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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
EDITORIAL
Content LONDON EDITION
Life goes on
SETEMBRO/16
When the Brasil Observer was launched, in November 2013, we saw a reasonable future for the country. The idea of economic growth with income distribution was alive and the preparations for the World Cup and the Olympic Games allowed us some enthusiasm. Almost three years later, what we have left is the eternal 7 x 1 and a democratically elected president victim of a doubtful impeachment process – to say the least. It’s true that at that time the government of President Dilma Rousseff and her party, the PT (Workers Party), were already facing exhaustion – the street demonstrations of June 2013 made it clear that a change of route was essential. However, Dilma was re-elected president of Brazil in 2014. And despite all her mistakes in the political and economic conduction, she had the constitutional right to finish her second term in 2018. This newspaper continues to be against the impeachment of Dilma because we understand the reasons for her condemnation were not strong enough, imposing a threat to our young democracy. We understand that it doesn’t matter whether it was a coup or not, but we are not afraid to say that yes, it was a parliamentarian, soft coup. Anyway, we keep our critical and honest position towards the issues published in these pages, always respecting the factual truth. We hope Brazil can learn from the present trauma, albeit apparently we didn’t learn anything from the previous ones. We hope our economy recover as soon as possible to create jobs and wealth, reducing our shameful inequality, although we strongly distrust the ability of Michel Temer to do so. Finally, we will keep working to contribute to the debate on Brazil in Britain.
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GUEST
Beatriz Garcia on Rio 2016 Olympic Games
10 REPORT
The role of businesses federations towards the impeachment
14 REPORT
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Brazil’s municipal elections bring new rules, but few changes
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16 CONECTANDO
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The struggle of a natural reserve in the State of São Paulo
18 CULTURAL TIPS
Sounds of Brazil to enjoy in London
Contributors Andrew Linghorn Franko Figueiredo Gabriela Lobianco Heloisa Righetto Nathália Braga Wagner de Alcântara Aragão
20 COLUMNISTS Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism 22 BR TRIP
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
Guest
The Olympics have changed Rio for the better The reality is not so grim as the international tales of doom and gloom made for dramatic headlines
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By Beatriz Garcia g
No sooner had the 2016 Olympic Games finished than commentators were lamenting their negative impacts on the host city, Rio de Janeiro. Many have concluded that a sustainable Olympic legacy is either uncertain, or downright impossible. But while these tales of doom and gloom make for dramatic headlines, the reality is not so grim. The international press have always been pessimistic about Brazil’s ability to stage the Olympics. Before the games began, a steady flow of articles critiqued the preparations, condemned forced evictions and cast doubt on whether vital infrastructure would be delivered on schedule. Admittedly, in the context of the ongoing economic crisis and political turmoil, there was – and still is – good cause for concern. But it is important not to get fixed on controversies as the only source of truth. Once the games started, the city was given a short break and the focus moved to the wonders of sport - and obsessive medal counting. But after many were swept up in the thrill of the games themselves, it didn’t take long for the criticisms to return. In contrast with this bleak picture, my own research on Rio throughout the games fortnight, building on a framework that interrogates the cultural dimensions of this as well as eight previous host cities since Sydney 2000, reveal a different dimension of the Olympic city this summer.
THE ART OF PROGRESS The people I spoke to were frustrated that uplifting stories about the urban, social and cultural changes taking place in Rio were not being picked up by journalists. This was especially clear in Rio’s favelas, where I conducted the bulk of my research. These informal slum-like settlements span across the city’s hills and have attracted worldwide attention for their poor living conditions and the high crime rates, associated with drug dealing. While internal gang wars have resulted in targeted violence for decades, favela residents insist they are also part of strong and optimistic communities. Those outside of gang rivalries say that they feel safe and well supported within their neighbourhood, and that culture and creativity has always been a source of empowerment. In particular, cultural activists working in the favelas, such as DJ Zezinho and Obi Wan, told me that they were fed up with being asked to talk about everything that is wrong in Rio. They said that their community life is thriving and opportunities are opening up for residents like Obi Wan, who got a grant to study at a private school and is now running a popular youth hostel and favela tours. Artists (both home-bred and adopted) are also bringing about positive changes to their neighbourhoods. The International Olympic Committee’s first artist-in-residence – photographer and street artist JR – has taken a prominent role in a number of projects at the Olympic Games.
His work ranges from the monumental Giants to portraits of Olympic participants (InsideOut), to small, community-focused interventions – such as a cultural centre, Casa Amarela, based in one of Rio’s oldest favelas. What’s more, the first favela-based libraries are opening up, and the new Olympic metro line will improve accessibility to Rio’s most prominent favela, Rocinha. Residents are hopeful that this will finally make it plain that favelas are truly a part of Rio – they weren’t even recognised on official maps until 2013). Of course, locals’ reactions to the Olympics aren’t all positive. One Rocinha resident pointed out: “We are not allowed to use the metro until after the games – at the moment, only Olympic competition ticket holders can.” But in the wake of extensive drug lord removals and pacification – a controversial but transformative effort to fight crime in the favelas, which was accelerated as the Olympics were looming – no one denies that the big event has helped advance important social causes and address essential public infrastructure needs. It’s not just residents of the favelas who are feeling some benefits from hosting the games. Despite Rio’s reputation for being a city of great inequality, it does actually have a substantial middle class. Between 60% and 75% of its population live in four large districts: the historic, downtown Centro, the flashy Zona Sul, the largely low-income, residential Zona Norte and the suburbs of the west side. The latter includes Barra da Tijuca – the site of the main Olympic Park, which is rapidly developing as new, wealthier communities move in. The Olympic Games have given Rio’s middle-class residents – particularly those in Centro and Zona Norte – a chance to participate in the debate around the kind of city Rio is, and could be.
NO-GO TO MUST-GO Both city and Olympic officials have made much of the claim that 63% of the population now have access to public transport (up from 18%, seven years ago). But an equally important (and, culturally, more significant) Olympic legacy for Rio is the rediscovery of its public spaces, as areas for people to meet and mingle. Just as Barcelona rediscovered its port during the 1992 Olympics, Rio has reconnected with the long-derelict Porto Maravilha. The Porto borders downtown Centro, an area which bustles with office workers from all across the city during the week. But up until recently, Centro lacked public meeting spaces, and was considered an unsafe, no-go area in the evenings and on weekends. This has changed dramatically for the duration of the Olympic Games (and carrying on into the Paralympics). Porto Maravilhas has been rebranded as the Boulevard Olimpico – and suddenly, it’s the place to be.
A dedicated Olympic “live site”, where fans can watch the action on big screens, the Boulevard Olimpico owes its success to the ingenious combination of a diverse cultural offering (including the new Museum of Tomorrow and the revamped Museum of Art in Rio) with business displays and entertainment. What’s more, the thoughtful way the space has been used sparked a flurry of street artists (five so far, and counting) to take over old warehouse walls and produce enormous graffiti artworks. And this is only the second time – after Vancouver’s Winter Olympics in 2010 – that an Olympic Cauldron was placed outside the sports venue, giving those without tickets the chance to experience one the most recognisable Olympic icons first hand. So, Cariocas have flocked in their thousands to the Boulevard Olympico. They have fully embraced this new part of their city: there will be no white elephants here. The port has passed from no-go to must-go area in a matter of months and, given its position as meeting point for daily commuters, it is set to become one of the most lively and diverse public places in the city.
A LASTING LEGACY The Parque Madureira, in the northern part of the city, is another example of urban regeneration leaving a positive legacy for the local community. Located in a densely populated, low-income area, which is dominated by factory infrastructure, this new park has brought greenery, sporting facilities and new cultural life to a neighbourhood of more than 350,000 people. Rio is a big city. With Olympic activities dotted across the four main districts, hardcore sports fans have been forced to spend a considerable part of their day in transit. Because of this, visitors have been exposed to the many sides of Rio, beyond the sandy beaches in Copacabana and the dirty streets in the slums. Above all else, the games have showcased the generous spirit of the Carioca. While in Rio, I witnessed the locals’ thrill at discovering new spaces to gather, exercise and party; their enjoyment and surprise at mixing with people from other districts – often, for the first time, given the city’s longstanding north-south economic divide, and their refusal to be confined by stereotypes and condemned to repeat the same social and cultural mistakes. There are hard times ahead; the country still faces an ongoing recession and political turmoil. But the Olympic Games have opened up new public spaces, giving everyone the chance to generate positive collective memories – with the Paralympics yet to come. Rather than taking on a defeatist, “can’t-do” attitude, there is much to be gained by paying attention to what’s gone right in Rio.
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
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Beatriz Garcia is Head of Research and Cultural Policy, Institute of Cultural Capital, University of Liverpool. She is conducting research in Rio partly funded by an International Olympic Committee Advanced Research Grant. Other funding comes from the British Academy Newton Fund and involves a collaboration between the University of Liverpool and University of Sao Paulo to assess cultural narratives of Brazil in the wake of the 2016 Olympic Games. This article was originally published at www.theconversation.com
Tânia Rêgo/Agência Brasil
The largest set of Olympic rings are placed at Madureira park, in low-income Zona Norte
Tomaz Silva/Agência Brasil
The eco-friendly Olympic Cauldron has become one of Rio’s favourite sites for selfies
Alexandre Macieira/Riotur
The Olympic Boulevard in Porto Maravilhas was the most popular site for collective (unticketed) celebration during the games
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
REPORT
How Brazil’s business federations encouraged Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment
Reporter from Agência Pública checked the procedures of ten state federations for the removal of President Dilma Rousseff; half of them participated in proimpeachment movements By Alice Maciel, from Agência Pública www.apublica.org
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Business leaders from all over the country arrived in Brasília, the capital of Brazil, in March and April 2016 with a defined mission: to visit federal deputies from their states and convince them to vote in favour of opening the impeachment process of President Dilma Rousseff (Workers Party). They spread quietly through the halls of Congress seeking mainly the votes from those undecided Member of Parliament. In the evaluation of the businesses representatives, the lobby, led by employers’ unions, worked out efficiently. “It was a very productive trip not only for the results but also for the mobilization itself. We made a ‘body-to-body’ work with Congressmen from Paraná and even went to the house of one of them, who was undecided,” said Elaine Rodrigues de Paula Reis, director of the Paraná Chemical and Pharmaceutical Industries Union (Sinqfar). She went to Brasília with a group from the Industries Federation of Paraná State (Fiep), formed by 50 business leaders, on
April 17, when the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of Brazilian Congress, cleared the way for the impeachment process. According to the president of Fiep, Edson Campagnolo, at least six votes were reversed “thanks to the mobilization of the population and the work of businessmen.” The employers unions also went to the front on the streets. While the Unified Workers’ Central (CUT) led the movement against the impeachment, businessmen used various resources to encourage demonstrations against Dilma Rousseff’s Presidency. The Agência Pública investigated these stories to show how the business sector acted in the impeachment process. The survey was conducted in ten major federations of industries. Entities from São Paulo, Santa Catarina, Paraná, Goiás and Rio de Janeiro declared formal support. In Espírito Santo, despite President Marcos Guerra being in favour of the impeachment, the entity didn’t comment. The Industries Federation of Pernambuco State (Fiepe)
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
Reproduction/Facebook
The Fiesp building in São Paulo became the meeting point for the demonstrations in favour of Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment
campaign against tax increases, became a symbol against the PT government. Fiesp went further, setting up an infrastructure in front of its building to receive protesters in favour of the process and published a 14-page advertisement in the first section of the main newspapers in the country advocating “Impeachment Now”. Another round of advertising was done in 21 states with photo, phone and Facebook page of Members of Parliament so people could press them during the voting procedures. Hundreds of employers’ unions supported the campaign, led by Fiesp. The orientation for businessmen to follow the Congressmen from their states was given by Fiesp and the Federation of Industries of the State of Rio de Janeiro (Firjan). “We will all focus on letting Congressmen know that the country wants impeachment. A deputy should represent the people, and I think that every good Congressman, thinking about the people, will do it as soon as possible, to give an oxygenation and a plan for the country to get out of a vicious cycle,” said Paulo Skaff after a meeting with 300 business leaders at the headquarters of Fiesp, broadcasted online to the federations of Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo, Goiás, Pará and Paraná. On the same day, the president of Firjan, Eduardo Eugenio Gouvêa declared his support for the impeachment process and argued that businessmen should press the Congress. “[We will] show Members of Parliament their obligation to vote for Brazil, changing the president as soon as possible. We cannot continue this apathy,” he said.
HOME PRESSURE
reported that “the vast majority of trade unions present in the house supported the movement”, but the institution didn’t have a position. The federations from Minas Gerais and Bahia remained neutral. Dissatisfied with the direction of the economy under the PT (Workers Party) government, the productive sector felt contemplated by the speech of the vice -president, Michel Temer (Democratic Movement Party): “The government alone cannot be populist only to swell the state machine, but must be participatory, and that participation comes precisely from the private sector that is very disappointed. I understand the disappointment of businessmen,” argued Temer during the launch of his party “Unity Caravan” in Curitiba, on January 28. And continued to repeat catchphrases that were music to the business sector’s ears: “The private sector has to be praised because it guarantees employment for our country”; “the private sector is the
driving force of the government itself.” During the same meeting, with the presence of various sectors of civil society, Temer released what would become the platform of his government, the “Bridge to the Future” document. Officially launched as the PMDB (Democratic Movement Party) program to deal with Brazil’s economic crisis, its main proposal focused a development policy that places the private sector in the centre. The first businessmen representative to defend Dilma Rousseff ’s impeachment is an ally of Temer, the president of the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (Fiesp), Paulo Skaff, in a statement made on December 14 last year. He then became a militant of the cause and articulator of the process within the business community. The headquarters of Fiesp, on the Paulista Avenue, heart of Brazil’s biggest city, turned into point of demonstrations in favour of the impeachment, and the famous inflatable duck, created for the
The Agência Pública talked to some senators after the upper house of Brazil’s Congress decided to keep the process against Dilma Rousseff. They were in a meeting to vote the Provisional Measure 726/2016, published on May 12 by the interim president Michel Temer, extinguishing nine ministries: Culture; Communication; Agrarian Development; Women, Racial Equality, Youth and Human Rights; Ports; Civil Aviation; Social Communication; Military House; and General Comptroller of the Union. The leader of Michel Temer’s government in Congress, Senator Rose de Freitas (PMDB), representing the State of Espírito Santo, was keen to point out that the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff “did not have the digitals of the industry sector.” And the rapporteur of the impeachment proceedings in the Senate, Antonio Anastasia (Social Democracy Party), representing the State of Minas Gerais, claimed he hasn’t seen any mobilization in favour or against the process. He said he spent the last few months just working with the Senate consulting team. The federal deputy Leonardo Quintão (PMDB), also representing Minas Gerais, argued that the impeachment was not a movement of sectors. In the analysis of the national president of the PMDB, Senator Romero Jucá, the impeachment is the result of the popular movement and the organized sectors.
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Like Senator Rose, both Jucá and Quintão admitted they had been under pressure, but ensured the mobilization of people dissatisfied with the government weighed more on the process result than the mobilization of businessmen, led by industry federations. “The economic sector has a peculiar force. As it represents the productive sectors, but has no vote, it does not have mobilization capacity. I would say it has more organization, more technical proposition. In the case of social sectors, they make more noise, have more electoral political representation, generate more problems for Congressmen who are against their ideas,” said Jucá. The fact is that with easy access to the offices in Brasília the pressure of the employers’ unions came forcefully to Congress. Businessmen from the State of Goiás were received in the lower house by ten federal deputies and two senators. “We were very well received and we had complete success,” said the president of the Commerce, Industry and Services Association of the State of Goiás, Euclides Barbo Siqueira. In order to return the favour, the Forum of Business Entities of the State of Goiás and the Housing Forum of Goiás held on April 25 a dinner for Congressmen who voted for the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. Among those present was the rapporteur of the impeachment process in the Chamber of Deputies, Jovair Arantes (Brazilian Labour Party). “I was very honoured today; this gives us more strength to work,” he said during the event. The senators who voted for the impeachment were also treated with a lunch hosted by the Federation of Industries of Goiás (Fieg) on May 23. Federal deputies from Brazil’s Southern State of Santa Catarina received the message during a meeting between the Parliamentary Forum of Santa Catarina and the Council of Business Associations of Santa Catarina, which took place in Brasilia on March 23. Of the 16 federal deputies from the state, 10 are businessmen, according to a study conducted by the Inter-Parliamentary Advisory Department. The capital of Santa Catarina, Florianópolis was one of the towns visited by Temer with the “Unity Caravan” in February. At the time, Michel Temer participated in a panel with representatives of the productive sectors in the Federation of Industries of Santa Catarina (Fiesc). In March, Fiesc released a manifesto calling for a new government. The lobby by sector also worked. Four days before the vote in the lower house, more than 150 leaders and entrepreneurs from the cargo road transport landed in Brasília “to visit the federal deputies from their respective regions and to strengthen the position of the sector.” “It was a very positive initiative because we had representatives from several states present in this work in Congress. The positioning of the sector, which was already of public knowledge, was reinforced personally with Congressmen, and everyone was extremely receptive,” said the businessman José Hélio Fernandes.
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
RELATIONS AND DONATIONS The industry federations were not mobilized only because of their class interests. The political relations permeate these federations and the National Confederation of Industry (CNI). To have an idea, only in 2010, after 30 years, CNI elected its first non-parliamentary president. Robson Braga substituted Armando Monteiro, today Senator by PTB from Pernambuco. Armando Monteiro was Minister of Development, Industry and Foreign Trade of Dilma Rousseff ’s government and, although a reference to the interests of the entity in the Senate, one of the few businessmen who stood next to the president and voted against the impeachment. Robson Braga has signed an open letter to the Congressmen, three days before the impeachment vote in the lower house, in which he said: “It’s time to change.” The board of CNI has Paulo Skaff in its vice-presidency, who is also ahead of Fiesp and the Centre of São Paulo State Industries (Ciesp). Ally of Michel Temer, Skaf became a PMDB leader already in charge of São Paulo institutions, where he is since 2004. In 2014, he failed to win the election for the State of São Paulo government, but managed to receive R$ 236,300 in donation from Fiesp directors. The Agência Pública did a survey on the board of the ten largest federations to understand the relations of their leaders with political parties. In all of them there are directors who made donations in the 2014 elections. In Minas Gerais and São Paulo, the number of donors was more significant, 12 and 26, respectively. At Fiesp, in addition to Skaff, another vice-president, Josué Gomes (PMDB from Minas Gerais), son of Brazil’s former vice-president José Alencar, also disputed elections – he ran for Senate. Josué received donation from Fiesp representatives in the amount of R$ 140,000. Altogether, businessmen from the institution donated R$ 4.8 million for the 2014 campaign: the largest share was for PMDB candidates: R$ 3.7 million. The rest of the donations was distributed among nine political parties. Paulo Skaff and Josué Gomes also received donations from the Federation of Industries of the State of Minas Gerais (Fiemg). The vice-president, Aguinaldo Diniz Filho donated R$ 35,000. Another 11 directors donated almost R$ 100,000 to six political parties. Fiemg has been chaired by Olavo Machado Júnior since 2010, when he replaced Robson Braga. The president of the Regional Fiemg Rio Grande Valley, Altamir Rôso, is a member of PMDB and was State Secretary of Economic Development. His office was extinct in the administrative reform conducted by the current governor Fernando Pimentel (PT) in July. Despite the national disruption, in Minas the PMDB remains in the PT government base. This suggests an explanation for the fact that Fiemg remained officially neutral regarding the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. In Rio de Janeiro, only the president of Firjan, Eduardo Eugênio Gouvêa, who
is in charge of the entity for 21 years, and the vice-president, Carlos Mariani Bittencourt, made donations for the 2014 election, both destined to Paulo Skaff, totalling R$ 20,000. In the same year, the Federation of Industries of the State of Goiás (Fieg) re-elected one of its leaders, José Antônio Vitti (PSDB), to the Legislative Assembly of the state. Donations to the PT only came from Rio Grande do Sul (R$ 11,700), Minas Gerais (R$ 5,000), São Paulo (R$ 250,000) and Bahia (R$ 1,000). From the parties that received donations, the Communist Party was the least gifted, with only R$ 3,000, which came from São Paulo. PMDB was the party that received most of the donations. In addition to São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro and Goiás, representatives from Santa Catarina and Parana donated to candidates of the party.
CORPORATE BENCH The corporate bench is the largest in Brazil’s Congress, with 251 representatives – 221 out of 513 federal deputies and 30 out of 81 senators, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Advisory Department (Diap). However, it lost representatives from the last term – they were 273. Only Psol (Socialism and Freedom), PCdoB (Communist Party), PSDC (Christian Social Democratic Party) and PEN (National Ecologic Party) don’t have businessmen on their benches. Among the one hundred politicians appointed by Diap as the most influential in the Brazilian Congress, 30 are businessmen. PMDB is the party with most members of this bench, 34 federal deputies and 10 senators, followed by PSDB with 28 federal deputies and 10 senators, and PP, with 26 federal deputies and 3 senators. This means that half of the PMDB Members of Parliament are made of owners of commercial, industrial, and service establishments or from the rural segment. The survey conducted by Diap also shows that the PMDB proximity to the bosses is not new. Since the legislature 1991-1995, when the organization began this study, the PMDB are among the main representatives of the sector. Coordinated by CNI, the corporate bench has an agenda made up of 121 proposals. The dispensation of Petrobras, a state-controlled oil company, to have a minimum participation in the exploration of pre-salt oil; new rules for environmental licensing; and regulation of outsourced labour force are some of the proposals submitted as urgent for businessmen. CNI monitors all projects in the National Congress. The Council of Legislative Affairs (Coal), led by Paulo Afonso Ferreira, former president of Fieg, is the sector responsible for this monitoring and has a team of executives who are in direct contact with Members of Parliament and government officials. “Those responsible for the lobby of the CNI are allocated to Coal,” said Andrea Cristina de Jesus Oliveira in her doctoral thesis presented at the University of Campinas.
The “Fiesp duck” became one of the greatest symbols of the demonstrations in favour of Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment
In the study she notes that the Coal has the function to monitor, influence, inform and prepare studies that support its actions and at the same time be a source of information for parliamentarians. In addition to monitoring the positive and negative projects for the industry, according to Andrea, CNI also makes a political monitoring to identify allies and enemies of their causes. For instance, the federal deputy André Moura (Social Christian Party) attended a Coal meeting in August and received praises from Paulo Afonso: “André Moura is a pathfinder of projects that were stopped in the house. When the proposal falls in his hands, we know that it will go on efficiently.” “Coal lobbyists are responsible for the body-to-body of CNI. However, there is an issue to highlight: the Coal lobbyists will never be seen interfering with parliamentarians when they are voting on a particular project,” said Andrea. According to her, the lobbyists prefer to act in
the commissions where the projects begin to be discussed. Coal has some channels of communication with businessmen. Among them Legisdata, a “database of the National Congress actions that allows them to track the legislative proposals. It contains information on projects proceedings, executive summaries, full texts and indicative opinions of the CNI.” Users of the information can also issue their opinions. Monitoring is carried out by the federations of industries in the Legislative Assemblies and Municipal Councils. “By its monitoring devices, Coal makes a map of all the bills that are presented in the Legislative Houses. In addition to the virtual monitoring, they follow personally committees meetings and public hearings. The action is the direct contact of the productive sector with the Legislative. It will enable the understanding that the proposed laws need to comply with the industrial reality”, says Fiemg.
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
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Lucio Bernardo Jr./Chamber of Deputies
Tulipa Ruiz + DJ D.Vyzor Thursday 8 September Rich Mix comono.co.uk
MARIA SUNDAY 23 OCTOBER
Privileged access to the ‘House of People’ Photos of the representatives of employers’ associations in Brasília were published in the pages of the entities on the Internet. The images show businessmen in public offices and even in the Congress plenary. Business leaders who were at the federal capital asking for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, extol the reception of parliamentarians. For them the “House of People” is open and the access to federal deputies and senators has no obstacles. For other classes of Brazilian society, the reception is another. On the same day that the Senate voted the report of the Impeachment Special Committee, on August 9, about 200 indigenous leaders occupied the auditorium Nereu Ramos. They left the place at 10.30pm, after it was agreed that they would be received by the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Rodrigo Maia, at 10:30am the next day. “In my tribe, the word is what counts, but here is the paper. So we came to bring a paper to the president,” said the chief Nailton Muniz Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe, from the city of Pau Brasil, in southern Bahia. The document, among other guidelines,
calls for the end of PEC 215, which, if passed, would remove the demarcation of indigenous lands. They came to the lower house on time, but were received only two hours later, around 12:30pm. That’s because before them, at 11am, Rodrigo Maia received the CEO of Sebrae, Guilherme Afif Domingos, and members of the Parliamentary Front of Micro and Small Enterprises. “When we arrive here, we face difficulties to enter,” said the chief Nailton Muniz while waiting for Maia. “Sometimes we feel very embarrassed because there is bad faith to receive us and the acceptance of our claim,” he added. “The businessman comes in and has space for dialogue, has a room to enter the time they want. But we, traditional communities, when we come here, there is a barrier to prevent our entry,” said the representative of the National Articulation of Quilombos, Fátima Barros. According to her, Rodrigo Maia committed to not put the PEC 215 to vote. “He will not take the decision alone, but he said he will not only hear one side,” she said.
‘Sublime’ The Times ‘Magical’ The Independent
Monday 26 September
ANTÓNIO ZAMBU O TUESDAY 29 NOVEMBER UNION CHAPEL COMONO.CO.UK
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
2016 elections: Few chances for renewal Brazilians go to the polls on October 2nd to choose mayors and councillors. New electoral rules do not favour political change By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão
A shorter, more discreet, and in theory cheaper electoral campaign. That’s what is expected for Brazil’s municipal elections this year, after a reform approved by Congress in 2015. Despite some progress – such as the ban of corporate donations to election campaign financing – the changes must frustrate those who crave political renewal and more legitimate and ethics practices. For the political scientist Emerson Urizzi Cervi, professor at the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), the shorter campaign becomes an obstacle for less known candidates to communicate and present their proposals to the voter. This year’s campaign (started on August 16) will last 45 days, half of the 90 days of the previous elections. In addition, electoral propaganda on radio and television was also reduced. “[The changes in electoral legislation] benefit those who are already known. So either the elector votes for those running for re-election or choose sportsmen, figures of the media or religious leaders who are already known,” says Cervi to the Brasil Observer. “What the electoral reform did was diminish the real options for the voter. Then we cannot complain if we see a high rate of re-election or growth of religious pastors in politics,” criticizes the professor.
DEBATES Electoral debates, especially those promoted by TV broadcasters, hardly offer a consistent forum for ideas and proposals discussion. Starting from the time
they are held and transmitted – usually after 10pm, advancing the early morning hours. Most of the population who need to wake up early to work and study is not able to follow these debates. In addition, the rules often lock discussions. Usually what we see are short statements made by the candidates trained by their staff about pre-established and general issues. Only in the second round there is a greater possibility of confrontation, but of the 5,568 Brazilian cities, only 92 have more than 200,000 voters, where it is possible to have a second vote between the two mayoral candidates with the most votes in the first round.
compromise public debate, under penalty of transgressing the deliberative democracy, which culminated by annihilating the basic law requiring the State respect for the principle of equal opportunities”, said Minister Celso de Mello. Still, in the two first debates promoted by Bandeirantes TV in São Paulo (on August 22) and in Rio de Janeiro (on August 25), the candidates of PSOL (Socialism and Freedom Party) – Luiza Erundina in São Paulo and Marcelo Freixo in Rio – were unable to attend. Both Erundina and Freixo are appointed by opinion polls as strong competitors in their disputes.
PARTICIPATIONS
SCENARIO
The electoral reform approved in 2015 also made the participation of candidates in the debates more restricted. Under the new electoral law, organizers of the debates are only required to invite candidates of parties with more than nine parliamentarians in the national Chamber of Deputies. The inclusion of politicians that do not meet this requirement depend on the agreement of the other competitors. This restriction came to be overturned by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) on August 25. “The possibility of the TV broadcasters to invite candidates that do not meet the criteria established by the law, without the consent of other candidates, can bring greater democratic density to the electoral process,” said Minister of STF Dias Toffoli. “The normative regulation cannot
It’s not only the shortest election campaign; it coincided with the final stage of the impeachment process again President Dilma Rousseff. Despite this, political scientist Emerson Cervi believes the national situation should not have a more significant impact on the elections next October. “I do not believe so. Elections are local, where national issues are far away for more than 90% of the municipalities,” he says to the Brasil Observer. “In Brazil, 50% of municipalities have up to 20,000 voters, so they are very small and the municipal election is to discuss local issues. From more than 5,000 municipalities only 92 have a second round that is, an election in which disputes of local groups matter more than the national situation.”
SPECTRA With the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and the resurgence of the centre-right and right-wing forces, which political spectrum should emerge from the municipal elections in October? According to the professor of UFPR, it’s hard to make a diagnosis. “In general, the left has a tired discourse in Brazil, as well as the rest of the world. In Europe, the far right is growing with the dissatisfaction of ordinary people. In Brazil, the phenomenon is similar,” compares Cervi. The high number of political parties in Brazil makes it complicated to draw a projection. However, things seem more favourable for conservative forces. “As there are many parties [disputing the municipal elections], it is not possible to anticipate which of them should take advantage. What is expected is [greater advantage for] small and medium centre-right and right-wing parties,” says the political scientist.
LEADERSHIP An almost unanimous understanding among political analysts is the lack of outstanding leaders – worse than that, the absolute lack of new emerging leaders in the short term. The current mayor of São Paulo, Fernando Haddad (Workers Party), who is seeking re-election, and Rio de Janeiro’s mayor, Eduardo Paes (Democratic Movement Party), are often mentioned as potential leaders – for administering the two largest cities of the country.
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MAIN CHANGES
Source: Superior Electoral Court (TSE)
Main rules established by the electoral reform: g
The consolidation of this power, however, will depend on both performances in the elections this year. Haddad, according to early polls, will struggle to get re-elected – Celso Russomanno (Republican Party) and former mayor Marta Suplicy (Democratic Movement Party) lead the race; the current mayor shares the third place with the also former mayor Luiza Erundina (Socialism and Freedom Party). But the São Paulo Executive leader tends to grow during the campaign. Eduardo Paes is already in his second term, so he cannot be elected again this time. He supports the candidate Pedro Paulo (Democratic Movement Party), who at the moment does not reach the two-digit intention of vote – Senator Marcelo Crivella (Republican Party), State Deputy Marcelo Freixo (Socialism and Freedom Party) and Federal Deputy Jandira Feghali (Communist Party) are ahead of Paes’ candidate. As the campaign progresses and the population associates the name of Pedro Paulo to Paes, it is likely that the candidate will improve in the polls. Anyway, in the evaluation of Emerson Cervi, it is very difficult to imagine a national leader emerging in the municipal elections. “In the electoral history of Brazil few mayors managed national projection directly. Usually the City Hall is the starting point for the Congress or the State Government, and from the to the national scene,” considers the political scientist.
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Political affiliation: until last April 2 (before the candidate had to be affiliated to a political party a year before the election) Campaign period: 45 days (previously 90 days) The advertising period for candidates on radio and television has also decreased, from 45 to 35 days, beginning on August 26, in the first round. The campaign will have two blocks on the radio and two on television with ten minutes each. In addition to the blocks, the parties are entitled to 70 minutes daily in inserts, which will be distributed among the mayoral candidates (60%) and city council (40%). In 2016, these inserts may only be 30 or 60 seconds each. Corporate financing is prohibited. Only the financing of individuals is permitted (maximum 10% of the gross income of the donor) and also through features of the party fund. Applications have maximum ceiling for expenditure defined based on higher expenses declared in municipal elections 2012 (within the respective constituency).
NUMBERS OF THE ELECTIONS
Source: Superior Electoral Court (TSE)
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144,088,912 voters in Brazil 5,568 municipalities 92 municipalities with more than 200,000 voters October 2, the date of the first round October 30, the date of the second round (municipalities with more than 200,000 voters where the first place does not reach 50% plus one of the valid votes)
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
CONECTANDO
São Miguel Arcanjo, SP
A new enemy
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The sun does not even need to say goodbye, as the moon make its home in the sky. The sound of the city is 33 kilometres behind. The tallest trees in the world are swaying back and forward as an orchestra, the water travels fast by the stones and rainbow birds warn the arrival of the night. There is no silence in the woods. But it is there, amid the natural chaos that peace inhabits and humans surrender to the majesty. It is the Brazilian heart, a green heart called Zizo Park, located in São Miguel Arcanjo, a town 200 kilometres from São Paulo, in the south of the state. This is a private reserve of 118 acres (2.3 thousand square meters) in the largest remaining part of preserved Atlantic Forest. A mosaic composed by the state parks Petar, Intervales, Carlos Botelho, Nascentes do Paranapanema and the Ecological Station Xitué, which together pass the 250 thousand hectares of preserved forest. And there in the middle, with 60% of the territory untouched by man, the Zizo Park holds the remaining catalogued river springs, waterfalls, lagoons and lookouts available to visitors and research. A beating heart protected by the Balboni family, which for nearly 18 years has been fighting to preserve land. Just to give you an idea, more than 350 species of rare birds have been catalogued in the park, as well as other animals such as jaguars, monkeys and muriquis (largest primate in the Americas), all of which are facing extinction. There the Bal-
bonis try to protect the land against the so-called palmiteiros, groups that extract palmitos illegally and threaten not only the park, but the protected areas as well. They clear the forest, open paths and clearings, make bonfires, hunt to eat and cook palm hearts, encouraging a clandestine network of untaxed food and unfit for consumption, given the threat of bacteria. The maintainers of the system: from the smallest and individual consumers to the largest businesses in the country, including pizzerias and restaurants. To inhibit, and avoid confrontation, the strategy is to seek dialogue with the palmiteiros and projects that encourage the legal production of palmito in riverside communities. In addition, there are incentives for environmental education, available for elementary school students and universities. An initiative that spreads through private reserves and the state conservation units, aimed at transforming the threat into an ally. This is done in the name of preserving the forest, responsible for the existence and survival of the human race. A day-to-day struggle of the Balbonis on behalf of its largest member, who gives its name to the park. Meanwhile, they sought compensation for the families of dead and missing people during the dictatorship (1964-1985). It is not only today that the family thinks about the common good.
The story of a Brazil that struggles to survive By Leila Gapy – from São Miguel Arcanjo, São Paulo
ON BEHALF OF FREEDOM The Balboni family began with the marriage of Luiz, a self-taught entrepreneur, and Francisca Aurea, a housewife, and grew up in São Miguel Arcanjo, with eight children. Luiz Fogaça Balboni, aka Zizo, was the oldest. Straightforward and intelligent, he grew up watching his parents working in the fields and as a teenager was studying in the capital – being followed by two brothers, Aldo and Vital. Later, as a student at the University of São Paulo (USP), in the 1960s, Zizo experienced the political landscape of the time, the civil-military coup of 1964. With a free spirit, he allied to the National Liberation Action (ALN). He then joined the Tactical Armed Group (GTA), the same of Carlos Marighella. He knew that urban guerrillas were growing in number and should be brought to the countryside. He was killed in an ambush set by Sergio Paranhos Fleury, the Matador (Killer). The family was devastated. He was labelled a terrorist in order to prevent any other family member getting involved with the resistance. But it was too late. Aldo, the second son, was also tortured for weeks, shortly after the funeral of his brother. Vital, who was waiting Zizo’s guidelines before his death to enter the GTA, had to leave the country in a hurry and headed to Europe. Zizo defended the dream of a free and egalitarian country, with opportunities for everyone, with happiness and studies for every child. He did not get to see it.
It took nearly 30 years until the Balbonis obtained an answer and found out what happened thanks to a witness who survived. Manoel Cyrillo, responsible for the kidnapping of the US ambassador to Brazil, Charles Burke Elbrick, which enabled the release of ten guerrillas. The Cyrillo testimony unveiled the family shadow. Zizo had been caught, tortured, shot and killed on 25 September 1969. His statements in 1996 provided the family with compensation in 1998 and the creation of Zizo Park the following year. The US$ 200,000 sent to Balbonis did not pay off the burden of loss. Even less the social alienation suffered. But allowed Mrs. Aurea to put, with pride, the photo of their deceased son in the living room wall and prayed at a Mass in his memory. The money also meant that the Zizo memory was preserved today by 18 heirs who take care of the Zizo Park Association (APAZ) – which defines the direction of the area and prevents the degradation of the park, in addition to prioritizing environmental education.
THE RICHEST FOREST This conduct illustrates the struggle of a minority for the maintenance of the Brazilian forest. Yes, a minority, led not only by the state government through the parks, but also the few private initiatives, in addition to Zizo, such as Rio Taquaral Park and Onça Pintada Park, both in São Miguel Arcanjo – 10% of the forest that still exists is not protec-
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
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Octávio Campos Salles
ted. The history of the discovery of Brazil is the story of the devastation of the Atlantic Forest. Each development cycle resulted in reduced forest that currently adds only 8.5% of the original forest, initially composed of 1 .3 million square kilometres extended by 17 states. Regarded today as one of the richest biospheres on the planet, especially for the water resources, it’s also the most endangered, holding 55% of Brazil’s endangered-list species. A Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO and the National Patrimony by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 that generates income through agriculture, extraction and tourism for more than 72% of the population, according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). Forest preserved by the
federal and state governments for 40 years and whose main competitor were the citizens, such as initiatives for preservation, maintenance and reforestation.
ETERNAL STRUGGLE In the last month of August the whole world turned to Brazil for the Olympic Games. The opportunity was seized by the Organizing Committee, which did not miss the chance to have as its main message the urgent need for preservation, maintenance and restoration of the environment. The initiative has been criticized, because within the country itself there are contradictions. They asked care for the forest, the need to preserve for the future. But they haven’t created, for example,
efficient mechanisms for implementation of the National Policy on Solid Waste and selective collection; haven’t punished the cities responsible for 29% increase in waste production and 41% of waste improperly allocated in landfills – 2014 data compared to 2013, according to Panorama of Solid Waste in Brazil. This imbalance exists not only with respect to sustainability, conscious consumption, preservation and maintenance of their forests. The political chaos bothers freedom and do not respect the ballot box, cut employee benefits, cut incentives for education and culture, favours the salary of the judiciary and keeps the elite media. Real chaos with projects like the School With No Party – that prevents teachers from the public schools to talk about politics in the
classroom –; chaos made legitimate when the interim president asked not to be announced during the opening of the Olympic Games. There is similarity between the country seen by Zizo and the country lived by his heirs. There is repetition in history. Most likely the Balbonis will survive. They have only changed their enemies, like the many initiatives that walk alone – Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state itself. It seems the country that did not clean up Guanabara Bay for athletes is actually asking for help. But as the great thinker Gustav Jung wrote, what you do not learn, is repeated. (Collaborated the Balbino family and Marcia Hirota, executive director of the NGO SOS Atlantic Forest)
CONECTANDO is an editorial project developed by Brasil Observer to enhance experiences of ‘glocal’ communication. With universities, social movements and journalists, our goal is to bring local content for a global audience. To participate, write to contato@brasilobserver.co.uk
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
TIPS
Brazilians sounds bring tropical feelings to London Tulipa Ruiz Tulipa Ruiz is at the forefront of a group of new female Brazilian singers – her unique voice is playful and theatrical, ranging from the light and balladic to more boisterous. Her organic, idiosyncratic indie pop expands on the stylistic impulses of the Tropicalia movement, melding a range of influences, and is grounded in her own compositions. When: 8 September Where: Rich Mix (35-47 Bethnal Green Road, London E1 6LA) Entrance: £12 to £15 Info: www.richmix.org.uk
Metá Metá Metá Metá, three of São Paulo’s most sought after musicians, successfully create seductive Afro-Punk sound through a mix of Afrobeat, Afrosambas, be-bop and art rock. Metá Metá’s second album, MetaL MetaL, launches itself from the ancient chants of the orixás into a dirty brew of psychedelic samba, distorted jazz and Afro-Punk. When: 13 September Where: Battersea Arts Centre (Lavender Hill, London SW11 5TN) Entrance: £15 Info: www.bac.org.uk
Zélia Duncan e Zeca Baleiro After travelling to more than 15 Brazilian cities, the stars of Brazil’s pop music scene arrive in London. Zelia Duncan and Zeca Baleiro give an unprecedented show together, filled with songs that marked their careers, and in an intimate environment. When: 9 October Where: O2 Forum Kentish Town (9-17 Highgate Road, London NW5 1JY) Entrance: £35 Info: www.academymusicgroup.com
Maria Gadú One of the artists at the forefront of Música Popular Brasileira, Maria Gadú performs her new album Guelã with her live band. Gadú’s emotionally-driven acoustic-based songs would fit comfortably alongside indie -pop singer-songwriters, yet her raw, passionate vocals and accomplished guitar style are notably Brazilian. When: 23 October Where: Barbican Hall (Silk Street, London EC2Y 8DS) Entrance: £15-35 plus booking fee Info: www.barbican.org.uk
Elza Soares The queen of Brazilian music performs her new album The Woman at the End of the World. Ushering in a new wave of Brazilian music while honouring its history, Elza Soares has been a defining presence in Brazilian music since the 50s. On her latest album Soares has teamed up with the cream of São Paulo’s avant-garde musicians, singing tales of a life in Brazil that is anything but a tropical paradise. When: 13 November Where: Barbican Hall (Silk Street, London EC2Y 8DS) Entrance: £17.50-25 Info: www.barbican.org.uk
Zeca Pagodinho One of Brazil’s most popular samba stars and four time Latin Grammy award winner, Zeca Pagodinho returns to London for a first-time-in-a-decade exclusive performance at Hammersmith Apollo. Chosen as the headline performer at the 2016 Rio Olympics opening ceremony, Zeca is Brazil’s fiesta frontman. With his carnival inspired sound, Zeca continues to embody the free, easy-going Carioca spirit. When: 29 November Where: Hammersmith Apollo (45 Queen Caroline St., London W6 9QH) Entrance: From £29.50 Info: www.eventimapollo.com
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO
Has theatre got any power at all? Theatre is always lifting a mirror up to society; the question is what do we do with the image we see in the looking glass?
Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company
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Michel Temer in Brazil. Theresa May in the UK. Shinzo Abe in Japan. So many conservative, self-serving, belligerent politicians in power… The current world climate seems pretty depressing. Right wing neo-capitalist governments are pretty scary. I find myself questioning if theatre has any power whatsoever to get people to question world social economic and political ethics? I was surprised to learn that the Japanese government is talking of abolishing Article 9. This is a clause in the national Constitution of Japan that outlaws war as a means to settle international disputes involving the state. But Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the right wing side of the current Japanese coalition thinks that to have pacifism as a rule is an anomaly, so he wants rid of Article 9. Wouldn’t it be greater if the rest of the world were to adopt this same article, forever ending the war machine? I would love to see a play about this. Very often, when we think of Japanese theatre, we either think of its traditional forms such as Noh, Kabuki and Bunraku or we think of high tech, off the wall pieces as demonstrated by Miss Revolutionary Idol Berserker, a show that was billed as “controlled chaos” by the Barbican Centre. Rarely do we think of plays that mirror contemporary Japanese society. My last journey to Tokyo took me back to the very core of what theatre is all about: storytelling and the personal connection an actor has to make with the world of the story to deliver the magic that an audience expects. Whilst I was delivering scene-work sessions on Romeo and Juliet in Tokyo, I managed to see a few Japanese contemporary productions and meet some renowned Japanese playwrights such as Ai Nagai, who are at the forefront of a new theatre revolution in Japan. In fact, Nagai is coming to the UK to oversee her piece Got to Make Them Sing as part of Winds of Change, a monthly staged reading series presented by Yellow Earth and StoneCrabs Theatre in association with the Japan Foundation that started earlier this month and goes on till December 2016. There is a common desire from theatre makers all over to reach out to people and remind us all that we can bring our shared humanity forth. We can be better people if we try a little harder. Theatre is always lifting a mirror up to society; the question is what do we do with the image we see in the looking glass? Do we ignore it? Do we even recognise it?
A well told story can move and change people; it can transport us to other places and cultures we may have no connection with. Royal Shakespeare Company’s voice coach Cicely Berry says “the more techno-speak takes over, the more we will disable our belief in language. Words have the power to disturb, surprise, delight, and provoke, and they are happening in the moment – and between people.” This summarises what we are trying to achieve with theatre, to allow us actors, directors, theatre makers to rediscover the power of the word, and how that helps us to create and engage an audience craving for real stories, for a real mirror. Interestingly enough, like Brazil, Japan’s contemporary playwriting is hard to come by in print; theatre pieces are either devised by a company or written for a specific cast and audience. Few are published, and fewer translated. However, there have been some recent changes: as Japan nurtures a new generation of artists, we see an insurgence of playwrights who seek to take charge of word and fill it with Japanese modern stories that are social-politically critical and internationally important. The plays we see in Winds of Change are an example of that: contemporary theatre plays that transport us to another culture posing important social political questions, global issues discussed locally. The series is kicked off by Global Baby Factory by Atsuko Suzuki. This social satire is set between Japan and India and deals with the issues surrounding IVF (in vitro fertilisation) treatment, surrogacy and motherhood. This is followed by Ai Nagai’s Got To Make Them Sing in October. Nagai uses the Tokyo Board of Education’s ruling that punishes teachers who fail to raise the flag and sing the national anthem at graduation ceremonies to question draconian governmental attitudes versus the individual freedom of choice and speech. These are a couple of examples of Japanese contemporary dramaturgy that are finally being made accessible to us. Hopefully as we absorb these new stories with their own cultural idiosyncrasies, we’ll grow wiser, stronger, more understanding of our similarities and tolerant of one another’s differences. Hopefully we will reach beyond the converted and the message will have real impact with the masses.
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
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HELOISA RIGHETTO
My body, my rules We grow up being told we need to fit beauty standards, but at the same time we are not allowed to show our body Mídia NINJA
Every time I talk on Snapchat about the frustration I feel towards sexism I get at least one message (usually from a man) that feels compelled to “explain” why the feminist movement is sometimes misinterpreted by the good people of the world. “You see”, he begins, “a few feminists sometimes do things that make all of you look bad”, and goes on using a polite tone of voice, happy to pass his knowledge on. “They take the streets half naked, they shout bad words, and they are immoral.” Clearly this man was never touched by a stranger on the street. He probably never thought about not wearing a specific piece of clothing to avoid being harassed. I also believe that not once he hesitated to wear shorts or a tank top on a very warm day, ignoring the fact that his legs and underarms are not shaved. The man that undoubtedly thinks that he knows more about feminism than I do and was never worried about walking up in front a group of men (and never had to pretend he didn’t hear the insults, moving on and compartmentalising what happened in the “this is part of life” archive), condemns the “immorality” of exposed breasts, but he probably doesn’t find any harm in wolf whistling or catcalling a woman that is just walking beside him. What he sees is not a woman, but a body. Those who are shocked (or should I say threatened?) with bare breasts in feminist protests are usually the ones g
that harass women in public spaces. Oh, the irony! When we show our breasts for a greater cause, which is to make people aware that we are the only ones in charge of our bodies, it’s shocking. However, in any other context, breasts (even when covered) exist only as a sexual tool, to delight and distract men. A woman’s body is not hers. We grow up being told we need to fit in and adjust to certain beauty standards that are unachievable for most women, so we are attractive to men. But at the same time we are also told that we are not allowed to show our body. To show is to provoke, and as everyone knowns, a women that provokes, consents. If we stand up to harassment, we are crazy, hysterical, desperate and lonely. The appropriation of a woman’s body also happens in everyday situations, which we might not count as sexism when we first experience them (usually in our childhood) but come back once we start seeing when we use the feminist lenses. When I was a little kid I often heard that I was a grumpy child, and that I needed to smile more. I grew up believing that, and I’m sure that many of my decisions and actions were taken because of this invented personality that was given to me. But I only realised that when many years later, as a grown woman living in London, a much older man (that I had never seen before and saw fit to interrupt the work I was doing in an event) said: smile, you are so pretty! I immediately did what he said, but shortly after I understood how absurd the situation was. Just like the catcallers and wolf whistlers, this man thought I was there to be admired by him as a decorative object. Brazilian NGO Think Olga’s “Chega de Fiu Fiu” (“Enough of the Catcalling”) campaign achieved something great, making people aware that unwanted attention is not flirting, it’s harassment. A woman’s objectification starts the moment she is born, and is a constant in her life, although it happens in different ways depending on the colour of her skin, her social status and her sexual orientation. And that’s why, dear man that knows a lot about feminism, I will show my breasts if I want to. My body is not yours.
Heloisa Righetto is a journalist and writes about feminism (@helorighetto – facebook.com/conexãofeminista)
For Brazilians who think globally. For everyone who loves Brazil. 074 92 65 31 32
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
BR TRIP
o Salvador still satisfying Christian Taylor explores the first capital of Brazil Wikipedia Creative Commons
Lacerda elevator: stunning views
Casa do Amarelinho
Senhor do Bonfim Curch
Casa do Amarelinho
Pelourinho
Once Brazil’s capital city, Salvador was the jewel in the crown for the Portuguese Empire. As a major port for Brazil’s sugarcane and slave trade, it was the country’s most important city for three centuries. While today some of its neighbourhoods feel neglected and crumbling, Salvador still manages to retain much of its original grandeur, intrigue and energy. My taxi from the airport speeds into town, passing so many contrasts along the way – rich and poor, old and new, the natural and the man-made. One minute we speed past lavish, shiny apartment buildings; the next, cracked pavements and make-shift houses hurtle by. We stop at the traffic lights and the driver drums his hands on the steering wheel, singing to himself. It’s something I notice again and again in Salvador – the locals here seem to have music in their veins. I arrive in Pelourinho, an area named after a whipping post which slaves were once tied to and punished. Today it’s a charming, energetic neighbourhood brimming with 17th and 18th century architecture, open plazas and churches laden with gold. Pelourinho’s streets form a sometimes steep cobblestoned maze, winding past bars, restaurants and colourful shop-fronts selling clothing, handmade crafts and souvenirs. Women in traditional Bahian dress – colourful starched skirts and turban-style headdresses – greet passersby. The thunder of street drummers can be heard in the distance. Michael Jackson filmed the video for ‘They Don’t Care About Us’ in these streets, and a tribute to the late pop star still stands as a reminder. Nearby is the Lacerda Elevator – arguably the city’s most famous landmark. This art deco elevator is 72 metres tall and it whisks you from Cidade Alta down to Comércio in only 30 seconds, providing sweeping views across the achingly beautiful Baía de Todos os Santos along the way. The top of the elevator is an ideal spot to watch the sunset; down below the souvenirs and handmade crafts of Mercado Modelo await. Another famous landmark is the 18th century Nosso Senhor do Bonfim Church, which lies just a few kilometres north of Comércio. It’s famous for its coloured ribbons which flutter hopefully in the breeze, tied onto the front fences by people in search of a miracle. This church’s supposed healing powers make it a popular shrine. Inside lies ‘the room of miracles’, a rather haunting place filled with wax casts of body parts that people either want healed, or claim have been cured already. The walls are plastered with photos of people and slips of paper thanking God for his help. The church’s ribbons can be seen all over the city and are icons of Salvador and Bahia as a whole. Salvador has a lot to offer the history buff. Forte de Santo Antônio da Barra, on the city’s most south-western point, is home to South America’s oldest lighthouse. It offers striking views across the bay and is another popular sunset spot. The maritime museum’s exhibition celebrates the history, anthropology, geography and culture of Salvador’s immense bay. On display are coins, stamps, bottles and war materials that had once been submerged for about 300 years. Along Salvador’s southern coastline is where you’ll find the city’s finest stretches of beach, but if you’re in the mood for swimming, visit Porto da Barra. This west-facing beach has calm, warm waters and sublime sunset views – best enjoyed from one of the area’s relaxing, beachside bars. Get to know Salvador’s bohemian side with a visit to Rio Vermelho. From Thursdays to Sundays its streets have a Carnival-like vibe, thanks to DJs and the lively crowds they attract. There are plenty of cool places to eat and drink. Try a cocktail or two at the trendy Chupito Bar or tackle the giant burgers and milkshakes at Coz2 Garage. Boteco do França serves excellent Brazilian food in their outdoor courtyard. Tuck into the mouth-watering pizza at Companhia da Pizza. Or if you’re in the mood for something more upscale, sample the superb Asian fusion menu at Takê. With its coconut palm trees and white sands, Itapuã beach is an ideal spot to take a stroll. The well-known song ‘Tarde em Itapuã’ lures some visitors out to this laid-back neighbourhood. The delicious scent of acarajé – a spicy snack made from fried beans – wafts from the food kiosks. In the evening, vibrant Villa Bahiana is a great spot to unwind with friends.
brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
WHERE TO STAY
Casa do Amarelinho Hotel
Pelourinho might be charming and picturesque, but its steep hills and crowded streets can be tiring – which is why Casa do Amarelindo is such a welcome oasis for travellers. This beautifully restored 19th century building offers 10 lavish rooms, a terrace swimming pool, two bars, two interior garden patios, plus a chic restaurant serving locally sourced cuisine with tropical flair. Rooms are spacious and well-appointed with solid timber floors, soundproofed French doors, soaring ceilings and a super-king-sized bed with premium linen. Our private patio was drenched with sunshine and offered superb views across Pelourinho’s rooftops and the vast, sparkling bay. Our bathroom had a tropical rain shower, which was simply divine. Other rooms offer hydro-massage bathtubs – a rare treat in Brazil. The rooftop bar is a relaxed, breezy affair – the ideal
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place to enjoy a cocktail and watch the sun sink into the bay. Their list of caipirinha flavours is long and tempting. It was a truly memorable moment to sit out there of an evening, watching the boats on the water and the city lights twinkling in the distance – the perfect nightcap. Breakfast is definitely worth waking up for, but in this hotel you can eat it whenever and wherever you want – by the pool, on the balcony or in the restaurant – it’s up to you. The coffee is strong, the fruit fresh and the tarts and pastries delicious. Of course, with French owners, we would expect nothing less. Standard rooms start at R$436 per night: casadoamarelindo.com.br. Next month we jump on a boat from Salvador to the vibrant resort town of Morro de São Paulo. Follow Christian on ilikewords.me or on Twitter – @xian_taylor Casa do Amarelinho
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brasilobserver.co.uk | September 2016
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