before the suppression of the Jesuit order, some of them held important pedagogical and scientific positions in the Habsburg monarchy. They worked in different colleges, because the Maribor Jesuit residence itself never developed the higher studies of philosophy for the non-Jesuit students. In spite of that fact, Maribor became one of the spiritual Jesuit centers in the monarchy and we claim that the Maribor college was on its way, but the suppression of the Jesuits ended the short lived Maribor residence. Key words: Maribor, Lower Styria, Jesuits, history of the mathematical sciences.

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, pp. 75-88, 61 notes, 3 pictures. Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene).

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Introduction The title is somewhat ambiguous because Maribor never got the Jesuit higher studies of philosophy with physics and mathematics for non-Jesuit students. In fact, we described the work of Maribor Jesuit physicists at nearby colleges and the work of the famous foreign physicists in Maribor in the 18th century. The Graz Jesuits developed philosophical studies in 1579 and the university in November 1585. They wished to balance the influence of Kepler’s Graz Lutheran school. After the expulsion of Protestants, Graz Jesuit schools still dominated the area. To cover their expenses, they used Jurklošter (Gairach) of Saint Mauricius in Lower Styria after early 1590s, and Millstatt in Carinthia after September 11, 1598. Lower Styria with prevailing Slovene inhabitants was left behind, but produced some important Jesuit mathematical scientists anyway. Traber’s optics Traber1 was the earliest important Styrian Jesuit mathematician. After graduation in philosophy, he began to teach mathematics in Trnava. With some intervals, he later taught mathematics for fifteen years and philosophy for four years in Vienna and also directed the seminary. He died of plague three years before the Turkish siege of Vienna. In Traber’s time, optics and mechanics were the part of the mathematical studies and Traber became the expert for light phenomena. He learned his lessons from “the masters of philosophy, especially four Jesuits: Aguilonius,2 Christophorus Scheiner, Athanasius Kiercher (sic!),3 Casparus Schottus.” The Belgian Jesuit Aguilonius published his optics soon after Traber’s birth. The Ljubljana Jesuits bought Traber’s optics just a month after the printing and it is now the physical book with the oldest ex libris among the preserved part of the former Ljubljana Jesuit library. Traber published much more pictures and geometrical optics compared with the older Kircher’s optics. Traber wrote the questions,

Zacharias Traber (* August 24, 1611 Mürzzuschlag (Marti-Fluensis) in Styria; SJ June 24, 1629 Graz; † April 15, 1679 Vienna (Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de le Compagnie de Jésus, 8: 198; Poggendorff, Johann Christian. 1863. Biographisch-literarisches Handwörterbuch zur Geschichte der exakten Wissenschaften von J. C. Poggendorff. Leipzig: Johann Ambrosius Barth, 2: 1124)).

Zacharia Traber Styrius Marti-Fluensis S.J. Sacerdote, Nervus Opticus sive Tractatus Theoricus in Tres Libros Opticam, Catoptricam Dioptricam distributus. In quibus radiorum a lumine, vel objecto per medium Diaphanum pricessus. Natura, Proprietatis, et Effectus, selectis et rarioribus Experimentiis, Figuris, Demonstrationibus-que exhibentur. Viennae Austriae: Typis Joannis Christophori Cosmerovii Sac. Caes. Majest. Typographi Aulici. Die XXIV Aprilis, Anno M.DC.LXXV (NUK-8448. Ekslibris: “Bibliotheca Philosophici Inser. Catalogo Collegis Soc: JESU Labaci Ao 1675 in Maio.” Joannes Nepomuk Stoeger, Scriptores Provinciae Austriacae Societatis Jesu. Collectionis scriptorum ejusdem Societatis universae. Viennae: Typis congregationis Mechitharisticae. Tomus I-II., 1855, 367 wrote the title as: Tubus seu Nervus opticus: seu Tractatus theoricus in tres libros, Opticam, Catoptricam et Dioptricam distributos cum figuri aeri incisis. Viennae: Jo. Cosmerovii. (Folio). Partly changed Reprint: Viennae Austriae: Sumptibus Philippi Fieveti, Bibliopol. Francof. ad Moenum Anno MDCLXXXX, Introduction, p. 1. Athanasius Kircher (* May 2, 1601 Geisa; SJ 1618 Paderborn; † 1680 Rome).

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instructions, and proofs, as twelve years later Newton did in his Principia. Like later professor Thullner4 in Ljubljana, Traber divided his work into optics, catoptrics, and dioptrics. Traber devoted about seventy pages to each and every one. Traber didn’t mention the Jesuit Grimaldi’s5 discovery of diffraction published a decade earlier, and didn’t consider the six years old Bartholin’s6 discovery of double refraction. Traber was not especially interested in the Jesuit Pardies’7 critique of Newton’s experiments about the light colors, published three years before. To compensate for that omission, Traber discussed Descartes’ research in detail.8 Traber used the speed of light of billion miles per hour, which was far too low value. He must be forgiven for that mistake, because Roemer9 published his more accurate value in acts of the Paris academy only a year after the first edition of Traber’s optics.10 Traber concluded his work with an additional description of the gnomon.11 His book was posthumously reprinted in the same year when Newton and Huygens12 published their own optical research. Mathematician Leger Leger13 was an important Jesuit mathematician from Slovene Styria. He spent his two novice years in Graz, and then studied philosophy as a youngster from 1698 to 1701 in Vienna. Later, he taught at lower studies in Gorica, Trst, Leoben, and Zagreb. He concluded his education once for all after he finished his theological studies in Graz and Vienna between 1706 and 1708. As many young Jesuits of his time, he was fascinated with the Far East missionary opportunities. When his superiors discovered Leger’s mathematical talents, they considered him good enough for the travel. As soon as he was fit in 1709, Leger sailed for the Far East ‘India’ missions, upgrading his mathematical knowledge at the same time. The mind was strong, but the health did not stand the ordeal, and Leger sailed back to Europe after few months. To get used back home again, he substituted the head of the seminary in Gorica as the catechist. His superiors certainly wanted to

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Janez Krstnik Thullner (* 24. 6. 1668 Torenbach; SJ 17. 10. 1687 Leoben; † 21. 8. 1747 Krems). Francesco Maria Grimaldi (* April 2, 1618; SJ; † 1663 Bologna). Erasmus Bartholin (* August 13, 1625 Roskilde; † November 4, 1698 Copenhagen). Gaston Pardies (* 1636; SJ; † 1673). Traber, Nervus Opticus, pp. 1, 21, 33, 59, 68, 142. Olaf Christianson Roemer (Olaus, * September 25, 1644 Arhus; † September 19, 1710 Copenhagen). Traber, Nervus Opticus, p. 42. Traber, Nervus Opticus, pp. 95-101, 213-125. Christiaan Huygens (* April 14, 1629 The Hague; † June 8, 1695 The Hague). Janez Leger (Legger, * September 2, 1679 Slovenska Gorica (Goriz, Novomontanus) 5 km north of Radgona in Styria; SJ October 10, 1695 Graz; † December 30, 1726 Požega (Diarium Ministri of Jesuit college in Ljubljana. AS, Collection of manuscripts, I./37r (1712-1721), 895v/16, 922v/13; Ladislaus Lukács S.J., Catalogus generalis seu Nomenclator biographicus personarum Provinciae Austriae Societatis Jesu (1555-1773). I-III. Romae: Institutum historicim S.J., 1988, 2: 860)).

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use his great mathematical talent and already in 1711/12 he taught mathematics in Klagenfurt and wrote the history of the college. Next year, he took the same duties in Ljubljana and also taught logic. He stayed for three years at the college of Ljubljana. At his second 1713/14 Ljubljana year, he taught physics.14 He finished the course with the metaphysics as the last of his triple philosophical course. After Ljubljana, Leger left for Hungary, which was a part of the Austrian Jesuit province. As the confessor in north Hungarian Eger he taught moral theology. In Trnava he taught moral theology again and lectured for the very last time in mathematics. During the last decade of his life, he worked on top positions at the Vojvodina and Slavonia residences and never returned home again, dying before he reached the age of fifty. Physicist Kaugg from Maribor Kaugg15 is considered the most eminent Jesuit physicists born in Maribor. He was just a little younger Leger’s Styrian contemporary and their careers were quite similar. Both began their work in sciences in Austria and ended at higher posts in Hungary and Slavonia. Kaugg finished his novice four years after Leger in Graz. Kaugg absolved his philosophy in Trnava and Vienna again four years after Leger, and the same happened with his theological studies. He taught at lower studies in Klagenfurt, Trenčin, and Linz until he got the chair for ethics in Klagenfurt in 1618. Next, Kaugg was called to the college of Ljubljana. As many modern Maribor scientists, Kaugg reached the top of his research there. He replaced Ljubljana’s De Giorgio,16 later rector of the college in Ljubljana. Kaugg taught philosophy just in Ljubljana between 1719-1720. He began with physical lessons and noted them in an interesting manuscript in 1719.17 The first fifteen pages of the manuscript were eventually lost during the centuries,18 so Kaugg’s name disappeared from the front page. As several of his contemporaries, Kaugg proved that the word physics had the Antic Greek origin.19 He criticized the opinions of the atomists,20 and in the separate article refused the existence of vacuum. The Nature was supposedly afraid of the

14 15 16 17

19 20

Diarium Ministri, I./37r: 914L/16; Lukács, Catalogus generalis, 1988, 2: 860. Janez Kaugg (* August 19, 1681 Maribor; SJ October 14, 1699 Graz; † April 28, 1746 Varaždin). Jožef De Giorgio (* April 4, 1683 Ljubljana; SJ December 24, Vienna; † February 14, 1764 Ljubljana). Jože Šifrer, Janez Lokar, M. Ozvald, Branko Berčič, Katalog rokopisov Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice v Ljubljani-inventirano gradivo, Ljubljana: NUK, 1980, 46; NUK, Ms 249. Not mentioned in: Mirko Dražen Grmek, Rukovet starih medicinskih, matematičko-fizičkih, astronomskih, kemijskih i prirodoslovnih rukopisa sačuvanih u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji. Rasprave i građa za povijest nauka. JAZU, Zagreb 1963, 1: 259-342. Janez Kaugg, Philosophia Aristotelis (16r-152r). Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis (152r311v). Dissertationes Philosophia de Meteoris in varias questionis divisi et rationibus ac experimentis illustrata (315r-328r). Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis (329r-423r). Aristotelis de Anima (423r). Labaci 1719. Kaugg, Philosophia Aristotelis, 152r. Artuculus 8 (Kaugg, Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis, 260v).

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void and there were some doubts of angel’s properly functioning in vacuum.21 In the special appendix to the eight Aristotle’s books about physics, he discussed continuity. The Leibniz’ continuity problem later became the central question waiting for Bošković to solve it inside the Jesuit physical tradition.22 Next, Kaugg analysed Aristotle’s books about meteors and described clouds, thunder, fire, comets, galaxies, volcanoes, waters, different metals and minerals.23 In Aristotle’s particular physics, he described the systems of Pythagoras, Aristotle, Copernicus, and Tycho Brahe.24 The special concern was put on the divisibility of atoms, and also the aggregate states of the solid and liquid bodies.25 Kaugg had some interest in numbering the stars of the cosmos.26 In the book of generation and corruption, Kaugg described refraction, reflection, and antiperistasis, the characteristic peripatetic way to explain why the hot water froze sooner than the cold one.27 He concluded the physical part of the manuscript with mechanics of lever and outer ballistics.28 Kaugg continued his Ljubljana lecturing with logic and never returned to physics again. In his later years, he taught theology and worked as a prefect in Hungarian colleges of Eger and Gyor, Zagreb, Transylvania, Vienna Neustadt, and Buda. For three times he was appointed for highest posts at the college of Varaždin in Slavonia, and he eventually died there.29 Physics and mathematics in the Maribor gymnasium The Jesuits from Graz got the house in Maribor from the emperor Ferdinand II30 in 1607 to rest there during their business and spiritual travels to Jurklošter. There were some rumors about the Jesuit house in Ptuj in the first place, but it was considered to be too close to the dangerous Turkish border. Jesuits tried to establish the college and gymnasium in Maribor already in 1621, but succeeded only a hundred and thirty-seven years later, which seems to be the all-world record. In 1645, the priest Jurij Kozina founded the gymnasium in Ruše, 14 km west of Maribor, which eventually educated young Styrians until it was replaced with the Maribor gymnasium at Glavni trg No. 5 on July 7, 1758.31

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

Artuculus 9 (Kaugg, Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis, 268v-269v). Kaugg, Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis, 307v. Kaugg, Tractatus in 8to Libros Physicorum Aristotelis, 316v-328r. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, 331v-332. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, 347r-347v, 352r. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, 253v. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, 401r. Kaugg, Tractatus 3tius in Physica Aristotelis particularis, 403r, 413v. Diarium Ministri, I./37r: 1045D/13; Lukács, Catalogus generalis, 1988, 2: 693. Ferdinand II, (* 1578; † 1637). Anton Bukovič, Družba Jezusova na slovenskem Štajerskem (Typescript in the Jesuit Archive at Saint Jacob of Ljubljana), Maribor 1959, pp. 8, 18, 44

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On October 10, 1757,32 the Maribor Jesuit residence was established in Magdalena’s suburb on the right bank of Drava on the contemporary Gorki street No. 2. Fuchs33 built the church of Saint Alojzij and school buildings between March 11, 1767 and 1769. The superior and rector of the new college, Halloy,34 supervised Fuchs’s work. After his doctorate in philosophy, Halloy taught mathematics in Trnava, Vienna and Graz. In Graz he also directed the observatory and physical museum. He was a kind of leader of the Maribor ex-Jesuits, as Gabriel Gruber was in Ljubljana. The Carniolan baron Apfaltrer35 was somewhat older than Halloy, and helped him during the first years of the Maribor residence. Apfaltrer was the novice in Ljubljana and studied philosophy in Graz and theology in Vienna. Soon after, he began to teach the triple philosophical course in Ljubljana with physics in the second year in 1736. He repeated similar courses right after in Vienna in 1739-1740, and again in 1749-1750 as the dean of the philosophy professors. In Vienna, he published about the history of science,36 and the bibliography of Viennese Jesuits to complete the work of Rechbach, Dolens, and Joseph Carla of 1664.37 Apfaltrer published the illustrated seventy-three page book about the arms with pictures of knights in harness, discussed the kinds and some particular arms.38 The book ended with five pages listing Apfaltrer’s promoted students in Vienna. Apfaltrer was a descendant of the old Carniolan nobility and very interested in warfare, which was not at all rare among the Jesuits. After several leading positions in Graz, Gorica, and Ljubljana, Apfaltrer became the superior and prefect of scholars in Maribor from 1758 until May 28, 1759. He did a good job and learned a lot from Halloy. As an experienced Jesuit, Apfaltrer became the rector in Ljubljana, Šopronj, and Steyr.39 The difficult first steps of the Maribor residence and gymnasium were entrusted to foreign scientists Halloy and Apfaltrer. They were chosen for their abilities in

France Martin Dolinar (Gradivo za zgodovino jezuitskega kolegija v Ljubljani v Arhivu Republike Slovenije v Ljubljani. In: Ignacijeva karizma na Slovenskem, Kranj 1990, p. 7; Bukovič, Družba Jezusova, pp. 19, 27. 33 Janez Fuchs (* 1727; † 1804 Niess (Jože Curk, Nekdanji jezuitski kolegij v Mariboru in njegov gradbeni mojster Janez Fuchs, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, 19 (1983), 1-2, pp. 105-124)). 34

Peter pl. Holy (Halloy, * 1707 Namur in Belgium; SJ 1722; 26. 7. 1789 Maribor (Bukovič, Družba Jezusova, pp. 36, 49)). 35 Ernest baron Apfaltrer (Apfaltern, * June 24, 1701 castle Grmače in Zavrstnik near Šmartno by Litija; SJ October 27, 1718 Vienna; † October 14, 1767 Steyr). 36 Ernest Apfaltrer, Scientiae Seculis XVII. Viennae, 1739. 37 Ernest Apfaltrer, 1740, Scriptores Universitatis Viennensis ordine chronologico propositi. Pars I. Saeculum I. ab origine Universitatis ad annum 1463. 38

Ernest Apfaltrer, Civicum Augustae sium arma mentarium colloquiis familiaribus lustratum et honoribus illustrissimorum... dom. Neo - Doctorum cum in... universitate Vienn. promotore R. P. Ernesto Apfaltrer, e Soc. Jesu, artium liberalium et Philosophiae doctore, ejusdem Professore emeritus.... facultatlis Philosophiae Seniore ac consistoriali Suprema. Viennae Austriae: Ex Typographia Kaliwodiana, 1740, p. 28. Diarium Ministri, I./38r (1722-1736): 1406L/8; Lukács, Catalogus generalis, 1987, 1: 32; Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de le Compagnie de Jésus, 1: 173; Stoeger, Scriptores Provinciae Austriacae, 13; NUK24038.

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mathematical sciences, because mathematics and physics became important part of the Jesuit educational system. Apfaltrer’s Slovene language was also an important part for the early Jesuit educational work in Maribor. The Maribor Jesuit gymnasium was closed after only a quarter of a century. On October 12, 1773, the suppression of the Jesuit order was read to ten fathers and two brothers of the Maribor residence. They were not a small fraction of hundredforty Jesuits in all lands inhabited with Slovenes in those times. During the comparatively short time of the Maribor Jesuit gymnasium, the town did not develop the higher studies mathematical and physical lessons for the students outside the Jesuit order. After the suppression, mathematician Halloy still supervised the lessons of arithmetic with elements of algebra and geometry and the separate lessons on natural philosophy for the final Maribor gymnasium examinations. On November 9, 1773, the former Jesuit lower studies in Maribor were abandoned for two years. Just two years later, on November 3, 1775, three ex-Jesuit teachers continued lecturing in the Maribor gymnasium with some Piarists joining them later.40 Mathematician, astronomer, and mineralogist Kaschuttnigg The most famous of the 18th century Styrian Jesuit mathematicians was Janez Kaschuttnigg,41 who eventually spend his last years in Lower Styria after the suppression of Jesuits. He was the younger relative of Anton Kaschuttnigg,42 who taught philosophy in Graz before him. Janez Kaschuttnigg was born in castle Ženek under the hill with the same name. In 1442, the duke Friedrich von Habsburg gave the castle Ženek to the knight Janez (Hans) Ungnad, who died childless and left the property to his brother Christian. Christian’s grandson was the famous baron Ivan Ungnad,43 colonel, vizthum of Celje, Styrian governor, commandant in chief of the Croatian-Slavonian military border, Croatian ban, the leader of the Carniolan Lutherans, and, last but not least, the Maecenas of Primož Trubar. In 1639, Johann Andrä count Rosenberg bought the Ženek castle from Ungnad’s heirs, but the earthquake destroyed the building in 1670. They rebuild the nice castle with a lovely wine gar-

Bukovič, Družba Jezusova, pp. 57, 58-59, 60; Vlado Schmidt, Zgodovina šolstva in pedagogike na Slovenskem, I. del. Ljubljana 1963, pp. 262, 276. Janez Krstnik Kaschuttnigg (Johann Kaschutnigg, * June 16, 1714 castle Ženek (Sonnegg), 3 km south of Dobrla vas (Eberndorf) in Carinthia (Lukács, Catalogus generalis, 1988, 2: 587; Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de le Compagnie de Jésus, 4: 934); SJ July 9 or October 10, 1739; † July 22, 1787 Maribor (Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de le Compagnie de Jésus, 4: 934); † July 23, 1789 Maribor (Stoeger, Scriptores Provinciae Austriacae, 170); † July 23, 1789 Wolfsberg 30 km north of Maribor (Constant von Wurzbach Ritter Tannenberg, Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums Österreich, Wien; Lukács, Catalogus generalis, 1988, 2: 587)). Stoeger (Scriptores Provinciae Austriacae, 170) wrongly moved Kaschuttnigg‘s birthplace 100 km west to Beljak (Villach) and renamed him “German Joachimus Bapt. Kaschuttnigg”.

Anton Kaschuttnigg (* November 4, 1686 Trbiž (Traviso); SJ 1703; † July 22, 1745 Trnava) wrote Vellus aureum burgundo-austriacum, Vienna: Schwendiman, 1728 (NUK-7104). 43 Baron Ivan Ungnad (Hans, * August 18, 1493 castle Ženek (Sovnek, Sonnegg) in Carinthia; † December 27, 1564 Vintiřov in Bohemia).

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Fourth table with meanders of the river and the sighting measurement of the height of the fortress tower. The author was the famous mathematician Kaschuttnigg, who died in Maribor or in Wolfsberg, 30 km north of Maribor, in 1787 or two years later (Kaschuttnigg, Prima elementa Arithmeticae, Algebrae, Trigonometriae planae et sphaericae, Architecturae civilis et militaris, Academicis praelectionibus accomodata. Graecii: Typis Widmanstandii, 1757. Table IV (geometry) between pp. 73/74).

den and Valvasor described it for us in 1689. The count and landlord Rosenberg took care of Janez Kaschuttnigg’s education. As a youngster at sixteen, Janez joined the Jesuit order. After the usual practice in lower studies teaching, he taught mathematics in Trnava in 1747, mathematics and physics in Vienna and in Theresianum between 1748-1753, and mathematics at the university of Graz in 1754 and 1755. He directed the observatory and the cabinet for applied mathematics in Graz,44 after Halloy left for Maribor. During his extremely productive years in Vienna and Graz, Kaschuttnigg published five books, among them one about the exciting glassy and shining noble minerals.45 He published two books without mathematical sciences to promote the theses of his students. In 1754, he published a textbook of pure and applied mathematics and reprinted it in 1757. Both editions were similar, the difference was that the second one had uniform pagination and the first one paginated each of the

44 45

Stoeger, Scriptores Provinciae Austriacae, p. 170. Janez Krstnik Kaschuttnigg, Regni Mineralis pars nobilior lapides vitrescentes et gemmae brevi compendio propositae. Viennae: Trattner, 1752.

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seven paragraphs separately. The paragraphs were: arithmetic, algebra, practical geometry, plane trigonometry, spherical trigonometry, civil architecture, and military architecture. He ascribed the invention of the powder to the Franciscan monk and not to the Chinese. As Apfaltrer before him, Kaschuttnigg was also very interested in the warfare, but more in connection with his mathematics. Kaschuttnigg tabled the caliber, powder loading, length of the barrel, and elevation. He followed the military progress of his day and discussed in detail Vaubain’s46 1701 method of fortress attacking.47 To close the paragraph of plane trigonometry, Kaschuttnigg published the tables of sinus, tangens, and their logarithms up to 90 degrees with a step of 20’. Next, Kaschuttnigg published the logarithm tables of natural numbers up to 1000 with seven decimal places.48 The young student Jurij Vega used the book in Ljubljana, and eventually decided to publish his more perfect tables two decades later. In 1755, Graz professors published the translation of Regnault’s physics.49 Regnault taught physics in Amsterdam and Paris and became for a while the most popular author in inner Austria. Kaschuttnigg, Joseph Mayer, and Tricarico50 published their theses for the examination with Regnault’s book. Tricarico left Graz for the Ljubljana chair of philosophy in 1756. In 1787, Mayer taught philosophy in Vienna, where one of his students was eventually Linhart’s friend, Martin Kuralt. Mayer probably introduced Linhart into the freemason Vienna circles.51 The Ljubljana college bought the translation of Regnault’s popular book just a year after the printing. Dollenc’52 translations of Regnault’s works were used in Ljubljana as textbooks. Dollenc was the professor of philosophy in Graz. Regnault discussed the ideas of temperature and heat.53 He described porosity, vacuum, magnets, gravitation, air, hydrostatics, cold, heat, fermentation, and oceans.54 He cited Plato’s Timaeus, Gassendi and Lucretius’ description of atoms, 46

Sébastien le Prestre de Vauban (* May 1, 1633 St. Leger de Foucheret in Burgundia; † March 30, 1707 Paris). 47 Kaschuttnigg, Prima elementa Arithmeticae, Algebrae, Trigonometriae planae et sphaericae, Architecturae civilis et militaris, Academicis praelectionibus accomodata. Graecii: Typis Widmanstandii, 1754 (NUK-4286). Reprint 1757 (NUK-4288). pp. 288-291. 48 Ibidem, pp. 156-163, 164-170. 49 Noël Regnault (* 1683; SJ; † 1762), L’orgine ancienne de la Physique Nouvelle, Paris, 1729. Translation: Physicae recentioris Origo antiqua, per dialogos epistolares demonstrata. Authore R. P. Regnault e Societate Jesu. E gallico recens latine reddita. Auditoribus oblata a perillustri, ac perdocto D. Georgio de Zobel, Austriaco Viennensi, Philosophiae in secundum annum Auditore, Caesarei Ferdinandei Convictore Graecii M.DCC.LV: Typis Haeredum Widmanstadii. (4o, 392 pages). Bound with: Dum assertiones ex Philosophia universa ex praelectionibus admodum Reverendi P. Francisci Tricarico e Societate Jesu, Philos. Profess. Publ. Ordin. Et Examinatoris, admodum Reverendi P. Joseph Mayer e Societate Jesu, Ethices et J. N. Prof. Publ. Ord. Et Examinatoris; admodum reverendi P. Joan. Bapt. Kaschutnig e Societate Jesu, Matheseos Prof. Publ. Ord. in alma ac celeberrima Universitate Graecensi publice propugnaret, anno M.DCC.LV, mense Augusto, die 24, 1755. 50 Franc Tricarico (* August 10, 1719 Reka; SJ October 27, 1737 Vienna; † 1788 Passau). 51 Anton Tomaž Linhart, Zbrano delo (ed. Alfonz Gspan). Book one, Ljubljana 1950, p. 524; Mirko Zupančič, Literarno delo mladega A.T. Linharta. Ljubljana 1972, p. 18. 52 Karel Dollenc (* 1703; SJ; † 1751 (Grmek, Rukovet, p. 298)). 53 Kristine Meyer, Die Entwickelung des Temperaturbegriefes im laufe der Zeiten, Braunschweig 1913, p. 90. 54 Regnault, Physicae recentioris, p. 67.

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Next to last Kaschuttnigg’s table with a ground plan of the fortress built according to Vaubain’s principles (Ibidem, (military architecture) between pp. 290/291).

and vacuum.55 He published the dialogues between the thinkers from different areas: Aristotle, Aristarchus, Descartes, Kircher, Albertus Magnus, and his contemporary physicists.56 He discussed many experiments, among them Boyle’s and Torricelli’s. He described Galileo and Kircher’s opinion about “fear of the void”. Next, he mentioned Pascal, Mariotte, and Boyle’s pressure experiments, fire, and cold.57 He didn’t picture any of the experiments described. Regnault wrote Galileo style conversations between Aristus and Eudoxus, divided into seventeen dialogues. Regnault cited philosopher Bayle,58 and discussed the properties of the steam.59 The topics were getting extremely popular with the development of the steam engines. In the paragraph about the luminescence, Regnault used the works of Pliny,

55 56 57 58 59

Regnault, Regnault, Regnault, Regnault, Regnault,

Physicae Physicae Physicae Physicae Physicae

recentioris, recentioris, recentioris, recentioris, recentioris,

p. 71. pp. 263, 321, 333, 336. pp. 348, 349, 355-358. p. 14. p. 49.

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Last Kaschuttnigg’s table with a ground plan of the fortress built according to Vaubain’s principles (Ibidem, (military architecture) between pp. 290/291).

Galileo, and du Fay. Regnault began with spheres of Heaven and Earth and than discussed the Earth: minerals, Subterranean fire, and Mineral water. Next, he switched to Weather and Thunder connected with the Sound. After some astronomy of the Shining stars and their fire, he discussed the humans Senses of touch, taste, and smell. He added the Sense of hearing and sound. He described the Eye, and with human sight he resumed his optical lectures. He described the Light, Transparent bodies, Illuminants and phosphors, Sight, Different optic problems; and Spectacles. Kaschuttnigg’s successor in Graz was Poda. Poda’s friend Tirnberger from Ptuj eventually took the position later. They continued Kaschuttnigg’s mineralogy, mathematics, and astronomical studies. After he left Graz, Kaschuttnigg taught theology in Bavarian Passau. Next, he returned to his native Carinthia as the prefect of scholars in Klagenfurt and the superior in Millstatt, the Jesuit possession governed from Graz. Before the suppression of Jesuits, he substituted the rector in Vienna Neustadt Saint Leopold’s, and he again helped the rector in Passau.60 He was just

Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de le Compagnie de Jésus. Bibliographie par les Pères Augustin

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about to be appointed as rector somewhere in the Austrian Jesuit province, but the suppression of the Jesuit order suddenly stopped his career. After the suppression, he probably did not feel safe enough in Graz, and he spent his last years in southern Styria around Maribor as one of the most eminent mathematicians ever in that area. The exact place of his death is somewhat debatable even in Jesuit sources. Kaschuttnigg’s admirable knowledge made Slovene Styria one of the centers of the mathematical world for a little while. Conclusion Until recently, the Lower Styrian Jesuits were relatively poorly known in Slovene historiography. We proved that their works and positions were important enough to deserve some admiration from the broader Slovene public.

et Aloys de Backer, Nouvelle Édition par Carlos Sommervogel, S. J. Strasbourgeois, Bruxelles-Paris: publiée par la province de Belgique. 1890-1900, 4: 935, 5: 802.

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Stanislav Južnič SPODNJEŠTAJERSKI JEZUITSKI MATEMATIKI IN FIZIKI POVZETEK Jezuiti so svoje štajersko središče postavili v Gradcu (1578) in tam razvili edino univerzo v notranji Avstriji in obenem edino univerzo pod svojo upravo v monarhiji razen Olomuca in Innsbrücka. Obenem so v Leobenu in Judenburgu (1620) razvili pomembne kolegije, saj je večina jezuitov iz avstrijske province prav v Judenburgu opravljala zadnje zaobljube. Koncentracija jezuitskih šol na majhnem območju Zgornje Štajerske je bila sprva tudi reakcija na uspešnost protestantske šole v Gradcu od leta 1538 do 28. 6. 1597 in v Judenburgu (1577). Jezuiti si niso dovolj uspešno prizadevali, da bi na Štajerskem razvili druga središča, čeprav so seveda vedeli, da gre na Spodnjem Štajerskem za narodnostno mešano ozemlje. Benediktinci so v 1630ih letih vodili višje filozofske študije za redovnike v falskem gradu,61 desetletje pozneje pa so dijaki začeli obiskovati gimnazijo v Rušah. Šele leta 1757 se je jezuitom posrečilo ustanoviti rezidenco v Mariboru. Ta je delovala le četrt stoletja in bi se gotovo razvila v kolegij, če je ne bi presenetila prepoved jezuitskega reda. Maribor in bližnji kraji so dali več pomembnih jezuitskih fizikov in matematikov. Obravnavali smo predvsem matematika Legerja, fizika Kaugga, matematika in mariborskega rektorja Halloyja, mariborskega superiorja Apfaltrerja ter končno še slovitega matematika Kaschuttnigga. Tudi Tirnberger se je med boleznijo zdravil v Mariboru pri sorodnikih, v tistem času pa je mladi inženir Jurij Vega urejeval tok reke Mure le nekaj kilometrov severno od spodnještajerske metropole. Tako je bila mariborska gimnazija že kar spodobna podlaga za sodobno mariborsko univerzo.

Vladimir Bračič, Nastanek in razvoj visokega šolstva v Mariboru, Kronika, 31 (1983), p. 247.

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UDK 274(497.4 Maribor)“1862/1918“ 1.01 Wissenschaftlicher Aufsatz

Die Gründung der evangelischen Gemeinde in Marburg (1862) und ihre Entwicklung bis zum Ende des ersten Weltkrieges Boštjan Zajšek Prof. für Geschichte und deutsche Sprache Plečnikova 6, SI - 2000 Maribor e-mail: bostjan.zajsek@email.si

Zusammenfassung: Der folgende Beitrag behandelt die Entstehungsgeschichte der evangelischen Gemeinde in Maribor (Marburg a.d. Drau), ihre offizielle Gründung (1862) und Entwicklung bis zum Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges. Die Gemeindemitglieder waren vor allem Zuwanderer aus deutschen Sprachgebieten, so dass die Sprache beim evangelischen Gottesdienst bis 1945 Deutsch blieb. Die Evangelischen stellten stets eine Minderheit inmitten der katholischen Umgebung dar, dies konnte auch die aggressive Los-von-Rom-Bewegung um die Jahrhundertwende nicht ändern. Die Gemeinde, bis 1909 Teil des Triester und seitdem Teil des steirischen Seniorats, hatte einige ausgesprochen krisenhafte Perioden in ihrer Geschichte, trotz allem konnte sich aber das evangelische Leben in der Stadt an der Drau erhalten. Erst das Ergebnis des Ersten Weltkrieges wurde der evangelischen Gemeinde in Maribor zum Verhängnis.

Schlüsselwörter: Protestantismus, die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg, die Los-von-Rom-Bewegung, Pastor Ludwig Mahnert. Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, S. 89-112, 75 Fußnoten, 5 Bilden. Sprache: Original in Deutsch (Kurzfassung in Deutsch und Slowenisch, Zusammenfassung in Slowenisch).

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Die erste Erscheinung des Protestantismus in Marburg Unter dem Begriff ‚Protestantische Kirche‘ versteht man jene Glaubensgemeinschaften, die aus der großen Reformationsbewegung des 16. Jahrhunderts hervorgingen. Damals enstanden die drei wichtigsten Protestantengemeinschaften: die lutherische bzw. evangelische Kirche, die kalvinistische bzw. reformierte Kirche und die englische (anglikanische) Kirche. Diese zerfielen seit dem 16. Jahrhundert in weitere kleinere Glaubensgemeinschaften, so dass es heute mehr als ein tausend verschiedene Kirchen gibt.1 Gerade den Protestanten haben die Slowenen ihre Schriftsprache zu verdanken, war es ja der Laibacher Prädikant Primus (Primož) Trubar derjenige, der 1550 das erste Buch in slowenischer Sprache herausgab. In Marburg fand der protestantische Glauben fruchtbaren Boden erst in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, insbesondere um das Jahr 1587, als der Besitzer des Windenauer Schlosses (slowenisch: Betnavski grad) Wolf Wilhelm Herberstein dem Grazer Prädikanten Siegmund Lierzer Unterkunft gab und dieser in der Schlosskapelle mit der Ausführung des protestantischen Gottesdienstes begann. Die kleine, aber eifrige Glaubensgemeinschaft errichtete ihren eigenen Friedhof und Schule, ihr Schicksal wurde jedoch besiegelt, als im Jahr 1600 eine bewaffnete Reform-Kommission den Betsaal samt Friedhof zerstörte (wobei es wegen Nachlässigkeiten bei der Zersprengung der Friedhofmauer sogar zum Tod vierer Soldaten kam2). Der Seckauer Bischof Martin Brenner (1581-1614) konnte während seiner Visitation in Marburg (1608) nur noch acht offene Anhänger Luthers nachweisen – auch von diesen wurde eine Bekehrung binnen zehn Tagen verlangt.3 Das geistige Wiedererwachen der Evangelischen in Innerösterreich Josephinismus ist die Bezeichnung für die zehnjährige Alleinherrschaft Kaiser Josephs II. (1780-1790), der den Grundstein für die Wiederbelebung des protestantischen Lebens in seinen Erbländern legte. Er stand unter Einfluss zweier geistiger Bewegungen des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts: der Aufklärung und des Jansenismus. Nachdem er nach dem Tod seiner Mutter Maria Theresia (1740-1780) den Thron bestiegen hatte, führte Joseph II. zahlreiche wirtschaftliche, gesellschaftliche und politische Reformen durch. Einige Reformen (wie zum Beispiel die Abschaffung der persönlichen Abhängigkeit der Leibeigenen, die verstärkte staatliche Aufsicht über die Kirche, die Verstaatlichung des Schulwesens u.ä.) griefen tief in die damals noch immer nach dem mittelalterlichen Vorbild errichtete Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsordnung ein. Für die Protestanten war die allerwichtigste Reform Josephs II. das s.g. Toleranzpatent vom 13. Oktober 1781, “das von seinem guten Willen, seiner

1 2 3

Franc Perko, Verstva v Jugoslaviji, Celje 1978, S. 132. Vili Kerčmar, Evangeličanska Cerkev na Slovenskem, Murska Sobota 1995, S. 273. Jože Mlinarič, Maribor od začetkov do sredine 18. stoletja, Maribor skozi stoletja, Maribor 1991, S. 191.

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Weisheit und tiefer Menschlichkeit zeugt.“4 Mit dem Toleranzpatent erklärte Joseph II. seine und staatliche Toleranz gegenüber den nichtkatholischen Gläubigen, die auf diese Weise die Möglichkeit einer freien Gestaltung und Ausübung ihres religiösen Lebens bekamen. Ganz bestimmt war das eine wichtige Neuheit in der Religionspolitik der Habsburger, war es ja noch Maria Theresia, die die Aussiedlung der Protestanten nach Ungarn bevorzugt hatte. Die Veröffentlichung des Patentes wurde seitens der Protestanten mit Enthusiasmus empfangen, die Praxis zeigte jedoch, wie sehr die verkündete Toleranz beschränkt geblieben war. Das bezeugte zum Beispiel auch der Ausdruck ‚Akatholiken‘, mit dem man die Angehörigen des protestantischen Glaubens bezeichnete.5 Das Niveau der religiösen Duldsamkeit sank nach Josephs Tod weiter ab, die katholische Kirche konnte ihre privilegierte Position im Staat beibehalten, für die Protestanten war aber schon die Möglichkeit der Gründung selbständiger Gemeinden sowie Errichtung eigener Betsäle von enormer Bedeutung. Es sei hier noch erwähnt, dass die Kirchen, die der helvetischen Linie der Reformation (also dem Kalvinismus) folgten, in ihrem Namen die Abkürzung H.C. (Helvetische Konfession) bzw. H.B. (Helvetisches Bekenntnis) trugen, während die lutherischen Kirchen die Abkürzung A.B. (Augsburgisches Bekenntnis) bzw. A.C. (nach ‚Confessio Augustana‘, verfasst im Jahr 1530 in Augsburg) hatten. In den slowenischen Ländern gab es unmittelbar nach 1781 keine wesentlichen Veränderungen. In Krain und Görz konnte man keine Lutheraner finden. In Obersteiermark enstanden einige deutsche Kirchengemeinden, in Kärnten formierte sich die slowenische Kirchengemeinde zu Zagoriče (in der Arnoldsteiner Pfarre (podkloštrska župnija)) und in Triest entstanden (1786) eine lutherische und eine reformierte Gemeinde. Das Gebiet mit der höchsten Zahl der Protestanten war das Übermurgebiet (Prekmurje) – dort gründete man evangelische Kirchengemeinden in Puconci, Križevci, Bodonci, Adrijanci und Hodoš.6 Fast zwanzig Jahre waren nach der Wiedereinführung des evangelischen Gottesdienstes in Graz vergangen, als 1821 in dieser steirischen Stadt durch die Zustimmung Kaiser Franz‘ I. (1792-1835) das Vikariat für nichtkatholische Gläubige gegründet wurde. Das Grazer Vikariat, für uns deswegen von Bedeutung, weil es später die Seelsorge über die Evangelischen in Marburg übernehmen wird, gehörte bei seiner Gründung noch zur evangelischen Kirchengemeinde Wald im Brucker Kreis. Das Gründungsprotokoll wurde sowohl von Angehörigen des Augsburgischen wie auch des Reformierten Bekenntnisses unterschrieben, obwohl in Österreich keine Union zwischen den beiden Glaubensbekenntnissen vereinbart worden war. Die evangelische Gemeinde Graz zählte damals weniger als 300 Mitglieder.7 Was zeigt aber das Bild der damaligen Verhältnisse? Gewiss konnte die Arbeit der evangelischer Seelsorger (Pfarrer bzw. Pastoren) in einem Land, in dem die katholische Kirche die Oberhand hatte, nicht problemlos verlaufen. “Die Evange-

4 5

6 7

Vili Kerčmar, Evangeličanska Cerkev na Slovenskem, Murska Sobota 1995, S. 133. Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 465. Josip Gruden, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Klagenfurt 1912, S. 998. Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 477.

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lischen waren gezwungen, für die Wiederbelebung ihres kirchlichen Lebens große Opfer zu bringen. Von irgendeiner, wenn auch teilhaften Rückgabe des vorher beschlagnahmten Vermögens war überhaupt keine Rede. Die Menschen mussten ihre Betsäle oder Kirchen selbst bauen, auch wenn sie von Armut und Not geplagt waren. Es gab keine Hilfe von außen. Sie mussten auch für die bescheidenen Gehälter ihrer Pfarrer oder Lehrer sorgen,“8 für jede Tauf-, Hochzeit- oder Beerdigungszeremonie, die der evangelische Pfarrer geleistet hatte, gehörte dem katholischen Ortspfarrer eine bestimmte Gebühr, obwohl dieser mit der eigentlichen Ausführung der Zeremonie nichts zu tun hatte.9 Dem nichtkatholischen Pfarrer war es nicht erlaubt, die an einer Beerdigung versammelte Menge anzureden, bei einem nichtkatholischen Gottesdienst durfte kein Katholiker anwesend sein, sonst hatte sich der zuständige nichtkatholische Pfarrer vor einer Strafe zu rechtfertigen, ebenso mussten die evangelischen Pfarrer der Behörde einen Einblick in die für den Gottesdienst vorbereiteten Predigten und Gebete ermöglichen. Und es gab noch weitere ähnlich strenge Vorschriften. Der Grazer Pfarrer Michael Biberauer (1821-1858) entschied sich nach zwei Zwischenfällen bei protestantischen Begräbnissen in Marburg (1847) und Cilli (1848) für eine öffentliche Kritik, unterstützt wurde er von einem der einflussreichsten Mitglieder der Grazer Kirchengemeinde Moritz Ritter von Horstig.10 In der Zeit des Erzkonservatismus, wie er damals in Österreich herrschte, waren aber alle ihre Bemühungen bloß Sisyphusarbeit. Erst die Märzrevolution 1848, als sich das liberale Bürgetum in Österreich gegen das staatliche Polizeiregime erhob, trug zu einer Verbesserung der Lage der Protestanten bei: so wurde zum Beispiel die negative Bezeichnung Akatholiken jetzt aufgehoben, und auch die Vorschriften bezügluch religiöser Übertritte wurden aufgelockert. Bis dahin durften nämlich alle Kinder von Katholiken nur katholisch sein, Söhne evangelischer Väter in gemischten Ehen konnten zwar evangelisch sein, doch mussten ihre Schwestern der Religion ihrer Mütter angehören.11 Die Organisationsform der Evangelischen Kirche in Österreich nach 1848 In der Zeit nach der Märzrevolution vermehrte sich die Zahl der evangelischen Gemeinden in Österreich. Ganz gleichberechtigt wurden die Evangelischen jedoch erst im April 1861, als Kaiser Franz Joseph (1848-1916) ein sich auf den protestantischen Glauben bezogene Patent erließ.12 Das Patent ermöglichte die Verabschiedung einer provisorischen Kirchenverfassung, die die kirchliche Organisationsform endlich regelte. Die Evangelische Kirche Österreichs baute auf den Kirchengemeinden als den Grundelementen der Gesamtkirche auf (nach damaligen Vorschriften war der

8 9 10

11 12

Vili Kerčmar, Evangeličanska Cerkev na Slovenskem, Murska Sobota 1995, S. 134. Ebenda. Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 481. Vili Kerčmar, Evangeličanska Cerkev na Slovenskem, Murska Sobota 1995, S. 134. Das s.g. Protestantenpatent. Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 488.

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Bau von Kirchen oder Bethäuser dort gestattet, wo entweder 500 Evangelische oder 100 evangelische Familien ansässig waren13). Mehrere Gemeinden bildeten ein Seniorat, eine Anzahl von Senioraten eine Superintendentur (auch: Superintendenz) bzw. Diözese und diese gemeinsam die Gesamtkirche. Die Evangelischen A.B. und H.B. waren nicht getrennt, sie hatten eine gemeinsame Verwaltungsspitze – den k.k. Oberkirchenrat in Wien.14 Für die Evangelischen in Marburg waren von besonderer Wichtigkeit die Eregnisse innerhalb der Kirchengemeinde Graz. Ein Jahr vor der Märzrevolution wurde für die Steiermark ein eigenes Seniorat mit Sitz in Graz errichtet. Bis 1862 war das Steirische Seniorat ein Teil der Wiener Supenrintendentur A.B. und H.B., seitdem nur noch der Superinntendentur A.B. Die Steiermärkische Statthalterei äußerte im Herbst 1853 ihren Wunsch, die nichtkatholischen Gläubigen des Marburger Kreises der Pastoralsorge der Grazer Kirchengemeinde zuzuteilen. Ein bedeutender Wechsel an der Stelle des Grazer Seelsorgers vollzog sich während des Jahres 1862, als nach der Amtsniederlegung von Hermann Södel seine Stelle Robert Leidenfrost übernahm. Leidenfrost blieb noch Jahrzehntelang ein wichtiger und einflussreicher Mitglied der Grazer Kirchengemeinde, auch politisch engagiert (von 1867 bis 1872 Gemeinderat).15 Während seiner Amtszeit erreichte (1862) die evangelische Gemeinde in Marburg ihre Selbstständigkeit. Es soll hier noch erwähnt werden, dass die Kirchengemeinde Laibach (Ljubljana), seit 1855 selbstständig und in deren Rahmen sich auch die evangelische Gemeinde in Cilli (Celje) befand, dem Helvetischen Bekenntnis unterstellt war;16 der erste Pfarrer in Laibach war Theodor Else.17 Die österreichische evangelische Kirchenverfassung baute ähnlich wie die ungarische auf synodaler und presbyterialer Grundlage auf. In der Zeit zwischen 1864 und 1918 gab es 9 Generalsynoden und noch eine außerordentliche Synode der evangelischen Kirche A.B. (1890). An den Synodalversammlungen durften die ernannten bzw. auserwählten Vertreter der evangelischen Gemeinden Teil nehmen. Die Kirchenverfassung wurde im Zeitraum von über 50 Jahren nur zweimal umgearbeitet bzw. angepasst. Die Presbyterien waren von den Gemeindegliedern auserwählten Körperschaften, eine Art Exekutivorgane der Gemeinden. Die Presbyter (die s.g. Ältesten) stammten aus den Reihen der Laien und Seelsorger. Den Protestanten in Österreich war also eine Art von Selbstverwaltung zugesprochen, sie standen jedoch unter einer strengen Staatsaufsicht; sie besaßen das Recht auf eine freie und öffentliche Ausübung ihrer Religion, sie erhielten Staatssubventionen und hatten die Möglichkeit, sich bei Verfechtung ihrer Rechte an die Exekutivmacht des Staates zu wenden; eine Besonderheit der evangelischen Organisationsform war durchaus ihre Bürgernähe – so wurden die protestantischen Seelsorger im Unterschied zu den katholischen von der Glaubensgemeinde auserwählt. Die Gemeindeglieder wählten auch die Gemeindevetreter und unterstützten die Gemeinde

Georg Wild, Die Deutsche Evangelische Kirche in Jugoslawien 1918-1941, München 1980, S. 60. Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, s. 489. 15 Ebenda, S. 493. 16 Ebenda, S. 488. 17 Vili Kerćmar, Evangeličanska Cerkev na Slovenskem, Murska Sobota 1995, S. 272. 14

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mit eigenen finanziellen oder materiellen Beiträgen. Der schon oben erwähnte k.k. Oberkirchenrat, eine kaiserliche Behörde, konnte die Einheit der beiden evangelischen Bekenntnisse bewahren.18 Die Anfangsjahre der evangelischen Gemeinde in Marburg “Die Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau hat nach menschlicher Voraussicht eine schöne Zukunft…,“19 steht es geschrieben im ersten Jahresüberblick (1864) der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg, damals noch ‚Evangelische Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau‘ genannt, da erst durch Vereinigung der beiden Gemeinschaften in eine Gemeinde die für das Bestehen einer selbstständigen Gemeinde erforderliche Seelenzahl geschaffen worden war. Im selben Jahresbericht steht auch folgendes: “Blicken wir auf die Entstehung unserer Gemeinde zurück, so haben wir gewiss volle Ursache, Gott zu loben und zu preisen für alles, was er bisher an uns getan hat. Aus wie geringen Anfängen ist sie hervorgegangen! “20 Zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts war die Reformationsbewegung in der Steiermark seitens der Gegenreformation für mehr als zweihundert Jahre aus der Geschichte unseres Landes gelöscht worden, seine Einwohner konvertierten in der Zwischenzeit zum Katholizismus. Woher stammen also die Evangelischen, die im Jahr 1862 die Kirchengemeinde Marburg gründeten? In der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts breitete sich die Stadt Marburg auf die Vororte aus. “Damit vereinigte sich mit Marburg ein Territorium, auf dem die Stadtbürger das meiste Land, Gewerbe und Handel besaßen und es auch wirtschaftlich beherrschten /…/ So zählt die ausgebreitete Stadt im Jahr 1851 6700 Einwohner.“21 In etwas mehr als anderthalb Jahrzehnten wuchs die Zahl der Stadtbewohner auf 12.670 an. Während dieser Zeit schlossen sich der Eröffnung der Südbahn (1846) noch die Eröffnung der Kärntner Bahn und (noch wichtiger) der Südbahnwerkstätte (1863) hinzu. Die Südbahnwerkstätte enstanden mit der Aufgabe, die Züge und Maschinen der Südbahn instand zu halten, und Marburg fand sich plötzlich am Knotenpunkt ihrer Schienen, die eine Verbindung zwischen Wien, Triest, Budapest und Tirol hergestellt hatten. So wurde die Bahn zum Hauptfaktor des industriellen und wirtschaftlichen Aufschwungs der Stadt an der Drau. Rein aus nationaler Sicht gesehen kam zwar seit dem Mittelalter her der Hauptstrom der Zuwanderer nach Marburg aus slowenischem (also katholischem) Draugebiet, es darf jedoch nicht vergessen werden, “dass die größte Mehrheit der Marburger Beamtenschaft aus österreichisch-deutschen Gebieten stammt. Unter Einfluss der deutschen Verwaltung, ökonomisch starken deutschen ArbeitgebersUnternehmers und Organisationsinternationale germanisierte sich der slowenische

Georg Wild, Die Deutche Evangelische Kirche in Jugoslawien 1918-1941, München 1980, S. 60. PAM, Jahresbericht der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau 1864, S. 3, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1864. 20 Ebenda, S. 2. 21 Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovzhodne Slovenije, Maribor 1989, S. 139. 19

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Zuwanderer.“22 So entwickelte sich Marburg zu einer deutschen Insel inmitten des slowenischen Hinterlandes und verschwand als solches erst mit dem Jahr 1945. Deutsche, die nach Marburg aus verschiedenen Teilen Österreichs und Deutschlands einwanderten, brachten auch ihre geistige Traidition mit in die Stadt. Für die Enstehung der evangelischen Gemeinde sind vor allem diejenigen, hauptsächlich aus Deutschland gekommenen Zuwanderer wichtig, die ihrer Abstammung her Protestanten waren und die sich in der Stadt als Arbeiter, Handwerker, Händler oder Beamten niederließen. “Das kleine Häuslein, in dieser Weise gesammelt, trat in aller Stille zu gottesdienstlichen Übungen zusammen und schloss sich später als Filiale an die evangelische Gemeinde zu Graz an.“23 Ähnlich wie in Marburg darf man auch in Pettau (Ptuj) Mitglieder des evangelischen Glaubens unter den Zuwanderern aus deutschen Gauen suchen. In der ältesten Stadt Sloweniens, bis 1555 Besitz des Erzbistums Salzburg, konnte die Reform-Kommission im Jahr 1600 60 Anhänger Luthers auffinden, wonach der Protestantismus hier (wie auch in ganz Innerösterreich) für 200 Jahre verstummte. Da sich die Zahl der nichtkatholischen Zuwanderer im 19. Jahrhundert vermehrt hatte, entschied sich (1857) die Stadtbehörde, den Evangelischen einen kleinen Teil am nördlichen Rand des Stadtfriedhofs zuzuteilen. Doch dieser war in drei Jahren schon voll, und so kauften sich die Pettauer Evangelischen ein Grundstück und errichteten dort ihren eigenen Friedhof – die erste Beisetzung wurde (1863) von Pfarrer Hermann Södel aus Graz geführt. Ihren Betsaal hatten die Evangelischen im Gasthaus zum Lamm; diese Räume benutzten sie jahrzehntelang – erst 1929 konnte man einen neuen Betsaal einweihen.24 Den Evangelischen der Untersteiermark schien Mitte der 50er Jahre des 19. Jahrhunderts die Pastorierung aus Graz unzulänglich. Man strebte jetzt danach, Marburg wegen seiner idealen geographischen Lage und wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung zum Mittelpunkt des sonst zerstreuten südsteirischen evangelischen Lebens zu machen. Deshalb appellierte man seit 1860 an den k.k. Oberkirchenrat, er möge der Idee einer selbstständigen Gemeinde in Marburg zustimmen.25 All das geschah zur Zeit, als Heinrich Graf zu Brandis seine an die Marburger Stadtmauer grenzenden Äcker für den Zweck der Stadterweiterung zu verkaufen bewilligt war. Der Hutmacher Heinrich Jalas, Zuwanderer aus Mecklenburg und ein eifriger Evangelischer, konnte (1860) seine Glaubensgenossen zum Ankauf einer Bauparzelle in der Luther Gasse (heute Trubarjeva ulica 1) bewegen, um dort in naher Zukunft eine Kirche samt Pfarrhaus aufzubauen.26 Endlich wurde 1862 vom k.k. Oberkirchenrat der Bitte nach selbständiger Ge-

Ebenda, S. 142. PAM, Jahresbericht der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau 1864, S. 2, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1864. 24 PAM, Weihnachtsgruß, 17. Flugblatt, Dezember 1929, S- 2-5, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 70. 25 PAM, Jahresbericht der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau 1864, S. 2, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1864. 26 PAM, Julius Kolatschek, Die Christuskirche der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg in Steiermark (Österreich), Chronik und Rechnung des Baugrundes und des Kirchenbaues, Maribor 1876, (von jetzt an: Die Christuskirche), S. 3, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 44. 23

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meinde stattgeben, und so erfolgte am 6. Dezember 1862 die Gründung der Evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau. Dabei wurden einige Vorschriften bezüglich der Gründung von selbständigen Gemeinden übersehen, denn die vereinigte Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau zählte bei ihrer Gründung lediglich 150 Seelen und hatte in Marburg noch keine eingerichteten Räume für den Gottesdienst. Man errichtete einen provisorischen Betsaal in gemieteten und unbeschmückten Räumen eines ehemaligen Getreidemagazins in der Schmiederer Gasse (heute Strossmayerjeva ulica); diese Räume benutzte man bis 1865. Hier führte am 12. Juni 1863 Pfarrer Robert Leidenfrost aus Graz den ersten Gottesdienst aus. Gleichzeitig trennte die Stadtbehörde der evangelischen Gemeinde einen Teil des katholischen Friedhofs in unmittelbarer Nähe ab.27 Mit Hilfe verschiedener Spenden und Liebesgaben konnte man im Dezember 1864 die Räume einer aufgelassenen Klosterkapelle der Cölestinerinnen in der Frauengasse (heute Gospejna ulica) für vier Jahre in Miete nehmen. Das Kloster der Cölestinerinnen diente nach seiner Auflösung durch Kaiser Joseph II. (1782) einige Zeit als Kaserne, dann als Lagerraum und schließlich 1865-1869 als provisorische Kirche der evangelischen Gemeinde (seitdem hat das Gebäude seinen Eingang vom Westen, in der Strossmayerjeva ulica).28 Für die Ausstattung der provisorischen Kirche erhielten die Evangelischen zahlreiche Geschenke: den Altar und die Kanzel vom Bauunternehmer Gustav Berger, dazu gehörendes Holzmaterial von David Hartmann, das Altarbild (der gekreuztigte Heiland) vom Maler Edward Lind, die Altar- und Kanzelbekleidung vom evangelischen Frauenverein in Graz usw. 1867 schenkte der Steinhauer Rudolf Geburth aus Wien den Taufstein. Gleichzeitig begann man unter der Leitung des Architekten Karl Arledter mit der Ausfertigung der Baupläne für die neue Kirche.29 Noch habe ich die Namen der führenden Männer der Marburger Kirchengemeinde nicht erwähnt. Dass jede selbstständige Pfarre einen Pfarrer benötigt, ist selbstverständlich. Die Evangelische Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau hatte ihr Pfarramt in Marburg, in Pettau fanden jährlich mindestens drei Gottesdienste statt. Marburg war also die Muttergemeinde, Pettau die Filialgemeinde. Im August 1863 schien das Problem des Seelsorgers schon gelöst zu sein: die Gemeinde erwählte Hermann Södel aus Graz; der k.k. Oberkirchenrat wollte jedoch diesbezüglich keine Bestätigung geben, deshalb beschloss man, zur Besetzung der Pfarrerstelle in verschiedenen evangelischen Zeitungen eine Ausschreibung zu veranlassen. In der Zwischenzeit führte der Grazer Pfarrer Robert Leidenfrost den Gottesdienst und übernahm auch die Leitung der Pfarrerswahl. Am 14. August 1864 wurde endlich der erste Pfarrer der Kirchengemeinde Marburg-Pettau auserwählt: das war Ernst Schroll aus Stadlo.30 Auch die Namen der Presbyter nach den ersten Presbyterwahlen sind bekannt:

PAM, Jahresbericht der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau 1864, S. 2, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1864. 28 Slovenija total, Podravje, Maribor-Ptuj, Priročnik za popotnika in poslovnega človeka, Murska Sobota 1996, S. 151. 29 PAM, Julius Kolatschek, Die Christuskirche, S. 7-8, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 44. 30 PAM, Jahresbericht der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau 1864, S. 7, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1864.

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Ernst Schroll (Pfarrer), Carl Reuter, Wilhelm Geuppert, Heinrich Jalas, Rudolf N. Bode, Heinrich Clement, Johann Domning (auch Dominig geschrieben) und Friedrich Gerecke. Damals zählte die Gemeinde 150 Seelen.31 Der Bau und die Einweihung der Christuskirche in Marburg Fünf und halb Jahre waren seit der Gründung der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau vergangen, als man im Juli 1868 den ersten Grundstein der zukünftigen Kirche legte, für die der schon erwähnte Architekt Arledter in Vereinbarung mit dem aus Mitgliedern der Gemeinde bestehenden Baukomitee sämtliche Baupläne vorbereitet hatte. Zu dieser Zeit verliefen die Gottesdienste noch immer in der gemieteten Kapelle des ehemaligen Cölestinerklosters.32 Die geplante rundbogige Kirche erstreckte sich 25,77 m in Länge und 11,82 m in Breite, die einschiffige Decke, in Richtung Nord-Süden gestellt, betrug 22,95 m in Länge.33 Die Bauarbeiten verliefen relativ schnell – schon im September konnte der Zimmermeister Josef Holzer mit Dacharbeiten anfangen, einen Monat später wurde das Kreuz samt Knopf an den Kirchturm gesetzt. Im Dezember war die Kirche im Rohbau fertig, im Frühling 1869 erfolgte die Herstellung der Innenausstattung, die dem Tischlermeister Alois Schmiederer und Schlossermeister Franz Polaček anvertraut wurde. Gut ein Jahr nach nach der Grundsteinlegung, Mitte Juli 1869, wurde der Kirchturm um eine Glocke der k.k. Glockengießerei Ignaz Hilzer aus Wiener-Neustadt reicher. So konnte endlich der letzte Gottesdienst in der gemieteten Kapelle stattfinden. Am 1. August 1869 wurde die neue Kirche, Christuskirche benannt, feierlich eingeweiht. Bei diesem, für die Kirchengemeinde Marburg so bedeutenden Ereignis waren nicht nur die Evangelischen aus der Südsteiermark anwesend, sondern auch Vertreter der Wiener Superintendentur unter Anführung vom Superintendenten Andreas Gunesch sowie Vertreter der örtlichen Zivil- und Militärbehörde und viele weitere Gäste aus Graz, Bruck, Triest, Görz, Laibach, Cilli, Klagenfurt und anderen Orten.34 Zahlreiche Spenden evangelischer Wohltätigkeitsvereine aus Österreich und Ausland waren gewiss gern willkommen, denn ohne sie wären die Baukosten35 für die Christuskirche gänzlich auf die Schulter der Marburger Kirchengemeinde gefallen. Die Gemeindekasse war nämlich völlig ausgesaugt, es dauerte noch Jahre, bis die Schulden endlich getilgt wurden, so dass man den Bau eines Pfarrhauses

PAM, An den löblichen Vorstand der Gustav-Adolf Stiftung, S. 2, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1865. 32 PAM, Julius Kolatschek, Die Christuskirche, S. 8-9, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 44. 33 Anton Ožinger, Maribor 1848-1914, Od multietničnega do multireligioznega mesta, Od Maribora do Trsta, 1850-1914, Zbornik referatov, Maribor 1997, S. 343. 34 PAM, Julius Kolatschek, Die Christuskirche, S. 9-10, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 44. 35

Die Kosten betrugen 16.453 Gulden Konvektionswährung, wobei 1 Gulden 11,6945 Gramm Feinsilber wert war. Anton Ožinger, Maribor 1848-1914, Od multietničnega do multireligioznega mesta, Od Maribora do Trsta, 1850-1914, Zbornik referatov, Maribor 1997, S. 343.

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Ordnung bei der feierlichen Einweihung der evangelischen Kirche am 1. August 1869. Die Gemeindemitglieder versammelten sich morgens um halb zehn in den gemieteten Räumen des ehemaligen Klosters der Cölestinerinnen. Danach machte man sich unter Begleitung des Marburger Männergesangvereins auf den Weg zur neuen Kirche. Dort erfolgte die Übergabe der Kircheschlüssel. Die Kirche wurde vom Triester Supertintendenten Andreas Gunesch eingeweiht. (PAM, Fond Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1869).

samt Schule gar nicht in Erwägung ziehen konnte. Zu Beginn der 70er Jahre des 19. Jahrhunderts wurden von der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg zahlreiche Bittrufe um finanzielle Hilfe an verschiedene kirchliche und wohltätige Vereine und Stiftungen abgesandt. So stehen in einem solcher Bittrufe, vom Triester Seniorat unter der Leitung von Senior Heinrich Medicus mitverfasst, auch folgende Zeilen: “Die Kirchengemeinde Marburg ist als Vereinigungspunkt der südsteirischen evang. Diaspora erfahrungsgemäß eine Notwendigkeit. Die Unzulänglichkeit ihrer eigenen Existenzmittel ist längst bekannt, die Schwierigkeit, die seelsorgende Kraft für diese Gemeinde zu finden und zu erhalten, mehr als groß. Der gefertigte Ausschuss empfiehlt deshalb die arme, aber wichtige, kleine Gemeinde und deren gerechte und wohlbegründete Bitte auf das wärmste der Samariterliebe ihrer Glaubensgenossen.“36 Offensichtlich fielen die Bittrufe auf einen fruchtbaren Boden, denn das einstöckige Pfarrhaus mit einem Klassenzimmer für Religionsunterricht wurde in den nächsten Jahren doch noch ausgebaut und im September 1877 auch eingeweiht. Zu dieser Zeit betrug die Seelenzahl der evangelischen Gemeinde 200 (107 männliche, 48 weibliche Personen und 45 Kinder).37

PAM, Dank- und Bittruf der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg in Steiermark (Österreich), S. 2, Fond: Evangeljska vewrska občina Maribor, Schachtel 47, Umschlag 1873. 37 PAM, Dank- und Bittruf der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg in Steiermark (Österreich) 1877, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 9.

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Kurze Übersicht über das Leben der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg bis Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts In den letzten zwanzig Jahren des 19. Jahrunderts herrschte in Europa aufgrund eines stabilen Bündnissystems der Frieden. Damals ging die slowenische Nationalbewegung von einer Phase, für die eine Mobilisierung der Massen in Lesesälen und Open-air-Versammlungen (s.g. tabori) typisch war, in eine andere Phase über, in der es zur Differenzierung des politischen Lebens kam (erste politische Parteien). Marburg zählte im Jahr 1890 19.898 Einwohner, davon 15.950 Deutsche und 2650 Slowenen; um die Jahrundertwende gab es schon 24.601 Einwohner (19.298 Deutsche und 4602 Slowenen), davon 24.183 Katholiken und 326 Protestanten. Das Charakter der Stadtbevölkerung und die Zeit der Stadtausbreitung sind aus den Architekturentwurfen der Gebäude erkennbar: überall Bossenwerke, Ballustraden, Renaissancemotive an Fenstern und Eingängen, Konsolen, Pilaster usw.38 In diesem Zeitraum wuchs auch die evangelische Gemeinde in Marburg deutlich an (die oben erwähnten statistischen Daten ergeben einen 60% Seelenzuwachs in der Zeit zwischen 1877 und 1900). Die Sprache beim Gottesdienst in der Christuskirche blieb bis Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges Deutsch. Der erste Pfarrer Ernst Schroll folgte schon bald einer Einladung aus Görz und verließ Marburg Ende November 1871. Die Folge war eine neunmonatige Vakanz, in der der Grazer Garnisonsprediger Lukacs und Triester Senior Heinrich Medicus den Gottesdienst übernahmen. Im Mai 1872 wurde dann Emil Bachmann aus Biala (in Galizien) zum Pfarrer erwählt,39 nach erst zehn Monaten kündigte dieser jedoch dem Presbyterium seine Amtsniederlegung an. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt stand die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg kurz vor Zusammenbruch.40 Der Gottesdienst wurde vorübergehend von Ernst Schroll und Senior Medicus geführt. Schroll leitete auch die Vorbereitungen zu neuen Pfarrerswahlen. Im Februar 1874 wurde Julius Kolatschek aus WienerNeustadt erwählt und war als Pfarrer die nächsten vier und halb Jahre tätig. Pfarrer Kolatschek verfasste (1874) eine Chronik über den Bau der Christuskirche in Marburg, die im Selbstverlag herausgegeben wurde. Nach seiner Initiative wurde auch der evangelische Frauenverein gegründet, und zwar nach Vorbild anderer derartigen Wohltätigkeitsvereine (der älteste Frauenverein in den slowenischen Ländern konstituierte sich in Laibach 1856). Den Marburger Frauenverein gründete man im November 1874 “im Drange jenes angebornen Zuges nach den geistigen, idealen Gütern der Menschheit, welcher das Frauenherz wohl allenthalben auszeichnet,“41 wie es im ersten Jahresbericht des Vereins geschrieben steht. Nach Julius Kolatschek wurde im August 1878 Josef Klimanek erwählt, jedoch nur für eine kurze Zeit, denn wegen seiner Kränklichkeit war er gezwungen, sei-

38 39

Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovzhodne Slovenije, Maribor 1989, S. 139. PAM, Dank- und Bittruf nebst Jahresbericht der ev. Gemeinde Marburg-Pettau für das Jahr 1872, S. 2, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 63.

PAM, Dank- und Bittruf der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg in Steiermark (Österreich) 1874, S. 2-6, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 63. 41 PAM, Der evangelische Frauenverein in Marburg (Steiermark), Jahresbericht über das erste Vereinsjahr 1875, S. 3, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 63.

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Die evangelische Kirche auf einer Postkarte, 1899 (Pozdrav iz Maribora, Mesto na razglednicah v letih 1892 do 1945, Murska Sobota- Maribor 1992, S. 48).

ne Amtsniederlegung bekannt zu machen. So waren die Marburger Evangelischen aufgerufen, erneut - schon zum vierten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahen - über die Besetzung der Pfarrerstelle zu entscheiden. Die Auserwählung Josef Goschenhofers aus Pressburg (Bratislava)42 war ein Wendepunkt in der Entwicklung der Marburger Kirchengemeinde. Pfarrer Goschenhofer führte seine Herde erfolgreich bis ins neue Jahrhundert. Die Gemeinde Marburg war ein Teil des Triester Seniorates und ihre Vertreter waren auch bei Senioratversammlungen anwesend. Das Triester Seniorat bildete mit anderen Senioraten Südösterreichs die Wiener Superintendentur A.B., und diese stand gemeinsam mit anderen Superintendenturen A.B. (6 an der Zahl) und H.B. (4) unter der Verwaltung des k.k. Oberkirchenrates in Wien. Die Gemeinde finanzierte sich aus jährlichen Beiträgen und Spenden ihrer Mitglieder, sie erhielt aber auch Hilfe und Subventionen seitens des Staates und der Kirche. Große Hilfe leisteten verschiedene Wohltätigkeitsorganisationen, wie die Frauenvereine und vor allem zwei allevangelische Organisationen: der GustavAdolf Verein und der Evangelische Bund. Gustav-Adolf Verein, 1832 in Leipzig unter der Leitung des dortigen Superintendenten Gottlob Großmann gegründet,43 unerstützte die evangelischen Glaubensbrüder in der Diaspora. Der Verein trug den Namen des schwedischen Königs Gu-

PAM, Jahresbericht des Presbyteriums der evangelischen Kirchengemeinde Marburg-Pettau in Steiermark (Österreich) für das Jahr 1881, S. 3, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 44, Umschlag Maribor – letna poročila, Der evangelische Frauenverein. 43 Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 489.

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stav II. Adolfs (1611-1623), der in der Zeit des größten Religionskrieges in Europa (d.h. des Dreißigjährigen Krieges (1618-1648)) als Verbündeter der Protestanten in Kämpfen bei Lützen (1632) gefallen war. Der österreichische Verein konstituierte sich 1861, zwei Jahre später entstand noch der steirische Zweigverein.44 Evangelischer Bund wurde 1866 in Erfurt gegründet. Diese Organisation hatte den Zweck, die deutsch-protestantischen Interessen zu bewahren, auf österreichischem Boden erschien sie aber erst am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts45 und spielte eine merkliche Rolle in der Zeit, als es wieder zu Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der katholischen und evangelischen Religion kam. Die Los-von-Rom-Bewegung Das 19. Jahrhundert war die Geburtsepoche der modernen Nationalismen. In den slowenischen Ländern stellten sich die Deutschen der slowenischen Nationalbewegung entgegen, und so traten neben den Bestrebungen nach Vereinigtem Slowenien auch Tendenzen auf, die für eine Vereinigung aller Deutschen plädierten. Diese Tendenzen wurden vor allem von der Alldeutschen Partei unterstützt. Ihr Parteiführer, Georg Ritter von Schönerer, beherrschte seit Beginn der 80er Jahre des 19. Jahrhunderts die Nationalbewegung in Wien. Objekte seiner politischen Propaganda waren hauptsächlich die Vereinigung Österreichs mit Deutschem Reich, Eitelkeit und Antisemitismus. Die Nationalbewegung der Deutschen in der Provinz entwickelte sich jedoch relativ unabhängig von der Nationalbewegung in Wien,46 deswegen überwog bei den Deutschen der Untersteiermark eine gewisse Zurückhaltung gegenüber Schönerers Ideen. Diese Ideen setzten sich für folgendes Programm ein: Kein Liberalismus, kein Klerikalismus, sondern Nationalismus! 47 Bald jedoch egriff Schönerer die Gelegenheit, seine alldeutschen Ideen innerhalb der Bewegung Los von Rom! zu verwirklichen. Diese geistige Bewegung wurde vom Münchener Verleger und Mitglied des Alldeutschen Verbandes Julius Lehmann angeregt. Es ging um eine Kampagne für den Austritt aus der katholischen Kirche und den Übertritt zur evanglischen Kirche. Zahlreiche radikale Nationalisten (unter ihnen auch Schönerer, der zum Zweck der Los-von-Rom-Agitation die evangelische Jugend engagierte) waren der Auffassung, der konfessionelle Übertritt (damit die konfessionelle Vereinigung) sei eine Voraussetzung für die deutsche (staatspolitische) Vereinigung. Die Bewegung erhielt viele Gönner im Gustav-Adolf Verein sowie im Evangelischen Bund.48 Im Zeichen dieser Ereignisse wurde das uralte Klima der Feindlichkeit und der gegenseitigen Ablehnung zwischen der katholischen und evangelischen Kirche wieder ins Leben gerufen. Die Päpste Leo XIII. und Pius X. bezeichneten in ihren Enzykliken (‚Militantis ecclesiae‘ bzw. ‚Editae saepe‘) Martin Luther als einen Men-

Ebenda, S. 490. Ebenda. 46 Janez Cvirn, Trdnjavski trikotnik, Maribor 1997, S. 126 47 Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovzhodne Slovenije, Maribor 1989, S. 194. 48 Janez Cvirn, Trdnjavski trikotnik, Maribor 1997, S. 237. 45

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schen des Abfalls. Österreichische katholische Politiker betrachteten die Los-vonRom-Bewegung als eine Bewegung Los von Österreich. Interessanterweise distanzierte sich von der Los-von-Rom-Bewegung auch der k.k. Oberkirchenrat.49 Südlich der Alpen übten zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts eine aktive Los-vonRom-Agitation der Marburger Pfarrer Ludwig Mahnert (mehr über ihn später) und der Cillier Vikar (später auch Pfarrer) Fritz May aus. Die Bewegung, zu der sich einst der steirische Dichter Peter Rosegger äußerte, sie sei die wichtigste Kulturbewegung seiner Zeit,50 löste eine Welle religiöser Übertritte aus, die ihren Höhepunkt zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts erreichte. Die statistischen Daten für das Territorium des k.k. Oberkirchenrates in der Zeit von 1899 bis 1908 erweisen im Jahr 1899 6385 Übertritte zum evangelischen Glauben A. und H.B. (davon 6047 aus der katholischen Kirche), im Jahr 1901 gab es 6639 Übertritte (davon 6299 aus der ka-

Einladung zur Pfarrwahl, Oktober 1903. Nachdem vom k.k. Oberkirchenrat die Amtsniederlassung Pfarrers Josef Goschenhofer genehmigt worden war, schrieb das Presbyterium der Marburger Kirchengemeinde nach §41.3 der Kirchenverfassung die Pfarrwahl aus. Diese fand am 18. und 19. Oktober 1903 im evangelischen Pfarrhaus statt. (PAM, Fond Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 53, Umschlag 1903)

Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S.495496. 50 Ebenda, S.496.

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tholischen Kirche), später aber wurde die Zahl der Übertritte geringer und erreichte nie mehr die Zahl aus dem Jahr 1905 (4855).51 Es gab selbstverständlich mehrere Gründe, die einen zum religiösen Übertritt bewogen. Der Laibacher Pfarrer Michael Becker stellte z.B. 1927 enttäuschend fest: “Leider scheint es so zu sein, dass die Leute dann und nur dann zu uns übertreten wollen, wenn sie eine abermalige Ehe eingehen wollen, dann aber soll die Geschichte eilig sein. Sie scheinen auch der Meinung zu sein, dass bei uns eine Scheidung in allerkürzester Zeit, so etwa in zwei Monaten durchgeführt wird.“52 Der Cillier Rechtsanwalt Fritz Zangger behauptet in seinen Memoiren (1937), die südsteirischen Deutschen hätten sich seitens der katholischen Geistlichkeit vernachlässigt gefühlt, da in den Pfarrämtern der Untersteiermark ausnahmslos slowenische Geistliche gestellt wurden, die in erster Reihe für ihr (slowenisches) Volk kämpften. Das brachte die Deutschen dazu, sich lieber am deutsch-evangelischen Gottesdienst zu betätigen, und so wurden die evangelischen Kirchen „ein Hort christlich-deutschen Lebens, der sich fester und dauerhafter erweisen sollte als alles andere, was zur Verteidigung des deutschen Besitzstandes geschaffen wurde.“53 Die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg unter dem Pfarrer Ludwig Mahnert (1903-1919) Wie schon erwähnt, war der Höhepunkt der Los-von-Rom-Bewegung in Österreich am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts, das heißt aber nicht, dass die Bewegung danach erlöschte: eigentlich dauerte sie bis Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges. In den Anfangsjahren der Bewegung (1898) kam Karl Paul Eckardt als Nachfolger Robert Leidenfrosts an die Spitze der evnagelischen Gemeinde in Graz. Bis Ende des ersten Weltkrieges förderte Eckhardt die Gründung von zehn neuen evangelischen Gemeinden.54 Am 19. Oktober 1903 war in Marburg Ludwig Mahnert aus Westfalen zum evangelischen Pfarrer erwählt. Damit endete die gut zwanzigjährige Amtszeit Josef Goschenhofers. Am Ende dieser Zeit (in den Jahren 1898-1901) wurden Predigtstationen in Radkesburg (slowenisch: Radgona), Leibnitz (Lipnica), Mahrenberg (seit 1947 Radlje) und Mureck (Cmurek) gegründet. Die Pettauer Evangelischen bekamen ihren eigenen Vikar. Cilli, seit 1855 Filiale der Laibacher Kirchengemeinde H.B., wurde 1901 selbstständig.55 Diese Tatsachen sprechen deutlich von den Folgen der Los-von-Rom-Bewegung in der Untersteiermark: nie zuvor seit dem Toleranzpatent (1781) hatte der protestantische Glauben einen solchen Aufschwung erfahren. Ludwig Mahnert, der seit 1901 Vikar in Mahrenberg gewesen war und dort von

PAM, Zuschrift des k.k. Oberkirchenrates, Dokument Z. 1068, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 4, Umschlag 1909. 52 PAM, Brief von Michael Becker an Senior Baron, den 19. februar 1927, Dokument S.Z. 94/27, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 33, Umschlag Seniorat 1925. 53 Fritz Zangger, Das ewige Feuer im fernen Land, Celje 1937, S. 133. 54 Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 495. 55 Ebenda, S. 488.

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Wahlzettel (oben) und Wahllegitimation (unten) für die Pfarrwahl. Die stimmberechtigten Gemeindemitglieder mussten die beiden Zettel zur Wahl mitbringen. Die Mehrheit der Stimmen ging klar an den damaligen Mahrenberger Vikar Ludwig Mahnert. (PAM, Fond Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 53, Umschlag 1903)

seiner Frau Else das erste Kind bekommen hatte (insgesamt aber vier in der Zeit 1903-1913, davon drei Söhne und eine Tochter), führte die Marburger Kirchengemeinde bis Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges. Nach dem Umsturz musste er im Frühling 1919 vor den neuen (slowenischen) Behörden nach Österreich fliehen. Geboren wurde er im August 1874 in Hamm (Vater Louis, Mutter Agnes). Während seiner Amtszeit als evangelischer Seelsorger in Marburg (in der slowenischen Geschichtsschreibung ist er vorwiegend als Pastor Mahnert bekannt) profilierte er sich als einer der bedeutendsten deutschen Stadtbürger. Öfters wird er als einer der Hauptvertreter deutsch-nationaler Interessen betrachtet. Der deutsche Nationalismus verweigerte den Slowenen in der Untersteiermark und Kärnten das Recht auf eigene Kultur. Die Slowenen wurden als zweitklassig betrachtet. Damit “verteidigte man die Vorteile der wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Stützpunkte, die der Feudalismus in der slowenischen Steiermark dem privilegierten Adel und Bürgertum gesichert hatte.“56 Ludwig Mahnert schrieb z.B. in seinem Roman Die Hungerglocke unter anderem auch, “dass gerade /... / die Windischen der beste, jedoch gleichzeitig der traurigste Beweis sind für die Unfähigkeit Roms, ein Volk zu einem gewissen kulturellen Niveau hinzuführen.“57

56 57

Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovzhodne Slovenije, Maribor 1989, S. 195. Janez Cvirn, Trdnjavski trikotnik, Maribor 1997, S. 241.

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Das Problem, das die südsteirischen Deutschen am meisten Sorgen bereitete, war die Tatsache, dass das Draugebiet mit Ausnahme Marburgs und Pettaus mehrheitlich slowenisch war; so sank z.B. der Anteil der Deutschen im gemischsprachigen Gebiet zwischen Spielfeld (Špilje) und Marburg auf lediglich 25%.58 Die Grazer gründeten im Jahr 1889 die Südmark, einen Verein für die wirtschaftliche Festigung der untersteirischen Deutschen. Dieser Verein führte im Zeitraum 1906 bis 1914 unter der Leitung des Juristen Karl Fraiß und mit der Unterstützung Pfarrer Mahnerts eine Ansiedlung St. Egydis in den Windischen Büheln (Šentilj v Slovenskih goricah) und seiner Umgebung durch, die 64 Familien mit 368 Seelen umfasste, sowie des Drautals (11 Familien), um so eine deutsche nationale Brücke bis Marburg herzustellen. Während es sich bei den St. Egydier Ansiedler um evangelische Familien aus Deutschland (vor allem aus Würtemberg) handelte, wurde das Drautal mit deutschen Familien aus Ungarn besiedelt.59 Pfarrer Mahnert erklärte das Vorhaben der Südmark im schon oben erwähnten Roman Die Hungerglocke: Die Slowenen hätten jahrhundertelang das urdeutsche Marburg mit slowenischer Bevölkerung besiedelt, jetzt sei aber die höchste Zeit gekommen, “dass die deutschen Handwerker in die südsteirischen Städte und Marktflecken einziehen, um die deutsche Gewerbetätigkeit bis zur Adria zu beleben, dass die Unternehmerschaft aus Deutschland ihre Filialen in Triest gründet, dem südlichsten Hafen des deutschen Volkes und alten Hafen des deutschen Reichs.“60 Der deutsche Nationalismus in der Untersteiermark war jedoch nicht einheitlich, er war durch die religiöse Zugehörigkeit zerrissen. Das zeigte deutlich der Austritt des katholischen Teils der Südmark aus dem Verein. Damit wollten die Katholischen ihren Dissens mit der deutsch-evangelischen Ansiedlung St. Egydis ausdrücken. Die Ansiedlung verlief nämlich nach dem Motto “Deutsch sein heißt lutherisch sein“61; darauf machte die deutschen Katholiken der slowenische Pfarrer aus St. Egydi aufmerksam – im Linzer Volksblatt fragte er sie öffentlich, wie kann die Unterstützung eines offensichtlich antikatholisch gerichteten Vereins mit ihrem Gewissen zusammengehen. Ihr Austritt zeigt also, dass damals das religiöse Angehörigkeitsgefühl stärker war als das nationale Bewusstsein. Ludwig Mahnert war ohne Zweifel ein erfolgreicher Agitator der Los-von-RomBewegung. Während die Volkszählung im Jahr 1900 in Marburg 326 Evangelischen ergab, wuchs diese Zahl nach Angaben des evangelischen Pfarramtes auf 1150 im Jahr 1906 an62; 1910 hatte Marburg nach amtlichen Angaben 27.994 Einwohner (22.652 Deutsche und 3823 Slowenen), davon 1220 Menschen, die sich zur evangelischen Religion bekannten.63 Am Ende des Ersten Welkrieges zählte die gesamte Marburger Kirchengemeinde nach Angaben des Pfarramtes schon

Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 505.

Janez Cvirn, Trdnjavski trikotnik, Maribor,1997, S. 305. Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovzhodne Slovneije, Maribor 1989, S. 198. 61 Mi in naši Nemci, Maribor 1928, S. 25. 62 PAM, Tabelarische Uebersicht des Seelenstandes und der Ministerial-Functionen, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 46. 63 Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovzhodne Slovenije, Maribor 1989, S. 141. 60

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Pastor Ludwig Mahnert. (Rudolf Pertassek, Marburg an der Drau.Von der ‘Marchburch‘ zur Universitätsstadt, Graz 2000, S. 213)

3000 Seelen.64 Später gab es in Marburg oder seiner Umgebung nie wieder so viele Evangelischen, denn die Ergebnisse der beiden Weltkriege griffen verhängnissvoll in ihre Zahl ein. Wenn diese nach dem Krieg 1914-1918 halbierte, verblieb nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges in Marburg nur noch eine Handvoll evangelischer Gläubiger, und auch für diese kleine Gruppe wurde der Gottesdienst in der Christuskirche verboten. Später, in der Zeit der sozialistischen Industriewirtschaft und damit verbundenen Arbeitermigrationen, zogen nach Marburg hauptsächlich Evangelische aus dem Übermurgebiet (Prekmurje), d.h. Slowenen; diesen gegenüber verhielt sich die kommunistische Behörde nachgiebiger und ermöglichte nach einigen Jahren wieder einen freien (allerdings slowenischen) Gottesdienst. Ludwig Mahnert gab sich alle Mühe, Marburg an das deutsche Nationalgebiet zu binden. Er unterstützte die von der Südmark durchgeführte Ansiedlung St. Egydis und trug auch viel dazu bei, dass die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg zum Teil des

PAM, Brief Der Pfarrsprengel Maribor, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 37.

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steirischen Seniorats wurde. Dabei arbeitete er zusammen mit Senior Eckardt. Dieser war mit Marburg noch zusätzlich verbunden: hier lebte nämlich seine Schwester. In einer von Eckardts Zuschriften, verfasst im Januar 1909, erwähnt der Senior 250 Kronen, die das Steirische Seniorat der Marburger Kirchengemeinde übergeben wird, sobald sie sich dem Seniorat anschließt. Eckardt hofft, in kürzester Zeit Marburg besuchen zu können und dabei seine Schwester wiederzusehen, es wäre aber schön, wenn er bei dieser Gelegengheit bei einer Taufe anwesend sein könnte, denn “es kann gar nicht genug reinrassige deutsche Protestanten geben“.65 Im Sommer 1909 war es endlich so weit: Der k.k. Oberkirchenrat genehmigte in seiner Verordnung vom 30. Juni die Umpfarrung des Marburger Pfarrsprengels zum steirischen Seniorat. Senior Eckardt schrieb hinzu: “Der unterfertigte Senior begrüßt Sie, hochverehrte Herren, aus diesem Anlass von ganzem Herzen und bittet Sie überzeugt zu sein, dass er mit allen Kräften die Interessen Ihrer Gemeinde zu fördern bestrebt sein wird.“66 Es folgten einige Veränderungen innerhalb der Marburger Diaspora. Senior Eckardt leitete in Zusammenarbeit mit Pfarrer Mahnert und seinem (seit 1908) Personalvikar für den nördlichen Sprengel der Pfarre Marburg Johannes Albani die Verselbstständigung der evangelischen Gemeinde in Leibnitz. Diese Gemeinde war zuvor eine Predigtstation Radkesburgs gewesen und zählte 1906 146 Seelen (zum Vergleich: damals zählte Marburg 1150, Radkesburg 430, Pettau 236, Mureck 30 und Mahrenberg 105 Evangelische, was für die gesamte Marburger Kirchengemeinde 2125 Seelen ergibt67). Nach der Selbstständigkeitserklärung übernahm Leibnitz die Seelsorge über die Predigtstation St. Egydi.68 Unter Mahnerts Führung war die Marburger Kirchengemeinde um den 1905 gegründeten Deutsch-evangelischen Gesangverein in Marburg reicher. Im Statut des Vereins steht unter Satz 2 folgendes: “Der Verein pflegt das deutsche Lied und den evangelischen Kirchengesang, weckt und fördert das Bewusstsein der Zusammengehörigkeit seiner Mitglieder.“69 Das Attentat des serbischen Jugendaktivisten Gavrilo Prinzip auf den österreichischen Thronfolger Franz Ferdinand im Juni 1914 löste den Ersten Weltkrieg aus. Der Krieg sollte nach Voraussichten der verfeindeten Seiten nur von kurzer Dauer sein. Nach dem Kriegsausbruch kam es in der Steiermark zu Staatsnotstand. Hiesige Regimente und Bataillons kämpften an der Ostfront gegen Russland, wo man heftige Verluste einstecken musste. Zum Neujahr 1915 war ihre Situation niederschmetternd. Die Flüchtlingswelle, die auch in die Steiermark einströmte, forderte von der Bevölkerung, von ohnehin schlechten Ernten noch zusätzlich für die Versorgung

PAM, Brief von Karl Eckardt, den 7. Januar 1909, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 4, Umschlag 1909. 66 PAM, Zuschrift vom Steirischen Seniorat, Dokument Z. 305, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 4, Umschlag 1909. 67 PAM, Tabelarische Uebersicht des Seelenstandes und der Ministerial-Functionen, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 46. 68 Heimo Begusch, Von der Toleranz zur Ökumene, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1993, S. 505. 69 PAM, Satzungen des Deutsch-evangelischen Gesangvereines, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 5.

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der Flüchtlingslager und Armee zu spenden. Im Frühling 1915 begann noch die Front gegen Italien.70 Der vierjährige Krieg hatte zweifellos Einfluss auf den Alltagsleben der Menschen in der Stadt an der Drau. Dem Problem der Versorgung und Hungersnot der Bevölkerung kamen noch Probleme bezüglich der im Krieg verwundeten Soldaten, der mit der Zeit immer schärfer werdenden nationalen Feindlichkeiten zwischen Slowenen und Deutschen, des gelähmten gesellschaftlichen Lebens und gegen Ende des Krieges immer deutlichen Zerfalls der Monarchie hinzu. Als während des Krieges die Vorräte am Kupfer und Zink mangelhaft wurden, musste der Staat sie auf eine andere Weise gewinnen. So kam es letztlich zur Übernahme der Kirchenglocken. Der k.k. Oberkirchenrat nahm mit größter Zufriedenheit zur Kenntnis, dass die evangelische Gemeinde Marburg sich aus Vaterlandsliebe entschlossen hatte, dem Staat drei Glocken der Christuskirche zu überegeben,71 obwohl diese von der Hofglockengießerei Franz Schilling aus Apolda erst knapp vier Jahre vor Kriegsbeginn geliefert worden waren und noch gar nicht ausgezahlt.72 Pfarrer Mahnert nahm in der Kriegszeit an zahlreichen deutschen Kulturveranstaltungen Teil. So ist er unter den Anwesenden bei den Versammlungen der Südmark zu finden, auch bei Sitzungen des Deutschen Sprachvereins, er war Mitglied des Turnvereins Jahn usw.73 Eine wichtige Wohltätigkeitsarbeit während des Krieges verrichtete der evangelische Frauenverein – er gründete Das Rote Kreuz – Spittal des evangelischen Frauenvereines.74 Die Christuskirche war mehrfach Schauplatz verschiedener Ausstellungen oder Wohltätigkeitskonzerte. Häufig war hier der 1846 gegründete und von Hermann Frisch geleitete Marburger Männergesangsverein zu Gast. In der Kriegszeit wurde die Einnahmesumme eines solchen Wohltätigkeitskonzertes dem Spittal des evangelischen Frauenvereins zugeteilt.75 *** Der Erste Weltkrieg machte dem Wachstum der evangelischen Gemeinde Marburg ein Ende. Der Blick in die statistischen Daten erweist für den Zeitraum von 1862 bis 1918 einen ständigen Zuwachs an der Mitgliederzahl, die Gemeinde bekam ihre Kirche (1869), ihr Pfarrhaus samt Schule (1877), ihren eigenen Frauen- (1874) und Gesangverein (1905). Als Teil des Triester und später (ab 1909) des Steirischen

Hans Pirchegger, Geschichte der Steiermark, Graz 1996, S. 285-286. PAM, Zuschrift vom k.k. Oberkirchenrat, den 29. Dezember 1915, Dokument Z. 7181, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 32. 72 PAM, Rechnung über Lieferung von 3 neuen Glocken für die evangel. Kirche der wohllöblichen Gemeinde Marburg a./Drau, Fond: Evangeljska verska občina Maribor, Schachtel 44, Umschlag Zvonovi. 73 Vlasta Stavbar, Kulturno dogajanje v Mariboru v letih 1914-1918, Maribor 1998, S. 99, 100 und 164. 74 Ebenda, S. 162. 75 Rudolf Pertassek, Marburg an der Drau, Von der ‚Marchburch‘ zur Universitätsstadt, Graz 2000, S. 216. 71

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Seniorats sorgte die Gemeinde für die evangelische Diaspora in Leibnitz (Lipnica), Radkesburg (Radgona), St. Egydi (Šentilj), Pettau (Ptuj), Windischfeistritz (Slovenska Bistrica), Mureck (Cmureck) und Mahrenberg (seit 1947 Radlje). Ihre Pfarrer (Ernst Schroll 1864-1871, Emil Bachmann 1872-1873, Julius Kolatschek 1874-1878, Josef Klimanek 1878-1881, Josef Goschenhofer 1881-1903 und Ludwig Mahnert 1903-1919) sorgten gemeinsam mit anderen bestrebten Mitglieder der Gemeinde und mit Hilfe evangelischer Wohltätigkeitsvereine (Gustav-Adolf Verein, Evangelischer Bund u.a.) dafür, dass das religiöse Leben der Evangelischen in Marburg nie erlöschte, obwohl es hier und wieder zu ausgesprochen krisenhaften Perioden kam. Schon die Anfangsjahre der Gemeinde waren alles andere als leicht, Geldmangel und Behelfsräume behinderten eine normale Arbeit. Der Gottesdienst verlief in einem ehemaligen Getreidemagazin, später in der aufgelassenen Klosterkirche der Cölestinerinnen, die Gemeinde hatte nicht einmal ihren eigenen Pfarrer. Zahlreiche Bittrufe, die man in den 70er und 80er Jahren an verschiedene evangelische Organisationen und Anstalten verfasste, zeugen davon, dass die finanzielle Situation der Gemeinde und die Moral ihrer Mitglieder auch weiterhin miserabel waren. Die Situation verbesserte sich einigermaßen erst um die Jahrhundertwende, als der evangelische Glaube von der deutsch-nationalistischen Politik Georg Ritters von Schönerer unterstützt wurde, eine bedeutende Rolle spielte dabei auch der wirtschaftliche Verein der untersteirischen Deutschen, die Südmark. Die Evangelischen stellten nach statistischen Angaben immer eine Minderheit inmitten der katholischen Umgebung dar, diese Tatsache konnte auch die aggressive Los-von-Rom Agitation des Marburger Pfarrers Mahnert und seines Kollegen Fritz May aus Cilli nicht ändern. Wie im Beitrag erörtert, kam es zu religiösen Übertritten aus verschiedenen Gründen, meistens aber waren die Übertritte – so scheint es – nationalistisch bedingt, betrachtete man doch die evangelische Kirche in Marburg, in der bis 1945 der Gottesdienst in deutscher Sprache geführt wurde, als einen Beschützer und Horte der deutschen Kultur. Zweifellos trug diese, in der slowenischen Geschichtschreibung bisher übersehene Institution, einen wichtigen Teil zum kulturellen und religiösen Leben der Stadt an der Drau bei. So zählte die gesamte evangelische Gemeinde Marburg vor Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges etwa 3000 Seelen (was immerhin einen zwanzigfachen Zuwachs im Vergleich zum Jahr 1862 bedeutete). Durch den Krieg 1914-1918 wurde das wirtschaftliche, religiöse und kulturelle Leben überhaupt gelähmt, erst das Kriegsende und der Umsturz wurden aber den Evangelischen in Marburg zum Verhängnis.

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Boštjan Zajšek USTANOVITEV EVANGELIČANSKE OBČINE V MARIBORU (1862) IN NJEN RAZVOJ DO KONCA PRVE SVETOVNE VOJNE POVZETEK Leta 1781 izdani tolerančni patent cesarja Jožefa II. (1780-1790) je po več kot poldrugem stoletju znova omogočil duhovno prebujenje evangeličanov v Notranji Avstriji. Povsem enakopravni s katoliki pa so evangeličanski verniki postali šele s protestantskim patentom (1861) cesarja Franca Jožefa (1848-1916). Potem ko je bila južna železnica speljana skozi Maribor, se je od leta 1850 naprej začel gospodarski vzpon do takrat majhnega provincialnega mesta ob Dravi. Sem so prihajali obrtniki, delavci, trgovci, uradniki, vojaki idr. s slovenskih in nemških jezikovnih področij. Maribor je bil takrat vsekakor nemško zaznamovano mesto. Za nastanek evangeličanske občine Maribor so bili pomembni priseljenci z nemških protestantskih območij. Do 1862 so bili podvrženi dušnemu skrbstvu graške evangeličanske občine, potem pa je bilo njihovi prošnji po lastni občini odobreno in 6. decembra 1862 je sledila ustanovitev evangeličanske občine Maribor-Ptuj. K zelo razpršeni gmajni se je takrat prištevalo zgolj 150 vernikov. Cerkve še niso imeli, le zasilno urejeno molilnico v nekdanjem skladišču moke v današnji Strossmayerjevi ulici, kasneje pa v zapuščeni samostanski cerkvici celestink. Prvo bogoslužje je izvedel graški duhovnik Robert Leidenfrost, ki je prevzel tudi odgovornost za izvedbo duhovniških volitev. Tako je bil avgusta 1864 izvoljen prvi duhovnik mariborske evangeličanske gmajne, Ernst Schroll iz Stadla. Začetki občine so bili vse prej kot lahki, pomanjkanje in zasilni prostori so onemogočali normalno delo. Toda že 1860 so bili evangeličani na lastno iniciativo kupili parcelo na Lutherjevi (danes Trubarjevi) ulici. Tam je bil julija 1868 položen temeljni kamen za novo cerkev in že decembra istega leta je bila stavba v surovem izdelana. Za opremo notranjosti so skrbeli različni mojstri, oltar krasi slika križanega Odrešenika, delo lokalnega slikarja Eduarda Linda. Avgusta 1869 je bila Kristusova cerkev slovesno blagoslovljena. Z gradnjo župnišča se je moralo še počakati, kajti občinska blagajna je bila povsem izpraznjena. Prošnja, sestavljena leta 1873 in poslana na verske tovariše tržaškega seniorata, katerega del je bila tudi verska občina Maribor-Ptuj, pravi: “Cerkvena občina Maribor je po vseh izkušnjah kot združevalna točka južnoštajerske evangeličanske diaspore postala nujnost. Nezadostnost njenih lastnih sredstev za preživljanje je že davno znana stvar, težava, najti in preskrbeti dušno pastirstvo te občine, več kot velika. Podpisani odbor zato toplo priporoča to revno, a pomembno malo občino ter njeno pravično in utemeljeno prošnjo samaritanski ljubezni njenih verskih tovarišev.“ 1877 je bilo načrtovano župnišče s šolo za verski pouk vendarle dokončano. Gmajna je ustanovila svoje dobrodelno žensko društvo (1874) in Nemško-evangeličansko pevsko društvo (1905), tik pred prvo svetovno vojno je od dvorne zvonarne Franz Schilling iz Apolde dobila tri nove zvonove. Kot del tržaškega seniorata in nato štajerskega (od 1909) je evangeličanska občina Maribor skrbela za diasporo v Lipnici (Leibnitz), Radgoni (Radkesburg), Šentilju (St. Egydi), Ptuju (Pettau), Slovenski Bistrici (Windischfeistritz), Cmureku (Mureck) in Mahrenbergu (danes Radlje). Njeni duhovniki Ernst Schroll (1864-1871), Emil Bachmann (1872-1873), Julius Kolatschek (1874-1878), Josef Klimanek (1878-1881), Josef Goschenhofer (1881-1903) in Ludwig Mahnert (1903-1919) so skupaj z ostalimi prizadevnimi člani občine in s pomočjo evangeličanskih dobrodelnih organizacij (Gustav-Adolf Verein, Evangelischer Bund idr.) skrbeli za to, da versko življenje evangeličanov v Mariboru nikdar ni usahnilo, pa čeprav so bila vmes tudi izrazito krizna obdobja. Jezik pri bogoslužju v Kristusovi cerkvi je do leta 1945

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ostala nemščina – kot protiutež izključno slovenskim katoliškim cerkvam. Evangeličani so po statističnih podatkih vselej predstavljali manjšino znotraj katoliškega okolja in tega ni mogla spremeniti niti bojevita pročodrimska agitacija, ki sta jo na slovenskem Štajerskem usmerjala zlasti mariborski pastor Mahnert in njegov celjski kolega Fritz May. Tako je mariborska verska gmajna pred koncem prve svetovne vojne štela približno 3000 duš (kar pa vseeno predstavlja dvajsetkratni porast števila vernikov v primerjavi z letom 1862). Nemci na Spodnjem Štajerskem so od 90. let 19. stoletja naprej vodili radikalno nacionalno politiko, da bi tako ohranili mariborski nemški otok sredi slovenskega podeželja. Žal je ta politika, ki jo je močno podpiral tudi mariborski evangeličanski duhovnik Ludwig Mahnert, vodila k nacionalnim sporom. Proti koncu prve svetovne vojne so se ti spori le še zaostrili. Če je vojna 1914-1918 prinesla stagnacijo gospodarskega, verskega in kulturnega življenja nasploh, pa je prihodnost nemške evangeličanske občine v Mariboru usodno zaznamoval šele njen izid (1918).

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UDK 329(497.4)SLS”1918/1926”:32(497.5) 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

The Slovenian People’s Party in Croatian Politics (1918-1926) Aleksandra Berberih-Slana Ph.D. in History, Postdoctoral Student University in Maribor, Faculty of Education, Department of History Koroška cesta 160, SI - 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: aleksandra@berberih.com

Abstract: This article presents the impact of the Slovenian People’s Party on the Croatian People’s Party from the 1918 to the year 1926 and the cooperation of the two mentioned parties. It shows also the role of dr. Anton Korošec who cooperated with the Croatian People’s Party from the beginning and was because of this a target of many attacks of different Croatian political parties.

Key words: Slovenia, Croatia, Political history, Anton Korošec, Croatian People’s Party (HPS), Slovene People’s Party (SLS). Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, pp. 113-148, 133 notes, 6 pictures. Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene).

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The beginnings of the Croatian People’s Party After 1st December 1918, the Slovenian People’s Party (SPP) played an important role not only in Slovenian but also in Croatian politics. The incentive for the formation of this party in Croatia came from the SPP itself, but it was also encouraged by the Croatian side.1 In Bosnia, the Croatian National Community cautioned its supporters of the damaging fight between Croats and Slovenians, and consequently acquainted them with the need to form a common unified political, cultural, as well as economic organisation.2 The first form of such cooperation was the inclusion of three Croatian MPs (Dr Janko Šimrak, Dr Velimir Deželić and Mr Stanko Banić) in the Yugoslav Club, which was a part of the interim national representation.3 In April 1919, the Yugoslav Club published a communiqué in Belgrade to inform the public of the progress in the negotiations with representatives of several regions concerning principles on which the unified People’s Party for the whole country would be based. The founding members of the party were to be the SPP and a group gathered around the Zagreb newspaper Narodna politika. At the same time, the public learned that in Croatian towns, the main preparatory work for the party would take place during Easter, which infuriated the supporters of Starčević’s Croatian Rights’ Party. The Slovenian press ascribed their dissatisfaction to the fear of losing their support among Croats due to the rise of the SPP, whereas the Croatian newspaper Obzor critically observed that the Yugoslav People’s Party (YPP) was but an attempt by Dr Korošec to prevent the fall of his own party and the loss of its influence in Belgrade.4 The Croatian resentment was bigger still, after the SPP and its Croat ally, the Croatian People’s Party (CPP), turned down the cooperation with the National Club. Moreover, in an extensive broad press campaign, Dr Korošec cited the Yugoslav Club as the only solution for the Bosnian Croats. Newspaper Obzor conceived the campaign as an impairment of Croatian parties by Slovenian supporters of political Catholicism with the aid of their Croatian colleagues.5 The Croatian press followed Dr Korošec’s journey through Dalmatia at the end of April 1919 with mixed feelings. While the SPP newspaper Slovenec enthusiastically described the success of Korošec’s Croatian tour, the Nova doba concluded that the foundation of the CPP induced a bitter fight between political Catholicism and liberalism. It also pointed out that Dr Korošec interfered with the Croatian ‘national unity’ by founding a new

More in: Momčilo Zečević, Slovenska ljudska stranka in jugoslovansko zedinjenje 1917-1921, od majniške deklaracije do vidovdanske ustave, Maribor 1977 (further reading: Zečević, SLS), pp. 244262. Hercegovski Hrvatje Vseslovenski ljudski stranki, Slovenec, January 18, 1919, nr. 14, p. 2; Hrvatska narodna zajednica v Bosni, Slovenec, February 16, 1919, nr. 39, p. 5. Klubova seja VLS, Slovenski narod, March 3, 1919, nr. 53, p. 2; Klub VLS, Slovenski narod, March 3, 1919, nr. 53, p. 5; Klub VLS se imenuje ‘Jugoslovanski klub’, Slovenski narod, March 5, 1919, nr. 55, p. 4. V.L.S., Slovenski narod, April 12, 1919, nr. 87, p. 3; Starčevićanci in klerikalci, Slovenski narod, April 12, 1919, nr. 87, p. 3; Jugoslovanska ljudska stranka, Slovenec, April 12, 1919, nr. 84, p. 1; Zagreb, 22. travnja, Obzor, April 23, 1919, nr. 92, p. 3. Fuzija starih grup v novo stranko, Slovenski narod, April 25, 1919, nr. 97, p. 3; Zagreb, 22. travnja, Obzor, April 23, 1919, nr. 92, p.3.

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party.6 The CPP was met with restraint and mixed feelings also among Croats living in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The newspaper Slovenec claimed that it was Croats from Herzegovina who demanded the policy of Bosnian Croats be streamlined with the Yugoslav Club, however, the sentiment in Sarajevo was quite the opposite; Croats living in Sarajevo namely wanted to be included in Starčević’s Croatian Rights’ Party. Nevertheless, there were reports from Herzegovina of the successful formation of the CPP.7 According to the Slovenec, the newspaper Narodna sloboda from Mostar called upon the Croats in Herzegovina to stand together with their colleagues from other parts of the country, foremost with Slovenians, since their assistance would be a guarantee for the future of their nation. However, Lorković’s Novo vreme – according to the liberal paper Slovenski narod – attacked the political programme of the Bosnian faction of the big Yugoslav People’s Party (YPP) that was presumably close to the ideas of Croatian separatists due to its anti-Serbian feelings when it came to the internal organisation. For the same reason, the paper also attacked Dr Korošec to have abandoned all principles he as a member of the government was supposed to stand for, citing that the government programme was in a complete opposition to the programme adopted by the Croatian Rights’ Party. Dr Korošec was attacked also by the paper Hrvat according to which Korošec sought to take advantage of the Croats from Herzegovina. The paper cited the National Club as the alternative since it would probably represent Croatian interest more resolutely.8 Croatia and Slavonia, too, kept track and on 7th May 1919, there was a meeting of confidants around the newspaper Narodna politika, which embraced principles of political Catholicism. The meeting was attended by representatives of various ranks from Zagreb and its surroundings, as well as by representatives of the party from Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, present was also the Zagreb archbishop, Dr Ante Bauer. Dr Peter Rogulja presented the programme and the statute of the party, and the meeting adopted the following resolution: “The confidants’ meeting of adherents from Croatia and Slavonia resolved to constitute the Croatian People’s Party of Croatia and Slavonia, which will be a part of the People’s Party for the whole region of the State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians according to proposed principles, whereas the elected committee will be authorised to in fact organise the party.”9 The party’s programme published on 9th May was in concordance with the programme of the Slovenian People’s Party, except for the state-legal part, which, however, was consistent with the programme adopted by the Croatian People’s Party for Bosnia

Dr. Korošec v Dalmaciji, Slovenec, April 30, 1919, nr. 98, p. 3; Dr. Korošec v Splitu, Slovenski narod, April 28, 1919, nr. 99, p. 5; Politične novice, Slovenec, May 3, 1919, nr. 101, p. 2; Dr. Korošec v Dalmaciji, Slovenski narod, May 7, 1919, nr. 106, p. 1. Aleksandra Berberih-Slana, Slovensko-hrvaški stiki po prvi svetovni vojni, master thesis, Maribor 2000. Zlatko Matijević, Slom politike katoličkog jugoslavenstva, Hrvatska pučka stranka u političkom životu Kraljevine SHS, Zagreb 1998 (further reading: Matijević), p. 302; Politični položaj v Bosni in Hercegovini, Slovenski narod, May 6, 1919, nr. 105, p. 1; Nova stranka v Bosni in ‘Novo vreme’, Slovenski narod, May 7, 1919, nr. 106, p. 2. Ljudska stranka za Hrvatsko in Slavonijo, Slovenec, May 9, 1919, nr. 106, p. 3; Osnivanje pučke stranke, Obzor, May 9, 1919, nr. 103, p. 3.

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and Herzegovina. However, the party emphasised to strive for national unity and the resolution of tribal disputes, at the same time refusing the centralisation that was in their opinion inappropriate.10 In spite of rumours that the National Club opposed the SPP’s activities in Croatia the news spread in assembly’s circles that old radicals and the National Club supposedly formed a united party group which was to oppose the centralistic policy of the Democratic Club. The new group allegedly relied on the SPP’s support. At the time, Dr Ante Pavelić from Starčević’s Rights’ Party resigned from his position, which incited rumours that he was forced to do so because he opposed the cooperation with Dr Korošec, or rather with the SPP. The cooperation with the SPP was namely favoured foremost by clergymen from the National Club. According to the liberal newspaper Slovenski narod, Pavelić’s resignation resulted in the break up of the Club. Slovenian liberals also believed that the association between the Yugoslav and the National Clubs was not viable despite the claims by the newspaper Hrvat that Dr Korošec’s tour of Dalmatia brought the two clubs closer together. This was impossible, according to Slovenian liberals, since at the time, the SPP was founding a party in Croatia that would be the biggest competitor of the National Club.11 Nevertheless, the newspaper Hrvat still disagreed with Slovenian liberals, though not unanimously, and was convinced that the cooperation between the Yugoslav and the National Clubs was still possible.12 It is a fact that the SPP became extremely unpopular in certain political circles, which could be perceived in articles published in Croatian newspapers. One of them, Obzor, analysed the former role of the SPP, as well as its present influence, and concluded that the party took the wrong direction from the very start when it aimed to collaborate with all political parties and various political orientations. However, its biggest mistake was supposedly when it strived to improve its position in Belgrade by broadening its activities also among Croats. The newspaper Obzor came to the conclusion that Slovenians and Croats stood apart in that there were neither ultramontanists nor supporters of political Catholicism in Croatia whereas Croatian clergy was too nationally conscious to be as ‘catholic’ as the Slovenian clergy. Obzor claimed that the Croatian public was calmly observing the aspirations of the SPP until it realised what were its actual aims. In spite of the fact that Dr Korošec and his supporters in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in Dalmatia allegedly adopted the programme of the National Club thus proving that they sincerely attempted to help Muslims and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Croatian public found fault with his inclination and ability to break the national unity among Croats.13

Program nove Hrvatske pučke stranke, Slovenski narod, May 10, 1919, nr. 109, p. 3; Zečević, SLS, p. 258. 11 Nove grupacije, Slovenski narod, May 13, 1919, nr. 115, p. 4; Politične vesti, Slovenski narod, May 16, 1919, nr. 114, p. 2; Vzroki odstopa dr. Pavelića, Slovenski narod, May 17, 1919, nr. 115, p. 3; Razkroj Narodnega kluba, Slovenski narod, May 21, 1919, šr. 118, p. 1; Izlaz iz krize, Hrvat, May 20, 1919, nr. 4, p. 1; Težave hrvatskih separatistov, Slovenski narod, May 21, 1919, nr. 118, p. 1. 12 Složna brača kuću grade, Hrvat, May 22, 1919, nr. 6, p. 2. 13 Politički optimizam, Obzor, June 2, 1919, nr. 121, p. 3; Konzervativna i klerikalna politika, Obzor, June 3, 1919, nr. 127, p. 3.

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New “Drang nach Osten“ Dr. Korošec: “Go boys! Ljubljana is ours, now we will conquer Zagreb and after that we are going for Sarajevo and Belgrade.” (Koprive, August 9, 1919, nr. 28, p. 8)

Nevertheless, the wish for collaboration had not faded. On 14th August 1919, there was a meeting of the Croatian People’s Party (CPP) and the Croatian National Party (CNP) in Travnik. However, there was also a preliminary meeting of the CPP representatives and the National Club in Sarajevo, which regrettably brought no agreement. The CPP called for the cancellation of the meeting in Travnik, which was to found the Croatian Community Party (CCP), the reason being that a common party of all Croats had already existed, namely the CPP. It elaborated, however, that it opposed the meeting because it was aware that it would join all the fiercest adversaries of the YPP. It demanded that the CPP in Bosnia remain independent and it was willing to make one concession - to abandon its connections to the SPP - but it would still adhere to its programme, especially concerning the culture.14 The Slovenian public followed the affair attentively. The SPP’s newspaper Slovenec felt that the representatives of the CPP took the right stance. It emphasised that the opponents criticised the cultural part of the programme only, since it was based on the positive religion, whereas they were against the alliance between the CPP and Slovenians only because the Slovenian membership was organised “on solid

Za političku slogu Hrvata Bosne i Hercegovine, Hrvat, July 22, 1919, nr.52, p. 3; Iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Obzor, August 8, 1919, p. 2.

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foundations of Christian democracy.” In its opinion, the CPP was willing to make too many concessions during negotiations, and still the CNP rejected its conditions, which only proved that it was never its intention to solve the rift and that even strived to make it deeper still.15 Despite the demands of the CPP to cancel the meeting in Travnik, it did take place without its representatives and it adopted the resolution to dissolve the CPP and CNP parties, as well as its committees, and to form a new party, the Croatian Workers’ Party (CWP). The meeting discussed, among other issues, the representation in the parliament: it would be either the Yugoslav Club with only three Croats sitting next to Slovenians, or the National Club, in which there were exclusively Croatian representatives. Dr Bariša Smoljan, a barrister candidate from Mostar, felt that it would be “entirely unnatural to ignore the Croatian representatives in the CPP and side with the Yugoslav People’s Party, or rather with Slovenians, and let us be represented in the Yugoslav Club by them.”16 The newspaper Slovenec responded that the CPP can not be dissolved by another political party and that it would continue to exist. In a public proclamation to “the Slovenian people,” the SPP assured that the Yugoslav People’s Party had become more powerful and that it gained new supporters day by day. As far as Croats were concerned, it stated: “The Croatian people, deceived many a time in the history, eye with confidence the Yugoslav People’s Party. Its ranks expand in the proud Bosnia and Herzegovina, because the people can distinguish well between the genuine and the counterfeit.”17 The impending elections were extremely important for the SPP and the CPP; consequently, Dr Korošec travelled to Zagreb at the beginning of October 1919, where he met with the CPP leadership. Dr Korošec wanted the party to be well prepared for the election, especially in Croatia, and to establish itself even more securely.18 The rift between the Yugoslav and the National Clubs intensified accordingly. Both factions claimed the primacy in the battle for Croatian demands. Even so, there were still people who demanded the cooperation and alliance between the clubs. This was true also of Mr Didak Buntić, who warned the Yugoslav Club that it should have learned a long time ago that order in the country could only be achieved with open fight side by side with the National Club.19 Since the SPP still insisted on the successful formation of the CPP and later also of the YPP, Slovenian liberals warned it that it would lose all Slovenian voters if its representatives participated in too many gatherings in Croatia whereas they neglected problems of Slovenian voters.20

Pogajanja za slogo Hrvatov v Bosni in Hercegovini, Slovenec, August 14, 1919, nr. 186, p. 2. Sastanak u Travniku, Hrvat, August 18, 1919, nr. 74, p. 2; U znaku sloge, Hrvat, August 20, 1919, nr. 76, p. 1; ‘Saopčenje’, Hrvat, August 23, 1919, nr. 79, p. 3. 17 Ljudska stranka v Bosni, Slovenec, August 19, 1919, nr. 189, p. 2; Delo Narodnega kluba v Bosni, Slovenec, August 19, 1919, nr. 189, p. 3; Slovenskemu ljudstvu!, Slovenec, August 26, 1919, nr. 195, p. 1. 16

Najnovejša poročila, Slovenec, October 10, 1919, nr. 233, p. 3; Vječanje Pučke stranke; Hrvat, October 10, 1919, nr. 115, p. 2. 19 Sloga Hrvata u Hercegovini, Hrvat, November 17, 1919, nr. 145, p. 2. 20 V borbi, Slovenec, December 14, 1919, nr. 240, p. 1; K položaju v Sloveniji, Slovenski narod, December 18, 1919, nr. 246, p. 1.

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All this failed to convince the SPP or rather the YPP that their activities in Croatia were a mistake; on the contrary, it felt it was necessary. In the gathering of the SPP confidants in April 1920 in Ljubljana, Dr Korošec gave an estimate that the power and influence of the CPP in Croatia increased phenomenally and cited as the proof the municipal elections in which voters opted for more than 650 committeemen from the party. Dr Korošec emphasised that Croatia would soon play a vital role in the future of the Christian movement, in which, he assured, Slovenia would stand by it. He presented the YPP with another task – it was to organise Croatian farmers not only politically, but also economically with the assistance of economic experts that the YPP would send to Croatia to form cooperatives.21 The Croatian MP Janko Šimrak, who also attended the meeting of the SPP confidants, hailed the idea of the economic assistance and proposed the party should embrace the motto that Croatian and Slovenian farmers must share the same policy and form one party. The president of the Peasants’ Democracy Stjepan Barić declared that the battle of the CPP with its opponents was not hard at all since all Croatian farmers would sooner cooperate with their Slovenian colleagues than with Croatian upper classes, who allegedly attempted to isolate farmers from the neighbouring countries, so they could govern themselves.22

Roman shepherd and Jugoslav Sheep Pope Benedikt: “These stupid croatian Sheep are unusually affraid of my soldiers – I have to rely upon Korošec and his friends to baptise them.” (Koprive, August 20, 1920, nr. 33, p. 5)

21 22

Zbor zaupnikov Slovenske ljudske stranke, Slovenec, April 8, 1920, nr. 79, p. 1. Ibidem.

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Slovenian People’s Party in Croatian politics It appeared that the formation of the CPP was finished and that it reached unanimity. However, in June 1920, there was a meeting of the Club of Christian Socialists of the CPP in Zagreb and its president became Dr Stjepan Markulin. At the end of June, there spread a rumour that the club’s members left the party. The newspaper Hrvat thought that the CPP gained a third wing (the first being the party itself, the second the Peasants’ Democracy and the third the new Club of Christian Socialists)23 and that it sought to incite disputes ever since it came under Slovenians. However, its tactics were not successful and failed to convince anybody. Only two weeks later the newspaper published the news that the club no longer collaborated with the CPP, whereas the Christian Socialists presumably seceded from the CPP after they had found out that “the clericalists from Zagreb were nothing but a broom of their Slovenian counterparts,” probably hinting at the decision of the participants in the CPP regional councils’ convention of all Croatian provinces at the beginning of June 1920 in Zagreb that the supreme council of the CPP was to form a common leadership with the SPP.24 The newspapers favouring the Croatian Community mainly claimed that Slovenians acted exclusively for their own benefit and demanded autonomy for themselves, whereas they favoured centralism discriminating Croats for everybody else. Slovenians were allegedly following the motto that “they remain Slovenians and want to be landlords in their own houses, whereas Croats cannot live and act in Slovenia as if they were in their own home. Croats can get lost or disappear, but they will never make it over the Sotla River,” claimed the newspaper Obzor. It emphasised that Slovenians formed their own party in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Croatia that, politically, weakened Croats and perked up Slovenians. The new party was supposedly the reason for disputes among Croats living in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there also emerged religious intolerance. In Dalmatia, too, there were frictions among people. The worst of all, according to Obzor, was that the CPP adopted the programme of the Croatian Community in which it emphasised Catholicism to distinguish itself from other parties. Since the paper felt that Catholicism was not endangered in Croatia, there was no need for the CPP under the auspices of the SPP, and the leadership of Dr Korošec. Obzor believed that the biggest sin of the party was that it embraced Ljubljana as its centre and carried out tasks assigned to it by the Slovenian leadership. Consequently, some Croats (liberals) took orders from Svetozar Pribićević, whereas others (supporters of the CPP) followed instructions of Anton Korošec; the two men, claimed Obzor, led Croats in a completely wrong direction.25 In spite of apparent disagreements between the two camps, there spread news

Najnovejša poročila, Slovenec, June 8, 1920, nr. 127, p. 3; Rascjep u Hrvatskoj pučkoj stranci, Hrvat, June 21, 1920, nr. 101, p. 1. 24 Naknadni gradski izbori, Hrvat, July 15, 1920, nr. 121, p. 1; Najnovejša poročila, Slovenec, June 8, 1920, nr. 127, p. 3. 25 Zagreb, 4. listopada, Obzor, October 5, 1920, nr. 521, p. 3.

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already in September 1920 that the SPP executive board adopted the resolution to offer the Croatian Community an election agreement based on the broadest autonomic federalist programme.26 The issue brought to light the differences in the viewpoints between the CPP and the SPP. The former and specifically a group of young politicians gathered around the Zagreb newspaper Narodna politika opposed the agreement; nevertheless the CPP leadership defended its standpoint claiming that the anti-centralistic parties would win less parliament seats if they went to the elections with a common candidate lists than they would in case of individual candidacies.27 As a result, the Croatian Community criticised the CPP and accused it of betraying Croats yet again. Moreover, it claimed that the leadership of the party cared more about personal benefits than about interests of people in Croatia, as well as in Slavonia.28 The Croatian Community recommended Dr Korošec to convince his Croatian supporters of the importance of the cooperation with other Croatian opposition parties since separate candidacies in the elections were advantageous only to the opponents of Croats and ‘Croatian issues’.29 The agreement was never reached despite the fact that Korošec went to Zagreb to negotiate. Croats were facing a rift on the issue of the election agreement with the CPP. Several members of the Croatian CWP changed ranks for the CPP, but a majority rejected Dr Korošec’s programme. The newspaper Obzor observed that the agreement was actually of a lesser importance, since in the parliament the CPP would have to act against the centralism if it adhered to its programme, and that was exactly what the Croatian Community together with most Slovenians was opposed to.30 Every attempt to reach an agreement between the CPP and the CWP failed, allegedly due to the programme of the Croatian Community that supporters of the CPP refused to confirm. The newspaper Hrvat felt that the entire policy of Dr Korošec’s party became suspicious as far as the issue of Croatia was concerned and it was allegedly only a cover-up for the distribution of interest spheres between Slovenians and Serbs; subsequently it recommended Croats to be most cautious as far as Dr Korošec and his politics were concerned.31 However, the view that the decision of the CPP ensued as a result of secret intentions of the SPP leadership was not shared by everybody. Several people emphasised that the opposition of the CPP to politics of the SPP regarding the agreement with Croatian Community was nothing but a proof that the CPP was in fact an independent party and not a mere part of the SPP; furthermore it confirmed that it made independent decisions regarding its activities. The newspaper Hrvatska obrana, which was a mouthpiece of the Croatian Community, claimed that the

27 28

29 30

Izmedju Slovenske ljudske stranke i Hrvatske zajednice, Hrvatski list (HL), September 19, 1920, nr. 69, p. 4. Matijević, p. 153. Tko s vragom tikve sadi, Hrvat, September 28, 1920, nr. 182, p. 2; Politične vesti, Slovenski narod, October 6, 1920, nr. 228, p. 1; Zagreb, 4. listopada, Obzor, October 5, 1920, nr. 521, p. 3. Zagreb, 4. listopada 1920, Obzor, October 5, 1920, nr. 521, p. 3. Nesoglasje v Hrvatski težački stranki, Slovenski narod, October 8, 1920, nr. 230, p. 2; Zagreb, 12. listopada, Obzor, October 13, 1920, nr. 258, p. 3. Zašto nije u Bosni došlo do sloge?, Hrvat, October 26, 1920, nr. 206, p. 2.

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latter began independent negotiations with the CPP in Bosnia and Herzegovina without the mediation of Dr Korošec, which was a convincing proof of the party’s independence. However, that only proved that the party was indeed an entity of its own, whereas it still shared the main points of view in its programme with the SPP’s.32 The paper Hrvat compared the claims of the CPP’s independence with Judas’ betrayal. In its opinion, the CPP renounced Slovenians only because it wanted to win the elections. Nevertheless, it was all allegedly a farce “to deceit the innocent Croatian farmer who believes that the Croatian nation is not a juvenile that needs the guidance of Slovenia’s Dr Korošec. In fact he is the one who needs guidance to keep afloat but at the expense of the Croatian part of our nation.” Hrvat emphasised that Croats were well aware that the Croatian supporters of the political Catholicism were not allowed to make a single move without Slovenians; nevertheless it was convinced the CPP would never part from the SPP since funds necessary for its activities came from Slovenia, or rather from cooperatives and loan societies controlled by the SPP.33 Croatian voters brought a disappointment to the CPP in the elections of 28th November 1920 to the Constituent Assembly except in Dalmatia.34 It got only nine MPs, among them three in Croatia (Velimir Deželić, Janko Šimrak and Stjepan Barić), three in Dalmatia (Ante Dulibić, Mazzi and Milanović-Litre) and another three in Herzegovina (Didak Buntić, Rebac and Nikola Mandić). The newspaper Slovenec wrote rather optimistically that the success of the CPP was reasonable considering that the party was still in its infancy, and that it signalled that it had a successful future. In contrast, the Croatian Community claimed that the CPP came out a loser despite its “perfidious, obscene and unscrupulous” methods during the election campaign.35 The results which were undoubtedly worse than the CPP leadership had expected gave rise to rumours about the downfall of the YPP organisation. There were reports that the dispute was caused by the issue whether representatives of the party, e. g. Anton Korošec, should join the government, which was resolutely denied by the newspaper Slovenec; it also gave the reassurance that there was a perfect accord among members of the YPP regarding all issues.36 During the functioning of the Constituent Assembly, Dr Korošec directed his attention to Croatia again. He and his supporters organised gatherings in the Croatian territory and used the efforts of the Yugoslav Club in the constitutional committee for the purpose of propaganda. He emphasised that the government should be prevented to come through with its centralistic constitutional proposal since it would not solve the issue of the constitution. He also marked that centralists’ demands 32

U spomenar Hrvatskoj zajednici, Hrvatska obrana, October 31, 1920, nr. 247, p. 3. Konsternirani klerikalci, Hrvat, October 23, 1920, nr. 204, p. 1; Klerikalci se odriču Slovenaca, Hrvat, November 4, 1920, nr. 212, p. 2. 34 CPP got 46.599 votes: 10.734 in Bosnia, 10.040 in Herzegovina 13.947 in Dalmatia, 11.878 in Croatia and 556 in Vojvodina. Rudolf Horvat, Hrvatska na mučilištu, Zagreb 1992, p. 100. 35 Volivni izidi, Slovenec, November 30, 1920, nr. 274, p. 2; Matijević, p. 156; Bolečine, Slovenec, December 1, 1920, nr. 275, p. 1; Kako se tolaži Hrvatska zajednica, Slovenski narod, December 3, 1920, nr. 277, p. 2. 36 Neresnična vest ‘Pravde’, Slovenec, December 28, 1920, nr. 295, p. 3. 33

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received a boost by the policy of the Croatian Republican Peasants’ Party (CRFP), or rather its leader Stjepan Radić.37 Dr Korošec criticised him in his speeches, which was understandable since the CRFP was the biggest competitor of the CPP; moreover, Mr Radić attempted to assert his party also in Slovenia, which was highly unpleasant for the SPP. Dr Korošec never forgot to stress the good relations between Slovenians and Croats and underlined that Pašić’s government led the policy to separate the nations and set them against each other; thus the government promised Slovenians never to divide their state only to be able to divide Croatia as it saw fit. That is the reason why Dr Korošec reassured his Croatian supporters that Slovenians together with Croats will continue to struggle for a decentralised state government.38 At the gatherings, Dr Korošec stressed the need for a common fight of Slovenians and Croats to the defence of the catholic religion. However, the fight for Catholicism represented, among other things, the basis for the cooperation of Slovenians and Croats against Serbs and the centralistic system that endangered the two nations. It evolved into an even bigger threat when it was actually installed – with the adoption of the first constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians on 28th June 1921. The majority of Slovenians and Croats opposed it, but it was nevertheless adopted against the will of the majority of both nations.39 These agitation journeys of Dr Korošec came under strong criticism. The liberal newspaper Novo doba from Split accused him, according to the newspaper Slovenski narod, that he visited Dalmatia only to provoke a dispute between local Serbs and Croats. In Dalmatia, he was allegedly preaching hatred and incited disputes among parties, which was a proof that he cared more about the interests of his party than about the interests of the Croatian nation. The newspaper felt very strongly about his statement that the catholic religion in Croatia was endangered and that there was a cultural struggle going on there. Novo doba, however, wrote that one could sooner accuse Ljubljana and Zagreb of such a struggle, not Belgrade. The same paper also claimed that Dr Korošec’s “raving through Dalmatia,” the term it used for his agitation visits, was improper since it only proved that he tried to monopolise religious interest, as well as the religion itself exclusively for political ends.40 The battle for the revision of the Constitution After the adoption of the first constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, members of the Yugoslav Club began the battle for the revision of the constitution – they announced that beforehand – which they wanted to achieve by a struggle in the parliament since the policy of abstinence was out of the question as far as they were concerned. The responsibilities of the Constituent Assembly ceased at the very moment of the adoption of the constitution; nevertheless, it did not dis-

Sijajen shod dr. Korošca v Vinkovcih, Slovenec, March 8, 1921, nr. 54, p. 3; Izjava dra. Korošca, Hrvat, March 9, 1921, nr. 310, p. 2. 38 Izjava dra. Korošca, Hrvat, March 9, 1921, nr. 310, p. 2. 39 Ibidem. 40 Zloraba vere v strankarske svrhe, Slovenski narod, April 21, 1921, nr. 89, p. 1.

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solve but continued to work under a different name as a Legislative Assembly. The renamed assembly’s first session was on 2nd July 1921. Members of the Yugoslav Club had to swear to the state constitution in order to be able to participate in the pursuits of the assembly, still they stressed they demanded a “revision of three items of the constitution that were not consistent with programmes ” of their parties, or rather with the “constitutional plan” proposed in the Constituent Assembly by the Yugoslav Club. Thus the CPP remained the only Croatian party to stay in Belgrade and to be active in the assembly while the unified representation of Croatian opposition parties was ruined.41 This was one of the reasons for frequent reproaches that the CPP betrayed Croats in collaboration with the SPP. In the newspaper Seljačke novine Dr Đuro Kuntarić cautioned that the Yugoslav Club represented the harshest opposition to the ideas of a Great Serbia in the Constituent Assembly and thus proved that it was not standing solely for economic and religious rights of the people.42 Mr Kuntarić insisted that the Croatian Community and the CRFP influenced the majority of the Croatian public opinion to turn against Slovenians by insinuating that they betrayed Croats. Consequently, he stressed that the Yugoslav Club fought courageously for the autonomy of the provinces in concordance with programmes of its member parties. It failed, however (which Kuntarić ascribed to the passivity of other Croatian opposition parties). The troubles and helplessness presumably even forced the Belgrade governing circles to try to ‘buy’ Slovenian MPs from the SPP. According to Kuntarić, Pašić came to Dr Korošec and offered him money, as well as an autonomous and territorially intact Slovenia in exchange for the cooperation with the government. However, Dr Korošec “did not bow, did not give in, nor did he betray Croatian interests or debilitate the struggle of his Croatian friends to buy Slovenia the autonomy. Above all, contrary to several other clubs and parties he did not cause the disintegration of the Yugoslav Club.”43 Đure Kuntarić thought that Slovenian MPs from the SPP gave up “the supreme goal of the Slovenian people” - the autonomy of Slovenia - for the sake of Croatia. In his opinion, Slovenian MPs had a unique and rare opportunity to betray Croats for the benefit of Slovenia but they chose not to. He thought that their decision was a proof of the ‘indecency’ of those who intentionally lied and sullied Slovenians in order to sow a seed of disintegration and distrust in the collaboration of the CPP with the SPP. Mr Kuntarić accused all critics of this collaboration that their sole intent was to help Mr Pašić, who strived to alienate Slovenians and Croats with the aim of assuming the sole power.44 In the beginning of October 1921, Dr Korošec interfered with the Croatian politics in another way – his interference coincided with the negotiations between Stojan Protić and Stjepan Radić to achieve an agreement. During his visit in Sarajevo Dr Korošec responded to the questions of the newspaper Večernja pošta whether in his opinion the action of Stojan Protić was an attempt at the stabilisation, whether

Matijević, p. 168. Zar će nas Slovenci izdati?, Seljačke novine, July 1, 1921, nr. 27, p. 2. 43 Ibidem. 44 Ibidem. 42

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Mr Protić could count on the collaboration of Mr Radić and what was in this regard the standpoint of the People’s Party, saying he doubted in the success of Mr Protić’s actions to settle the political-legal relationships among the three ‘tribes’ since he lacked the support of two main factors, namely the radicals and Mr Radić’s followers. Dr Korošec thought that Mr Radić will stay away from Belgrade up until the next elections and announced that the People’s Party would struggle as an opposition party for the revision of the constitution, the equality of Croats and Slovenians, as well as against the supremacy of Serbs. On behalf of the Yugoslav Club, he condemned the reports that during the negotiations with Mr Protić, Mr Radić included only four municipalities in the Croatian interest sphere – the Varaždin, Zagreb, Bjelovar and Požega municipalities. He accused Mr Radić of leaving Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lika and Srem to themselves without any prior discussion. Furthermore, according to Dr Korošec, Mr Radić could not have cared less whether there would be an agreement between Croats and Serbs living in those provinces. Consequently, Dr Korošec said that the People’s Party would never back such activities of Mr Radić and Mr Protić.45 The bloc’s newspaper Obzor harshly attacked Dr Korošec for his statements claiming he was not acquainted with the policy of the CRFP and knew nothing about the Croatian Bloc’s views. It denied his accusations and emphasised that the Croatian Bloc (CB) represented not only Banovina but also Bosnia and Dalmatia, which inferred that every politician should understand that negotiations with Mr Protić could not have been concentrated on the four municipalities alone. According to the newspaper, with his statements, Dr Korošec merely tried to agitate for his party. Since the Obzor hoped that these statements resulted from Korošec’s unawareness of the situation in Croatia, it explained that the CRFP together with the Croatian Community and the CPP won the majority of seats in Banovina in the last elections and was therefore entitled to speak on behalf of Croats living there. In Dalmatia, none of these parties won the majority, whereas in Bosnia, Croats together with Muslims in theory could have reached the majority had the latter not joined the government camp for tactical and party-related reasons. Consequently, the CB was entitled to speak on behalf of Croats from Bosnia and Dalmatia only. Furthermore, the Obzor claimed that during negotiations with Mr Protić there was also talk of the revision of the constitution in the whole country and not only in Banovina, as well as that nobody said a word about the centralisation. Obzor hoped that the CPP would approve the agreement after it had learned of the importance of the negotiations between the CB and Mr Protić, since, in any event, it guaranteed Slovenians and Croats a better position in the country than the People’s Party demanded.46 Narodna politika, the mouthpiece of the CPP, immediately reacted to the writing of the Obzor and condemned the silence of the CB’s leadership that never published what kind of a deal it actually reached with Mr Protić.47 The SPP’s party paper Slovenec stressed that Obzor was well aware that the “head of the Slovenian People’s

45 46

Politička situacija, Senzacionalne izjave dra. Korošca, Obzor, October 15, 1921, nr. 280, p. 2. Zagreb, 15. listopada, Obzor, October 16, 1921, nr. 281, p. 5.

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Party, Dr Korošec, in concordance with his party’s principles, always took the most benevolent attitude towards Croats, and what is more, he always staked his power and capabilities to support, help and defend Croats in precisely the same manner he did for Slovenians.”48 This was reflected also in the relations between the CPP and SPP since their programmes coincided perfectly, moreover, the SPP considered desires and demands of the CPP its own and vice versa. “Tribal differences do not separate us; we are like brothers not only as a matter of necessity but also as a matter of mutual affection.”49 The newspaper Slovenec assured the CB that the SPP would genuinely embrace a better solution for the agreement than the proposition of the Yugoslav Club, if the CB had one. However, it bluntly rejected any chance of the CPP and the SPP joining and supporting the enterprise of Stojan Protić, at least until the CB explained the details of the agreement. Slovenec claimed that Dr Korošec got all the information he cited in his interview with the reporter at first hand. It nevertheless warned that concerning the statements about Mr Radić’s intentions he cannot and should not interpret them in the sense that Korošec tried to imply “Mr Radić supported a priori an autonomous arrangement for the four Croatian municipalities.” Instead, all Korošec tried to convey was that “Mr Radić was willing to confine himself to four municipalities if necessary.” Slovenec stressed that in the published part of the agreement between Mr Protić and the CB there was no mention of the centralistic basis, there was only talk of a Great Serbia and a Minor Croatia. In this case, claimed Slovenec, “the SPP would forthwith endorse the CPP’s standpoint.”50 Furthermore, Slovenec certified that Slovenians would always be faithful and support the Croatian sentiment whereas they would not stand by separatists who “do not care even for their own brothers in acute need of their patronage and assistance.”51 In 1922, the Croatian opposition continued the policy of abstinence and refused to participate in the assembly, whereas the CPP as a part of the Yugoslav Club remained an active contributor to it. Stjepan Radić even accused the CPP in one of his speeches that it struggled for trifles, which the party of course contested.52 On 15th January 1922 there was a meeting of executive boards of the CPP, SPP and the Bunjevsko-šokačka Party (BŠP) in Zagreb attended by delegates from all over Slovenia and Croatia, as well as by MPs from the Yugoslav Club. Prior to the meeting a rumour spread that leaders of the CPP in Sarajevo addressed a demand to the Yugoslav Club to try to come up with grounds to annex the CB, since the CPP of Bosnia and Dalmatia was under threat to be abandoned by all their supporters, who considered joining the CB.53 However, only a day before the session of execu-

Interview dr. Korošca, Slovenec, October 19, 1921, nr. 238, p. 1; Tajna diplomacija, Narodna politika, October 17, 1921, nr. 234, p. 1. 48 Interview dr. Korošca, Slovenec, October 19, 1921, nr. 238, p. 1. 49 Ibidem. 50 Ibidem. 51 Ibidem. 52 Matijević, p. 173. 53 Vijećanje klerikalaca, Hrvat, January 14, 1922, nr. 561, p. 1.

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tive boards of the parties constituting the Yugoslav Club, the MPs of the BŠP visited representatives of the CB. Nevertheless, during the discussion they stressed that the BŠP cannot join the CB under any circumstances due to principles, as well as the loyalty to the Yugoslav Club.54 At the meeting of executive boards of the Yugoslav Club on 15th January 1922, Anton Korošec presented the foreign-policy and interior-policy situation in the country, whereas the president of the CPP Stjepan Barić explained the policy of his party up to that moment and what it should be like in his view. Several more speakers followed and the meeting took the whole day. According to the newspaper Seljačke novine, members of the CPP presidency Luka Barišić and Stjepan Jelaković received the most enthusiastic reception; they asserted that only the CPP policy guaranteed the Croatian nation a better future and that the Croatian farmer, who lost trust in all other political options, could have faith only in the “Christian politics of Krek’s disciples.”55 At the end of the meeting, the attending delegates expressed their unanimous trust in the Yugoslav Club, its tactics and decisions in the assembly. The leadership of the Yugoslav Club was given the authority to “take further steps in the struggle for the absolute equality of Croats and Slovenians, as well as of all social classes and religions in the country ” within the framework of the programmes of all three parties and in concordance with their leaderships.56 During that period, the relationship between the CPP and the SPP was very good, which was confirmed also by the CPP president Stjepan Barić in one of his interviews. According to the Slovenec, he denied all rumours in the newspaper Hrvatska obrana claiming that the CPP was to join the CB. He went on saying that the news was as unfounded as the rumours that the CPP was to participate in the government. He said that the CPP did not recognise the basic viewpoint or the CB tactics since Mr Radić had only the Croatian state in mind whereas the prime concern of the CPP was foremost the Croatian nation. He called to mind the issue of the territory that Mr Radić allegedly demanded in his agreement with Prodić, and discarded the possibility that the Minor Croatia could become “the Piedmont for other Croats,” which was what the CB asserted. Consequently, Barić declared that the CPP will strive “to join all Croats in the state of Croatia.”57 One of the most compelling parts of the interview was the question concerning the relations between the CPP and the SPP to which Barić responded: “I can assure you, they could not be better. I really can not understand the press of the Croatian Bloc that has been attacking Slovenians so ruthlessly. I do not know what Croats could possibly hold against Slovenians? Did they not give rise to the Croatian-Slovenian and Serbian question (even Mr Protić admitted as much in his last speech in the Croatian Assembly) by leaving the Constituent Assembly together with us, Croats from the CPP, even though the Prime Minister Mr Pašić himself offered them a territorially intact Slovenia? Would the Croatian Bloc prefer to have Croats on one side and Slovenians together with Serbs on the other? It is not true that the Croatian CPP

Posvetovanja SLS in HPS v Zagrebu, Slovenec, January 17, 1922, nr. 13, p. 2. Sastanak naših političara u Zagrebu, Seljačke novine, January 17, 1922, nr. 4, p. 1. 56 Matijević, p. 173. 57 Važna izjava predsednika Hrvatske pučke stranke, Slovenec, January 28, 1922, nr. 23, p. 2. 55

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wished to enter the Croatian Bloc but Slovenians prevented them to. If Dr Korošec did not care for genuine and positive interests of Slovenians he would be close to the Bloc much sooner since Croats would have to struggle for the whole of Croatia and the end of the struggle would never be absolutely guaranteed whereas Slovenians would in that case almost certainly get the whole of Slovenia.”58 The CPP and the SPP were frequently targeted by Mr Radić’s CRFP. In the newspaper Slobodni dom there often appeared allegations that the CPP was but a “compartment of the Slovenian clerical (papal) party of Dr Korošec” that did not draw a line between the religion and the politics merely because it wanted to preserve privileges of priests who did nothing but harm the people. The CRFP MP Stjepan Uroić wrote in one of his articles he could not believe that in this struggle for priests’ interests, supporters of the People’s Party “failed to notice the trap set by the Belgrade rulers, namely the pledge, and still went and pledged to the king.” They were accused of telling people that they struggled for the autonomy and peasants’ rights, but on the other hand they pledged to protect the interests of the king and the unity of the state. He therefore asked: “Can gentlemen from the CPP with their padres Korošec and Šimrak swear to the unity and centralism when they at the same time preach they fight against the centralism and for the autonomy? ”59 Furthermore, Mr Uroić reproached the People’s Party that it put its head in a noose, and consequently cried to representatives of the CB for help in Belgrade. He also said he thought it possible that the People’s Party was promised a prize if it managed to lure those MPs in the Assembly.60 The CPP supporters of course rebelled against such accusations and Vinko Beštak, a farmer and a supporter of the CPP, published a letter in Seljačke novine accusing Mr Radić that he and his noble friends promised a lot to the people but delivered nothing. Instead, they were sitting at home and letting the authorities abuse the power given to them when they should be cooperating in the proceedings of the Assembly.61 Another supporter, Franjo Pfegger, inquired the supporters of the CB and in particular those of the CRFP directly what was their problem with Dr Korošec and Mr Šimrak since those two priests strived for Croatian farmers much more zealously than the supporters of the CB collectively.62 The newspaper Slovenec, too, confirmed the objections of the CPP’s supporters concerning the accusations by the CB and wrote that the struggle for a decentralised organisation of the country became ever harsher and spread further and further. In its view, some political groups reminded of “a frightened puppy” during the period of adopting the first constitution of the Kingdom. Slovenec went on to write that the government’s centralistic plan would surely fail if the Yugoslav Club was joined in its struggle by all other political parties opposing the centralisation.63

Barić o politici H.P.S., Seljačke novine, January 31, 1922, nr. 6, p. 1-2. Pučkaši su se ulovili, Slobodni dom, February 6, 1922, nr. 6, p. 2-3. 60 Ibidem. 61 Gdje laž ruča, tamo ne večera, Seljačke novine, March 31, 1922, nr. 14, p. 3. 62 Dostojan odgovor, Seljačke novine, April 21, 1922, nr. 17, p. 1-2. 63 Ibidem. 59

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The 1923 Elections On 3rd December 1922, Pašić dissolved the government and formed a new, homogenous one on 16th December. The new government was never presented to the Assembly to win the vote of confidence since Pašić dissolved it with a King’s decree. Elections were called for 18th March 1923.64 After the announcement, the CPP as well as the SPP started the election campaign. Both parties were in favour of continuing the active policy and cooperation in the Assembly. At the end of December, Dr Korošec toured the northern and middle Dalmatia, and attended the congress of the main cooperatives union in Split beforehand. Dr Korošec held seven gatherings in Dalmatia with a great turn-up, and he was welcomed enthusiastically, according to newspapers Slovenec and Narodna politika.65 The issue of election coalitions was intense even before the elections; on principle, the CPP leadership did not oppose alliances with other parties. The CPP consented to the election coalition of all Croatian parties provided they collaborated until the elections and went their separate political ways afterwards. However, it kept the right to act at its own discretion as far as its parliamentary collaboration was concerned since it wished that all potential representatives of the CPP became members of the Yugoslav Club before they joined broader party coalitions and blocs depending on the current political relations. Lower governing ranks of the CPP negotiated with the parties of the Croatian bloc, e. g. in Vukovar on 3rd January 1923, where representatives of the CPP, CRFP and the Croatian Community agreed on a common candidacy in the elections. However, the leadership of the CPP saw it only as a “desire of the lower governing ranks.” From Dalmatia, too, the CPP leadership in Zagreb received demands for the cooperation with other Croatian parties but it soon became obvious that it will not be actualized either in Dalmatia or in Bosnia or Herzegovina, and especially not in Banovina.66 This was by no means a surprise since Stjepan Radić, who was convinced of the election success of the CRFP, announced already in August 1922 in the paper Slobodni dom that this party will contest independently in the elections. However, the CRFP and the CPP were immediate competitors, which gave rise to a fierce election competition among them. The CPP mouthpiece Narodna politika stressed that Mr Radić as the strongest weapon in the competition against the CPP insinuated that the CPP cooperated with Slovenians, or rather with the SPP, both in the parliament and outside it. However, the Narodna politika also wrote that the CPP supporters felt the collaboration with Slovenians was one of the greatest merits of the party since it guaranteed Croats the “permanent assistance of Slovenians,” whereas Mr Radić took the standpoint that rejected everyone who was not Croatian. The Narodna politika warned that Mr Radić’s policy would lead Croats into isolation. It was therefore convinced that Mr Radić with his policies was the last person to reproach them the cooperation with Slovenians, and went on: “The alliance of the CPP with

Matijević, p. 179. Sedem shodov dr. Korošca, Slovenec, December 21, 1922, nr. 281, p. 1; Dr. Korošec u Dalmaciji, Narodna politika, December 21, 1922, nr. 288, p. 1. 66 Matijević, p. 182-187. 65

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Allies Korošec: “Stipica, you are stealing my ballots as if we were opponents.” Radić: “Since Pribićević is stealing mine I must fill the gap somehow.” (Politika, February 22, 1925, nr. 550, p. 1)

the Slovenian People’s Party does not derive from a betrayal of the Croatian or Slovenian causes. Such attitude can be observed only in centralistic parties whose very structure induces that chauvinists from one tribe join hands with renegades from another.”67 The CPP always responded to similar attacks of other political parties on itself, as well as on the SPP and denied the supremacy of the SPP. At the end of February, there appeared an article in the liberal Novi list from Belgrade that was in fact the mouthpiece of Svetozar Pribićević, which read: “After the unification, Korošec’s Slovenians marched far across the boundaries of their territory and refused to reflect upon the fact that the Croatian soil should have a Croatian master. The person who least considered that was Dr Korošec himself. He dragged his party into Croatia; he also dragged Bosnia and Herzegovina in it, whereas in Dalmatia he even succeeded in submitting to him the relatively strongest Croatian group. We have a situation in which in the Croatian political sphere, we have to listen to Slovenian clericals. In the Croatian Coastal region, on islands and in villages of Slavonia where there is no trace of Slovenians, Croats follow instructions from Ljubljana. In the economic

Matijević, p. 183; Odbijeni demagozi, Narodna politika, January 11, 1923, nr. 8, p. 1; Politične vesti,

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sphere, the absurdity is even more obvious: one could say that Croatia is exploited by Korošec’s kinsmen. But this must change: the principle that every nation is a master on its own soil must be translated in practice also in Croatia. This is the Croatian separatists’ standpoint but we have to acknowledge that it is absolutely correct if the principle Dr Korošec talks about is in fact enforced – in Slovenia. If Slovenian towns and villages are run by Slovenians, Dr Korošec, of course, cannot run Croatian towns and villages, least of all those in Vojvodina.”68 However, the Narodna politika denied the accounts of Novi list and stressed that the SPP never exploited Croats since only the CPP was active among them and it was absolutely equal to the SPP. It also pointed out that in their political relationship there was no sign of the subordination or dictates.69 Contrary to the SPP in Slovenia, the election results of the CPP were disappointing. It won only 18,402 votes and failed to get a single seat in the assembly. The election failure of the CPP affected all spheres, even the ‘people’s party’ press. However, the gravest consequence of the defeat was the fact that the SPP lost the ‘parliamentary sister’ party in Croatia, Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.70 The new ally The new situation on Croatian political scene required from the SPP to turn against Radić. The CPP was not pleased about the new cooperation between the CRPP and the SPP. According to the liberal paper Slovenski narod, the Belgrade newspaper Pravda reported that at the beginning of April three members of CPP, Dr Ante Dulibić, Stjepan Barić and Stanko Banić, visited Ljubljana and required a meeting of the SPP leadership. They wanted to protest on behalf of the CPP against the fact that Korošec had negotiated and concluded an agreement with Radić whereby “he’d disregarded other organisations of the clerical party outside Slovenia.” Pravda believed that there was a danger of rift since Dr Korošec adopted the position that this issue fell within the competence of the new club of the Members of Parliament in which there were no members of the CPP. Therefore he believed that it was not his duty to find out their opinion of these events. The liberal paper Slovenski narod added that it was more than obvious that the supporters of the CPP were not satisfied with the SPP politics. Supposedly, the SPP had done everything to protect the interests of political Catholicism and nothing to keep the positions of the CPP in Croatia and Dalmatia. Therefore there were rumours that the supporters of political Catholicism outside Slovenia would completely secede from their leadership in Ljubljana.71 Consequently, the contacts between the SPP and the CPP were interrupted for about a year. The first town elections in Požega on 25th November 1923 were a

Radić in Hrvatska pučka stranka, Slovenec, January 13, 1923, nr. 9, p. 3. Sude druge po sebi, Narodna politika, February 27, 1923, nr. 47, p. 1. 69 Ibidem. 70 Matijević, p. 190. 71 Politične vesti, Nesoglasja v klerikalni stranki, Slovenski narod, April 4, 1923, nr. 77, p. 2. 68

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success for the CPP that won three seats in the Town Committee. For the CPP leadership this ‘success’ represented the beginning of the decline of Radić’s popularity and the proof that once again, their political program and tactics were gaining more and more supporters. Therefore throughout 1924, the leaders of the CPP dedicated themselves to fieldwork to strengthen the organisation of the party and its printed material. At the beginning of January 1924 the CPP leadership met with Korošec. On this occasion it was established that the SPP and the CPP share the same views on organisational structure of the Government, cultural and social issues and those concerning active politics. The representatives of the CPP informed Korošec that the CPP had again started to spread its influence among the Croatian people, which was allegedly proven by the fact that the number of the newspapers published by the CPP had increased.72 While the CPP leadership started to revive the activities of the party and its supporters, at the meeting in Zagreb on 13th January, the representatives of the CRPP authorised their leadership - with the consent of Stjepan Radić who was not present – to support the new bloc in compliance with their political views. At the beginning of February, the agreement on the Opposition Bloc (OB) program was signed by the Yugoslav Muslim Organisation, CRPP, SPP and the Democratic Party. The forming of the new bloc brought stirring events and big changes to the political scene. As the SPP also took part in the OB, the Supreme Congress of the CPP reached the decision to cooperate with Korošec’s SPP since, according to Stjepan Barić, during elections and other political decisions the CPP was always ready to cooperate with everyone who was striving to regulate and settle the political circumstances.73 In spite of all that there were no significant contacts between the two parties until 1925, at least newspapers did not report about them. Contrary to optimistic expectations the CPP was not very successful in the 1925 elections. The party even won less votes. But it wasn’t looking for protection from the SPP again. The change in Stjepan Radić’s politics and his ‘agreement’ with the radicals forced both parties into establishing contacts with each other again. In March 1925, the paper Slovenski narod reported that the SPP was again thinking about “spreading the wings beyond country borders,” above all into Croatian catholic provinces, which had presumably been their goal during the First World War and especially after it. According to the paper, the party resorted to these plans mainly because they realised that it was a mistake “to yield the Croatian Catholic territory to Radić, who is a political adventurer and a scatterbrain.”74 Together again The new political relations that emerged in the country after Radić acknowledged the Vidovdan (‘St. Vitus’ Day) Constitution caused new reconciliation between the two sister parties. On 25th April 1925, the president of the CPP Stjepan Barić and

Matijević, p. 194. Ibidem, p. 198. 74 Ibidem, p. 204; Dr. Koroščeva politika, Slovenski narod, March 22, 1925, nr. 66, p. 1. 73

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the president of the SPP Dr Anton Korošec met in Ljubljana. The paper Slovenec was very brief about it. It stated that “since all the difficulties that had hindered their joint public appearance in the past have disappeared and since they share the same views of the political circumstances, the decision was reached that very soon, the leaders of both parties should be summoned to discuss and determine their future cooperation.”75 According to Matijević, this conclusion meant that the SPP had dropped any further cooperation with Stjepan Radić. When the CRPP entered the Government, the supporters of the CPP believed that those were the right circumstances for their party to come back to the political scene; they expected namely the CPP to take all those positions that they believed Radić had lost with his political actions. Therefore the CPP leadership strengthened its political activities. For the same reason, one of the meetings of the Yugoslav Club was attended by Janko Šimrak. 76 In the independent paper Narodni dnevnik, the reports on the agreement between the SPP and the CPP and on Korošec’s statement at a confidential meeting of the SPP leadership, saying that Stjepan Radić was soon to be expelled from the

Before the Battle Korošec: “We need to attack Radić, that is obvious... the only question is whether with a pen or crucifix.” (Koprive, July 25, 1925, nr. 20, p. 203)

75 76

S.L.S. in H.P.S., Slovenec, April 26, 1925, nr. 93, p. 1. Matijević, p. 206-207.

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Croatian politics, which would supposedly result in the disintegration of his party, were characterized as Korošec’s exaggerated optimism. According to the Narodni dnevnik, Radić really was the soul of his party, but still not completely irreplaceable. They also pointed out that the party had too deep roots in the nation to disintegrate and that even if Radić’s party had disintegrated, it didn’t mean that its place could be taken by the CPP. Therefore the Narodni dnevnik believed that Korošec had relied in vain upon the CPP. Allegedly, it was questionable how the Slovenian people would accept this new political orientation of the SPP. The agreement between the SPP and the CPP was supposed to change the circumstances completely and “the SPP is no longer the representative of the Slovenian people, but a religious party.” The Narodni dnevnik also commented on the statement that this agreement was a big success for the SPP, as it allegedly showed the public that the SPP had lost its battle in the field of politics and would like to withdraw into the ‘field of religion’.77 Throughout 1925, the CPP was striving again to regulate the organization of the party and bring its tactics in line with the SPP. The latter was especially evident at the meeting of the CPP City Club in Zagreb where one of the speakers was also Korošec, who pointed out that after Radič’s capitulation the Croatian people should gather and join the CPP and fight for their rights and accomplishment of “the Croatian peasant-worker’s and Christian program.” Korošec’s speech was full of praise for the politics of the CPP, which, according to him, was the only Croatian party that had always acted honestly. He also said the following: “Another thing that has to be pointed out on this occasion is that the Croatian People’s Party has always been loyal to the Croatian cause. The party has always been Croatian, more Croatian than Radić’s party, which abandoned its program today. The Croatian People’s Party wasn’t, what’s the word, intransigent, yet it has always been claiming and is still claiming that it wants to protect the Croatian individuality loyally and decidedly.”78 Korošec was also talking about the politics the CPP and the SPP have in common, which, among other things, would really help Slovenian and Croatian peasants, and not just talk about it, like Radić did.79 At the end of his speech Korošec also announced that the SPP and the CPP would not cooperate with the Government until all their political demands were fulfilled.80 The newspaper Slovenec reported that in Zagreb the supporters of the CPP received Korošec with enthusiasm. The newspaper Seljačke novine published an article on this occasion, describing Korošec as one of the most important builders of the new state, a straightforward politician who had been deceived and exploited, the first who, “when building this state, demanded and put down in the agreement on the first government organisation that Zagreb should be allowed to have what it deserves” and promised him that the Croatian people would never forget that, all the more so since this meant that Slovenians subordinated their poli-

Nova pot politike SLS, Narodni dnevnik , April 29, 1925, nr. 75, p. 1. Zajednički nastup HPS i SLS, Narodna politika, October 24, 1925, nr. 43, p. 1-2. 79 Matijević, p. 206; Zajednički nastup HPS i SLS, Narodna politika, October 24, 1925, nr. 43, p. 1-2. 80 Dr. Korošec v Zagrebu, Slovenec, October 18, 1925, nr. 236, p. 1. 78

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tics to Zagreb and remained loyal to that.81 The Seljačke novine compared Stjepan Radić and Korošec and pointed out that Korošec had never taken part in a government in which there were no representatives of Croats, whereas Radić on the other hand had agreed to take part in a government in which there was not one single representative of Slovenians. The newspaper also mentioned that Korošec as a serious politician had always been given everything, whereas Radić had to fight hard for it (the position of Deputy Prime Minister, the position of Minister), that Korošec had never been capable of doing such political moves as Radić because he was a ‘Christian politician’. At the end the Seljačke novine greeted Korošec in Zagreb with the following words: “Korošec is the most important Christian politician in this country, and the Croatian people have always acknowledged that. Therefore we are happy that the voice of this politician will be heard in the Zagreb that respects only those politicians who grant this city what it deserves.”82 This meeting was followed by the CPP leadership’s lively activities in the field, as well as within already existing organisations, with new members and potential sympathisers. In accordance with the last CPP conference, Dr Korošec also took an active part in these party activities.83 It was more than obvious that Radić and his party didn’t approve of Korošec’s presence in Croatia. The paper Slovenec contemplated that Radić’s nervousness and his statements for Serbian newspapers in which he commented Korošec’s intrigues were understandable. Radić was ready to take big risks in his politics and had even made a catastrophic political move, and therefore he was nervous and suspicious.84 The Seljačke novine reported that this agitation frightened Radić’s people so much that they were sending police to their assemblies and meetings; in Split they even cancelled an assembly. According to the CPP, Radić’s radicals were afraid that people would join the People’s Party, therefore the Belgrade newspapers and Radić’s paper Dom published many articles about the CPP politics, Korošec and ‘clericalism’, and threatened to ruin the People’s Party.85 On 27th October, Korošec and Barić organized two meetings in Split. In his speech at the CPP Town Club meeting, attended by 300 to 400 people, Korošec asked all the supporters present to take a more active part in the party, “to persevere in their fight until the Croatian people reach such position in the country they deserve.”86 Next day there was a meeting with the clergy from the districts of Split, Brač and Hvar. The Slovenec reported that Dalmatia accepted Korošec with enthusiasm, and that the CPP supporters who were present at the meetings publicly supported the politics of the People’s Party and criticized Radić’s politics and the separatist politics of the new regime.87 When Korošec visited Split, Radić’s paper Dom wrote: “He mounted a very tall horse and rode it through Zagreb and even to

Korošec u Zagrebu, Seljačke novine, October 16, 1925, nr. 42, p. 1. Ibidem. 83 Matijević, p. 208; Agitacijsko potovanje dr. A. Korošca, Slovenec, October 23, 1925, nr. 240, p. 2. 84 Beležke, Radić nervozen, Slovenec, October 24, 1925, nr. 241, p.4. 85 Novo jačanje Hrvatske Pučke Stranke, Seljačke novine, November 13, 1925, nr. 46, p. 1. 86 Dr. Korošec v Splitu, Slovenec, October 30, 1925, nr. 246, p. 1. 87 Dr. Korošec v Šibeniku, Slovenec, October 28, 1925, nr. 244, p. 1; Matijević, p. 208. 82

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Split, who else but the leader of the Slovenian and Croatian supporters of men of the cloth – Dr Korošec.”88 According to the Dom, Korošec enjoyed behaving like a protector, leader and prophet of the Croatian people, who would lose everything if they didn’t listen to him. The Dom added: “This is not only impudent from the man who has often said that on his way from Ljubljana to Belgrade, Zagreb is not even a stop, let alone a real station at which he would step out of a train, but it is also very sad that a man with such political experience could be so narrow-minded, and still give advice, admonitions and reprimands to the whole Croatian people...”89 Korošec and Barić’s tour of Dalmatia (they also visited Sinj, Imotski and Dubrovnik) was under the watchful eye of all political groups. Newspapers published many commentaries. The radical papers resented Korošec that in one of his speeches he gave a strong hint that even Radić himself didn’t believe that his political conversion solved the question of political understanding. The paper Slovenski narod concluded that with this tour Korošec must have been pursuing a higher goal since usually he had left such propaganda tours to his assistants. According to them, Korošec was doing this because he had sensed that the SPP in Slovenia had started “to lose its footing” (!), therefore he was scouting for territories where he could compensate for the votes he had lost in Slovenia.90 The paper Slovenec on the other hand, reported every day about Korošec’s triumph in Dalmatia, about the tour that was meant to be just informative in nature since the president of the Yugoslav Club was merely supposed to meet with the friends of the SPP and the CPP program and ideas, but, according to this paper, it soon became a “real triumphant tour.” The Slovenec reported that people accepted him with enthusiasm and that Radić was trying very hard to prevent Korošec from having “any contacts with local people.”91 This assembly was followed by meetings in Tučepi, Baška Voda and Makarska (both on 5th November), and in Preko, where don Ante Banić opened the assembly.92 This was also the end of Korošec’s trip to Dalmatia. When Korošec returned home, he invited the editor of the Slovenec and commented on his trip and the relations in Dalmatia with the following words: “The president of the CPP Mr. Barić and I had 18 assemblies and meetings, all of them were very well attended. The assemblies in Sinj, Šibenik, Split, Dubrovnik and Makarska were above expectations. All the gatherings were carried out perfectly, even though until recently the CPP was in minority there. Everywhere we went we awoke a lot of interest.”93 When Korošec was asked how the people in Croatia accepted the CPP he answered as follows: “Excellent, I say, excellent. People are coming back to the CPP that will soon reach the same level as before the constituent assembly elections. And we all know that at that time, the CPP was the strongest party in Dalmatia. When I was getting ready for

88 89

Političke i kulturne viesti, Uzjašio je na vrlo visokoga konja, Dom, November 4, 1925, nr. 27, p. 4. Ibidem.

Politične vesti, Dr. Korošec na agitaciji, Slovenski narod, November 4, 1925, nr. 251, p. 2; Beležke, ‘Samoupravi’, Slovenec, November 3, 1925, nr. 249, p. 2. 91 Sijajni uspehi dr. Korošca v Dalmaciji, Slovenec, November 4, 1925, nr. 250, p. 1. 92 Matijević, p. 209. 93 Razmere v Dalmaciji, Slovenec, November 8, 1925, nr. 254, p. 2.

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Korošec in Croatia Not having any followers in Croatia, these days Anton Korošec explaines the political situation to different parochial domestic animals. (Koprive, November 7, 1925, nr. 45, p. 621)

the trip to Dalmatia I thought that I would have only a few strictly party conferences that would not be widely attended. But it turned out that our trip was a very important manifestation of our program’s big ideas. Dalmatia is unanimously admitting that the CPP politics has always been a healthy, real Croatian politics.”94 But this was not the end of Korošec’s journeys. Soon he was planning a trip to Herzegovina. After the assembly in Mostar, there was also a committee meeting for the whole area of Herzegovina. There were also meetings in Široki Brijeg, Ljubuško, Posušje, Grude and Vitina. All the meetings conveyed the same messages: that Croats were not pleased with Radić’s politics and were returning to the CPP.95 The Slovenec commented on this process as follows: “Since 15th November, Dr Korošec has been in Herzegovina, where he was invited. He is visiting town after town, village after village, and the people are coming back to our party and turning their backs to Radić. This is an interesting process. Since Radić’s people left the clean Croatian flag and people realized that ‘the peaceable humane republic’ was just a farce, Radić doesn’t dare to appear among the Croatian people.”96 But the liberal paper Jutro commented this as follows: “The Slovenec reports on Dr Korošec’s big gatherings in Herzegovina and Dalmatia. According to its reports Dr Korošec has

Ibidem. Matijević, p. 209; Veliki shodi dr. Korošca po Hercegovini, Slovenec, November 24, 1925, nr. 267, p. 1. 96 Radićevci na Štajerskem, Slovenec, November 24, 1925, nr. 267, p. 3. 95

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already occupied everything there. But the strange thing is, that only the Slovenec knows about Dr Korošec’s big success, all other papers don’t even mention it.”97 After that, Barić and Korošec visited Northern Dalmatia, which represented the end of their travel.98 On 30th November 1925, when Stjepan Barić returned to Zagreb, he convened a meeting of the CPP leadership and reported on their trip to Herzegovina and Dalmatia. Since the party leaders came to the conclusion that these travels had brought big success in terms of organisation and strength of the party, the party leadership decided that such propaganda should be carried out in other Croatian towns as well. Therefore Korošec, Šimrak and Barić visited Medjimurje, whereas Fran Kulovec and Franc Kremžar, both members of the SPP, and the priest B. Rajić organized an assembly of the People’s party of Vojvodina in Subotica. The purpose of such intensive fieldwork was to organize gatherings of the CPP with Croatian - Catholic population in every district.99 Naturally, the political circles in Belgrade were still watchfully observing all these activities of the CPP and the SPP because they thought of them as an attempt of Dr Korošec to establish a united, big “Catholic people’s party.” The meeting in Subotica in particular, which was, as I’ve already mentioned, attended also by Kulovec and Kremžar, drew a lot of attention of Slovenian radicals. While Kremžar was talking about the politics of the Yugoslav Club and the internal affairs, Dr Kulovec severely attacked the cultural and religious politics of the Government, especially their dispute with Vatican regarding St. Jeronim’s Institution. In his speech Kulovec pointed out the need for uniting all Yugoslav Catholics into one party, so that all the Catholics who were divided into various political parties, would establish a strong and unified organization. According to the Slovenski narod, he concluded his speech with the following cries: “Catholics, together! Catholics, come to light, all of you! ” The Slovenski narod believed that Dr Kulovec’s speech caused a lot of dissatisfaction in parliamentary circles and that with this public appearance, the People’s party completely “disqualified“ and eliminated every chance to take part in the Government.100 The SPP leadership was not at all worried about these threats. The same day the newspaper Slovenski narod published this article, the SPP paper published an article with the title ‘Together’ inviting all Catholics to join a unified political front because the recent events in the country had proven that the unified “Christian People’s Party ” was necessary.101 But on the other hand, the Slovenian ‘independent’ paper Narodni dnevnik, which gradually started to show its inclination to the RR Government, believed that this SPP appeal was just a reaction to Radić’s expedition to Slovenia (he visited Ljubljana and Maribor). According to this paper, the SPP had run out of arguments against the Croatian Peasant Party and was, with an appeal to the religious feelings of the nation, merely trying to find a way out of the situation it

Politične beležke, Dr. Koroščevi shodi v Hercegovini, Jutro, November 26, 1925, nr. 275, p. 2. Veliki shodi dr. Korošca v Hercegovini in severni Dalmaciji, Slovenec, November 25, 1925, nr. 268, p. 2. 99 Matijević, p. 210; Dr. Korošec v Medmurju, Slovenec, December 12, 1925, nr. 281, p. 1. 100 Slovenski klerikalci skušajo organizirati veliko stranko, Slovenski narod, December 16, 1925, nr. 285, p. 1. 101 Vkup!, Slovenec, December 16, 1925, nr. 284, p. 1. 98

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Battle for Slovenia Radić: “Micika defend our peasant honour. If you need a boyfriend I am here...” (Koprive, December 19, 1925, nr. 51, p. 713)

found itself in. The Narodni dnevnik wrote that the SPP claims about the danger the Catholic religion found itself in were not true, and that the party leadership wasn’t even aware that their behaviour could put religion in danger, and that their appeal to the Catholics was nothing else but an appeal for the fight against the country. The Narodni dnevnik also wrote that in case the SPP succeeded in their appeal, the nation would be divided in two groups.102 On New Year’s Eve 1925, the Slovenec published an article with the title ‘Let’s unite!’ which confirmed what everyone in the parliamentary circles was afraid of – that the SPP leadership wanted to establish a unified People’s Party. The article said: “Therefore it is necessary to establish a nation-wide party, in which all nationally conscious Christians could take part, a party of Christian-socialist democracy, a party members of which could be all the nations of this state, all the working classes of Yugoslavia, all honest and true democrats with their roots in Christian culture, ethical and social principles. Other religions would not be excluded, as long as they publicly accept and carry out those principles of moral and social order that are common to all who think positively and are eventually capable of uniting into one single Christian community, which is the basic idea of Catholicism.”103 This continued throughout 1926. The members of the SPP leadership continued

102 103

Katoliki vkup!, Narodni dnevnik, December 17, 1925, nr. 265, p. 1. Združimo se!, Slovenec, December 31, 1925, nr. 294, p. 1.

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to help the CPP leadership. At the CPP meeting for the district of Našice on 17th January 1926, there were also Janko Šimrak, Stjepan Barić, Ilija Petrićević, Kamilo Firinger, and a member of the SPP Fran Smodej.104 At the CPP meeting in Krašić on 21st January 1926, Korošec had his speech. He was talking about the mistakes Slovenians and Croats made in 1918, when they united, and how Serbs used this to their advantage. He relentlessly attacked Radić’s politics - from his stay-at-home politics to the fact that he gave up all his principles and started to cooperate with the radicals. In the name of Croats and Slovenians he demanded the same rights as Serbs had and claimed that the CPP was the only Croatian party that was standing on “the stronghold of the old Croatian freedom.”105 Because of its report on Dr Korošec’s speech at this meeting, all the copies of the CPP paper Seljačke novine were seized since, according to the explanation of the King’s Judicial Seat in Zagreb, parts of his speech were evoking “religious and tribal disputes.”106 On 24th January Korošec returned to Zagreb. Together with the CPP leaders he visited the district of Jastrebarsko. They stayed there for three days and organized six party assemblies. These assemblies continued with what had become an established habit – at the CPP gatherings also the representatives of the SPP were allowed to speak. Therefore Pušenjak and Vesenjak were allowed to speak at the meetings in Premostica near Sisak and in Orlovac. Stjepan Radić’s speech at the meeting in Cvetkovići was very interesting. Among other things, he was speaking about the relationship between the CPP and the SPP and said that “the CPP takes the SPP as its adopted sister, which doesn’t mean /…/ that we are the background of Slovenians, that we run Slovenian politics. We can always agree about certain social and cultural-religious matters, yet have completely different opinions regarding strictly political matters. We are two independent political parties with very special leaderships and political tactics.”107 According to Matijević, he was trying to explain to the supporters of the CPP why there had been misunderstandings between the two parties in the past.108 Stjepan Radić against SPP and CPP All these public appearances of the SPP and CPP leaderships and the propaganda of these two parties among Croats, which was growing stronger every day, worried Stjepan Radić, who visited Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of 1926. The SPP and CPP papers believed that this was an attempt to regain political reputation, which he had completely lost in the very same territories, carrying out his latest political orientation. Therefore, once again, Radić started talking to his supporters about federalism, or, as the Slovenec wrote, “he took his tambura, tuned

104

Veliki pučki zbor HPS za našički kotar, Seljačke novine, January 29, 1926, nr. 5, p. 2-3; Zborovanje HPS, Slovenec, January 22, 1926, nr. 17, p. 3. 105 Sastanci HPS u jastrebarskom kotaru, Seljačke novine, February 5, 1926, nr. 6, p. 2. 106 Zapljena ‘Seljačkih Novina’, Seljačke novine, February 12, 1926, nr. 7, p. 2. 107 Matijević, p. 211. 108 Ibidem.

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the Croatian nationalistic strings and once again sang the song of the federalism he had disavowed.” At his meetings, Radić attacked the radicals and their representatives in the Government etc. This caused his party serious problems since with his speeches he broke the agreement with the radicals that demanded from him to speak in favour of the unity of the nation and state, especially the principles of the Vidovdan Constitution and the partition of Croatia. Radić was summoned by Pasić and had to defend himself because of the protests of the members of the Radical Party. Many of them even demanded that he should be removed from the Government. There were rumours that the order was already written, that only the King’s signature was missing and Radić would have ended up in jail again.109 But the course of events took a different direction. Radić fulfilled the demands of the radicals and denied the accusations he had expressed in Dalmatia. In his speech in the National Parliament he tried to find an excuse for his speeches there and blamed it on the spread of the political Catholicism in Dalmatia, which he was ellegedly trying to stop. But his speech, in which he attacked the Papal Nuncio Pellegrinetti saying that he was trying to plant a “clerical twig ” in this territory, was not within his jurisdiction 110 and caused a big scandal and shocked the members of the CPP and the SPP in particular.111 According to the Slovenec, Radić’s speech proved that due to the spread of the CPP in Dalmatia, the Croatian Peasant Party found itself in a lot of trouble. The paper believed that Radić was aware of the fact that his speech to the radicals, explaining why “he had given his tongue so much freedom” in Dalmatia, didn’t have the effect he had hoped for, therefore he attacked Msgr Hermenegild Pellegrinetti. The result was quite the opposite; he didn’t win any approval of the Opposition, and the radicals were not at all pleased with his explanation. Anyhow, the Slovenec believed that the Croatian people knew all too well what to think of the man, who, in order to bring himself into favour with Serbs, attacked the representative of the Head of the Roman Catholic Church and presented himself as a “Clericalism-eater.”112 With this speech Radić not only provoked the supporters of political clericalism, but, being a member of the Government himself, also put the Government in an awkward position. The attack was a popular talking point in the diplomatic circles. Diplomatic representatives of foreign countries allegedly declared that it would be in everyone’s best interest that the Government takes strict measures against such

109

Najnovejši Radićev trik, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1; Političke bilješke, Radić je…, Seljačke novine, February 12, 1926, nr. 7, p. 11.

110

More about this in: Aleksandra Berberih-Slana, Slovensko-hrvaški stiki od 1918 do 1926, doctoral thesis, Maribor 2003, p. 323-327. 111 Najnovejši Radićev trik, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1; Radićev strah pred ‘klerikalnim zmajem’, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1; Stenografske beleške Narodne skupštine Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Beograd 1926, year V., nr. 41, February 11, 1926, p. 495-496, Stjepan Radić’s speech. 112 Najnovejši Radićev trik, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1; Vprašanje demisije Stjepana Radića je odprto, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1; Radičev strah pred ‘klerikalnim zmajem’, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1.

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behaviour of its minister.113 Soon after that, a special delegation of the diplomatic corps in Belgrade, which made a complaint about Radić’s speech, visited the Minister of Foreign Affairs Ninčić. According to the radical paper Slovenski narod, Dr Ninčić had to promise he would give Pellegrinetti some compensation, although he allegedly agreed with Radić. The paper also believed that due to its state of affairs, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was much more sensitive regarding religious issues than other countries, and that people in Belgrade had often approached Pellegrinetti that he hadn’t taken these special circumstance into account. The Slovenski narod wrote that on his trip Stjepan Radić gave this disapproval just a “drastic expression,” and that it all happened because he’d felt that the trip of the Papal Nuncio would do a lot more damage to his party than “Dr Korošec’s field trip.”114 Of course, the members of the SPP were personally offended and responded to that. Their representative Dr Hohnjec requested an interpellation in the name of the Yugoslav Club, in which he demanded that the Minister of Foreign Affairs Ninčić should explain whether he had been informed in advance of Radić’s intentions, whether he had supported Radić’s attack on the Papal Nuncio, what kind of compensation he would offer Pellegrinetti and how he would prevent such incidents in the future.115 In addition to that Dr Korošec visited the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Slovenski narod wrote that the behaviour of the SPP in this affair evoked enormous dissatisfaction. The paper Vreme wrote that political circles condemned “the tactless behaviour of the Slovenian clericalists ” because they had been again acting against national interests and had proven that they were working for the Vatican, and Mr Hohnjec’s speech had even improved Radić’s status in the Government.116 Radić’s paper Dom wrote that with this interpellation Hohnjec only wanted to win fame and that the interpellation was actually full of meanness and cruelty against the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Education. The Dom attacked Hohnjec, saying that from all “supporters of men of the cloth” he was the worst and that this SPP MP always managed to spoil the good relationship between the SPP and Croats that every now and then prevailed at least in economic and cultural issues: “There are 20 Slovenian representatives who support Korošec, but luckily there are not more than ten of those who are such supporters of men of the cloth as Hohnjec. If the rational and even-tempered majority will let this wild clericalist, to whom an imaginary insult of the Papal Nuncio is more important than all the vital interests of the Slovenian people, guide them, then soon all these representatives will have to bear in mind the ordinary people, who can’t follow them on their way.”117

113

Diplomati obsojajo Radićev napada na nuncija, Slovenec, February 13, 1926, nr. 36, p. 1; Obisk papeževega nuncija v Dalmaciji, Slovenec, February 12, 1926, nr. 35, p. 1; Resnica o potovanju papeževega nuncija; Slovenec, February 18, 1926, nr. 40, p. 1. 114 Radić – Pellegrinetti, Slovenski narod, February 17, 1926, nr. 38, p. 1. 115 Interpelacija dr. Hohnjeca na ministra zunanjih del, Slovenec, February 14, 1926, nr. 37, p. 1. 116 Danas skupština produžava rad, Vreme, February 16, 1926, nr. 1495, p. 1; Radić – Pellegrinetti, Slovenski narod, February 17, 1926, nr. 38, p. 1. 117 Političke i kulturne vijesti, Slovenski popovac Hohnjec, Dom, February 17, 1926, nr. 7, p. 6.

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At the meeting of the Parliament on 20th February 1926, Nunčić was talking about this affair and answered the questions Hohnjec asked in the name of the Yugoslav Club. Ninčić believed that it was questionable what Radić’s intentions on his trip were, but one thing was for sure: they were not bad. He said that as a colleague of Minister Radić he had no authorisation to prevent his plans, or to forbid or allow what another minister was talking about in the Parliament. Even though he said that it was inappropriate to involve the names of the representatives of foreign countries in public discussions, it was only because “he wanted to inform the National Parliament ” saying that he had apologized to the Papal Nuncio for mentioning his name in the “burning debate ” and that Radić authorised him to say that his intention was not to offend him and that he was sorry if his speech was misunderstood.118 At the end of his speech, Ninčić tried to prove that this case was not about any kind of aversion against the Catholic Church, which, according to Dr Hohnjec, Catholic people couldn’t stand. According to Ninčić, the claims that Belgrade was the enemy of the Catholic Church and that the position of the Catholic Church in the Kingdom was not good, were just a calumny. He protested that these untrue statements found themselves in the foreign media. He said that the Government never acted against the Church and that it was always striving for a better relationship with the Vatican. Therefore Ninčić concluded his speech by saying that in this country the Church had never needed defenders because it had never been in danger. During his speech on the position of the Church in the country, Radić interrupted him with an interesting statement, saying that only his party, which represented the majority of the Catholic people, could talk about these things, and not Hohnjec, who was just “working for the Catholicism.”119 Later, in his speech in the Parliament, Radić repeated this because he had accused Hohnjec and his colleagues that they didn’t even talk about he Catholic Church, but about some Catholic movement, Catholic thinking, and that they had been trying to return to the state from the time of Austro-Hungary, when they had “a Catholic party among Catholic people in a Catholic country.” According to Radić, the enemy was not political Catholicism, but it was the “clericalism ” that was the enemy of the state. He said that Croats had chosen Catholicism a long time ago, “because this is Christianity, because this is sacred,” but they hadn’t chosen “clericalism,” “because this is evil, because it means using the most sacred religious feelings to selfishly ruin family, to ruin the nation for political power.”120 Radić accused the SPP that during the first elections in 1920, when he was in jail, Korošec and his colleagues used this opportunity and presented their politics to “Bunjevci,” among whom Korošec received three mandates, “on the grounds of the agitation of Catholicism ” and his claims that the Catholic religion was in danger. In Croatia he received three mandates. According to Radić, on the grounds of lies, saying that the then CRPP was the biggest enemy of the religion, especially

118

Stenografske beleške, Beograd 1926, year V., nr. 47, p. 594, XLVII Redovni sastanak Narodne Skupštine Kraljevine SHS, dr. Ninčić’s speech 119 Ibidem. 120 Stenografske beleške, Beograd 1926, year V., nr. 47, p. 596, XLVII Redovni sastanak, February 20, 1926, Stjepan Radić’s speech.

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in Srem, where they claimed that Serbs would ruin their religion. Because of these lies they (the CPP) lost all their mandates in the Parliament, and Radić promised them they would never get them back.121 Radić concluded his speech with the following words: “We’ve existed before the ‘small balls’ (votes in elections – author’s remark). Even if we lose all small balls, we are still people, which you are not, we are still Slavs, the supporters of the real ideas of Christianity, not just on the outside, but also in our hearts.”122 According to the Slovenec, his speech was just another insult.123 “In slang terms of coachmen and drunkards he slandered the Church, the Pope, the clergy, the Slovenian and Croatian Roman Catholic and Orthodox people.”124 According to the CPP paper Narodna politika, Ninčić and Radić in their speeches unanimously branded everyone who sided with Pellegrinetti as an enemy of the state. The paper believed that with his speech Stjepan Radić, who had said that the Catholics couldn’t complain about injustice, could make one who was not familiar with the situation believe that the Government had always protected Catholics, which, according to the Narodna politika, was not true at all. The paper also wrote that these events had proven that Stjepan Radić was insincere, that he had behaved in public as a protector of Catholicism, whereas among radicals and liberals he behaved as a politician who didn’t care about the persecution of the Catholic Church, and attacked the SPP and CPP representatives. And this man, as the Narodna politika wrote, declared in the Parliament that he represented the majority of the Catholics in the country.125 According to Radić’s Dom, the president of the CPP criticized the representatives of the SPP in the Parliament because of the interpellation that was supposed to defend their political Catholicism, which had become so impudent that it was trying to run public life and the work among Croats. The Dom also added the following: “The Slovenian supporters of men of the cloth were completely unprepared for this. Therefore they started to fight and yell, curse and insult, which had only one result: at the end of our president’s speech they were literally choking on their own bad language and horrible hatred for the radical and peasant majority /…/ Next time when the Slovenian supporters of men of the cloth want to be the cultural and political leaders of Croats, they will at least pay attention to those who, with their violent and greedy clericalism, don’t understand the depth nor the width.”126

121

Ibidem. Ibidem. 123 It is interesting that dr. Prunk is of opinion that it is not understandable that dr. Korošec “from the point of view of political catholicism quite a few times irreconcilably behaved even against Radić, who was a devout Catholic but sometimes for the reasons of political competitive position snubbed Clerical Party, especially the SPP. “ Janko Prunk, Politični profil in delo dr. Antona Korošca v prvi Jugoslaviji, Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino, XXXI (1991), nr.1, p. 43. 124 Vtisi o razpravi Pellegrinetti – Radić, Slovenec, February 21, 1926, nr. 43, p. 2; Radić vse dementira in znova žali, Slovenec, February 21, 1926, nr. 43, p. 2. 125 Radić i Pribićević, Narodna politika, February 26, 1926, nr. 9, p. 1. 126 Političke i kulturne vijesti, Strogi politički obračun, Dom, February 24, 1926, nr. 8, p. 5. 122

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The CPP renewal Anyhow, on 25th March 1926 there was a meeting of the High Committee in Zagreb, on which they reviewed the results of the CPP renewal, including Dr Korošec’s actions concerning this. The first bigger test that could show these results were the municipal elections in Dalmatia in May 1926. In these elections, on 26th May 1926, the CPP candidates won 12,000 votes, which is the number of votes from the whole country they had won in the previous Parliamentary elections.127 Soon after the winning elections Dr Korošec had another speech at the CPP meeting in Bučica. At the end of it he asked all the people present to follow the CPP politics saying: “You, Croats, are a famous nation with a rich past and kings. And now you’re going to forget and resign all this? This is what will happen if you continue to follow Radić’s politics. You are too proud to let this happen, you have to fight for your freedom and equal rights, for your autonomy and your parliament in Zagreb. You have to be sons of your ancestors and claim your rights. The Croatian People’s Party is fighting for all this; therefore you have to prove that you trust it. The CPP has never let you down and will not do so in the future because it is a Christian party128, a fair party.”129 Throughout 1926 the relationship between the SPP and the CPP remained warm, they cooperated with each other, and Korošec continued to have speeches in front of the supporters of the CPP, in which he always pointed out that the SPP wanted to cooperate with Croats, but not on the basis of Stjepan Radić’s politics, and that the SPP would always support the CPP and fight against hegemony and corruption.130 The Seljačke novine wrote that Croats should only be members of Croatian political parties, and Slovenians only Slovenian, but: “Is there a more complete understanding than that between the Croatian and Slovenian people? ”131 This remained until 1st February 1927, when the SPP became a coalition partner of the Radical Party in the Uzunović Government.132 The relationships of Croatian politicians toward Korošec and their opinions of

127

Matijević, p. 212-214. Because Korošec wanted to vigorously reject the reproach that SPP and CPP were ‘clerical’ parties, he commented: “I know very well that enemies of the People’s Party say: What shall we do there, that is a clerical party, they are all clerics. That is an obvious lie. Is Barić a priest, is Dulibić a priest, is your editor of »Seljačke novine« dr. Andrić a priest, are many other members priests? They are not. If in the party there are many honest and real priests, that does not mean that the People’s Party is clerical, because real priests do not belong anywhere else than in the People’s Party. Our Party is under attack especially because it is a Catholic Party, because it demands that religious principles must be respected in politics. Many, even Radić himself, say: Religion does not belong in politics. That is evil. That is not right. That is not suitable. But we on the contrary see that all those who mantain that a religion must be respected even in politics, all of them are the most righteous leaders and protectors of their People.” O pravoj hrvatskoj i slovenskoj politici, Seljačke novine, May 28, 1926, nr. 22, p. 1-2. 129 Ibidem. 130 Iz Pučke stranke, Veličanstvene skupštine HPS u požeškome kraju, Seljačke novine, June 11, 1926, nr. 24, p. 3; Iz Pučke Stranke, Veliki sastanak u Velikoj Gorici, Sejačke novine, June 18, 1926, nr. 25, p. 3; Iz Pučke stranke, Velika javna skupština u Ludbregu, Seljačke novine, June 18, 1926, nr. 25, p. 3. 131 O političkim strankama u našoj državi, Seljačke novine, July 23, 1926, nr. 30, p. 2 132 Matijević, p. 220. 128

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him differed, sometimes depending on the political circumstances in the country. But according to Dr Korošec’s assistant, after Dr Korošec’s death, Dr Gjuka Kuntarić, a lawyer from Slavonska Požega, wrote, “He was not attracted only by Croatian towns, he liked to attend meeting in the country too. He was very close to Croatian peasants, he liked to talk to them, and he was always positive in his speeches and never offended his political opponents from other Croatian parties. And even today, the peasants from the golden valley of Požega like to talk about him, those who attended his meetings and those he had been visiting. Not many people knew Croatia and the Croatian people like he did. He was acquainted with our circumstances and our problems. In the time when he was in a very high position in the country, he was always ready to help poor people in Croatia without seeking fame. He always acted in such a way that the left wing didn’t know what the right wing was doing. He helped many poor, suffering people. Silently, so that nobody knew where the help was coming from.”133 *** The Slovene-croatian political contacts after the 1st World War were marked by the cooperation of Slovenians and Croatians and their disputes which were mostly influenced by two political parties – the Slovenian People’s Party and Croatian Republican Peasant’s Party and their prominent leaders. Slovenian People’s Party wished to spread the activity of it’s organization to the whole territory of the kingdom. Slovenian People’s Party wanted to achieve this through it’s ally Croatian People’s Party, but was not successful. Croatian People’s Party never managed to get a wide electoral support, was loosing its supporters and stayed without a representative in the Parliament after the 1923 elections. Thus there were no representatives in the Yugoslav club. Croatian politicians used this against the Yugoslav club when its representatives wanted to speak for Slovenes and Croatians in the Parliament. In 1925 the Croatian People’s Party rejected cooperation with Slovenian People’s Party in the pre-electorial agitation, because it did not agree with the politics of the Slovenian People’s Party. The political contacts between the Slovenian People’s Party and the Croatian People’s Party were again established after the agreement, signed between the Radicals and the Radić’s when the Slovenian People’s Party seized to cooperate with the Croatian Republican People’s Party which was the main political opponent to the Croatian People’s Party. Dr. Anton Korošec, a leading Slovenian politician, acted an important role in the act of funding and in the actions of the Croatian People’s Party and thus left a vivid sign in the Croatian history. Some rejected his role but it is a fact that it was just because of his role that he was involved in a conflict with other Croatian party’s representatives.

133

Joško Krošelj, Dr. Korošec in Hrvati, Zbornik Svobodna Slovenija, Buenos Aires 1961, p. 102.

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Aleksandra Berberih-Slana SLOVENSKA LJUDSKA STRANKA V HRVAŠKI POLITIKI (1918-1926) POVZETEK V slovensko-hrvaških stikih po prvi svetovni vojni, v sodelovanju Slovencev in Hrvatov ter v medsebojnih sporih, sta glavno politično vlogo odigrali dve stranki – SLS in HRSS ter njuni vodilni politiki. SLS je želela delovanje svoje politične organizacije razširiti na področje celotne Kraljevine SHS. Ta poskus, ki ga je med Hrvati želela doseči ob pomoči njene zaveznice HPS, je spodletel, saj HPS nikoli ni uspela osvojiti močne podpore med hrvaškim ljudstvom, izgubljala je svoje pristaše ter na volitvah leta 1923 ostala brez poslanca v Narodni skupščini, s tem pa tudi v Jugoslovanskem klubu ni bilo več nobenega njenega predstavnika. To so hrvaški politiki pogosto izkoristili kot očitek Jugoslovanskemu klubu, ko so njegovi poslanci v Skupščini želeli govoriti v imenu Slovencev in Hrvatov. Leta 1925 je HPS odklonila sodelovanje z SLS v predvolilnem boju, saj se ni strinjala s politiko SLS, ki se je po volitvah leta 1923 odločila za sodelovanje s Stjepanom Radićem in njegovo stranko. Stiki med SLS in HPS so bili znova vzpostavljeni po sklenitvi sporazuma med radikali in radićevci, saj je SLS prenehala sodelovati s HRSS, največjo nasprotnico HPS. Dr. Anton Korošec, pomemben slovenski politik, je v procesu ustvarjanja in delovanja HPS odigral nadvse pomembno vlogo in se je tako zapisal tudi v hrvaško zgodovino. Nekateri so mu to pomembno vlogo odrekali, dejstvo pa je, da se je zaradi svojega vpliva na oblikovanje hrvaške politike pogosto znašel s predstavniki drugih hrvaških političnih strank.

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UDK 371.3:94(497.4 Maribor)”1918/1941” 1.04 Professional Paper

Teaching History on the Basis of Research into Local History - the Example of Social and Economic Conditions in Maribor in the Period from 1918 to 1941 Dragan Potočnik Ph.D. in History, Assistant Professor University in Maribor, Faculty of Education, Department of History Koroška cesta 160, SI - 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: dragan.potocnik@uni-mb.si

Abstract: This article argues that the approach to teaching history which includes local history is the most natural way of teaching history. This is based on the assumption that the local environment is a more comprehensible unit for students and enables them a more authentic experience of the topics. It raises their interest, attention and activity level. There are several types of materials for the preparation of such topics at the teacher’s disposal. In many cases the teachers have to collect the materials themselves. Skills in collecting, as well as critically appraising and ordering the collected materials will enable teachers to prepare a monograph of history of the local place as a source for their lessons. If collected properly and adapted to the teaching process, such sources can play an important role in history classes. The article offers an analysis of social and economic conditions in Maribor during the period between the two world wars. The analysis is presented as an example of the kind of content about local history which can be included in classes about this period.

Key words: Teaching history, local history, history of Maribor, social conditions, economic conditions, period 1918-1941. Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, pp. 149-164, 40 notes. Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene).

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Moderns views on teaching history History classes are interesting for students only if the treatment of topics stems from the question of how people used to live in the past, how they experienced their environment, other people, and how they formed their values. In this way we can avoid the problem of much of today’s history classes, which lies in too much descriptiveness and too little insight into the topics, too little individualization, as well as faulty correlations, applications, lack of comparison and emphasis on broader education. It is often ignored that history classes can educate young people in many ways, also culturally and spiritually. There are a lot of examples from Slovenian and world history alike which point to the humanist value of history classes, including ethical education, material and spiritual culture, and also esthetic education. It is problem-oriented history classes based on the methods of independent discovery of truth which prepares students for dealing properly with dilemmas and problems of their future lives.1 Modern history classes should include students in acquiring knowledge and researching, since this is the only way to motivate them for active, efficient and successful self-education after completing their education. Students and teachers alike should be aware of the fact that traditional forms and methods of teaching can and must be replaced by modern forms and methods which change the roles of students and teachers and help to develop numerous learning skills in students. Developing and acquiring learning skills is most efficient if the following class forms are used: first, individual form, which can take place in school or at home, second, group form, and third, non-traditional frontal form with various active methods.2 The place of local history in teaching history History classes should include more local history. The local environment is a more comprehensible unit for students and enables them a more authentic experience of the topics. It raises their interest, attention and activity level. The approach based on local history is therefore the most natural way of teaching history. For this type of work, however, the teacher has to have enough materials at her disposal, e.g. various proceedings, reviews, journals, school chronicles, historical studies of the region, travel guides, newspapers, etc. In many cases the teacher has to collect the materials herself. For this purpose, they have to develop their skills in collecting, as well as appraising and ordering the collected materials. Better skilled teachers will even be able to prepare a monograph of the local town

Dragan Potočnik, Sodobni pouk zgodovine (Modern instruction of history), Zgodovina v šoli (History in school) (1994), no. 4, pp. 24, 25. Danijela Trškan, Razvijanje učnih spretnosti pri aktivnih učnih oblikah v srednji šoli pri pouku zgodovine, (Developing learning skills through active class forms in secondary school history classes), Zgodovina v šoli (History in School) (1998), no. 1, p. 30.

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or village on their own. Good monographs, school chronicles and ethnological materials provide a good source for preparing local history learning materials. However, even well-ordered and extensive materials are not efficient if not prepared methodically, i.e., they have to be adapted to the school process.3 Before embarking on a detailed collection of local history materials, first the teacher has to study local history from various sources, such as library books, valuable archive documents, school and parish chronicles, fief books, founding documents and newspapers. This article offers an analysis of social and economic conditions in Maribor during the period between the two world wars, which is based on the author’s own research. The presentation of such a learning unit, a unit which does not appear in textbooks of primary or secondary schools, will serve as an illustration of the topics from local history that can be included in teaching about a certain period. Social circumstances The power of the Slovene nationals in the Drava region was revealed at the break down of Austria in the year 1918, when the general Rudolf Maister and the National Council for Styria headed by Dr. Karel Verstovšek,4 at the right moment and with appropriate determination, created the conditions for the joining of Maribor to the State of the Slovenes, the Croates and the Serbs, which was on December 1 of the same year joined with the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro into the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes.5 The National Council for Slovene Styria, which had its seat in Maribor, took the power of its region in its own hands.6 The Slovene Maribor decided its fate independently, without help from Ljubljana, with its own military, clerical staff, political leadership and money. The National Government of the State SHS in Ljubljana7 dissolved the German Community Council headed by the Mayor Dr. Hans Schmiderer on December 18, 1918. Dr. Vilko Pfeifer was appointed Government Commissioner of Maribor and took over the leadership of the city magistrate on January 2, 1919.8 His hardest

3 4

5 6

Mavricij Zgonik, Zgodovina v sodobni šoli (History in modern school), Maribor 1968, pp. 90-98. Milan Ževart, Dejavnost dr. Karla Verstovška v deklaracijskem gibanju in prevratnem času 1918-1919 (Activity of Dr. Karel Verstovšek in the Declaration Movement in the overturn period 1918-1919), Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, 31=66 (1995), pp. 271-280. Bruno Hartman, Rudolf Maister (Znameniti Slovenci (Great Slovenes)), Ljubljana 1989, pp. 113-123. Lojze Ude, Boj za severno slovensko mejo 1918/19 (Fight for the northern Slovene border 1918/19), Maribor 1977, pp. 21-36. The presidency of the National Council in Zagreb installed the Department for School and Religion as part of the National Government (October 31, 1918), which did not exist in the State Government of Carinthia. This governmental department was up to the foundation of the central government in Belgrade (December 20, 1918) the highest body for cultural affairs with the National Goverment of Slovenia. Franjo Zorko, Kronologija delavskega gibanja in družbenega razvoja Maribora in okolice (1855-1983) (The chronology of the workers’ movement and social development of Maribor and its surroundings (1855-1983)), Maribor 1989, p. 44.

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task was to calm down the anti-Slovene and anti-Yugoslav German movement in the city. After taking office he issued the following announcement: “I inform the inhabitants of Maribor that I will do my best to satisfy their needs and wishes, and I hope that the inhabitants will help and confide in me in this effort regardless of political orientation and nationality, and reject those elements which would try to hinder our activities.”9 However, the Maribor Germans remained active, demanding the joining of Maribor and its surrounding to Austria. They argued that Maribor consists of mostly German population, which in the northern part of Slovenske Gorice and the Apače plain admittedly has mixed population, but is instilled with Styrian regional patriotism. They also based their claim on economic reasons, e.g. the traffic connections among Bruck, Villach, Maribor, Ptuj and Ormož, and also electric supply by the Drava power plants.10 The societies Suedmark and Deutscher Schulverein, which insisted on a plebiscite on the lost region of Lower Styria. They tried to make the population insecure and convince them that the Yugoslav state had only economic hardship in store for them. Among the slogans was also the following one: “Don’t sell our country and future to the Serbs! ”11 The center of German propaganda after lower Styria was joined with Austria was Graz, where various propaganda publications were published. In 1919 the Academic Senate of the University of Graz demanded as the minimum the state border at the so-called ‘Vitanje line’: from Olševa to Smrekovec, over Basališče at Vitanje, and further east over the Konjiška gora and Boč to Rogaška gora. The Austrian demands for a plebiscite in this part of Slovenian Styria were rejected thanks to the opposition from the French delegation.12 The climax of the anti-Yugoslav movement was reached on 27 January 1919, when the American delegate Major Sherman Miles was on a visit in Maribor. The Maribor Germans wanted to use this opportunity to show the German character of the city. This lead to a tragic shoot-out which left several demonstrators dead. The Saint-Germaine Peace Contract with Austria on September 10, 1919, finally bestowed the whole part of the former Duchy of Styria with predominant Slovenian population to the new state, the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes. An article in the Marburger Zeitung of September 11, 1919, said that some Maribor Germans accepted the new political reality (some only temporarily), although they were very hurt. They admitted their hope for a different turn of events.13 The demands for a German Maribor became louder with the rising of Nazism. The article entitled Unser deutsches Marburg, published in 1933 in the Viennese

Marburger Zeitung, 59 (1919), 2, January 3, p. 1. Tone Ferenc, Nacistična raznarodovalna politika v Sloveniji v letih 1941-1945 (Nazi ethnic assimilation policy in Slovenia from 1914-1945), Maribor 1968, p. 79. 11 The Ptuj Historical Archives (ZAP), MO Ptuj, box no. 240, doc. no. 14/131-919. 12 Tone Zorn, “Deutche Grenzwacht” in razmejitev na Štajerskem v letih 1919-1922 (“Deutche Grenzwacht” and the border in Styria in 1919-1922), Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, 16=51 (1980), 1, pp. 165-180. 13 Marburger Zeitung, 59 (1919), 201, September 11, p. 1. 10

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publication of German national socialists Der Kampf, said that the Germans did not accept the new situation in Lower Styria. The article said: “In 14 years, the Slovenes have turned a flourishing German cultural territory into an economic wasteland and cultural cemetery…”14 When the power was transferred to the Slovenian governmental commissioner, many German clerks were dismissed and replaced by Slovenes. The Slovene authorities compensated the lack of domestic clerks by immigrants from Slovenian Carinthia, which after the plebiscite of 1920 became part of Austria, and also from the Primorska region, which became part of Italy. Especially those who came from Primorska had a strong influence on the city.15 The courts and administration soon became Slovene. Then the Community Council dispossessed the former Germanizing institutions and organizations, among the possessions were also the Theater and Kazina building. The German printing house and the traditional local newspaper the Marburger Zeitung also came under the state control. The Slovene community administration took care of renaming the German names of streets and stores with Slovene names. In the night of 28 October 1918, the Mariborers could read on the houses, banks, etc.: “In Yugoslavia, German street and store names won’t be tolerated anymore. They remind us of our slavery. Take them off immediately! ”16 The Germans after whom the streets were named were replaced by well-known Slovene counterparts. Partly this worked (e.g. Schiller – Gregorčič, Goethe – Prešeren), whereas in some cases the replacements were not real Slovenian counterparts (e.g. Kaiserfeld – Jože Vošnjak, Kernstock – Princip).17 The city gradually got Slovene public names. The city magistrate order that by June 30, 1919, all the craftsmen had to replace German names on their buildings with Slovene or Serbo-Croatian names. German public names were from that day on prohibited.18 The members of the Slovenian trade and craft organization demanded that all the names should be painted by nationally-conscious Slovenian painters. Numerous Maribor locals were renamed: the café Teresienhof in the Main Square into Velika kavarna, the restaurant and hotel Mohr into the hotel Pri Zamorcu, the hotel and restaurant Erzherzog Johann into Union, etc. The citizens of Maribor consequently had to learn Slovene. After the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy most clerks were given notice because they did not speak Slovene. Some clerks were given a deadline (the end of December 1919) to learn Slovene. There were also free Slovene classes arranged for them.19 But the language situation changed at a very slow pace. The fact that Slovene was not prevalent in every sphere of public life is obvi-

Unser deutsches Marburg, Mariborski večernik Jutra, 7 (1933), 115, May 20, p. 4. Miroslava Grašič, Začetki delovanja primorskega emigrantskega društva Nanos v predvojnem Mariboru (The beginnings of the Primorje emigrant society Nanos in pre-war Maribor), Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, 26=61 (1990), 1, pp. 23-35. 18 Slovenski napisi v Mariboru (Slovenian names in Maribor), Straža, 11 (1919), 43, May 30, p.2. 19 Mariborski meščani se učijo slovensko (Maribor citizens learn Slovene), Mariborski delavec, 1 (1918), 11, December 5, p.2 15

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ous from many examples. For example, even ten years after the fall of the AustroHungarian monarchy, the city magistrate was faced with the problem of clerks who conversed in German with each other. The city magistrate also received letters from citizens using public transport who complained about drivers talking to passengers in German. In 1919, the police commission issued a regulation according to which all the guests in public houses were to be greeted and talked to in Slovene. Only if they did not understand Slovene, could they be addressed in German. For quite some time after the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, the clerks used printed texts in German or in both languages. In 1933, the Maribor evening newspaper Jutro says: “If at first we prohibited German or two-language public names and notices, we should also prohibit printed texts in German.”20 In addition to the Slovene language being belittled as the national and state language, the regulation on the use of Slovene place names was often disregarded, as letters were delivered that contained the German name of Maribor, i.e. ‘Marburg an der Drau’. The former German names of streets, roads, and squares also remained in everyday use. German newspapers published in Slovene still used German names for Slovene places, mountains and other geographical features. There were several reasons for this. An important reason was German pressure on social classes dependent on the Germans for their social safety. This pressure was manifested in several ways. Some industrial plants represented virtual German assimilation factories. Slovene workers were forced to communicate in German with the German owners, so many of them started to learn German when they entered the workforce. Many of them also started to forget their mother tongue and communicated in German among each other. The pressure was also political – German owners of industrial plants were often forcing their employees to vote for the German party. Those who would not listen were even threatened with resignation.21 Despite Slovene schools a kind of pidgin German was still heard on the streets, spoken by children and adults alike. This was the consequence of influences outside schools. Many families lived in great poverty. In addition to low wages and lack of apartments, the world economic crisis also brought unemployment and deep social divisions in the city’s population. The children were mostly left to be educated by the street. They were not raised in the spirit of national awareness. Many parents kept the old habit of speaking German at home, even though they were completely Slovene by their origin, coming from Pohorje, Slovenske gorice or the surroundings of Celje. German was often thought as a superior language. During the rise of nazism in Germany, it became even more obvious that “peace in the city is a delicate thing and that the relationship between the Slovenes and Germans is like an open wound which cannot heal and still hurts and bleeds.”22 The rise of nazism intensified the divisions between the citizens of the two nations. During this time, Maribor was described as a German city abroad.

Nemške tiskovine in nemški listi (German printed materials and documents), Mariborski večernik Jutra, (1933), 84, June 12, p.1. 21 Tabor, 5 (1924), 209, September 13, p.2 22 Marburger Zeitung, 64 (1924), 3, January 4, p. 1.

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In the first few months of the Slovenes taking over the power after 1918, the general Rudolf Maister and the National Council left the schools German as before. They realized that this was a very sensitive area where the German influence was the greatest. German and pro-German parents and also the incited youth would have certainly reacted badly to changes. It was necessary to get enough good, nationally aware and hard-working teachers, since at the beginning there were only five Slovene teachers teaching at Maribor elementary and civic schools. On January 27, 1919, the higher school council in Ljubljana issued a regulation which canceled German as an obligatory subject in elementary and civic schools. At the meeting of school workers and politicians on 23 February, 1919, there was a proposal to replace all the German school masters by the Slovenian ones, but also to give notice to all the German teachers who had participated in the demonstrations against the Kingdom of SHS on 27 January, 1919.23 On April 1, 1919, schools underwent a significant change. Slovenian teachers took over almost all the posts in elementary and civic schools. Most German teachers were given notice. Despite that, all the schools kept their instruction in German till the end of the school year, even though they introduced three obligatory classes of Slovene a week. In the next school year only those children were enrolled in German classes whose both parents could prove they were of German origin. They had a right to instruction in their mother tongue, but they also had obligatory classes of Slovene. The German classes became smaller and smaller, and so by the year 1923 the only school that remained completely German was the first girls’ civic school, which, however, got its Slovene counterpart a year after that. Vocational and secondary schools underwent a similar development. In 1918 the state grammar school was declared Slovene and renamed Državna klasična gimnazija (state classical grammar school). This was not a real problem, as most of the students and teachers were Slovene. The school kept German classes, which were cancelled later due to the lack of students. Non-classical grammar schools represented more of a problem, as most of the students were German. The school remained German till the school year of 1924/25, when Slovene classes became predominant. The school was renamed Državna realna gimnazija (state non-classical grammar school). After July 1, 1939, in the larger city area there were 16 open schools. In addition to these, there were also the following schools: higher school of theology, non-classical grammar school and classical grammar school, men’s and women’s teachers’ training college, trade academy, school for wine and fruit-growing, school of forestry, school of catering, the state railway’s vocational school, higher general vocational school, higher vocational school of public house trade, higher trade school, private higher school of agriculture run by nuns, the city school of home economics Vesna, the Slovenian Music Society’s private music school, music college, the national railway society Drava’s music school, the diocesan church music school. There were also several courses, such as Anton Rudolf Legatov’s one year trade course. 24

23 24

Marburger Zeitung, 59 (1919), 45, February 26, pp. 2, 3. Vladimir Bračič, Razvoj šolstva in drugih izobraževalnih dejavnosti, Maribor skozi stoletja. (The deve-

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The process of Slovenization was greatly influenced by the Teachers’ Society, especially by its pedagogical-didactic section, which developed into the Pedagogical Centre, which was run by Gustav Šilih, and the Slovene School Society, the president of which was Henrik Schreiner. We can conclude that the Slovenization of schools and the foundation of new Slovene schools, of course including the foundation of the University of Ljubljana in 1919, undoubtedly the most important long term cultural achievements of the Slovenes in their new state. The state regulation of June 26, 1922, divided the Yugoslav part of Slovenia in accordance with the St. Vitus’s Day Constitution into the Maribor and Ljubljana authorities. The Maribor authority included the Yugoslav part of Styria, excluding the court districts of Brežice, Sevnica and Laško. It also included the Prevalje district of Carinthia, as well as Prekmurje and Međimurje.25 Until 1929, Maribor was the seat of the Maribor authority with the Great Mayor as its leader. Then, with the introduction of ban’s provinces, the Maribor authority was cancelled, while Maribor became the seat of two districts: the left bank and the right bank, and got the status of an autonomous city. Because of the merging of the Ljubljana and Maribor authorities, Maribor lost many important institutions. This loss affected particularly the middle class, to a certain extent also the small trade and crafts, which were the cornerstone of the Maribor citizenry. Over a hundred families had to move due to the loss of the railway income control, hundreds of other families had to move due to the loss of the great mayor’s office, the selfgoverment office, the financial directorate, etc. In this time, in addition to being the seat of two districts, Maribor also had the district and county courts, the state prosecution, the prefect’s city office, tax and land register offices, the main department of the financial control and the main customs office, and a number of other administrational, medical, technical, cultural, educational, and religious institutions. During the two world wars, the Maribor citizenry, the same as the Slovene citizenry in general, was divided into two camps: the clerical and the liberal. Their followers came from the ranks of tradesmen, craftsmen, and clerks. The Maribor workers, who in the time directly following the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy were quite pro-German and openly argued for Maribor joining Austria, were organized in the socialist camp. In the 30s, the political life in the city was marked by the German political camp, manifesting itself in the organization of the SwabianGerman cultural association. The community leadership of the city was dependent on the governing political parties. In the first community elections in April 1921, the victory was gained by the social democrats, who for the following three years appointed their mayor, Viktor Grčar. The next elections brought the victory of the Slovene citizens’ National bloc,

lopment of schools and other educational activities, Maribor through centuries.) Razprave I. Maribor 1991, pp. 596-598. 25 Slovenci v desetletju 1918-1929 (Slovenes between 1918 and 1929). Zbornik razprav iz kulturne, gospodarske in politične zgodovine, edited by Dr. Josip Mal, Ljubljana 1928, p. 339. Also: The Encyclopedia of Slovenia, 6th book, Ljubljana 1992, p. 409.

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On 10 December, 1924, Dr. Josip Leskovar became the mayor. He was the first real Slovene mayor of Maribor, since he was elected on the basis of the Slovene national program.26 The last Maribor community elections in the Kingdom of SHS were held in December 1927. The Slovenian People’s Party, which was the predominant party on the Slovene political scene at that time, won also in Maribor. Dr. Alojz Juvan was elected as the mayor. After the dictatorship in 1929, the political balance of forces in the city council changed according to broader changes on the state level (the domination of the Yugoslav national party – JNS). The Slovenian liberals, who followed the unitarian–centralist national state program, and were part of the unitarian–centralist JNS, took over the power also in Maribor.27 Dr. Alojz Juvan was replaced by the liberal Dr. Franjo Lipold. The last great political change in the organs of the city community was in the year 1935, when the Yugoslav radical party (JRZ) took over the government in Belgrade. The city community was again headed by the clerical Dr. Alojz Juvan, who remained the mayor until the nazi occupation. After 1918 the nationality of the Maribor population changed drastically. The changes were mainly due to a different count of the population. Under Austria, nationality was based on the language of communication, whereas in the new state, it was based on the mother tongue. According to the census in 1910, the city had 22,653 inhabitants who stated German as their language of communication and 3,823 inhabitants who stated Slovene as their language of communication. In the year 1921, the census showed 20.759 inhabitants whose mother tongue was Slovene, and 6,595 inhabitants whose mother tongue was German, representing 21.4% of the whole population. This proportion was relatively great, taking into account that the proportion of Germans in Slovenia was only 3.9% (4.2% in all Yugoslavia).28 In the time of the census of 1921, the Styrian Germans complained that they had no representative in the census commission and that the counting was carried out mainly by the members of the National defense. They claimed that these members had special orders to take into account not only the mother tongue but also other signs of nationality, such as origin, surname, nationality of parents, school and home education, etc.29 However, new data revealed that the Germanization in the Habsburg Monarchy was not so successful as it seemed. It showed that previous Austrian population counts covered up the real statistics, with the number of Germans in the year 1921

Zgodovina Slovencev (History of Slovenes), Ljubljana 1979, p. 635. Jurij Perovšek, Slovenci in Jugoslavija v tridesetih letih, Slovenska trideseta leta (Slovenes and Yugloslavia in the 30’s, the Slovene 30’s), Ljubljana 1997, pp. 20, 21. 28 Definitivni rezultati popisa stanovništva od 31. 1. 1921 g. u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca (The definitive results of the census from 31 January, 192, in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes), Beograd 1924, p. 293. 29 For more about the problem of nationality statistics in Austria, see: Fran Zwitter, Nacionalni problemi v Habsburški monarhiji (National problems in the Habsburg Monarchy), Ljubljana 1962; Fran Zwitter, Prebivalstvo na Slovenskem od XVIII. stoletja do današnjih dni (Population on the Slovene territory from the 18th century until today), Ljubljana 1936. 27

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so much smaller compared with previous counts, notwithstanding that after 1918 some German craftsmen, tradesmen and clerks moved away, mostly to Austria. The number of these Germans is approximate, but according to estimates it was around five to six thousand people. They were replaced by around two thousand Slovene public officers, entrepreneurs, etc., with their families, making up for the number of emigrated Germans. In Maribor there were around 1224 applicants for Yugoslav citizenship with their families, which is about 5 thousand people in total, later there were additional 250 to 300 applications from Slovenes for Yugoslav citizenship. Mostly they came from the regions of Gorizia, Trieste, Istria, Slovene Carinthia, partly from the territory of today’s Austria and Czech Republic. This also contributed to the changed nationality structure of Maribor according to the 1921 census.30 It is assumed that the percentage of the German population between the two world wars also contains other consequences of the past Germanization. The reports about the census describe individuals who stated German as their mother tongue, although they were born on the Slovene territory and had both parents of Slovene origin. There were cases where they counted themselves as German because of their German mother or ‘German education’. The next census of 31 March, 1931, showed that Maribor had 33,921 inhabitants, among whom there were 27.533 Slovenes (81%), 2.931 Serbs and Croats (8,6%), 2696 Germans (7,9%), 426 Czechoslovaks (1,2%), 96 Russians (0,3%), and some other nationalities (1%).31

The population of Maribor in 1931

Franjo Kramberger, Nekaj številk o Mariboru, Mariborski koledar 1933 (Some Maribor-related numbers, the Maribor calendar of 1933), Maribor 1933, pp. 101-102. 31 Splošni pregled Dravske banovine (General overview of the ban’s province of Drava), Ljubljana 1939, pp. 12 – 15; Prethodni rezultati popisa stanovništva od 31. Marta g. u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji (Provisional results of the census from 31 March, 1931, in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia), Beograd 1931.

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In 1931, the census took account of both, the mother tongue and nationality. Because of that the only comparison possible between the counts of 1931 and 1921 is the comparison based on the data about the mother tongue. From the data it can be concluded that in the period between 1921 and 1931 the number of Germans again decreased, mostly due to continued emigration. The Maribor evening newspaper Jutro of 23 April, 1931 says: “It is a fact that the artificial German colony of Maribor is disappearing like snow in the sun. The mills of God grind slowly, but it is certain that the Potemkin village is crumbling of the seemingly so mighty German culture in Maribor and on the whole territory belonging to the Slavs since time immemorial.”32 ECONOMY Post-war economic and political changes also affected the Maribor industry. After 1918 the Maribor economic structure began to change. The economic ties of the city with other economic centres of the former state were severed. Maribor was on the brink of the new state. Its economy had to be directed towards the south-east. The fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in 1918 brought changes in monetary and loan institutions. In this period, the economy of Maribor and its surroundings was financed by three cooperative monetary institutions: the loan bank of the Narodni dom (National home), the people’s loan bank of lower Styria and the Maribor loan institution (the old city savings bank).33 The crown as the currency unit was replaced by the dinar by the end of 1922. The dinar was not stable until after 1924. Post-war problems and currency changes also affected agriculture. The agricultural surroundings of the city lost their markets due to the new border. In the new state, the agricultural branch of economy faced fierce competition from other agricultural areas. For example, the competiton of the milling industry from Vojvodina was too strong for Maribor. The essential change of the structure of Maribor economy was in the fact that trade was replaced by industry as the leading economic force of the city. This was largely due to the electrification of the city. The electrification of the city (e.g. the building of the hydroelectric power plant Fala (between 1913 and 1918), which was the first of the Drava powerplants), its position on the southern railway and the vicinity of the state border, as well as cheap labor, changed Maribor into one of the biggest centers of textile industry. The new industry brought a new source of income and soon became one of the topmost economic forces in Maribor. The new industry gave the city its new image and changed the social structure of the population. During the period between the world wars, Maribor had 15 big textile plants.34 Some of them expanded into gigantic companies, employing as many as

Mariborski večernik Jutra, 5 (1931), 91, June 23, p. 2. Franjo Baš, Prispevki k zgodovini severovhodne Slovenije (Contributions to the history of northeastern Slovenia), Maribor 1989. 34 France Kresal, Tekstilna industrija v Sloveniji (Textile industry in Slovenia), Ljubljana 1976, p. 103. 33

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1500 workers and other staff. The most important textile factories were Hutter in drug, Doctor in drug, the Rosner group, Avgust Erlich, Thoma & co., Mariborska tekstilna (Mauthner), Zelenka & Co.. Together with smaller plants, textile industry employed over 7000 workers, which was about 13% of all the population.35 In addition to textile industry, the city and its surroundings also had a developed metallurgic industry. The biggest plant of this industrial branch was the workshop of the national railway, which employed the greatest number of workers in metalwork. Other plants were smaller and together employed less than a thousand workers. One of the more important metalwork plants was Stavbena družba in Tezno, which produced big iron constructions, but also nails and screws. There were also other similar companies, such as the plant Kovina d.d. in Tezno, the foundry Mariborska livarna kovin J. Pengg in Melje, the factory of agricultural machinery K & R, the factory and foundry J. Pogačnik, the foundry of bells J.&K. Buehl, and the factory Ruda. The period between the world wars was very convenient for the development of the chemical industry. The biggest plant of this kind, the nitrogen plant Tvornica za dušik d.d., was in nearby Ruše. It was the biggest consumer of the electric power produced by the power plant in Fala. Another big company was the soap factory Zlatorog, which developed from the first Maribor soap factory (formerly C. Bros). An important element of the Maribor industry were also several smaller plants, such as brick factories in the surroundings of the city. The biggest among them were the brick factory of Košaki, the brick factory of Rače, Nassimbeni’s brick factory in Radvanje, etc. After the war, the wood industry of the city also flourished, adding some new plants to the existing ones. But later crises in wood industry almost completely destroyed it, affecting particularly sawmills. Tanneries, which were once big factories, mostly transformed into smaller plants, only the tannery Freund in Melje expanded and became the biggest factory in this branch. Food industry had a similar fate after the war due to new competition. The milling industry was almost completely destroyed. The well-known Franz’s milling factory in Melje gave up milling and started producing pasta. The Rosenberg mill only got active for the needs of the army. Only the meat industry retained its size. Meanwhile, the graphic industry, which became completely Slovene, expanded greatly. The industry, the development of which was supported by the opening of the new Yugoslav market, was more successful than trade. Due to fierce competition from Zagreb, the Maribor trade was less successful. It also lost competition to Dalmatian wines. Even though the number of shops doubled by the year 1928, trade did not make any remarkable progress due to the bad state of the food industry. However, the proportion of Slovenian ownership was much larger in trade compared to industry. In 1931, of 181 trade companies, 106 were owned by Slovenes. The new state of the Maribor industry and trade after 1918 also affected the Maribor crafts. After 1918, the structure of the crafts was transformed. Some crafts, such

Enciklopedija Slovenije, 6. zvezek (Encyclopedia of Slovenia, Tome 6), Ljubljana 1992, p. 402.

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as shoe-making and tailoring were damaged by the industrial competition. Industry also damaged traditional crafts, such as blacksmith’s workshops, wheelwright’s and saddler’s trades. The large number of barbers, electrical technicians, metalworkers, butchers, carpenters, painters and bakers shows the progress of the crafts in Maribor after the first world war. The period after the first world war was also the time of the first beginnings of planned tourism, which was supported by the Tujskoprometna zveza (Foreign visitors’ association), founded in 1926. Maribor, which was conveniently situated by important traffic routes, mostly lacked hotels and modern restaurants in order to develop its tourism. The number of hotel beds in Maribor did not increase essentially till 1928, when the hotel Mariborski dvor was built. This was followed by the modernization of the hotel Orel and adaptation of the hotels Zamorc, Stara pivovarna (later Novi svet) and Merano. Another important event was the opening of the outdoor pool Mariborski otok (Maribor island) on June 15, 1930. Numerous articles published about the opening all emphasized the importance of the opening, describing the pool as the most important health and tourist place in Maribor history.36 Pohorje also represented an important tourist destination. The citizens of Maribor regularly visited the homes and cottages of Pohorje, such as Mariborska koča, Ruška koča, Senjorjev dom, Pohorski dom, Koča na Pesku. Another popular destination was Kozjak, particularly Urban.37 The events called Maribor weeks, organized in the period from 1932 to 1939, represented a veritable parade of economic, cultural and national activities in Maribor and its surroundings. A large part of Maribor industry was built with foreign capital, most German. There is no precise data on the structure and the power of German capital in Maribor between the world wars. But some data suggests how important was the role of the Germans in Maribor’s economy. A short time before the occupation, in 19 out of 45 larger industrial companies in the city, German (Austrian) capital was predominant. The largest proportion of German capital was in textile and metalwork industries. In the whole of Slovene Styria, the situation was similar. According to the data collected by the German intelligence service at the beginning of the 40’s, the Germans of Slovene Styria had 25.9% of craftsmen, 21.7% of tradesmen, 14.1% of farmers, 13.2% of workers, 5.6% of public officers and retired people, and 1.6% of industrials. According to this data, as many as 144 industrial companies were owned by Germans, and only 131 by Slovenes.38 Only smaller companies, which could hardly be called industrial plants, were owned by Slovenes. The German employers were still masters of the fate of the Slovene people. They were mostly foreigners who did not speak Slovene. The companies had Slovene public names, but behind these names there were foreign-

Stanka in Božidar Damjan, Mariborski otok (Maribor island), Kamnica 1995, p. 44. Maja Godina, Maribor 1919-1941, oris družabnega življenja (Maribor 1919-1941, description of social life). Dialogi, XXII (1986),10, p. 53. 38 Biber, Nacizem in Nemci (Nazism and the Germans), p. 27. 37

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ers. The most affluent citizens did not contribute a lot to the Slovene national and cultural progress. The profits made by the industry mostly went abroad. In addition to this, some industrial plants turned into virtual Germanization factories. The Germans of Maribor thus established even further their economic position gained already before 1928. The city community, the authorities and different societies were trying hard to lead a fight against the predominance of the German capital. The Czech club carried out a lot of propaganda work in order to attract Czech entrepreneurs, who could prevent the danger of an intensifying Germanization. But there was little success. Even in one of the biggest textile factories, Doctor in drug, which was supposed to be a Czech company, in 1928 already one half of the staff were German. Despite of the agrarian reform, German land ownership was still strong. Even before the first world war, the Austrian society Suedmark systematically bought off Slovenian land and populated it with Germans, thus trying to move the German linguistic border towards the south. After the war, in Yugoslavia, this process did not stop, and even intensified during the time of the economic crisis. In this period, as many as 21,146 hectares from 53.671 hectares of the land were in the hands of German landowners. In Maribor’s surroundings, almost half of vineyards were German.39 The Germans of Slovene Styria were successful in spreading their mentality, particularly among the dependent social strata of the Slovenian population in border areas, and after 1933 they included nazi ideas and agitation for breaking away. This agitation only gained momentum after Anschluss.40 Conclusion In this article, it was argued that history classes should include more topics from local history. The approach based on local history is claimed to be the natural way of teaching history, as the local environment is a more comprehensible unit for students and enables them more authentic experience of the topics. The historical analysis of some aspects of the history of Maribor in the period 1918-1941 shows what kind topics from local history can be used successfully by the teacher in conveying more general topics about the period in question. By including such topics about the local history into the usual lessons, the teacher can achieve a more student-center approach to teaching history and make students more active participants in acquiring knowledge and researching.

Preprečite nakup slovenske zemlje po tujcih (Stop foreigners from buying our land), Borba, 2 (1934), 9, March 5, p.3. 40 Palma Kosmina, Z naše severne meje (From our northern border), Sodobnost, 7 (1939), pp. 151-155.

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Dragan Potočnik POUK ZGODOVINE IN RAZISKOVANJE KRAJEVNE ZGODOVINE NA PRIMERU TEME DRUŽBENE IN GOSPODARSKE RAZMERE V MARIBORU V OBDOBJU OD LETA 1918 DO LETA 1941 POVZETEK Najbolj nazorni način posredovanja zgodovine je izhajanje iz lokalne zgodovine. Na razpolago je arhivsko gradivo, razni zborniki, revije, časniki, vodiči, publikacije itd. V mnogih primerih se mora učitelj lotiti zbiranja domačijskega gradiva sam. Pri tem se mora izuriti v načinu zbiranja in v znanstveno metodološkem preverjanju in urejanju gradiva. Ob pravilnem pristopu je mogoče ustvariti domačijske monografije, ki so za pedagoško delo dragocena učna snov. Avtor je v prispevku podal analizo družbenih in gospodarskih razmer v Mariboru v obdobju med 1918 in 1941. Tekst je primer obravnave krajevne zgodovine, ki ga lahko uporabimo pri obravnavi navedenega obdobja pri pouku zgodovine. Obmejni Maribor je v novi državi Kraljevini SHS izgubil svoj prejšnji gospodarsko-prometni položaj. Spremenila se je narodnostna struktura prebivalstva. Upošteval se je kriterij maternega jezika, tako da je bilo v mestu 73% Slovencev in le 22% Nemcev. Spremenila se je tudi družbena struktura mestnega prebivalstva, saj se je predvsem nemško uradništvo izselilo. V mesto so prišli novi priseljenci, največ s Primorske, deloma s Koroške in iz Kranjske pa tudi iz drugih pokrajin nove države. Prav Primorci so, kot ekonomski, narodnostni in politični emigranti z delovanjem na pevskem, prosvetnem, socialnem in narodno-obrambnem področju, dali družbenemu in kulturnemu dogajanju v Mariboru med obema vojnama pomemben pečat. Po popisu leta 1931, ko so poleg maternega jezika upoštevali še narodnost, je v mestu živelo 81% Slovencev in le 8% Nemcev. Se pravi, da je v desetletju od 1921 do 1931 število Nemcev znova upadlo, in to predvsem zaradi izseljevanja. Če upoštevamo predvojne razmere, je razumljivo, da je slovenizacija mesta po letu 1918 potekala postopno. Slovenska občinska uprava je izdala več zakonskih predpisov, s katerimi so bile odpravljene ponemčevalne organizacije. Kljub temu so mesto še vedno pretresala slovensko-nemška nasprotja. Nemci se z zlomom monarhije niso sprijaznili in niso sprejeli zgodovinskega dejstva nastanka jugoslovanske države. Kulturni razvoj Slovencev je omogočala šele slovenizacija šolstva. Aprila 1919 so šole zakonsko prevzeli slovenski učitelji. Toda, čeprav je večinsko prebivalstvo bilo v mestu slovensko, je imela nemška manjšina še naprej trden gospodarski položaj. Pred okupacijo je bilo od 45 industrijskih podjetij v mestu 19 v nemški lasti. V Mariboru je bilo v nemški lasti 41% stanovanjskih in drugih poslopij. Posledice so se kazale na področju kulture. Nemci so s pomočjo kapitala razvijali svojo kulturo. Proti prevladi nemškega kapitala so si močno prizadevali mestna občina in razna društva, tako Češki klub, ki je želel privabiti češke podjetnike in gospodarsko zmanjšati nemški vpliv v mestu. Na kulturno dogajanje v mestu so gotovo vplivale tudi politične razmere. Mariborsko meščanstvo je bilo med obema vojnama politično neenotno, razcepljeno na klerikalni in liberalni tabor. Delavstvo, ki je bilo ob prevratu še precej ponemčeno, se je odkrito zavzemalo za priključitev Maribora k Avstriji. Politične spremembe po letu 1918 so spremenile sistem mariborskega gospodarstva. Gospodarske vezi mesta s središči nekdanje države so bile prekinjene. Predvojna trgovinska dejavnost je prepustila vodilno mesto industriji. K temu je veliko pripomogla elektrifikacija mesta,

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lega ob južni železnici in državni meji ter cenena delovna sila. Maribor se je med vojnama razvil v enega najmočnejših centrov tekstilne industrije. Vse bolj se je spreminjal v delavsko mesto. Gospodarska kriza na prelomu v trideseta leta je vplivala na miselnost delavstva. Ekonomska kriza in širjenje nacistične demagogije sta povzročila, da se je delavstvo še bolj levičarsko revolucionarno orientiralo. Ob tem pa so različne kulturne dejavnosti prispevale h kulturnemu oblikovanju delavstva v mestu. Zgornja zgodovinska analiza nekaterih vidikov zgodovine Maribora med obema vojnama kaže, kakšne teme iz krajevne zgodovine lahko učitelj uspešno uporabi pri poučevanju bolj splošnih tem iz tega obdobja. Z vključevanjem tem iz krajevne zgodovine v običajne ure, lahko doseže učencu prilagojeno poučevanje zgodovine in obenem učenca vzpodbudi k dejavnemu sodelovanju pri pouku in raziskovanju zgodovine.

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UDK 94(437)”199” 323.1(437) 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

The Debate over Slovak Historiography with Respect to Czechoslovakia (1990s) Judit Hamberger Ph.D. in Politology Teleki László Institute Szilágyi Erzsébet fasor 22/c, HU - 1125 Budapest, Hungary e-mail: j.hamberger@tla.hu

Abstract: The democratic developments and the political and social liberation of the 1990s not only made it possible, but also demanded the re-examination of all the essential taboo topics with respect to the decades of the common state, the distorted, falsified events and the historical role and deeds of undisclosed personalities. The common denominator of such debated issues concerns the examination of how the common Czechoslovak state answered the Slovak question, or Slovak national emancipation in the 20th century for the Slovaks. Therefore the various aspects of Czech-Slovak relations are also the most important questions of the Slovak national identity.

Key words: Czechoslovakia in 20th century, Czech Slovak relations, debates of the Slovak historians, national and state-independence, interpretation of the history, apprehension of the history. Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 4 (2004), No. 1, pp. 165-192, 47 notes, 9 pictures. Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene).

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Slovak historiography with respect to the interpretation of Czechoslovakia is laden with dichotomies. The main issues at hand concern the creation of Czechoslovakia, its beginning, its 70-year old state practices and the disintegration of the common state. They argue over meaningful or less meaningful manifestations, important or less important personalities, may they be political, cultural, economic players; they argue over the relations between the two societies and the mistakes and sins committed against each other. They also argue about the sovereignty of the two national societies and the two states. If we were to list the contentious issues, then we could present a chronology of Czechoslovakia’s day-to-day existence. However, there are key turning points, events and progressions in their common history that we can construe to be the central point of contention. The common denominator of such debated issues concerns the examination of how the common Czechoslovak state answered the Slovak question, or Slovak national emancipation in the 20th century for the Slovaks. In the course of the examination of the various periods of the common state, being a never-ending process, Slovak historiography as a form of critical selfreflection is a testimony to individual and collective capability to interpret, the more so because neither the common state, nor the solution to the Slovak question is being evaluated by everyone the same way. The debate with regard to the evaluation of Czechoslovakia inevitably persists not only within the ranks of Slovak historians, but also between Czech and Slovak historians, but the extent and intensity of the debate is more pronounced within the ranks of the Slovak historian community. They continually concern themselves with the various aspects of Czech-Slovak relations and every conflict that emerged between 1914 and 1992; not only in historical journals, but also in all kinds of periodicals, weeklies and dailies. The topic is extremely diverse from the academic as well as the political point of view. The democratic developments of the 1990s not only made it possible, but also demanded the re-examination of all the essential taboo topics with respect to the decades of the common state, the distorted, falsified events and the historical role and deeds of undisclosed personalities. The decade was a period of diligent and feverish research. By the end of the decade, many (individually as well as collectively) had attempted the thorough processing of the common historical period by synthesising assessments, which have been published both by Slovak1 and Czech2 histori-

These include: Jaroslav Šolc, Slovensko v českej politike (Slovakia in Czech politics), Banská Bystrica 1993, p. 251; Ďurica Milan S., Dejiny Slovenska a Slovákov (History of Slovakia and the Slovaks), Bratislava 1996, p. 274 (2. ed.); Dušan Kováč, Slováci, Česi, Dejiny (Slovaks, Czechs, history), Bratislava 1997, p. 137; D. Škvarna - J. Bartl - V. Čičaj etc., Lexikón slovenských dejín (Encyclopaedia of Slovak History), Bratislava 1997, p. 357; D. Čaplovič - V. Čičaj - D. Kováč etc., Dejiny Slovenska (History of Slovakia), Bratislava 2000, p. 309; Ľubomír Lipták,Slovensko v 20. storočí (Slovakia in the 20th century), Bratislava 1998, p. 371; Dušan Kováč, Dejiny Slovenska (The History of Slovakia), Praha 1998, p. 401; Dušan Kováč a kol., Kronika Slovenska 1. Od najstarších čias do konca 19. storočia (Chronicle of Slovakia 1. From ancient times to the end of the 19th century), Bratislava 1998, p. 616; Dušan Kováč a kol., Kronika Slovenska 2. Slovensko v dvadsiatom storočí (Chronicle of Slovakia 2. Slovakia in the twentieth century), Bratislava 1999, p. 607. 2 Jan Rychlík, Češi a Slováci ve 20. století. Česko-slovenské vztahy 1914-1945 (The Czechs and Slovaks in the 20th century. Czech-Slovak relations 1914-1945), Bratislava-Praha 1997, p. 360; Jan Rychlík, Češi a Slováci ve 20. století. Česko-slovenské vztahy 1945-1992. (The Czechs and Slovaks in the 20th century. Czech-Slovak relations 1945-1992), Bratislava-Praha 1998, p. 554.

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Dušan Kováč (1942) (http://www.historia revue.sk/hr03-02/ uvod.htm)

ans. Naturally, the literature aiming to synthesise or part-analyse is also polemic. In the following we shall list a number of fundamental and inexhaustible discourses in which Slovak historians (sometimes hand-in-hand with Czech historians) are dissecting issues related not only to Czechoslovakia, but the closely attached Slovak national self-awareness and myth-creation as well, thus this aspect also belongs to the question of national identity. Debates on the Relations Between Historians and ‘Social Commission’ The political turning point that followed November 17, 1989 liberated historiography from political and ideological pressure, it ceased to be a servant of politics. This proved to be beneficial to contemporary historiography as well as the exploration of Czechoslovakia’s entire history. However, political and social liberty has also infused sharp confrontational elements into historical research, including contributions by émigré historians. It became possible to present every topic of Czechoslovakia’s history in a new light.3

On 30 January, 1990 the Slovak Historian Society (Slovenská historická spoločnosť) ruled that objective information is vital for the assessment of the first Czechoslovak Republic, the wartime Slovak state and the Slovak National Uprising. More attention must be paid to modern history, since this interests the public most and it has been the most distorted.

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Already in November 1989 demands emerged for compiling a new 20th century Czech-Slovak history textbook for various types of schools. At the same time, social calls for the creation of a synthesising single volume Slovak historical work also emerged. This was such an incredibly strong social pressure that the best historians of the Slovak Academy’s Institute of Historical Studies produced a supplementary history textbook in a few weeks.4 The first single volume Slovak synthesis, however, was compiled by an émigré Slovak historian (Ďurica), which created political and academic conflicts, described below. DEBATES BETWEEN DOMESTIC AND ÉMIGRÉ HISTORIANS Immediately after November 1989, émigré Slovak historians5 imploded into the Slovak historian community and society, their volumes were available throughout Slovakia. With regard to extent and academic merit, the most diverse works dealt primarily with the war-torn history of Slovakia between 1939 and 1945 and its most prominent historical and political personalities. The memoir literature, hallmarked by their name was significant as was the publication of the biographies of Slovak politicians in power between 1939 and 1945.6 Based on their own experiences, some of them recalled and analysed the period of Catholic persecutions and the Soviet takeover between 1945 and 1948. Primarily these include émigrés and their descendants who escaped to the West (mainly to Canada, South America and Italy) between 1945 and 1948, who have written scores of volumes about a period, which formed an essential part of their lives. The problem with this period is, however, that it requires a multi-faceted research approach, but – apart from the Slovak National Uprising – it used to be a taboo subject in communist Czechoslovakia. Domestic historians either were not allowed to research this period, or could only present a one-sided and biased account. Hence the works of émigré historians could have provided valuable supplementary accounts had they not approached the period from the Slovak national

The two historians, Dušan Kováč and Ľubomír Lipták, published a textbook at the beginning of 1990, titled Kapitoly z dejín pre stredné školy (Chapters from history for high schools). Published by the Bratislava Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo. At the beginning of 1990, this as well as other versions designed for elementary schools was translated for Hungarian-language schools. 5 Including Milan S. Ďurica, František Vnuk, Konštantin Čulen, František Ďurčanský, Karol Sidor, memoir literature hallmarked by their name, as well as biographies of Slovak politicians in power between 1939 and 1945. 6 These include: Karol Sidor, Takto vznikol Slovenský štát (That is how has been established the Slovak State), Bratislava 1991, p. 181; František Vnuk, Mať svoj štát znamená život. Politická biografia Alexandra Macha (To have an own state means life. Political biography of Alexander Mach), Bratislava 1991, p. 383; Karol Murín, Spomienky a svedectvo (Memoirs and testimony), Ontario (Canada) 1991, p. 510; Milan S. Ďurica, Jozef Tiso 1. Martin, Matica slovenská 1992, p. 251; Konštantín Čulen, Po Svätoplukovi druhá naša hlava. Život Dr. Jozefa Tisu (The life of Dr. Jozef Tiso, our second leader after Svätopluk), Prvá Katolícka Slovenská Jednota 1992, p. 545; Slovenský Rodoľub: Dr. Jozef Tiso (1887-1947), Trenčín 1992, p. 179; František Vnuk, Neuveriteľné sprisahanie (Unbelievable conspiracy), Trenčín 1993, p. 194; František Vnuk, Slovensko v rokoch 1945–48. I. (Slovakia between 1945 and 1948 part I.), Toronto-Svätý Jur 1994, p. 354.

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point of view in a one-sided fashion. In the politically free atmosphere, émigré historians virtually usurped this liberated subject of Slovak history, and attempted to endow it with new interpretations. Domestic historians were left on the sideline. The émigré “ľudák”7 historians presented their own views of Slovak history as a “new approach,” which was supported by the nationalist wing of the Slovak political and social elite, which endeavoured to reinforce the justification for the creation of an independent Slovakia on the basis of such ideology. The “ľudák” historians presented their own views as the personification of justice and insisted that they are the only valid representatives of the truth with respect to the period of the wartime, so-called the Tisoist8 Slovak state. This was reinforced by the fact that the historical facts suppressed under communism as well as the absolutising of the Slovak National Uprising imprinted a distorted picture of this period in the consciousness of Slovak society.

Jozef Tiso (1887-1947) (http://www.zivotyna webu.net/tiso.php)

The ”ľudák” is a frequently used pointed adjective in Slovak history. Mostly applied to Catholic, conservative, autonomist national political ideologists and their followers. Hlinka’s Slovak Peoples Party, (Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana, established in 1918) produced and presented these politicians to Slovak history and politics, hence the adjective. Their goal was to, hand in hand with the majority of the above-mentioned émigrés, defend the wartime Tisoist Slovak State. Jozef Tiso (1887–1947), Slovak priest and politician was the president and leader of the independent Slovak state (1939–1945) established by Hitler’s Germany. In 1947 on the orders of the People’s Tribunal, as a fascist criminal, he was executed.

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The essence of the debate entails the dichotomous understanding and assessment of significant periods and events in the entire Slovak history. The most marked manifestation of this concerns the “Ďurica-debate.”9 There have been some who defended and some who attacked the volume offering a synthesis of Slovak history; frequently unscientific, imprecise and logically often incoherent, nonetheless it made an impact on the youth and their historical awareness. It presents a chronological overview of Slovak history, sometimes spiced with selected events, data or facts, but the main problem with it entails the emphasis it lays on the antidemocratic trend in Slovak history. It is openly xenophobic, evokes hate vis-à-vis the Hungarians and the Czechs, does not correctly interpret the Holocaust and its spirit is anti-ecumenical. A description in the book of deported Slovak Jews and their fate between 1939 and 1945 evoked international protests.10 The debate that erupted over the volume symbolises some important problems with regard to Slovak historiography. For example, émigré historiography approaches Slovak history from a vantage point that disregards de facto events and processes during the communist era, i.e. it tries to project a picture to the present of the period between 1939 and 1945 without being in possession of information with regard to Slovak (Czechoslovak) realities. They had no contact with the Slovak society and changes of the last decades; hence, they start from 1939 and view the horizon in terms of the period under their investigation. THE DEBATES ON THE PROGRESS OF SLOVAK HISTORIOGRAPHY, ITS MAIN CHARACTERISTICS AND DIFFICULTIES The legitimacy of 19th century apologetic or defensive, i.e. works containing defensive or attacking elements derived from vindicatory, ideological and nationalistic historiography, has been challenged. Ďurica’s volume continues the apologetic traditions of Slovak historiography, which entails 19th century national myth-creating traditions. This is what Slovak (mostly domestic) historians – who want to demythologise and objectify historical research and analysis – appeal against11, ve-

The extensive literature on the debate emerged in connection with a volume by Milan S. Ďurica, Dejiny Slovenska a Slovákov (History of Slovakia and the Slovaks). The Historical Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, as well as a number of historians and public figures protested and ruled against the volume. These have been published in the periodical Kritika a Kontext, (1997), no. 2–3. pp. 24–64. (Okruhlý stôl: Slovensko a fenomén Ďurica (Roundtable: Slovakia and the Ďurica-manifestation). Discussants: Samuel Abrahám, Dušan Kováč, Ivan Kamenec, Ľubomír Lipták, Jozef Jablonický, Slovak historians, Kritika a Kontext, (1997), no. 2–3, pp. 4–23.) The debate became so extensive that Ďurica published an independent volume containing his replies to the accusations of the academy. The title of the volume: Priblížiť sa k pravde (Approaching the truth), Bratislava 1998, p. 100. 80-thousand copies of Ďurica’s volume were published during the third government of Vladimír Mečiar (in 1996–1997) within the framework of an EU Phare-programme, (quite a significant number). Moreover, the Ministry of education recommended it as a historical handbook for the 8th class students in schools. Ostensibly, the international protests were also aimed at the financiers. An unprecedented domestic national propaganda preceded the volume. These included outstanding and leading domestic historians, such as Ľubomír Lipták, Ivan Kamenec, Dušan Kováč, Jozef Jablonický, Valerián Bystrický and others, who supported unbiased historical re-

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hemently oppose, saying, this type of historiography is a retrogression to the state of pre-scientific times. Moreover, due to émigré historiography, mythologising and ideological historiography has again become a fashion. Ďurica has superimposed political criteria on the scientific and moral criteria.12 It is still a task of the Slovak historian to explain his own nation’s history. This is due, not only to the condition and situation of Slovakia, but also to the fact that there was a lack of sufficient synthesising literature during the 1990s that could have introduced Slovakia’s entire history or its certain periods that would have also mirrored the present situation of research and acquired information. The question as to the purpose of historiography arises in connection with the Ďurica-volume coupled with the immense tasks facing Slovak historiography. Apart from ascertaining the proportional cognitive and educational function, the proportion of the determination and expertise of the historian, as an academic, as well as an individual, also formed part of the debate. During the course of the debate it transpired that Slovak historiography has always performed better in research than in transmitting the results of the research to society. Hence, Slovak society is lagging behind other societies, e.g. also the Hungarian, in its knowledge of historical facts. The demand for a synthesis of Slovak history has also raised the issue as to what extent is this history unique, characteristic and tangible. Thus, the nature of Slovak history had to be clarified: had it been a history experienced in conjunction with the Hungarians and Czechs, or a history liberated and separated from the Czech and the Hungarian, i.e. truncated Slovak history. Despite concluding that every event and process that occurred on Slovak territory or on the territories inhabited by Slovaks is an integral part of Slovak history, domestic Slovak historians (also stating in their synthetic works), nonetheless, face a persisting dilemma. By their failure to immediately satisfy societal demand for a compact, synthetic Slovak historical textbook, they forfeited this ground to Ďurica. The damage caused by him with regard to historical awareness and knowledge could only been remedied by a few volumes produced in the second half of the 1990s.13 Meanwhile the debate also focussed on the question whether synthetic Slovak history could be written on higher or societal demands. The only defence against such a situation is to write an alternative Slovak historical narrative substantiated by scientific research into public records documents.14 Since the beginning of the 1990s Slovak historians have been burdened by “societal demand.” Society and politics demanded a speedy clarification, update and correction of white spots, politically motivated distortions or lies in common history. Although political and social freedom liberated Slovak historians from numerous restraints, they

search and analysis void of nationalistic-national elements and overstatements in the course of debates with respect to the problems of Slovak historiography. 12 The Slovak social and political environment of the 1990s did not favour critical historiography, however, slowly, but surely it made progress. The results of Slovak historiography – still in the apologetic phase – were not appreciated by the teachers in schools, hence, they demanded even in the second half of the 90s that history teaching should not go beyond 1918, because that is the only clarified historical period. Ostensibly, the Czechoslovak period of Slovak history is not yet transparent. 13 These are described in note 1. 14 Since 1989 approximately 10 such alternative synthetic works have been published. See note 1.

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became subjected to political pressure. They had to rewrite and reinterpret the common Czechoslovak history.15 With respect to the Czechoslovak era every political process, or the political process in its entirety, had to be revaluated. Society transferred this task to the historians and wanted immediate answers and solutions. In the meantime, they queried indisputable facts, events, institutions and relationships. Historians were also extorted into creating and affirming new myths and disinformations. They were astonished by the extent historical knowledge was deformed in public awareness. The young Slovak state also needed independent history to legitimise its statehood. Slovak history ‘commissioned’ by the politicians should have functioned as an ideological foundation for the legitimisation of statehood. Hence, historians had to suffer political extortion and intolerance. The best of them attempted to prove that it is not the task of historians to fabricate proof for politicians, since a well-formulated question is more important for a historian than an unequivocal answer. The historian asks the questions and humbly offers his own answers, interpretations (I. Kamenec). Politicians and society attempted to impose on the historians some burning, contemporary and opportune questions such as the German question, the evaluation of 1968 or information with respect to the past of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia (Ľ. Lipták).16

Ľubomír Lipták (1930-2003) (http://www.dejiny .sk/Whois/Liptak/ Liptak.htm)

In Ľ. Lipták’s view, the nature of the relationship between historians and the public, which determines political culture, is ostensibly closely linked to historiography. Ľubomír Lipták, Poznámky o historiografii novších dejín (Notes on modern historiography), Historický časopis, (1990), no. 5, pp. 689–692. 16 The periodical Kritika a kontext contains overviews and summaries of roundtable discussions listed in 9. note on the debates and dilemmas with respect to the problems of social commissioning, legitimacy, state ideology and the national programme.

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THE LEGITIMACY OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC The debate originating from the dispute between domestic and émigré historians, the social and political commissions also extend to the legitimacy of the Slovak Republic. With regard to issues such as continuity and legitimacy, which emerged after November 1989, already in the first few days, the radical nationalists suggested a return to the Tisoist Slovak State. On the other hand, the Czechs wanted to link Slovak, as well as Czech continuity to Masaryk’s First Republic, while the reform-left insisted on the return to the traditions of 1968. The legitimacy-debate is trying to explore whether the legitimacy of the 1993 independent Slovakia could be derived from the 1939 wartime Slovak State. Questions have been raised about the validity of the assumption that (both Slovak states) are a result of the thousand-year old struggle of the Slovaks, as well as the causes for the multiple disintegration of Czechoslovakia. According to national-nationalist arguments, state legitimacy only existed in pre-Hungarian history and between 1939 and 1945; hence with fallacious and mythologised interpretations they linked the Great Moravian Empire, as the first Slovak state formation to the Tisoist Slovak State, as legitimacy continuity. The politicians involved in the creation of a new democratic Slovakia in 1993 perpetually emphasised (mostly against nationalists demanding the rehabilitation of Tiso), that the new Slovak Republic is not a successor state of the war-time Slovak state, however, émigré politicians and historians tried to tendentiously rewrite Slovak history to prove that it did indeed have connections to that state. Critical domestic historians insisted that the legitimacy question is not a historian’s competence, all the more not, because each and every political turning point denies the former, thus the historian is deprived of the all-important natural continuity, which in turn logically leads to the creation of myths and legends. Hence, the responsibility of the intelligentsia and critical historians may well be queried, since they allowed the nationalists to assume the initiative in this area. Whereas clerical-fascism did not return from the period between 1939 and 1945 into the period following 1993, paternalism, aggressive nationalism and the manipulation of democratic rules and constitutional statehood did. The question therefore revolves around the creation of legitimacy for the Slovak state without its government becoming anti-Czech, anti-Hungarian and those who are critical would not be branded as anti-Slovak. In an attempt to resolve this problem a choice between legitimising and founding legitimacy has been suggested. The latter is designed to prevent – in the absence of democratic historical traditions – a return to the past, and helps to create self-legitimacy here and now. It has been argued, however, whether the here-and-now is a founding-condition or not, since in reality no one is creating anything, but everyone is continuing something. Consequently, questions have been raised with regard to the meaning of Slovak history, the value of historical legitimacy, as well as whether these could be interpreted in the case of the Slovaks. In reality, Slovak history offers only a mere remedial answer: do not exaggerate the feeling of inferiority. Since their history is not a glorious history, they should not extract legitimacy from the Tisoist Slovak state, but from the mere fact that it exists since 1993, satisfies the needs of its citizens, which

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Milan Hod탑a (1878-1944) (http://www.czsk.net/ svet/clanky/osobnosti/ hodza.html)

must be in harmony with international as well as general humanitarian norms. Critical Slovak historians insist that the search for Slovak state legitimacy should not be pursued along the directives of nationalist historians, because this leads to a dead-end. With respect to legitimacy, they should instead focus on the present conditions of the nation and society in which they live, and on how this de facto state should be shaped in the future. They will have to discard their over-defensive stance and outlook since these are laden with inferiority complexes. The defensive stance with regard to their history, coupled with the lack of self-reflection has assumed such dimensions that by the end of the 1990s it became totally anachronistic. Critical historical self-reflection is a task for intellectuals and not for historians. Another aspect has also emerged during the legitimacy-debate, i.e. that state politics as well as its transmitted image concept is important for Slovakia, since it is still struggling with political transformation and democracy is not yet stable. Legitimacy must be clearly defined and the population must be reinforced with objective historical information to strengthen an awareness of who the Slovaks are, what are their points of reference and where their ties are located. State legitimacy requires ideology. However, the question is what kinds of the needs are there and in what

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manner should they be satisfied. Do such democratic values exist in Slovak history (since the democratic traditions, in view of critical historians, are rather debatable), which could serve as a foundation of historical legitimacy? If there were such, then these must be mythologised, and historians cannot undertake such a task. Critical historians find the creation of both states (1939 and 1993) illegitimate, since the population was not consulted about separation, there was not a referendum. States are usually born out of some ideals, principles and programmes, but in this case none of these existed. In 1939 the Slovak state was created on external demand - on the principle of the lesser evil – and an ideology and principle were created subsequently. The same happened in 1993, in the absence of a deep-rooted positive ideology they turned to the past. Thus, nationalists invented the Tisoist Slovak State, as the state of the Slovak nation. The young state needs ideology in order for the state to solidify internally. If not filled by others, the nationalists will fill the ideological vacuum. The critical historian cannot but reject such an attempt to create legitimacy; hence the debate17 could not determine any criterion to serve as a foundation for the Slovak state’s legitimacy. However, they concluded that the Slovak National Uprising, as a manifestation of armed protest against totalitarianism and Fascism, or the Hlasists18 at the beginning of the 20th century, or the democratic policies of Milan Hodža19, could be construed as democratic values of Slovak history. The most fundamental problem of Slovak history, however, is that it favours non-democratic, authoritarian and populist personalities at the expense of democrats. CREATING A POSITIVE SLOVAK NATIONAL PROGRAMME In connection with the issue of state legitimacy, historians were subjected to more societal expectations to create a Slovak national programme. This added a new subject of debate that further enhanced the progression of independent statehood. The debate focused on the issue of creating a positive national programme, which would suppress nationalism, xenophobia and populism. The purpose of the programme would also include the unification of citizens, irrespective of whether or not they wanted a Slovak state in 1993. The rhetoric that alluded to the thousandyear struggle to establish a Slovak state seems to have failed to achieve this aim. They concluded that the inhibitions are more applicable to society than to historians. Critical historical self-reflection – at least for the time being – creates anxiety, not only in society, but in the historian community as well. Slovak history has not yet been thoroughly explored; hence cognitive processes are plagued

17 18

Debate between leading critical Slovak historians in the above-mentioned periodical. These included intellectuals who gathered around the Slovak periodical Hlas. At the beginning of the 20th century, under the influence of Masaryk, they perpetrated progressive civil ideas. These were partly realised during the first Czechoslovak Republic. Milan Hodža (1878–1944), prominent Slovak politician. During the period of the first Czechoslovak Republic he served as a minister in successive Czechoslovak governments, and as prime minister in 1935–1938. As an agrarian political thinker he prepared a plan for a Central European federation. This can be found also in Hungarian.

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by wounded myths linked to negative momentums. These, which hinder neighbourly interaction, will be difficult to shed. They list the Hungarian assimilation programme at the end of the 19th century among the negative momentums; hence almost the entire Slovak society keeps this in mind in its relations with the Hungarians. Whereas the Hungarian assimilation programme lasted for approximately forty years, they trace it back to previous centuries too, thus historical cohabitation becomes distorted. This factor impacted on the previously mentioned tendency to “de-Hungarianise” and “de-Czechise” Slovak history. The majority of historians accept that historical Hungary and Czech-Slovakia are organic to Slovak history and vice-versa. According to critical Slovak historians, Slovak historiography has more or less overcome this problem, and for them it is not so much of a conceptual, but a practical problem (e.g. how should they refer to territories inhabited by Slovaks at a time Slovakia did not exist). On the whole, Slovak historians have not written books on the entire historical Hungary, and there are even fewer who have written anything about the history of the whole of Czechoslovakia. They always proceeded from the Slovak-inhabited territory, i.e. Slovakia. The absence of a positive Slovak national programme, as a democratic and tolerant vision of Slovakia, is also being justified on the basis of the centuries-long confessional (Calvinist, Catholic) division of the Slovak nation. Whereas this division is a historical fact, it is also a question of interpretation. During the debates, critical Slovak historians were unwilling to define even the historical foundations needed for the conception of a positive national programme. They concluded that a positive national programme is kind of prognostication, which is more the task of politicians than of historians. They agreed, however, that historians should not establish value systems, ideologies, since history is a critical discipline based on critical mind and belief. Historians cannot be expected to compose recipes and tell the truth, since this is an illusion created by historians, such as the above-mentioned Ďurica. Even if Slovak society were to be in such a crisis situation, which, to a large extent, derives from history, the historian can only offer advice with respect to the direction that should not be followed, but he does not know which to be taken. On the basis of the historian’s experience such advice may sound like this: we lag behind the West by approximately fifteen years, therefore we must prepare for social frustration.20 The historian could know that preparations must be made for a protracted period of hardship; that is all the critical Slovak historian’s positive national programme may contain, even so, it is still better than that of the nationalists, since liberating slogans and liberating ideology do not exist for the critical historian. CLARIFYING CZECH-SLOVAK HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL RELATIONS Even today, historians are subjected to societal and, at the same time, political expectations to clarify Czech-Slovak historical and political relations. According to

The Council was proposed by historian Jozef Jablonický during the debate on the periodical Kritika a kontext.

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critical historians, they are being coerced into fulfilling a preconceived task, i.e. to explore those manifestations and events that supposedly led to the “legitimate” separation. Such a demand vis-à-vis historians - to prove and affirm that Czechoslovakia, right from the start, was an unsuccessful and unviable state-formation, and that the renewal of the common state between 1944 and 1946 was neither logical, nor appropriate – could be viewed as a publicist and political commission.21 In the introduction of the prominent debating platform, Czech-Slovak Historical Annual (1996), established in 1995, V. Gonĕc rejected the notion that either after 1945, or 1990 the problems and frictions between the two societies were irresolvable due to fate or predestination.22 Ľ. Lipták, called such a commission for the exploration of the history of the Czech-Slovak common state an unwelcome presentism. Slovak historians publish the results, reservations and discourses with respect to the research into the relationship primarily in the most prominent Slovak academic historical journal23, and since the creation of a Czech-Slovak historian committee, in the above-mentioned debating forum,24 they publish annually or continue the debate.25 Czech-Slovak relations form the basis of the research into the common Czechoslovak state. It rests on three ‘variable constants’: neighbourhood, linguistic and ethnic kinship and proximity, as well as multiple and durable cohabitation in the common state. These are the fundamental issues of the common historical research. The dichotomies primarily arise from the differing interpretations of events, which stems from the differing experiences of these events, and experience, coupled with post facto interpretation, provide inconsistent evaluations. In the course of time - due to the common, yet diversely experienced history - Slovaks and Czechs lived less and less together and more side-by-side, which transformed into neighbourly relations. Debates on the Evaluation of certain Periods of Czechoslovakia The most diverse and most explored subject of debate is related to the creation of Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovakism and Slovak politics. Czech historians26 also

A number of leading critical domestic historians find the 1993 separation of Czechoslovakia wrong, unnecessary and lacking legitimacy. 22 Vladimír Goněc, Úvodní slovo (Introduction), Česko–slovenská historická ročenka, 1996, pp. 11–13. 23 The Historický časopis (Historical Periodical) is a quarterly. It regularly publishes the problems of Slovak historiography and historian associations. 24 The Czech-Slovak historian committee was re-established in Prague on 23 November 1994 to assess and research Czech-Slovak relations and they publish annuals on their conferences. 25 The title of the annual: Česko-slovenská historická ročenka (Czech-Slovak Historian Annual). The first volume appeared in 1996. It is published annually by the Česko-slovenská/Slovensko-česká komise historiků, ve Vydavatelství Masarykovy univerzity v Brně (Czech-Slovak/Slovak-Czech historian committee at Masaryk University Press in Brno). 26

One of the main participants in the debate on the Czech side is Jan Rychlík, who is the best-known expert on Czech-Slovak relations. He and other Czech historians are generally accused by some Slovak historians of not showing enough understanding of the Slovak problem when assessing the interwar period and bypassing in-depth analysis of the Czech and Czechoslovak political leadership’s attitudes to the Slovak problem.

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participate in the Slovak historian academic debate. The debate revolves around the essence of Czech-Slovak relations, the political relations of Czechs to Slovaks, as well as how the Slovak question27 was resolved in the first Czechoslovakia. One of the issues of the debate focuses on how and why did Slovakia enter Czechoslovakia, the Czech political programme. This issue is diverse, its uniqueness and complexity demands a clarification and a detailed assessment of the economic problems, as well as the evaluation of the political consequences and disillusionment. Did the Czechs really want to include the Slovaks as equal partners, or did some other reasons motivated them to do so? However, with Slovakia’s help, the Czech state found its place in the international political arena.28 In this respect, other possibilities, outside the framework of Czechoslovakia for resolving the Slovak question (federal relations with the Hungarians, Poles and Russians) also emerged. Moreover, the question of a different type of arrangement with the Czechs also emerged, since economic aspects during the interwar period burdened Czech-Slovak relations, which affected the sensitivities of Slovak society. The topics of economic debates (this is also valid for the post-1945 Czechoslovakia) included, not only the evaluation of Slovakia’s economic backwardness, but also industrialisation and the subordination of the Slovak economy, considering that during the interwar period as well as in the second phase of the common state, the argument revolved around the question of who paid for economic equalisation, e.g. “who lost at whose expense” in the common state. The question as to the creation of the first Czechoslovak Republic concerns the principles and values for its creation. The most frequently cited reasons include the civic and national principle as a goal and the measure of its attainment. Part of the argument over the attainment or not of the national principle focused on whether one or two nations are involved and on how the ideal of Czechoslovakism affected the sphere of legislative and political practices. Ostensibly, there have been Slovaks, either in the ranks of the elite or society, who supported the standpoint of Czechoslovakism, others who politicised in the name of Slovak autonomy, still others who lingered between the two. During the debates with respect to decades of Czechoslovakia, attempts are made to pinpoint and highlight the more detailed and refined elements of these attitudes. The primary question concerning national identity involved the Slovak attitudes to Czechoslovakism, i.e. how did the Slovaks react to this Czech state-political and ideological doctrine, which in effect challenged the national identity and de facto existence of the Slovaks. In this connection historians are also exploring the attitude of the con-

Dušan Kováč, Slovenská otázka pri vzniku Česko-Slovenska (The Slovak-question at the time of the establishment of Czech-Slovakia). In: Společnost v přerodu. Masarykův ústav AV ČR, Praha 2000, pp. 179–187. In terms of the Slovak-question it is a definition of the Slovak national and political emancipation, the steps taken with respect to independent Slovak national and self-government, the stages in the evolution of Slovak national identity and the aspirations for independent statehood. A volume of outstanding collection of articles and data on the Slovak-question in Hungarian: The Slovak-question in the XX. Century, Bratislava 1996, p. 601. This is assessed in a volume by: Jaroslav Šolc, titled Slovensko v českej politike, and is supported by a number of analyses according to which the Czech Lands and Czechs needed Slovakia, on the one hand from geopolitical and geostrategic considerations, and as a legitimising factor towards the Allied Powers for the creation of Czechoslovakia, on the other.

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Tomáš G. Masaryk (18501937) (http://library.usu.edu/ Specol/digitalexhibits/ masaryk/)

temporary Slovak political and social elite. They are examining the views of prominent Slovak politicians who participated in the creation of Czechoslovakia, as well as the attitudes of the handful contemporary political elite to Czechoslovakia and Czechoslovakism. They have come to the conclusion that during that period the two nations did not evolve unequivocally or equally. It was a mistake not to have the common state built on the realistic elements of Czech-Slovak reciprocity. Ostensibly, Slovakia’s importance increased in 20th century Czech politics, however Slovak politicians failed to take sufficient advantage of the situation. Czechoslovakism should have evolved into a political union based on Czech-Slovak reciprocity; instead it grew into a political doctrine. This is the primary reason behind the deformed Czech political attitude toward the Slovaks, as well as the deformed optics of Czech public opinion, which has adversely influenced the evolution of mutual relations.29 With regard to this issue, besides Slovak historians, a small number of questioned Slovak political elite (Štefánik, Hodža, Hlinka) also presented diverging views. While Štefánik and Hodža defended Czechoslovakism as the sole political guarantor of Slovak national emancipation and of Slovak existence within Czech bounds, A. Hlinka did not only express contrary views, but also exercised contrary (to be assessed later, autonomist) politics. It is a debated issue whether Slovak politics existed at and after the creation of Czechoslovakia and whether the establishment of Czechoslovakia helped solve the Slovak question. There is a tendency to link the existence and proof of Slovak poli-

These are the conclusions of Slovak historian Jaroslav Šolc with regard to Czechoslovakism.

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tics to the evaluation of the activities of Slovak political personalities who participated in the creation of the first Czechoslovak Republic (Štefánik, Hodža, Hlinka).30 The evaluation of their activities is the central issue of these debates. The Slovak politician Milan Hodža, whose entire life’s work testifies that Czechoslovakism was an inescapable necessity for the preservation of the country in interwar Czechoslovakia. With regard to Slovak society, Hodža, and his agrarian political party preceded from a different premise than that of Czech society when he prepared his concept for agrarian democracy. He was adamant about agriculture as the basis for the economy and he considered this to be valid for the entire region. His concept of Central Europe was built on this assumption. In Czechoslovak foreign politics he was a rival of E. Beneš, their antagonisms became manifest in fundamental political issues and contradictory foreign policy concepts. Hodža had differences with Masaryk as well, i.e. he disagreed with the economic and political liberalism that Masaryk represented. For the sake of Czechoslovak unity, he entered into political arguments also against A. Hlinka’s autonomist programme. For reasons of resolving the Slovak question, Slovak historians follow a separate path in their evaluation of the two leading Czech politicians, T. G. Masaryk and E. Beneš. Several studies and volumes are devoted to the assessment of the relations of these two key Czech politicians to the Slovaks. In a number of instances, Slovak historians have raised objections to the conceptualisation and use of terminology by Czech historians researching the subjects, such as Slovakia’s “inclusion in 1918 into the state.” This suggests, that they simply included Slovakia into an already existing Czech state; hence it was not a participant either of state building, or its former creation. Among others, Slovaks also perceive that Czech analysts in general tend to appear as supporters of contemporary centralism and Czechoslovakism, and favour manifest universal Czech hegemony in Slovakia.31 Those arguments in the debate seem to dominate which insist that the creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918 is a fundamental achievement of Czech nation-state will and consider Slovak political will as secondary and much weaker than the Czech. Some Slovak historians are attempting to contradict or modify views with respect to the weak Slovak political will. To start with, they cite the visions of émigré Slovak politicians (Štefánik,32 Osuský33) who – in exile (America, France, England) before

With regard to the debate by Slovak historians on the Czechoslovak period, it must be noted that critical volumes containing the works and correspondence of prominent Slovak politicians (Hodža, Hlinka, Tiso), have not yet been prepared.

All issues related to Czechoslovakism, Czech hegemony and the views of Czech historians appear in the Rychlík–Suško debates. Jan Rychlík, K problematike slovensko-českých vzťahov v rokoch 1918–1945. Odpoveď Ladislavovi Suškovi (Notes on the problems of a Slovak-Czech relations. Reply to Ladislav Suško), Historický časopis, (2001), no. 1, (further reading: Rychlík, Historický časopis), pp. 130–136. Milan Rastislav Štefánik (1880-1919), Slovak politician, diplomat and military officer, who, as an émigré participated in the political preparations and discussions between 1914 and 1919 on the creation of Czechoslovakia. As a proponent of strategic Czechoslovakism, he organised the military branch of the Czechoslovak army and legions of the future Czechoslovakia.

Štefan Osuský (1889-1973), Slovak diplomat and politician, was an ardent follower of strategic Czechoslovakism, also participated as an émigré in the preparations for the establishment of Czechoslovakia. On the Slovak side he signed the Trianon Treaty in 1920.

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Milan Rastislav Štefánik (1880-1919) (http://www.vnts.nl/ index.php/milanstefanik)

1918, prepared alternatives for resolving the Slovak question or equivocally supported the creation of the common Czechoslovak state. This subject matter is further enhanced by the exploration of how domestic Slovak politicians, (Hlinka,34 Hodža) viewed the possibilities with respect to the establishment of a common state. It is also a matter of debate whether Czech politics existed or not between 1918 and 1938. This question persisted throughout the seventy-year-long history of Czechoslovakia and is part and parcel of the academic and political debate on Czechoslovakia’s disintegration. With respect to this point, Slovak historians insist that Czechoslovak meant Czech also, for the Czechs dissolved into the Czechoslovaks, thus satisfying the entire Czech question. Only Czech politics existed, which the Czechs established with the aid of Slovak centralists in Bratislava. (The actual Slovak influence on this politics is still being debated.) The Czechs perceived Czechoslovakia and the entire territory of the country as their own nation-state. Primarily, Czech politics aimed to secure the integrity of Czechoslovakia, even at the expense of Slovak political interests. The Czechs insisted that Slovaks unconditionally endorse Czechoslovakia as their own state and that only one, i.e. Czech

Andrej Hlinka (1864-1938), Slovak Catholic priest and politician. During his life he had a profound influence on the historical and political fate of the Slovaks and the political processes of Slovak national emancipation. He created the Catholic Peoples’ Party that became the foundation of the national, Christian and conservative politics and political elite, which influenced and for the most part determined the fate of Czechoslovakia and the Slovaks during the interwar period. The frequently cited ľudáks emerged from the ranks and adherents of his Party, Hlinka’s Slovak Peoples Party.

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politics should exist. Independent Czech politics can be traced only as of autumn 1938, when the possibility of an independent Czech state too, emerged. Such considerations came to light in the right-wing Czech resistance during WWII, as well as to some extent, in 1968. The emancipation of Czech politics materialised only between 1989 and 1992. At that time the Czech right wing asked the question whether it wanted Slovakia or not and gave itself the answer of no. According to Rychlík, ultimately it was the emancipation of Czech politics that caused the end of Czechoslovakia in 1992. When the Czechs abandoned the Czechoslovak platform, Czechoslovakia disappeared from the horizon. In 1991-1992 the Czech right wing decided that the Czechs had no need for Slovakia. This conclusion shocked Slovak politics. To this day, it is still an unresolved debate between Czech and Slovak politics to establish whether it was the Czechs or the Slovaks who caused the break-up. The Czechs, claiming the right to speak last, relinquished the Czechoslovak platform; hence they willed the disintegration of the common state. By the end of the 1990s, however, views came closer to acknowledging that from the birth of the common state two separate state concepts existed. For the Czech, i.e. Czechoslovak politics, Czechoslovakia comprised a unified and single Czech state that was complimented by Slovakia and Sub-Carpathia. The central will had to be executed throughout the entire country. To achieve this objective, a centralised state had to be created and for the Czechs this was the only reasonable solution. The Slovak autonomist concept differed from the Czech state concept, which insisted that Czechoslovakia in reality comprises two interlinked nation-state entities, i.e. it must be a kind of two-nation Czech-Slovak federal state. This concept did not suit Czech politics, since Czech politics could not have direct control over the entire Czechoslovak territory. “Each and every Czech-Slovak conflict until 1992 is an external manifestation of the conflict between the two concepts of the Czechoslovak state.”35 The relations between the independent Czech and Slovak politics and the dilemma concerning a possible independent Slovak history arise in the question whether a separate Slovak or Czech history have ever existed. This issue affects those experiments that aim to create an independent Czech or Slovak historical synthesis. Academic debates and less academic research are being continued. The question also arises whether the history of interwar Czechoslovakia (and later) could be written as separate Czech and Slovak history. Or whether it is possible to write parallel accounts on the Czechs and Slovaks, the history of the two nations and societies, or from other considerations, such as thematic and problematic points of view. The relations between Czechoslovakism and autonomism are linked to the complexity of the Slovak question and the existence of the first Czechoslovak Republic. The Czechs demanded that the Slovaks unconditionally accept the whole of Czechoslovakia as their homeland and endorse Czechoslovak politics also as Slovak politics. The Slovak autonomists, led by Hlinka, however, insisted that the Czechs should determine only the Czech and not the Slovak politics, i.e. that the Czechs should only speak for themselves and not for the Slovaks. The divergence between

Rychlík, Historický časopis, p. 132.

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Andrej Hlinka (1864-1938) (http:// www.petericepudding.com /hlinka.htm)

the above-mentioned two state-concepts and the interpretation of the autonomist concept36 have produced and are still producing literature and debates with respect to the decades-long activities (1920–1945) of the Hlinka-group of Slovak politicians, i.e. a political scrutiny of the ľudáks. Hlinka was the leading figure of the autonomist movement, with a significant impact on Slovak political thinking and practice. The chief protagonist of the autonomist solution to the Slovak question also had an extraordinary (ideological) influence on the realisation of Slovak politics between 1938 and 1945. He and his party’s politicians (primarily Jozef Tiso), whose political concepts, activities and related nationalist, conservative catholic ideology appear in an idealised form in the works of émigré Slovak historians. Debates with respect to Slovak autonomy demands also include the extent Czechoslovak politics was willing to make concessions, and how much self governmental and political space it provided for Slovak autonomous aspirations. Czechoslovak politicians were willing to consider these demands as of the second half of the 1920s, after 1925, primarily in the sphere of administration (local government). However, this never materialised as envisaged by Slovak political will, since political decision-making on essential issues remained in the hands of Prague centre.37 The evaluation of the interwar activities of the ľudák (autonomist) politics and politicians remains one of the most vehemently contested issues. One of the main problems of this contest concerns the works of émigré Slovak historians (as sup-

Proposals for Slovak political and governmental autonomy emerged as of 1921.

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porters of ľudák politics and politicians), which appeared in the 1990, presenting the interpretation of Slovak history as a new vantage point of truth about the ľudák movement, the wartime Slovak State and the Slovak National Uprising. The ľudák politics – with regard to the historical interpretation of Czechoslovakia – receive various evaluations. The historian’s bias toward the question of Slovak national independence in an independent state is the determining factor. The spectrum ranging from glorification to utter rejection is extensive, however, meaningful and moderate debates explore to what extent it was “Slovak” and what kind of relations it had to Czechoslovak politics. The ľudáks “difference specification” is determined by the Czechoslovak negation.38 Through them, the Slovak question remained a subject of ideological and political contest during the interwar period. While Czech politics thought in terms of Czechoslovakia, ľudák politics thought only in terms of Slovakia, they had no concept with respect to the Czechs and the Czech territories39, and had no interest in Czechoslovakia as a whole. According to Rychlík, the ľudáks also thought that Slovakia would remain within the framework of Czechoslovakia while it suited her. Slovak historians deny this. Debates in this context as well as about particular (mainly ľudák) politicians lead to the question whether political concepts and real, tangible political will for the creation of an independent Slovak state existed prior to 1990 or earlier. Those – who would like to prove that such concept(s) did indeed exist(ed) – mostly cite ľudák politicians, who held prominent state positions after 1938 and particularly after the creation of Tisoist’s independent state (May 14, 1939). The debating partners are exploring whether these politicians considered the first Czechoslovak Republic as the final stage in Slovak evolution, or defined the concept of an independent Slovakia as the final goal. This question in the course of debate on the interpretation of Czechoslovakia is the second fundamental question. (The first fundamental question focuses on the participants at the onset in 1916–1918, their visions on the creation of Czechoslovakia and the role played by Slovak politicians.) There are Slovak historians40 who claim that the creation of an independent Slovak state (1938–1939) was not an aim of either Jozef Tiso41 or of politicians in his circle. In this context, debates focus on concepts, which can be called autonomist

37 38 39 40

Rychlík, Historický časopis, p. 133. Jaroslav Šolc’s evaluation. Opined by Czech historian, Rychlík in his article Historický časopis, pp. 131-132. Primarily they include a member of the leading critical Slovak historian community, Ivan Kamenec, who reaffirms this in the conclusion of his major research results. Two such works of Kamenec also appreared in Hungarian. (G. Kovács L. et. al, Jozef Tiso. Portraits in a double-mirror. /Arcképek kettős tükörben./ Nap kiadó, Dunaszerdahely, 1997, p. 174; and the Hungarian-language version of his book titled Trauma on the wartime Slovak State.) Jozef Tiso (1887–1947), Slovak politician and Catholic priest and one of the ľudák politicians of Hlinka’s Slovak Peoples Party. Under pressure and on demands by the Germans, he declared the wartime Slovak State on 14 March 1939 (in historical terms it is also called the Tisoist Slovak State), and existed until May 1945. Tiso was the president of the republic of Slovakia during this period. The Slovak state bore the hallmark of ľudák politics of the time; according to some analyses in conjunction with the Catholic state religion it functioned as a clerical-fascist-type of authoritarian dictatorship and as such, it crushed the Slovak National Uprising. In 1947 Tiso was executed by the Czechoslovak authorities as a war criminal, which also left a mark on Slovak-Czech relations.

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and which suggest an already existing independent statehood. The historical-legal and legal-historical debate concerning the interrelationship between autonomy and statehood, federation and confederation emerged in 1945–1946, re-emerged in 1968 and finally transformed into a vast constitutional and legal-philosophical debate in 1990–1992. Since ľudák politics, the autonomist movement and the Tisoist Slovak State are closely interrelated; the results of their evaluation are also interrelated. Whereas the Tisoist Slovak State, or wartime Slovak Republic – in the eyes of émigré and militant nationalist historians – represents the pinnacle of Slovak nation-statehood, critical historians see it as a Hitlerian puppet state in which the Slovak nationalist political leadership chose the lesser evil when, against its own will, it declared Slovakia an independent state. In terms of the economy and culture, this state evolved in prosperity – mainly thanks to Hitler – that treated Slovakia as an enclave providing warring Germany with food, raw materials and weaponry.42 On the other hand, if the state was not a puppet state, then all responsibility for what happened internally, fully rest on the shoulders of the (ľudák) political elite. The authoritarian rule, which characterised them, destroyed democracy, expelled the Czechs, confiscated property, deported the Jews and Roma, invited the Germans to crush the Slovak National Uprising.43 The government supported the Germans all along (1939–May 1945), participated in the deportation of the Jews voluntarily without the duress of occupation. These policies led to the increasing isolation of Slovakia. Demands for the rehabilitation of leading Slovak politicians, including the executed Tiso, emerged during political debates of the 1990s promulgated and represented to this day by Slovak nationalist political formations. For the understanding of the post-1993 period the understanding of the Tisoist Slovak State is crucial. The supporters of the 1939 state are trying to prove Tiso’s innocence and his nostalgic followers, even after 1993, are attempting to vindicate the authoritarian, dictatorial and paternal state power system of the time. With regard to the evaluation of wartime Slovak Republic, the debate raises the question whether – because of its characteristics, international isolation and the external situation – it was an alternative to Czechoslovakia for solving the Slovak national problem and whether this independent statehood provided sufficient experience to answer this question. Regretfully, it was created under wartime and not under normal conditions. It would have been futile for the Slovaks to aspire for an independent state, since the international environment was not prepared to accept it. The debate also focuses on the extent the international environment considered Slovak interest when deciding on the reinstatement of Czechoslovakia. When historians assess international rulings with respect to the wartime Slovak State and the Slovak nation, they cite the politically and historically highly controversial Slovak National Uprising as a ‘mitigating circumstance’, since critical

The issue of debate also concerns whether the relative prosperity enjoyed by the Slovaks resulted from the Tisoist Slovak State and the system supported by the Slovaks in general, or from Slovak statehood itself. Such differentiated assessment of the Tisoist Slovak State is best represented by I. Kamenec.

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historians judge this to have been an uprising against the totalitarian state and fascism. They insist that it was such a resistance which could be invoked as a positive tradition in the search for democratic traditions in Slovak history. In their opinion it was precisely this Uprising that democratic Slovak politicians could have cited as a worthy example to convince the allied powers to sustain the independent Slovakia. However, the ruling ľudák political establishment was able neither to achieve this, nor to split Slovakia from Nazi Germany. The main merit and task of the Slovak National Uprising44 entailed the opportunity its political forces provided for Slovakia to side with the Allies. With respect to its merit: it provided a proof of Slovak participation in the international anti-Hitler resistance. In foreign policy, however, they could no longer effectively represent Slovak interests and aspirations, since the restoration of Czechoslovakia was the central issue on the agenda. During the Uprising, the anti-Hitler coalition had already recognised the legitimacy of the London-based Czechoslovak government in exile, as well as the continuity of pre-war Czechoslovakia within the original boundaries. With regard to the Uprising, it is debatable whether it had been spontaneous, popular, or organised by someone – if so – what was its target: the Germans, or the government, the political system and its armed corps, the Hlinka-guards? These questions of Slovak history are being explored by old and young as well as right and left wing historians and politicians in search of objective truth. Unbiased young researchers insist that the uprising was not a Czechoslovakist putsch against their own (Tisoist Slovak) state, but a Slovak contribution to the European antifascist uprising. However, nationalist and right wing émigré and domestic historians and politicians offer a diametrically opposite evaluation of the Slovak National Uprising. Ďurica, for example, assailed the Uprising in his above-mentioned book, insisting that it had been none other than an arbitrary massacre of the Slovaks. Not substantiated either by historical research or historical facts – another émigré historian, Vnuk - called it a Beneš-Czechoslovak-Bolshevik-type anti-state putsch. In the internal debate of Slovak historians the Slovak National Uprising is considered as the key historical period. With regard to the fate of the Slovak-question it became an important historical watershed in the following decades. It was also important in terms of solving the Slovak-question, since it demanded an equal standing as defined by political law in Czechoslovakia. The commitment to the Slovak-question of political leaders45 who participated in the Slovak National Uprising is also a point in the debate. The goal of the research is to determine the extent to which they were Czechoslovakists and to what extent they were prepared to secure Slovak autonomy within the framework of Czechoslovakia. In their research, historians insist that the politicians and most participants in the uprising preferred

Began on 29 August 1944, lasted for a few weeks, and it was subsequently crushed by the armed forces of the Tisoist Slovak State with German help. The topic has elicited heated debates since 1994; while the leftist parties want to commemorate it as a state event, the rightists (mainly the Christian democrats) oppose this. The brief uprising claimed five thousand victims, after the defeat suffered at Banská Bystrica, approx. 80 thousand people were interned in concentration camps and 70 thousand never returned. For example, the communist Gustáv Husák, the civil democrat Jozef Lettrich, the communist Laco Novomeský, all founders of the Slovak National Council.

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Edvard Beneš (1884-1948) (http://de.wikipedia.org/ w i k i / E d v a r d _ Bene%C5%A1)

an independent Slovak state of a different kind of political system (a democratic, ‘German-less’ and perhaps socialist) than the one Hitler imposed and Tiso implemented. Yet others wanted - in the given situation - to resolve the future of the Slovak-question within the bounds of Czechoslovakia. Hence, every momentum, purpose, significance, aim and message of the uprising is subjected to scrutiny. Moreover, historians pay particular attention to the relations of the political elite of the Slovak National Council – the organisational successor to the Uprising – to the London-based Czech (Slovak) government and the communist Slovak émigré community in Moscow, as well as the subsequent persecution of the Slovak political elite that derived from the Council. In this connection the question arises whether – in reality – the international powers determined the entire fate of Slovakia, or in this respect, took the advice of Beneš, and whether Slovak democratic politicians had any room for manoeuvre in influencing Slovakia’s future. The debate on the relationship between Czechoslovakism and autonomy also covers the 1939–1945 period. Clarification is still needed to determine the extent Slovaks, as a community, supported Czechoslovakia, and wanted an independent state. There are some who maintain that possibly even the political leaders did not want an independent state in 1939 – but the six-year period (1939–May 1945) when the Slovak state existed by the virtue of Hitler’s will – taught the Slovaks the meaning of independent statehood. Hence, the leading democratic forces that emerged from the Slovak National Uprising also supported something, which is more than autonomy in the framework of Czechoslovakia. It is not a mere accident

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that at the time of its birth, and during the debate over the Košice Government programme (1944–1945), the question related to the prospects of creating a federal state emerged (of course on the Slovak side). The period between 1938 and 1945 remains an issue of debate because – looking at it from a new perspective (i.e. after the experience of independent statehood) – the question still has to be answered with regard to the ability or the will of the Slovaks to cohabit with the Czechs in a common state, the extent of sacrifices made to achieve this end and the comparative positions in subsequent negotiations. Post-1945 Czech-Slovak relations are not researched as extensively as the previous period. The post-1945 period is plagued by unsolved events. The reasons must be unravelled from subsequent political relations. The period between 1945 and 1946 – when the domestic and foreign political impact of the Slovak National Uprising emerged – is debated both politically and academically. This period is full of one-sided and fallacious stereotypes forced upon historians externally, mainly by ideology, and in the 1990s also by publicism. The key question with respect to the years between 1945 and 1948 concerns the methods and features of political purges and persecutions. These were not conducted with identical methods, purposes and motives in the case of the Czechs and the Slovaks. The persecution of the Slovak Catholics (ľudák) assumed a fundamentally national character and transformed into a serious Czech-Slovak conflict. Thousands of Slovak Catholics were forced to emigrate. Slovak historians tend to view this manifestation as anti-Catholic, communist and left wing Czech revenge and a crusade against the Slovaks. This had been substantiated by the trials of Slovak National Council politicians.46 Apart from the Catholics, the persecution of Slovak ‘bourgeois nationalists’ also applied to democrats and some communists as well. The struggle of the Czechs against Slovak Catholic clerics and ideological and religious influence began already during the first republic and subsequently became one of the ‘favourite’ research topics of Slovak historians and politicians. Research materials about the 1950s currently being prepared deal with the prepositions and approach of Czechs and Slovaks to the years of dictatorship. They also argue about the apportioning of responsibility for the entrenchment of communism in Czechoslovakia. Slovaks insist that they did not aid the political expansion of communist dictatorship as much as the Czechs did, since they entered different political parties during the free elections (1946) and the election results were also different.47 In this connection, Slovaks refer to the second Prague centralisation as a characterisation of Czech politics established between 1945 and 1968. They refer to the documents, – which invalidated every important agreement aimed at improving mutual relations between 1945 and 1960, – the three Prague Treaties. Historians have hardly researched the period of 1948–1968 and after. This is the period of modernisation. First of all, historian debate may be expected to

This was the struggle against Slovak bourgeois nationalism, which victimised Slovak communists defending Slovak national interests. Gustáv Husák was imprisoned for this reason. During the last free elections of 1946 the left wing in the Czech Lands (communists: 40,17%, national socialists: 23,17%, social democrats: 15,58%), in Slovakia the civic factions won under the banner of the Democratic Party by 62%, the left in Slovakia (communists) received a mere 30,37% of the ballots.

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Alexander Dubček (19211992) (http: //www.vnts.nl/index.php/ alexanderdubcek)

take place on the 1968 Prague Spring, which can be followed in the annals of the Czech-Slovak Historian Committee annual conferences. The historian debates of the 1990s include Czech-Slovak relations during the Prague Spring. Since this is one of the white spots of common history, it is a debate not only of historians, but also of politicians and society as a whole. The 1968 progression of the socialist reform processes of the 1960s primarily interest Slovak historians from the point of solving the Slovak-question. They are exploring the role played by Alexander Dubček in this process. He represented Slovak interests at the pinnacle of communist party leadership. Primarily, domestic Slovak historians participated in this debate, since this period “did not exist” for émigré Slovak historians. This substantiated – what domestic historians accused the émigré community of – that émigrés live in different times for they are stuck in the 1945–1946 period, having failed to follow Slovak societal changes in the subsequent period. Primarily domestic historians had contacts with the decades following the communist takeover; they viewed the events in their continuity. For the émigrés the continuity of Slovak historical evolution lasted until 1946, bypassing the decades of the Bolshevik era, Slovak history for them, started from the end of 1989. Therefore it is not surprising that their serious mistakes created a distorted and false image of the evolution of Slovak society and national awareness. In terms of the realisation of the federation, the 1968 reform process is of importance for Slovak historians. They view and assess this process as the most important juncture in Slovak national emancipation. Their inquiries focus on this period and the debates are not confined so much to the Slovak historian

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community, exchanges take place with Czech historians. The 1970–1989 period is a period of normalisation, serious academic research only started in the second half of the 1990s and as yet no significant historian debate has emerged on this topic. Debates between Czech and Slovak historians may be expected to focus on divergences and consequences of the period in the Slovak and the Czech territories. Its significance relates to the equalisation of economic, political and social stratification process. Another topic of debate may concern the different Czech and Slovak acceptance of the regime and its restructuring. Research into this period could present a heated debate about the discovery and documentation of the political and societal divergences in the two countries. The debates with regard to the period between 1989 and 1992 take place not so much between historians (obviously), but politicians, political scientists and the public, yet these – given the nature of the problem – carry the hallmark of all previously mentioned history-related topics of debate. Here, the question is an old one: how did Czech and Slovak society and politics relate to each other, how did Czech or Slovak politics attempt emancipation in view of the challenges presented by integration. In this historic moment of Czechoslovakia, not only did Slovak emancipation demand its dues, but the increasingly independent Czech politics too. For the time being, however, the topic of debate concerns the Slovak or Czech responsibility for the 1992 break-up of Czechoslovakia. Some claim that ultimately Czech political emancipation became the main reason for the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. Some insist that Slovakia’s political emancipation forced it, even if many were to claim that it had shocked the Slovaks. In the historian debates there are allusions already as to the causes of the break-up, however, we still have to wait for in-depth analysis and synthesis for some time to come. Slovak historian debates with regard to Czechoslovakia focus and are likely to focus on the meaning of Czechoslovakia in terms of Slovak national emancipation. They ponder and will ponder the positive as well as the negative aspects of cohabitation with the Czechs, important factors in the interest of national survival; they will examine every manifestation of Czech-Slovak relations from the view point of Slovak national interests. Hopefully, this would contribute to a deeper understanding of themselves, as well as to the creation of a more complete and objective selfimage. If they were able to achieve these, it would benefit not only them, but the Czechs and us Hungarians too, since it is also in our interest that this neighbourly society, attached to us in more sense than one, develops a healthy self-image.

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Judit Hamberger DEBATE V SLOVAŠKEM ZGODOVINOPISJU V LETIH 1990-2000 O INTERPRETACIJI ČEŠKOSLOVAŠKE POVZETEK Politična in družbena osvoboditev v 1990-ih letih je omogočila in zahtevala, da zgodovinarji razveljavijo tabuistične teme desetletij skupne države, ponovno ocenijo sprevrnjena in ponarejena dejstva, zgodovinsko vlogo in dejanja zamolčanih oseb. Skupni imenovalec tem debatam je preiskava tega, kaj je pomenila skupna država za Slovake iz vidika slovaškega vprašanja ali slovaške nacionalne emancipacije v 20. stoletju. Na ta način so aspekti odnosa med Slovaki in Čehi istočasno tudi pomembna vprašanja slovaške nacionalne identitete. V slovaškem zgodovinopisju so se pojavila nasprotovanja in sicer ne samo zaradi družbenega pričakovanja v zvezi z zgodovinskimi raziskavami. Izseljenski zgodovinarji so namreč prišli v konflikt z domačimi zgodovinarji, prav tako kot so bili pristaši nacionalno-nacionalistične zamisli v nasprotju s tistimi, ki so bili zavezani kritičnemu zgodovinopisju. Obstajala je velika potreba po analizi odnosa med Slovaki in Čehi v 20. stoletju in zgodovine skupne Češkoslovaške, potreba, ki je bila navzoča na vsakem nivoju javnega življenja, tudi v izobraževalnih ustanovah, ko je šlo za to, da je treba na novo napisati učbenike za zgodovino. Od zgodovinarjev so pričakovali tudi, da podajo popolno in resnično sintezo zgodovine Češkoslovaške oziroma češko-slovaških odnosov. Pričakovali so, da bodo zgodovinarji dali odgovor na vprašanja, na kakšni tradiciji države naj gradijo novo demokratično usmerjeno slovaško državo. Vprašanje je bilo, ali je naloga zgodovinarjev, da napišejo pozitiven nacionalni program za novo slovaško državo. Pomembna in sporna tema je bila, v kakšni meri so Slovaki sodelovali pri ustanovitev Češkoslovaške. Prav tako je bilo sporno, v kolikšni meri so se politiki držali sporazumov, ki so jih vpisali v pogodbe, podpisane pred koncem leta 1918. V teh pogodbah so namreč Slovakom obljubili avtonomno državno ureditev, na uresničitev le-teh pa so potem pozabili. Sporna tema je bila tudi problem slovaškega avtonomističnega gibanja, ki se je okrepilo od druge polovice 20-ih let prav zaradi tega, ker so Slovaki pričakovali večjo samostojnost, ki so jo jim zagotovili v skupni državi in ker so zavrnili idejo o enotnem češkoslovaškem narodu. V slovaški nacionalni zavesti oziroma v zgodovinopisju obstaja razdvojenost glede presoje slovaške kvislinške vlade (1939–1945), saj je bila ta prva slovaška nacionalna država, hkrati pa sta bila njena mednarodna in notranjepolitična dejavnost oziroma nesrečen padec zelo sporna. Slovaški Nacionalni upor (avgust 1944), ki je poskusil osvoboditi Slovaško od vojne vlade in fašističnega političnega sistema, je že v tem času razdelil slovaško družbo, zgodovinarji pa vzroke te delitve do danes razlagajo različno. Upor je postavil levičarske in komunistične Slovake nasproti krščansko usmerjenim Slovakom takrat prav tako kot danes. Po Uporu se je rodil Slovaški nacionalni svet, ki je bila edina, kratkotrajno delujoča institucija slovaške demokratične nacionalne avtonomije v okviru Češkoslovaške. V 1990-tih letih je bila debatna tema slovaških zgodovinarjev vsak pomemben preobrat v političnem in vladnem življenju, ki je določil usodo Češkoslovaške (1945, 1948, 1968, 1989). V vseh primerih je vidno slovaško emancipacijsko prizadevanje, oziroma zavrnitev le tega s strani Čehov. Zaradi tega so ocene in stališča glede slovaške zgodovine 20. stoletja različna ne samo v češko-slovaški relaciji, pač pa tudi znotraj slovaških zgodovinarjev.

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Marija Wakounig (Hg.) Die gläserne Decke

Frauen in Ost-, Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa im 20. Jahrhundert (Querschnitte 11) Wien 2003, 256 Seiten.

Die Publikation entstand als Ergebnis der ‘Ringvorlesung’ 2001 an der Wiener Universität über Frauen in Osteuropa. Wie die Herausgeberin in ihrem Vorwort betont, ortet sie in Österreich zu wenig Interesse für die “Frauen- bzw. Genderforschung,” die den gesamten osteuropäischen Raum berücksichtigen würde. Weiters stellt sie fest: “Die Ringsvorlesung und der vorliegende Band sind als erster Schritt zu verstehen und haben die Absicht, Studierende der Fächer Geschichte und Slawistik sowie auch ein breites, historisch und insbesondere an der ost-, ostmittel- und südosteuropäischen Geschlechtergeschichte interessiertes Publikum anzusprechen.” In ihrer Erklärung des Buchtitels ‘Die gläserne Decke’ verweist Marija Wakounig darauf, dass die Beiträge die These stützen, “dass Frauen im gesamten osteuropäischen Raum in der sozialistischen Ära unabhängig und den Männern (auf dem Papier) gleichberechtigt waren und dass Osteuropäerinnen gegenüber Westeuropäerinnen über lange Zeit in einigen gesellschaftspolitischen Fragen Vorteile besaßen; genannt seien hier nur das Ehegesetz, das Namensrecht oder der teilweise straffreie Schwangerschaftsabbruch. Trotz dieser euphemistischen Rahmenbedingungen schafften es die wenigsten Osteuropäerinnen, die unsichtbare ‘gläserne Decke’ zu durchstoßen.” Auch im Sozialismus waren Frauen, die in der Politik oder auf anderen Gebieten einen Aufstieg schafften, für die Lage der Mehrheit der Frauen nicht repräsentativ. Die Autoren und Autorinnen behandeln folgende Themen: Andreas Kappeler, Frauen in Russland 1860-1930, Iskra Schwarz, Die Frauen in der Sowjetunion und in der GUS (1936-2002), Almut Bues, Frauen in Polen im 20. Jahrhundert, Christoph Augustinowicz, Ironie und Dokumentation. Frauen in Polen seit 1939, Etela Farkašova – Mariana Szapuová - Zuzana Kiczková, Die Lage der Frau in der heutigen slowakischen Gesellschaft, Alena Míšková, Karrierechancen von Akademikerinnen in Böhmen und in der Tschechoslowakei (1900-1948), Alojz Ivanišević, Die Rolle der Frau im südslawischen Raum im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Kristina Popova, Frauen in Bulgarien im 20. Jahrhundert, Arnold Suppan, Frauen im Krieg. Die Rolle der Frau im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg im östlichen und südöstlichen Europa.

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Marija Wakounig schrieb den Beitrag Für Vaterland und Heimat. Frauen in Slowenien 1900-2000, unter dem Motto “Die Schrift widme ich allen Frauen, die im Kleinen Großartiges geleistet haben.” Die Abhandlung ist ein wertvoller Beitrag zum Verständnis der Entwicklung der Frauenbewegung und der Situation der Frauen in Slowenien im 20. Jahrhundert, denn es gibt bis jetzt keine Synthese in diesen Fragen. Die Autorin meint: “Seit Beginn der slowenischen Frauenbewegung Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts setzen sich die Protagonistinnen für ihre geschlechtliche Gleichberechtigung, aber auch für die politische Gleichberechtigung der Slowenen innerhalb der habsburgischen Monarchie ein. In der politischen Gleichberechtigung der slowenischen Nation sahen sie auch die Chance, ihre eigene zu erlangen. Im alten Jugoslawien (1918-1941) erlangten weder die Frauen noch ihre Nation Gleichberechtigung und Unabhängigkeit; in der sozialistischen Ära (1945-1990/91) waren sie den Männern erstmalig gleichgestellt, dafür war 'ihr' Staat nicht unabhängig. Die endlich erreichte Souveränität Sloweniens 1991 bedeutete eine Herausforderung für die Frauen, ihre geschlechtliche Gleichberechtigung und Unabhängigkeit zu wahren.” Wakounig gibt einen allgemeinen historischen Überblick, weiters einen Abriss der slowenischen Frauenbewegung von den Anfängen bis 1918, in der Zwischenkriegszeit (1918-1941) sowie während des Zweiten Weltkriegs unter Einbeziehung von Okkupation und Widerstand. Die Nachkriegszeit betitelt sie ‘Unter Hammer und Sichel’ (bis 1990), widmet sich aber auch der Zeit danach und aktuellen Themen wie Sexismus und Sexus, Wahlrecht, Bildungssituation und Arbeitsmöglichkeiten. Der Sammelband ist ohne Zweifel ein wertvoller Beitrag zur Situation der Frauen in Ost-, Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa im 20. Jahrhundert. Die angeführte Literatur erleichtert die Fortsetzung der Forschungen. Dies gilt vor allem für die Abhandlung über die Frauen in Slowenien, die eine Reihe von Anregungen bietet. Vincenc Rajšp

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Andrej Pančur In expectation of a stabile monetary system Historical association Celje, Zgodovini ⋅ce 1, Celje 2003, 315 pages.

The Slovene historiography was enriched by the work of dr. Andrej Pančur at the end of 2003 - scientific co-worker of the Institute for Contemporary History in Ljubljana. The book In expectation of a stabile monetary system, published by the Historical association Celje as a first in the form of a new collection, funny named Zgodovini-ce is a ’’slightly reworked doctoral dissertation’’ (page 12) entitled Monetary policy in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Slovenes (1848-1914), which was successfully presented by the author at the Department for history at the Philosophical Faculty in Ljubljana in April 2002. In his book dr. Pančur describes financial situation in Slovenian area in the 19th century in terms of a broad Austrian monetary or financial policy. The Austrian monarchy has witnessed many ups and downs regarding financial situation. The last episode of difficulties started with the revolutionary year 1848 – where the author begins his story and continues it through the break of the century until the First World War. In order to be able to understand the events of that time and the events of the later years, it is necessary to know the monetary history of the previous period. Therefore, he introduced the Austrian monetary system in great detail in decades before the revolution in 1848. From 1753 when Austria signed the contract with Bavaria in terms of an international monetary arrangement (convention), the value of Austrian money in the Habsburg Monarchy was based on the silver. Thus Austria had a silver currency. In addition to silver coins there was also state paper money in circulation which was issued by the state at the beginning mainly in cases of war and the state also covered the war expenses with it. This money was not a legal means of payment, a legal means of payment was a currency of a convention. Its nominal value was conditioned by the florins of a convention. After the Napoleon wars, the paper money, issued by the Austrian National Bank- founded in 1816, came in circulation as a legal means of payment and it was possible to exchange it for silver. This paper money was covered by the state which provided the bank with sufficient quantity of silver and thus covered the value of issued convertible banknotes. The changes which the Austrian monetary system witnessed after the March revolution are the main issue of the continuation and consequence of the global crisis which the Austrian Monarchy was forced to overcome. It tried to improve the monetary system with various reforms, yet none of them proved to be successful. Lasting na-

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F. Čuček: A. Pančur, In expectation of a stabile monetary system

tional financial difficulties went on and undermined the stability of paper money which came into reality in the second half of the sixties in the 19th century and thus also weakened the whole monetary system. The situation partially improved in the seventies in the 19th century, yet the time brought about new problems again and again. Revolution in 1848/1849, neutrality during Crimean War in 1853/1856, the war with Piedmont and France in 1859 and the war with Prussia and Italy in 1866 caused severe financial problems. The public reaction at each single event was very similar. Whenever the national finances weakened, people on the Viennese Exchange as well as in the whole area began to panic. People used to exchange paper money for a metal one and thus the value of the metal money increased versus nominal value of the paper money. The difference between value of paper and silver money which one had to add up at the exchange for silver coins was called silver agio. Between years 1848 and 1859 the National Bank was even forced to announce paper money as being unconvertible. While value of the paper money was falling, the Gresham law, which is famous for ’’bad money replaces the good one’’ (page 22) was introduced. Good money is in this case underestimated money, bad money, on the contrary is overestimated. Both kinds of money are a legal means of payment and are in circulation. The real value of bad or overestimated money is lower than that of good money, therefore people use it to honour debts and to purchase, but they keep good or underestimated money. The silver coins and also copper charge thus slowly disappeared from the circulation, people tried to smuggle them across the frontier. For everyday needs paper money was in use. Lacking metal charge, people started to tear banknotes to small pieces (two or four) and used them as a paper charge, which was also approved by the government. It sent copper charge in the circulation in order to fill up its shortage. The state itself was the main culprit for the lack of metal money. It tried to cover the war expenses with paper money in cases of war. Not only did National Bank send in circulation large amounts of banknotes, but the state also started to issue its paper money. This was the reason for the whole reform of the Austrian state money which would also allow the reform of the National Bank which would proclaim the convertibility of paper money. The reform of the Austrian monetary system was only possible with stabile state finances. Yet, Austria with its ambitious foreign policy was not able to achieve this until mid sixties. The financial and monetary situation finally improved after 1866. Silver and copper change together with state paper money and banknotes were in circulation. The value of silver started to decline rapidly in the seventies which reduced the value of Austro-Hungarian value which was based on the silver. In 1878 the parity between silver and paper money was again achieved, silver coins came in the circulation again. The main issue in that time was the question, which currency best fits AustroHungarian economy. Some people were in favour of silver, some other approved of bimetallic system, the others preferred the golden basis, but there were also people who wanted to keep paper currency which was in circulation at that time. The stability of the monetary system gradually succeeded with the help of currency reform in 1892 when ’’Austria-Hungary got a limping golden value’’ (page 9). From

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the economic point of view the currency reform was very successful although the paper money had never been formally proclaimed as convertible with a golden base. The gold coins remained in circulation, the long expected and desirous stabilization of the monetary system was finally achieved. The old problems reappeared not earlier than during the First World War which is not of the author’s concern any longer, since ’’their reform was a matter of another, Yugoslavian period ’’ (page 9). A newly edited book, so to speak is an important contribution to the field of Slovene economic history since up to now the period of the second half of the 19th century was relatively insufficiently dealt with. In about three hundred pages Pančur showed difficulties and problems which the Austrian monarchy and later on the Double Monarchy were facing. At the same time he also introduced the standpoints, opinions, wishes and fears which contemporaries in the Slovene area witnessed and expressed during the monetary and financial policy of the monarchy. Maybe the random reader, who is not familiar with the economic theory and terminology, will at first be frightened by the book and maybe he will not take it due to lack of professional knowledge. Do not worry. Pančur managed to put theory and terminology into a text that reads excellent and which does not demand any economic lexicons and other additional literature. In fact, the text is provided with explanations and illustrations for potential terminology which might cause problems. To sum up, each expert who will like to research in the field of economic history of the Slovene and also of the broad Austrian or Austro-Hungarian area from the mid 19th century and even before until the First World War will have to be familiar with the book. I also warmly recommend the book to everyone interested in this topic. Filip Čuček

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UDK 94(497.4)“06/08“

Avtor: ŠTIH Peter

Dr., redni profesor Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Oddelek za zgodovino Aškerčeva 2, SI - 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Naslov: ALPSKI SLOVANI IN NJIHOVI SOSEDJE: OD KONFRONTACIJE DO INTEGRACIJE

Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 9-20, 41 cit. Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: nemški (izvleček nemški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Alpski Slovani, konfrontacija, kooperacija, integracija, 7.-9. stol. Izvleček: Članek obravnava etnično in politično diferencirane Alpske Slovane v času od 7. do 9. stoletja in skuša v precej komprimirani obliki prikazati njihov razvoj z gledišča odnosov, ki so jih imeli s svojimi sosedi (Avari, Langobardi, Bavarci, Franki). Pri tem je bilo mogoče te odnose razdeliti v tri faze, ki so šle od konfrontacije preko kooperacije do integracije. Pri slednjem sta pomembno vlogo imela zlasti pokristjanjevanje od srede 8. stol. naprej in uvedba frankovskega pravnega reda, ki je bila zvezana z odpravo domačih knezov okrog l. 828.

UDK 248(497.4)“15/19“ Avtor: RAJŠP Vincenc Dr., docent Slovenski znanstveni institut / Slowenisches Wissenschaftsinstitut Wien, Seilerstätte 2, A-1010 Dunaj, Avstrija Naslov: ZNAMENJA IN ČUDEŽI V VERSKEM ŽIVLJENJU NA SLOVENSKEM OD 16. DO 20 STOLETJA Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 21-32, 45 cit. Kategorija: 1.02 Pregledni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Cerkvena zgodovina, verovanja, 16. - 20. stoletje, romanja, čudeži. Izvleček: Prispevek govori o čudežih na Slovenskem od 16. do 20. stoletja. Čudeži so bili tesno povezani z romarskimi cerkvami. V verskem življenju so bili prisotni tudi že pred 16. stoletjem, vendar je več pisnih materialov o njih šele od 16. stoletja. Največ se je pisalo o čudežih v času reformacije, npr. Primož Trubar. Knjiga Himmlische Welt – Arzney in J.W. Valvasor sta pomembna za 17. stoletje. Različna literatura in votivne slikarije v romarskih cerkvah pričajo o čudežih modernega časa.

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UDK 636.083:347.236:2622“17-19“(497.4) Avtor: MAČEK Jože Akademik, zasl. prof. dddr. Biotehniška fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Jamnikarjeva 10l, SI - 1111 Ljubljana Naslov: O 'ŽELEZNI ŽIVINI' V LASTI NEKATERIH SPODNJEŠTAJERSKIH IN KOROŠKIH CERKVA TER BRATOVŠČIN OD 17. DO 19. STOLETJA Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 33-58, 197 cit., 12 preglednic Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: nemški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: ‘Žlezna živina’, kmetje, župnije, cerkvene bratovščine, Spodnja Štajerska, Koroška, 17.-19. stol. Izvleček: V pričujoči razpravi je obdelan zanimiv gospodarski pojav ‘železne živine’, ki so jo imele v lasti številne župnijske in podružnične cerkve ter bratovščine na Spodnjem Štajerskem in Koroškem od 17. do 19. stoletja in so jo dajale podložnikom (kmetom) v rejo. Izvor te živine ni znan. Veliko dejstvev govori v prid mnenju, da so to darovi in volila (legati) vernikov cerkvam za njihov posmrtni dušni mir, možno pa je tudi, da gre za trajno ‘železno naložbo’ siceršnjega cerkvenega denarja. Toda to vprašanje ostaja odprto. Opisana je splošna problematika tega gospodarskega pojava s prizadevanjem notranjeavstrijskih deželnih stanov za njegovo likvidacijo v zgodnjem 16. stoletju, ki pa ni uspela. Nato je dan številčni prikaz te živine pri posameznih župnijskih in podružničnih cerkvah ter bratovščinah v okviru dekanij na Spodnjem Štajerskem in za nekatere cerkve na Koroškem. UDK 94(437.1) “16“ Avtor: WAKOUNIG Marija Dr., izredna profesorica Univerza na Dunaju, Fakul. za humanist. in kulturol. študije, Inštitut za vzhodnoevropsko zgod. Spitalgasse 2/ Hof 3, A - 1090 Dunaj, Avstrija Naslov: KONTINUITETA IN SPREMEMBA V ČEŠKEM PLEMSTVU PO LETU 1620 ALI “ZAČETEK IN VRATA K VSEJ NAŠI BEDI IN TEGOBAM?” Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 59-74, 77 cit. Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: nemški (izvleček nemški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Praška defenestracija 1618, bitka na Beli Gori 1620, stanovska opozicija, Ferdinand II., Waldstein, obnovljen deželni red 1627/pacifikacija, tridesetletna vojna, izgon, absolutizem, zamenjava elit, konfiskacija, emigracija, prerazporeditev premoženja, restitucija, repatriacija, dvo-/ večjezičnost, akulturacija, evropeizacija. Izvleček: Bitka na Beli Gori 1620 je povzročila velike politične in družbenoekonomske spremembe znotraj češke družbe na splošno, še posebej pa znotraj češkega plemstva. Konfiskacijska vala dvajsetih in tridesetih let sta privedla do znatne zamenjave elit in do neprimerljive prerazporeditve dobrin na Češkem. Prej odločujoči protestantski vrhnji sloj je bil v letih od 1621 do 1645 zaradi svoje vere in upora proti habsburškemu absolutizmu obsojen na izgon brez možnosti povratka. Na račun razlaščanja so se okoristile Habsburžanom zveste (pretežno nemško govoreče) in katoliške plemiške rodbine.

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Avtor: JUŽNIČ Stanislav Dipl. ing. tehniške fizike, dr. zgodovinskih znanosti Fara 2, SI - 1336 Vas, Slovenija

UDK 27-789.5(497.4-18)”16/17”:51(092)

Naslov: SPODNJE ŠTAJERSKI JEZUITSKI MATEMATIKI IN FIZIKI Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 75-88, 61cit., 3 slike Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Maribor, Spodnja Štajerska, jezuiti, zgodovina matematičnih znanosti. Izvleček: Opisujemo življenje in delo pomembnih jezuitskih matematikov iz slovenskih delov Štajerske. Do prepovedi jezuitske družbe so opravljal pomembne znanstvene in pedagoške funkcije na višjih študijah v monarhiji. Delali so na različnih kolegijih, saj so v Mariboru jezuiti imeli le rezidenco brez filozofskih študijev za zunanje študente. Kljub temu se je Maribor razvijal v enega jezuitskih središč v državi in bi gotovo dobil višje filozofske študije na kolegiju, če jezuitskega reda ne bi prepovedali.

Avtor: ZAJŠEK Boštjan Prof. zgod. in nem. jezika Plečnikova 6, SI - 2000 Maribor

UDK 274(497.4 Maribor)“1862/1918“

Naslov: USTANOVITEV EVANGELIČANSKE OBČINE V MARIBORU (1862) IN NJEN RAZVOJ DO KONCA PRVE SVETOVNE VOJNE Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 89-112, 75 cit., 5 slik Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: nemški (izvleček nemški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Protestantizem, evangeličanska verska občina Maribor, pročodrimsko gibanje, pastor Ludwig Mahnert. Izvleček: Članek obravnava oblikovanje evangeličanske skupnosti v Mariboru, ustanovitev evangeličanske občine (1862) in njen razvoj vse do konca prve svetovne vojne. Člani evangeličanske skupnosti v omenjenem obdobju so bili predvsem priseljenci z nemških govornih ozemelj, tako da je jezik bogoslužja v evangeličanski cerkvi bil vse do leta 1945 nemški. Evangeličani so vselej predstavljali manjšino znotraj katoliškega okolja in tega ni spremenila niti agresivna pročodrimska agitacija ob prehodu iz 19. v 20. stoletje. Verska skupnost, ki je bila do 1909 del tržaškega, od tedaj naprej pa štajerskega seniorata, je imela v svoji zgodovini nekaj izrazito kriznih obdobij, kljub temu pa evangeličansko življenje v mestu ob Dravi nikdar ni zamrlo. Šele izid prve svetovne vojne je usodno zaznamoval nadaljnji razvoj evangeličanske občine Maribor.

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UDK 329(497.4)SLS”1918/1926”:32(497.5) Avtor: BERBERIH-SLANA Aleksandra Dr., postdoktorska študentka Univerza v Mariboru, Pedegoška fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino Koroška 160, SI - 2000 Maribor, Slovenija Naslov: SLOVENSKA LJUDSKA STRANKA V HRVAŠKI POLITIKI (1918-1926) Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 113-148, 133 cit., 6 slik Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Slovenija, Hrvaška, politična zgodovina, Anton Korošec, Hrvatska pučka stranka (HPS), Slovenska ljudska stranka (SLS). Izvleček: Članek predstavlja vpliv Slovenske ljudske stranke (SLS) na hrvaško politiko od nastanka Kraljevine SHS do leta 1926 ter njeno sodelovanje s Hrvatsko pučko stranko (HPS). V tem procesu je od vsega začetka sodeloval dr. Anton Korošec, ki je bil zaradi tega tarča številnih napadov hrvaških političnih strank.

UDK 371.3:94(497.4 Maribor)”1918/1941” Avtor: POTOČNIK Dragan Dr., docent Univerza v Mariboru, Pedegoška fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino Koroška 160, SI - 2000 Maribor, Slovenija Naslov: POUK ZGODOVINE IN RAZISKOVANJE KRAJEVNE ZGODOVINE NA PRIMERU TEME DRUŽBENE IN GOSPODARSKE RAZMERE V MARIBORU V OBDOBJU OD LETA 1918 DO LETA 1941 Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 149-164, 40 cit. Kategorija: 1.04 Strokovni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Pouk zgodovine, lokalna zgodovina, zgodovina Maribora, družbene razmere, ekonomske razmere, obdobje 1918–1941. Izvleček: V članku avtor zagovarja idejo, da bi sodobni pouk zgodovine moral bolj pogosto izhajati iz krajevne zgodovine. Pri tem izhaja iz predpostavke, da je domač kraj učencem bolj razumljiva enota, saj jim s svojo nazornostjo omogoča bolj pristne doživljaje in spodbuja interes do snovi. Za domačijski pristop ima učitelj na razpolago različne tipe virov, v mnogih primerih pa se mora lotiti zbiranja domačijskega gradiva kar sam. Spretnost v načinu zbiranja ter v preverjanju in urejanju zbranega gradiva omogoča učitelju pripravo dobre monografije kraja kot enega izmed virov za pouk zgodovine. Pravilno metodično oblikovano gradivo o krajevni zgodovini ima tako pomembno vlogo v učnem procesu. V članku avtor podaja zgodovinsko obravnavo družbenih in gospodarskih razmer v Mariboru med svetovnima vojnama na podlagi lastne raziskave. Ta obravnava služi kot primer analize krajevne zgodovine, ki je lahko v pomoč učitelju pri obravnavi navedenega obdobja.

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UDK 94(437)”199” 323.1(437)

Avtor: HAMBERGER Judit Dr. politologije Teleki László Institute Szilágyi Erzsébet fasor 22/c, HU - 1125 Budimpešta, Madžarska Naslov: DEBATE V SLOVAŠKEM ZGODOVINOPISJU V LETIH 1990-2000 O INTERPRETACIJI ČEŠKOSLOVAŠKE

Studia Historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 4 (2004), št. 1, str. 165-192, 47 cit., 9 slik Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski) Ključne besede: Češkoslovaška v 20. stoletju, češko-slovaški odnosi, debatne teme slovaških zgodovinarjev, 1990-2000, narodna in državna samostojnost, razlaga zgodovine, ocenjevanje zgodovine. Izvleček: Politična in družbena osvoboditev v 90-ih letih prejšnjega stoleja je omogočila in zahtevala, da zgodovinarji razveljavijo tabuistične teme desetletij skupne države, ponovno ocenijo sprevrnjena in ponarejena dejstva, zgodovinsko vlogo in dejanja zamolčanih oseb. Skupni imenovalec tem debatam je preiskava tega, kaj je pomenila skupna država za Slovake iz vidika slovaškega vprašanja ali slovaške nacionalne emancipacije v 20. stoletju. Na ta način so aspekti odnosa med Slovaki in Čehi istočasno tudi pomembna vprašanja slovaške nacionalne identitete.

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