Brasil Observer #43 - EN by Brasil Observer

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brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

The current economic continues to have an adverse effect on both commercial and private property markets. As a consequence, the effect on individual households and their financial position remains a serious issue. The average household debt in July 2015 was £6,005 which excludes any mortgages. The average consumer borrowing, which includes unsecured loans, overdrafts, credit cards, motor and retail finance deals, per UK adult was £3,176 in July 2013. The estimated outstanding average mortgage across £11.3m households is £112,604 as at July 2015. The family home is usually the most important asset as well as the singular largest investment an individual will make. This asset remains paramount to each individual who will want to protect the same for their family and their future at all costs. Therefore, it is imperative that the right advice is sought should someone be facing financial difficulties and at risk of becoming insolvent. According to the Money Advice Trust, local authorities in England and Wales referred 1.8m cases to bailiffs in the past 12 months. This mostly related to council tax arrears, business rate arrears and parking fines. The option to use a bailiff to enforce a debt is not uncommon and can put your home as well as your possessions in jeopardy. On average a 113 mortgage Repossession Orders are made every day. There are various options available to an individual who is facing financial difficulties which ranges from basic debt advice to Debt Management Plans, Debt relief Orders, Individual Voluntary Arrangements and Bankruptcy. Each option requires specialist advice in order that an individual understands the benefits and consequences of each process. The two most common formal insolvency processes for an individual that owns assets is an Individual Voluntary Arrangement and Bankruptcy. These are words that you may have heard or someone you know or a friend of a friend has dealt with, but do you really know what they mean? Both are dependent on each individuals own circumstances and each carry different consequences. In Bankruptcy, an individual can petition for their own bankruptcy but also a creditor can issue a petition and make an individual bankrupt. A Trustee in Bankruptcy is appointed and assets owned by the Debtor will

vest in the Trustee whose function is to sell the assets to pay the costs of the bankruptcy estate and creditors. This will include a person’s main asset – the family home. The Trustee can only deal with the Bankrupt person’s equitable share in the property. In other words, if a property is jointly owned then this normally means the value of the property less any secured charges, such as a mortgage, which will leave the equity available, of which half would belong to the Trustee to realise. This can be done by the joint owner buying out the Trustee’s interest, a remortgage, reaching a settlement or at worst the sale of the property. An Individual Voluntary Arrangement (IVA) is a contractual arrangement with creditors to repay debts over a set period of time which can freeze interest and charges. It is based on monthly contributions that can be made and is an option that only an individual can propose. Approval of an IVA is subject to agreement by creditors. It provides room for negotiation and allows an individual to retain some control. Income will be assessed in order that contributions can be made to the IVA and the family home will still need to be dealt with, but this can be negotiated on terms which allow a controlled solution to be found. At Aspect Plus LLP we have the skills and experience to provide specialist advice to individuals regarding their financial position as well protection of the family home. We can also negotiate settlements with your creditors and advise on the most suitable course of action to take. We always provide free initial consultations in complete confidence to help guide you through your situation in order that the right solution for you can be found.

Contact details: Aspect Plus LLP, 40a Station Road, Upminster, Essex RM14 2TR Tel: 01708 300170 Email: info@aspectplus.co.uk *Statistics from creditaction.co.uk

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

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OUTUBRO/16

LONDON EDITION

A quick look to some things that surround us

Independent publications, infinity ideas on paper

CONECTANDO

Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED founded by

Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk

James Green and Renan Quinalha on Temer’s government

The Brazilian cinema in times of parliamentarian coup

OBSERVATIONS

GUEST

CULT

Gabriela Lobianco interviews the Brazilian singer Maria Gadú

Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism

Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk

COLUMNISTS

Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk

English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk

Demilitarization of the Brazilian polices on debate

Explore the beauties of Morro de São Paulo

INTERVIEW

REPORT

BR TRIP

Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Christian Taylor, Franko Figueiredo, Gabriela Lobianco, Helen Brüseke, Heloisa Righetto, James Green, Nathália Braga, Renan Quinalha, Tiago di Mauro, Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

COVER ART Márcio MFR

Júlio Vieira www.jvieira.com.br

Júlio Vieira lives and works in São Paulo. His works embrace the unconscious and the organic, bringing signals that connect western and African cultures. Júlio has exhibited his works in Brazil, Uruguai, Spain and Netherlands, as well as done public panels in Brazil, Chile, Argentina and United States.

Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies Distribution Emblem Group Ltd. To advertise comercial@brasilobserver.co.uk 020 3015 5043 To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk Online 074 92 65 31 32 brasilobserver.co.uk issuu.com/brasilobserver facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver

SUPPORT:

The cover art for this edition was produced by Júlio Vieira for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2016 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In December, all of the pieces will be displayed at the Embassy’s Sala Brasil exhibition.

Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

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GENERAL ELECTION THE BRAZILIAN VOTE IN THE UK

NEW YEAR... …AND WHAT’S IN STORE FOR BRAZIL IN 2015

DIVULGATION

CRIOLO IN LONDON

HIDDEN PARADISES

Brazilian rapper talks exclusively to Brasil Observer

Who isn’t dreaming of a holiday in the Brazilian sunshine?

ART FROM PERNAMBUCO

MISSING THE SUMMER

Embassy of Brazil in London presents new exhibition

A tour through Jericoacoara’s beach to forget winter

DIVULGATION

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PEDALING THE EFFORTS AND CHALLENGES OF SAO PAULO AND LONDON IN TRANSFORMING URBAN MOBILITY WITH BICYCLES

T R A E H T F STATE O

TOP BRAZILIAN BUSINESSES VISIT ADVANCED RESEARCH CENTRE IN THE UK WHERE PARTNERSHIP POSSIBILITIES EXIST

BRAZIL’S PUZZLE On the streets, people react to austerity and corruption ELZA FIÚZA/AGÊNCIA BRASIL

BEAUTIFUL GAME A humorous vision for the Brazil vs. Chile friendly in London RAFAEL RIBEIRO/CBF

STAGNANT ECONOMY To reassume growth, Brazil needs increased investments REPRODUCTION

EMICIDA EXCLUSIVE Brazilian rapper hits London and speaks to Brasil Observer DIVULGATION

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Observations Study investigates cultural consumption among Latin Americans in London

King’s Brazil Institute announces first seminars for the new term

Undertaken by Queen Mary University and CASA Latin American Theatre Festival, the report “Cultural Consumption and the Performing Arts among Latin Americans in London” brings information and analysis based on 474 questionnaires, 14 in-depth interviews and one group discussion session. The study investigated the nature, patterns and factors shaping cultural consumption among Latin Americans in London; the barriers they encountered as consumers and producers of the performing arts; and the role of the performing arts and cultural consumption more generally in identity formation and integration processes among Latin Americans. According to the research, the most popular cultural activities among Latin Americans are music, performing arts (especially theatre and dance), cinema and visual arts. Lack of time and expenses are the main barriers to cultural consumption. The study shows that Brazilians tend to see themselves separated from Latin Americans who speak Spanish.

The Brazil Institute of King’s College London announced in September the first six seminars of its “Seminar Series 2016/2017”. Aiming to enhance the debate about several subjects related to Brazil, these events are free to attend and open to the public. There is no need to book beforehand. The first seminar occurred on September 27th, with the title “The military’s absence from the political and economic crisis in Brazil”, presented by Dr Marina Celino D’Araujo, from Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro. Another four seminars happens in 2016, two in October and two in November. There is one schedule for January 2017. This month, the two seminars are “Public management and education: the dynamics of political appointments in Brazilian local governments” (11) and “Creative Economy, Culture and Development in Brazil: an overview about the academic and public policy agenda” (25). The first will be presented by Dr Sónia Gonçalves, from Brazil Institute, and the second by Dr Leandro Valiati, from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul.

The full study can be accessed at goo.gl/ohJnH0

Divulgação/Embaixada do Brasil em Londres

BRAZIL DAY, TYPICALLY BRITISH

It was under rain. But not even the water falling from the sky, insistently, was able to scare the hundreds, maybe thousands of Brazilians who got together at Trafalgar Square, on September 10th, to celebrate another edition of Brazil Day. The event had the participation of Brazilian Olympic medallist Felipe Wu, who won a shooting silver medal at the Rio 2016 Games.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Guest

What’s next for those calling for an end to the Temer government? With the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, progressive sectors try to take advantage of public protests

By Renan Quinalha and James N. Green g

In the months before the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, the main political mantra that most echoed over the throngs of demonstrators who took to the streets to protest against the Workers’ Party government was: “First we take out Dilma, then the rest.” This pronouncement, which seemed to be a relentless declaration of war against the systemic corruption of all political parties, cooled immediately after Rousseff was removed from office on August 31, 2016. Rousseff left and the “rest” not only remained, but earned greater space in a government, whose first branding was initially personified by a set ministers who were middle-aged, white men, accused of corruption and belonging to the country’s most conservative elites. This new political alignment was an alliance between the Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB), which had supported the Workers’ Partyled coalition and had offered Michel Temer as Rousseff ’s running mate, and the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), whose candidates had been defeated in the last four presidential elections. Temer’s government, now no longer provisional, faces a serious legitimacy deficit. First of all, the broad coalition that united against Rousseff appears too heterogeneous to remain united in the same government for very long. In fact, the first cracks and points of friction among past allies have already begun to appear. Secondly, proposed changes to pension, social security, and labour legislation pushed by the industrial and financial sectors, to cite several examples among many, will have a direct impact on the lives of millions of Brazilians. These threats alone have already motivated opposition to the new government. Thirdly, a substantial portion of the media, including some who openly supported the impeachment, is now criticizing Temer’s government for its many weaknesses and shortcomings. Moreover, the narrative, which characterizes the impeachment as an illegitimate coup d´état, has gained strength in Brazil and abroad, and has served to partially undercut the validity of the new government. Last but not least, in recent weeks large demonstrations in the country’s major cities have mobilized hundreds of thousands around the central slogan “Fora Temer”. The new president has systematically minimized the actual size of the public protests, and it is still too early to know if they are actually capable of derailing Temer’s government.

Still it is impossible not to remember that the June 2013 street mobilizations, which triggered a process of increasing unrest and attacks on Rousseff ’s government, contributed to her impeachment this year. It is true that the 2013 protests were multi-faceted, with agendas that constantly shifted and with component groups seeking different goals. Moreover, a key force behind the largest mobilizations, especially after the 2014 elections, was an anti-Workers’ Party sentiment backed by large sectors of the middle classes and the mainstream media, which weakened the legitimacy of the Rousseff government. Although Temer now faces similar challenges of sustaining his political legitimacy in the midst of an economic crisis, social unrest, and ongoing charges of corruption against some of his main supporters, the lingering possibilities of criminal charges against key players in his government (to say nothing of the President) create a level of political uncertainty that has contributed to its instability. In early September, Fabio Medina Osório, the nation’s Chief Prosecutor who was fired by Temer, went public denouncing the government’s attempts to paralyze the Lava Jato corruption investigations. In addition, there are several other plea agreements between Sérgio Moro, the investigating judge, and influential businessmen in the construction industry, that are awaiting judicial approval. If they go forward, they may very well implicate many in the political establishment that have supported Temer. Moreover, the September 12 resounding 450 to 10 vote in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies that took away the political rights of Eduardo Cunha, the body’s former president, could have unforeseen consequences. Cunha was the architect of the impeachment process against Rousseff and an early ally of Michel Temer. His indignation about feeling “abandoned” by the government seems to be a signal that he is considering carrying out some kind of retaliation against politicians in the Temer government. Without a doubt, Temer faces multiple problems, and his next moves in this complex game of political chess are full of undefined variables that are embedded in the country’s current political and judicial situation. If he responds to the demands of the PSDB and other more neoliberal sectors of his governing coalition that seek to reduce public spending on social programs (PEC 241) and undo historic protections of the working class, he runs the risk of fuelling mobilizations against his own government. If he does

not carry out these changes, he will have failed to keep what seems to have been his part of the deal in the negotiations that led a majority of Congress to support his backhanded bid for the presidency. And so, what has been the political response to the left-wing challenge to the current government. Some sectors of the opposition movements are taking advantage of public protests that are calling for the ouster of Temer to push for the proposal of immediate direct elections. However, according to the Brazilian Constitution, direct elections can only be called until the end of the year and only upon Temer’s removal from office – be it through protests and his resignation, which is rather unlikely, or a decision by the Superior Electoral Court that is currently analysing the financial accounts of the 2014 elections. If his removal takes place after January 1, 2017, the choice of a president for a “buffer” term until 2018 would have to be made indirectly by a vote in Congress. Either way, immediate elections would likely bring to power a new government quite similar to the current one. Other protesters are demanding across-the-board universal general elections coupled with political reforms that would expand political participation. But it seems unlikely that the complex negotiations to enact a constitutional amendment setting down new complex rules regarding the formation and practices of political parties or guidelines for the establishment of electoral alliances, among many issues, would be easily approved by politicians. Most of them currently benefit from the ways in which Brazil’s multi-party structure offers ample opportunities to negotiate personal and political benefits for participation in coalition governments. Thus, the challenge facing the opposition movements to the current government is managing to maintain an on-going intensity of street mobilizations against the proposed rollbacks to many of the social and economic proposals enacted over the last decade. After more than a year of a lengthy and exhausting political process that heightened social tension and augmented polarizations, it is more likely that most citizens will prefer that the country lapse into institutional “peace.” That seems to be what the Temer government is counting on in order to ensure its longevity. It remains to be seen whether a return to normalcy prevails over discontent against the new government and its potentially unpopular measures.

Backstage_ZecaPagodinho_Jornal_Observer_Bleeds_v01.pdf

8/30/16

11:28 AM

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Renan H. Quinalha is a lawyer and doctoral candidate in International Relations at the University of SĂŁo Paulo. James N. Green is the Carlos Manuel de CĂŠspedes Professor at Brown University. Article translated from Portuguese by Beatrice Bugane. g

Paulo Pinto/ AGPT C

CMY

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Interview

Maria GadĂş intimate and voracious Brazilian singer brings her most recent work to London By Gabriela Lobianco

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Divulgation

Maria Gadú agreed to talk with the Brasil Observer via Skype on a late Friday of September. The occasion is the show of her latest album, ‘Guelã’. The work, produced by her, brings a more mature sound with a lot of guitar effects and nuances. “This show has an intimate side, but has a very voracious thing too. Looks like there’s a poison... Something a little crazy,” says the Brazilian singer. Smiling and friendly, surrounded by musical instruments in her office, Gadú tells she has done a lot busker – street shows – in the area of the Temple Bar, Dublin, when she find out that the interviewer is connected from the south of the island of Ireland. According Gadú, success was not planned and producing music, “making a sound”, was all she needed: “busking was wonderful and I did not have to do another thing.” The artist played on the streets in numerous countries, such as Ireland, Italy and France. “It’s interesting because you get to make a sound research of what people like. Do you see yourself in another culture and then you play.” She believed she would that forever. “I thought I was going to busker all my life.” She hasn’t. Great revelation of MPB (Brazilian Popular Music) in recent years, Gadú ingratiated herself with renowned singers and composers such as Milton Nascimento and Caetano Veloso. Her first CD, recorded in 2009, sold 250,000 copies. Considered one of the best debuts of the musical genre, with poetic songs and a lot of lyricism, she emerged in a career that now has the CD ‘Mais uma página’, an album with Caetano Veloso and the collection ‘Nós’, with many other artists. “I had spent a time in Europe since 2006, and then I recorded the album [‘Maria Gadu’] and ended up in Brazil.” From there, everything happened.

GUELÃ The title of the new album comes from an indigenous tribe of the Northern state of Amapá, the Karipuna, and means “the seagull”. Gadú says it is an anthropological search she made in the last four years, when she didn’t launch any new material. “It was kind of how I was feeling, the seagull thing. The seagull is there alone watching the sea, with that immense concentration to catch the fish.” The artist says she has undergone many changes, “making a lot of shows, meeting people and

Maria Gadú

demystifying idols.” She stopped smoking, married Lua Leça, was able to study more and find her own identity. “This album was born from this, my search for silence, which came from this immersion to understand my musicality without those wonderful people who were with me at the beginning.” She proudly says the album exposes even its limitations, since she produced it at home, alone, learning to use the programs. “It’s raw, it’s very sincere and doesn’t have much adornment.” Everything in the new project was calculatedly thought, from art and design, created by Gadú, Lua Leça and Luisa Corsini, to the release. The full content was released via streaming platforms such as Deezer, Spotify and iTunes. “My whole generation no longer knows what CDs are. We are the streaming generation”. Gadú ensures that from the time when people hear the music, they consume concerts. “Is this move to let things accessible and, if someone from a distant part of Brazil hears, you will have the opportunity to do a show there.” Maria Gadú European tour passes through Luxembourg, Zurich, Paris, Dublin, Brussels, London, Barcelona and Madrid. With the artist rise to the stage Federico Pepi on cello, Lancaster Pinto on bass and Bianca Godói on drums. And the repertoire covers much more than the ten tracks of the new album. When asked, the artist ends the presentation with ‘Shimbalaiê’, her first success. “We close the show with it to leave that good energy, this almost childlike vibe, which is an untouchable thing.” The flagship of Guelã is the song ‘obloco’, main reason for the Grammy Latino indication, a track bordering the carnival and indigenous rhythms. “I’m hearing a lot of this anthropological journey, tribal things, the ‘Txai’ album by Milton [Nascimento] recorded to capture the sounds of the indigenous with an instrumental footprint. Besides listening to Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil and Chico Buarque.” Some influences never change. Good for Maria Gadú. Good for the public. “I like to make concerts because the show turns into a composition of everyone who is present; it is not a thing only from the artist to the public. The energy of the show happens as people give their emotions with their memories and so on.” When: 23 October, 8pm Where: Barbican Hall Entrance: £15-35 Info: www.barbican.org.uk

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

REPORT

Repression of protests reignites demand for police demilitarization

The truculence of the military polices of the Brazilian states has created many victims. Different segments of society are calling for the demilitarization of public security forces. Now, with the successive protests in the country against the government of Michel Temer being repressed by police officers, the defence of police demilitarization regains force. The indicators suggesting the growth in the number of people killed by the police (in service or not) also reinforce the arguments against the militarist model of the police in Brazil. According to the latest Brazilian Yearbook of Public Security, the rate of deaths by military police for every 100,000 inhabitants increased by a third from 2013 to 2014 – from 0.6 to 0.8. As noted in the report by the coordinator of the Violence Analysis Laboratory at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), Ignacio Cano, lethal force by police is actually even higher. “It is underestimated because there are states that have not provided information such as Rio Grande do Norte and Roraima.” He also points out the number of police officers killed in 2014 – a total

of 398 (military and civilian). “This represents a trend of continuity with the previous year (408), with a very slight decrease. Again, this figure is an underestimation of the reality, as states such as Amapá, Roraima and Sergipe do not provide information,” warns Cano. According to him, police lethality “has always been an ‘Achilles heel’ of the Brazilian public safety.”

POSTURE It’s not only the number of deaths that express police violence in the country. The stance of the military officers in action, such as land repossession, riot control at major events (such as fights at football games) and especially in popular demonstrations, illustrates the disproportionate application of force. The repression of citizens who are now protesting against President Michel Temer, are reminiscent of the aggression o during the mass demonstrations of June 2013. In that year a proposal for a constitutional amendment providing the overhaul of the public security system

in Brazil brought, among other measures, the demilitarization of the state polices that make the ostensive patrolling. The proposal has been at the Committee on Constitution and Justice of the Senate for over a year. For the author of the proposition, Senator Lindbergh Farias (Workers Party), “excessive rigidity of the military police should be replaced by more autonomy to the police, accompanied by greater social control and transparency.” The senator also noted that in 2012, the United Nations suggested the end of police militarization in Brazil, a recommendation that was rejected by the Brazilian government with the claim that demilitarization would be unconstitutional.

‘POLICE JABUTICABA’ One of the references in the defence of the end of the military model of public security is the professor of criminal law at the Law School of the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), Tulio Vianna. A Doctor in Law from the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), with postdoctoral fellow at the University of

Bologna (Italy), Vianna – at conferences, lectures and articles – often points out that the public security model based on the militarization of the forces is a “police jabuticaba”, an analogy to the fruit that is only found in Brazil. “Brazil has a police model with no equivalence in any country in Europe or America,” he points out in an article published on his website. “Brazilian police, unlike the absolute majority of the police around the world, is divided into two forces: military, which only performs the ostensible policing, and civil that only investigates. Something which is as strange as splitting the Brazilian football team in two: one that only defends and another that only attacks, and give each of them distinct technical and training to bring them together possibly only in official matches.”

TRUCULENCE CULTURE For Tulio Vianna and other critics of the Brazilian model, militarism is responsible for forging, in the culture of police organizations, practices and behaviours that are inconsistent

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Paulo Pinto/ AGPT

Images of the demonstration against President Michel Temer at the Paulista Avenue, in São Paulo, on September 18

According to experts, militarism is responsible for forging practices that are not consistent with what should be the provision of public security in the culture of police organizations By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

with what should be the provision of the public security service. Instead of promoting security, military bias leads to episodes of brutality and repression that generate violence and increase the sense of insecurity. The main victims of this process are the peripheries and populations historically excluded – such as black, poor, minors at risk, among other segments. “Military discipline in the police is unnecessary and excessive, creating in the police a culture of inadequate rigidity and violence to a democratic regime,” writes Professor of Criminal Law at UFMG, to then illustrate: “Military training is based on a series of rituals of physical and symbolic violence that seek to discipline the recruits to obey their superiors at all costs. The focus of military training is to internalize the recruits as core value respect for the authority of superiors, when the focus of any democratic police training should be the internalization of respect for the rule of law and the judiciary (...) Train police violently and officers will be violent.”

DICTATORSHIP Security military forces have existed since the Empire and expanded during the Republic, but the militarization of the state police intensified during the civil-military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985. Before the ostensive patrolling was also assignment of civilian police – currently responsible only for the police investigation work. During the dictatorship, the state military police during the dictatorship implanted with the 1964 coup, were decisive in helping the central government in the repression of opponents of the regime of exception. There are signs that this auxiliary role to the designs of the national government is being fulfilled again. Just in states like São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul and Rio de Janeiro, whose governors were aligned in favour of impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and supporting the successor, Michel Temer, is the grossest episodes of repression at street demonstrations against Temer. Thus the first great act against the

government of Temer, after the Senate approved the impeachment of Rousseff. The demonstration, which took place on September 4, a Sunday, and that led thousands of people to the Paulista Avenue in São Paulo, was closed to force the troops of the Military Police. Claiming to contain the action of so-called “black blocks”, police launched stun bombs reaching hundreds of protesters who were acting peacefully, including children. A 20-year-old student was hit by shrapnel in the left eye, and days later lost their vision. Arbitrary arrests of young people and attack to political leaderships – Senator Lindbergh Farias, Congressman Paulo Teixeira and former minister Roberto Amaral – joined the abuse scenario by the São Paulo Military Police on protesters against Temer. In other action at Avenida Paulista, on September 18, a shocking scene of police repression spread through social networks, generating indignation and rejection of the oppressive attitude of the militarized police.

WHAT THE STATISTICS SAY g

According to the latest edition of the Brazilian Yearbook of Public Safety (2015), every three hours a person is killed by the police in the country. The rate of police killings in service is around one a day. Also according to the Yearbook, “the number of deaths resulting from police action represents 5% of intentional violent deaths.” Nearly 666,500 police and municipal guards make up the public security forces in the country. Of this total workforce, 64% are military police. Another 18% are civilian police officers, 15% municipal guards, 2% federal police and 1% highway police. For every 100 thousand inhabitants, 1.5 people are killed in Brazil by a military or civilian police in service or out of service. A total of 3,022 people were killed by police in 2014, a 37% increase compared to 2,203 in 2013.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

CONECTANDO

CONECTANDO is an editorial project developed by Brasil Observer to enhance experiences of ‘glocal’ communication. With universities, social movements and journalists, our goal is to bring local content for a global audience. To participate, write to contato@brasilobserver.co.uk

Infinite narrative potential The movement of independent publications in Brazil burbles

By Helen Brüseke

Independent ways to publish written works are not unprecedented. The Brazilian poet and diplomat João Cabral de Melo Neto, while serving in Spain, used to print essays on Miró and Mario de Andrade, making his writings available to readers without mediations that would limit his profit margins. The movement of independent publications in Brazil has burbles for at least four years now, featuring various formats and thus a broad and heterogeneous movement. This way of producing printed graphic and visual art endures through fanzines, photocopied and exchanged between universities groups to spread ideas, revolts, motes and affections. However, the rapid dissemination of information and the aesthetic and discursive pairing shifted the focus from fanzines to more expressive productions, mixing authenticity and experimentalism in new formats and textual genres. In 2012 the Feira Plana (Flat Fair) was launched in São Paulo, which brought together exhibitors from different places touting HQs, zines, cards, posters, manuals, books, booklets etc. It was noticed that there was an effective demand for consuming manual ideas and then many other fairs that focus on independent publications, such as Feira Dente (Tooth Fair), held in Brasilia since 2015, organized by lovelove6, Augusto Botelho, Daniel Lopes, Lucas Gehre, Lívia Viganó and Tais Koshino. The author and illustrator lovelove6

tells that the fairs help people who are already part of this circle to become authors. She organized the Feira Dente with friends and says it was a very satisfying experience, but needs to be adjusted to the prospects that the organizers themselves have in relation to public, local and divulgation. The fair awards authors, illustrators and artists in cash with the delivery of the Dente de Ouro (Golden Tooth). Rachel Denti, illustrator and designer from Brasilia, also participated for the first time as an exhibitor in the Feira Dente this year. She says this movement helps people to have courage to publish their work, while the consumption of culture in her city lacks incentives. Rachel also recalls the issue of printers, where the works inevitably pass. She remembers her experience in a design school in Den Haag, Netherlands. The school had two RISO machines, of high-demand printing, which in Brazil are concentrated in cities like São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, Recife and Belo Horizonte. But she stresses that this is a movement that takes proportions now and can motivate new guidelines in areas to which turns the independent scene of publications, especially the print. The current topics on zines characterize what is most unique in this movement. The lovelove6 works around sexuality, freedom and women’s empowerment, topics that have become much more accessible on Internet debates. Rachel says her work outlines the

conflict with herself, bringing subjective aspects of her life and her relationship of self-perception with the world. The narrative potential is infinite and can be placed as the authors think is best to meet their own ways of composing ideas and proposing exchanges of experiences. Lívia Aguiar lovingly feeds an online travel diary, ‘Eu sou à Toa’, and participates in fairs when she can. I met her in August at Faísca, a show produced by cultural BDMG, where she was showing a series of A4 printed on RISO about his travels through almost unexplored east. When Lívia talked a bit more about the idea behind this series of trips (Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam), she explained that she produced it with friends at the last minute to attend a street fair. Her work resumes growth experiences explored in her travels around the world. Zines, small books and maps reveal overlays, scanning of organic materials, leaves and flowers, as well as colours and loose pieces of thoughts, impressions, notes. When talking to friends who were close to her in this process, she refers to a very common feature in the organization of fairs and zines: the collective idealization, imbued with intuition and willpower, financed by own pockets without government or business mediations, or editorial procedures. But not everything is intuition and fluidity because the organizers of the fairs are predisposed to bureaucratic environ-

ments as they organize events in public spaces, need to think about the environment that may draw more attention of consumers who are not included in this circle, such spontaneous public, as lovelove6 says. This scenario is motivating and refreshing, as new discussion are placed as content, image processing trends, visual presentation, and put us more directly in contact with those who actually produce and sell. In addition to becoming more open to the new formation of editorial processes, nourish the idea that the stories don’t need to be accompanied by overproduction of impeccable quality. Although there are many works with high quality, the photocopied zine have its prominent place. Interesting to note is that we live in the midst of rapid consumption of information; the independent scene provides that this is the way to understand the production, since the zines are consumed almost instantly by visual appeal they have. This scenario has been extended to those who have small, seasonal magazines and c omics that used to be published in magazines from major publishers, but these, in turn, ended up closing because of changes in this information market. Evaluate the distribution and sales is important for anyone who participates in fairs, but the focus is on content production and presentation of something that would not be accepted by the mainstream.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Francisco Costa/I Hate Flash

Feira Dente (Tooth Fair)

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Molotov cinema G Is Brazil seeing the birth of a new marginal cinema? By Tiago Di Mauro

Given all that has taken place in Brazilian politics, it is impossible not to notice the participatory activism of all artistic sectors in the country. During the period of the civil-military dictatorship, 19641985, artistic resistance that made the most noise was certainly the musicians and singers, culminating, for example, in prison and subsequent exile of Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil in London. However, during this time of consummated parliamentary coup in Brazil, it is important to highlight the actions of the national cinema professionals. The climax occurred at the time the cast of “Aquarius”, directed by Kleber Mendonça Filho, selected to compete for the Palme d’Or at Cannes 2016, protested with placards on the red carpet with slogans like “Brazil is experiencing a coup”. With Sonia Braga ahead, the director and his cast staged an emblematic moment in the history of arts in Brazil. The reasons are known, but what are its possible consequences? And why most directors and film producers in Brazil supported the manifesto? When the civil-military coup of 1964 happened, Brazil was experiencing a time of extreme effervescence in cinema. Cinema Novo (New Cinema), with its innovative and provocative aesthetics, projected the national cinema to new levels, participating in festivals all over the world and achieving a reputation that

persists today. Just ahead, in the 1970s, Brazilian cinema experienced a paradox: it was funded by the same government that censured its productions, through the newly opened Embrafilmes, a state -owned company created to produce and distribute national films. Thus, the national cinema lost force as a means of revolutionary ideas and social reflection, giving room for the so-called Pornochanchadas, famous for its eroticcomic films, superficial in their narratives. It was the Marginal Cinema, with very low budget films, the responsible to confront the regime, through its allegorical narratives denouncing the absurdities and injustices of the dictatorship, but without much audience reach. The critical force of national cinema weakened. Only with the political opening of the 1980s that the themes illustrating the civil-military regime and the Brazilian social ills started to appear again. The Ministry of Culture was created only in 1985, by President José Sarney. Previously, the duties of this department were authority of the Ministry of Education, which from 1953 to 1985 was known as the Ministry of Education and Culture. In 1990, however, under the Fernando Collor government, culture and cinema suffered a new low with the extinction of Embrafilmes and the transformation of the young Ministry of Culture in Secretary of Culture. The

ministry was restored in 1992 by President Itamar Franco, ushering in a phase known as Cinema da Retomada, or Recovery Cinema (1992-2003). Later, at the end of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government, in September 2001, Ancine was created, a state agency with administrative and financial autonomy which aims to promote, regulate and supervise the Brazilian cinema. In 2003, during the Lula government, Ancine becomes part of the Ministry of Culture, which begins to think about cultural policies, with the ministers during this period being Gilberto Gil and Juca Ferreira. Since 1992, when only one Brazilian film was produced, the national cinema supported by the Ministry of Culture has been growing continuously with huge thematic freedom. In 2015, according to the annual report published by Ancine, the country reached the level of 172.9 million viewers in cinemas, an increase of 11.1% compared to 2014. The data also showed that the public of Brazilian films in the total viewers went from 12.2% in 2014 to 13% in 2015, and a production of 128 national films last year. Brazil has achieved an unprecedented mark of consumption of its own culture. A pulsating market, active, billionaire and that suddenly, during the interim administration of President Michel Temer, saw the extinction, on May 12,

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

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BRAZILIAN CINEMA AT LONDON FILM FESTIVAL The forthcoming London Film Festival (October 5 – 16) includes four Brazilian features and two short films: g

Aquarius, by Kleber Mendonça Filho (14 and 16 October) Don’t Call Me Son, by Anna Muylaert (12 and 13 October) The Ornithologist, by João Pedro Rodrigues (10, 11 and 12 October) The Space in Between – Marina Abramović and Brazil, by Marco Del Fiol (14 and 16 October) The Girl Who Danced With the Devil, by João Paulo Miranda Maria (12 October) There is land!, by Ana Vaz (9 October) * For more information visit www.bfi.org.uk/lff

Cast of “Aquarius” protests in Cannes

of the Ministry of Culture. An action that generated instant reaction: the occupation of the headquarters of the Ministry of Culture in capitals of Brazil by musicians, bands, singers, actors, actresses and poets, as well as the demonstration in Cannes. Since then every opportunity to oppose the Temer government was seized, and the Ministry of Culture was eventually reinstated. Unfortunately, too late to contain the revolt of a concern that goes beyond the ministry extinction. What will be the management that the department will receive? This would reintroduce a strategy to maintain appearances as it is dismantled? The current Minister of Culture, Marcelo Calero, has not found peace. He confronted the audience and abandoned the Petrópolis Film Festival when he was denounced as part of the coup. In the guerrilla front, beyond Kleber Mendonça Filho, there are filmmakers like Jorge Furtado, Henrique Dantas and Claudio Assis. And draws attention the work of three women with three projects-films that portray the process of impeachment and coup suffered by former President Dilma Russeff: Maria Ramos, Petra Costa and Anna Muylaert. The confrontation between the Ministry of Culture and Kleber Mendonça Filho became even more aggressive when the Brazilian film selection to

represent the country in a spot to compete for the best foreign film in Academy Awards 2017. Anna Muylaerte and Gabriel Mascaro withdrew the candidacy of their respective films, “Don’t Call Me Son” and “Neon Bull” to favour the choice of “Aquarius”. But in the end, “Little Secret” by David Schurmann was selected, which led Kleber Mendonça Filho complaints of suffering political persecution. With a backdrop of filmmakers engaged against the new government; a contingency on funds invested in cinema – 2.4 billion reais in 2016 versus 3.3 billion reais in 2015; and extinction and reinstatement of the Ministry of Culture with a minister who does not exercise sympathy for most of the artistic community, it is inevitable that there is concern about the management of the future of Brazilian cinema. There are speculations about the possible return of censorship to projects that will deal with impeachment as a coup or deal with any other matters that are not aligned to the new government’s interests. Anyway, with the expansion of audiovisual products distribution and the cheapening of film cameras and production equipment, even with a censorship issue, Brazilian cinema has strengthened enough to generate its own products independently. Are we seeing the birth of a new marginal cinema? Time will tell.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO

On compassion

Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company

In Alicante, Spain, a man in his fifties, dressed in a business suit, sits on the street pavement holding a sign that reads: “I’m homeless, I need help”. In London, just outside Holloway Road tube station, a young man sleeps rough and, as I pass by, a young woman gives him a cup of tea from the local Costa Coffee. In Paris, many beggars roam the streets, some old, some young; mostly women with scarf covered heads and praying hands. In Rome, an elderly gentleman in his eighties wears an old suit, his body bent by time; he holds a mandolin that he can hardly play. These images broke my heart; however I only gave money to the latter one, the old man with the mandolin. I question myself: why? When I first came to the UK I was encouraged not to give to people who begged on the streets. The UK had a robust welfare system and network of organisations that were good in preventing and providing the required support to homelessness and beggars on the street. It made sense then. Nowadays, you cannot avoid noticing the growing number of homeless people and street beggars in London and other major UK cities; the current Tory government is set on destroying anything that provides support to those in need. Currently, neither government, nor organised charities seem to be coping with it. In Brazil, the new welfare system, adopted in the last decade, went a long way to help many people into finding work and education, despite the fact that the general press and many Brazilians seem to believe that the majority of those on benefits are taking advantage of it. Similar talks are happening in the UK, press and conservative government try to erase the welfare system on the basis that is being abused by the majority of the claimants. In the UK, the Metropolitan police and the Thames Reach charity, which works both nationally and internationally, say that there is overwhelming evidence to show that people who beg on the streets of England do so in order to buy hard drugs and super-strength alcoholic beers and ciders. They estimate that 80% of people begging do so to support a drug habit. Whilst that might be true for 50% of beggars, I believe that not everyone begging in the streets are there by choice. Who remembers ‘The Fisher King’ film, where a history professor, played by the late Robin Williams, slips into a catatonic state and finds himself homeless on the streets of New York? He, certainly, was not on the streets by choice. There is a lot of judgement about people who beg, assumptions are being made that they are addicts, or not wanting to work, or mentally ill, or somehow falling through the cracks in the system, or lazy. And really,

Robin Williams in ‘The Fisher King’

all of those things might or might not be true for the next person you meet begging on the streets. Almsgiving goes back centuries, and it involves giving to others as an act of virtue, either materially or in the sense of providing capabilities (e.g. education) for free. It exists in a number of religions and regions, all over the world. Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and even in the modern secular societies, almsgiving is very much part of our shared humanity. The desire to help those who are in need is inherent in every single one of us. Humanitarian aid is much needed in our contemporary times; people are being thrown out of their homes, cities being bombed, homes destroyed, and countries devastated. Politicians and warmongers seem to have lost any sense of compassion or charity. Greed breeds refugees. I recently read that, The Prophet, in Islam, is known to have said that “even meeting your brother with a cheerful face is charity. Charity is a necessity for every Muslim.” With that he was asked: “What if a person has nothing?” The Prophet replied: “He should work with his own hands for his benefit and then give something out of such earnings in charity.” Then they asked: “What if he is not able to work?” The Prophet said: “He should help poor and needy persons.” He was asked again: “What if he cannot do even that?” The Prophet said: “He should urge others to do good.” And asked yet again: “What if he lacks that also?” The Prophet said: “He should check himself from doing evil. That is also charity.” In Buddhism, it is believed that the more a person gives and the more one gives without seeking something in return, the wealthier one will become. In Christianity, one is encouraged to “give out of Love and not out of duty.” Almsgiving is also held as a noble deed in Hinduism, to be done without expectation of any return from those who receive the charity. So, regardless of our creed, why is it so hard to be charitable? Why do we get caught up in our own little worlds? Are we just worrying about

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We can’t change the world overnight, but we can make little steps to make it a more equal place for all

how we will pay for the food shopping? How are we going to pay for the next pint? How are we going to keep our life style? How are we going to be able to keep our comforts at an older age? Capitalism is failing us badly; consumerism is taking over the world and making monsters of us. We want, want and want; but fail to give; to give wholeheartedly, without begrudging it. I am reminded of ‘I Love Piaf ’, a short musical on the life of the great French singer Edith Piaf, by Jacques Pessis currently playing at the Edgar Theatre in Paris. Piaf was born and raised on the streets of Paris until she found fame. She is often portrayed as a heavy alcoholic and drug user, but in fact she suffered with arthritic pain for which she took morphine. It is said that people around her used to steal from her right, left and centre, and she knew it, she saw them doing it, but she didn’t care. She enjoyed being able to give it to them. We can’t change the world overnight, but we can make little steps to make it a more equal place for all. If only, we could remind ourselves that the beggar we might meet on the streets is a human being. Greet them. Smile. Give them our full respect and don’t assume that we know what is best for them, that we know anything about their past or present, or that we can predict their behaviour, such as assuming they will buy drugs if we give them money. Compassion validates human worth. Compassion listens. Compassion sees each beggar as an individual human being who is a very important person. Embrace your compassion, see the person and choose your action: you may decide to give them money, or a bus fare, or food, or maybe just talk to them. I quote someone I met on an online forum; I cannot remember his name, but I felt he really touched on the core of the issue: “It is wrong to put up a sign that points to a group of people as ‘less-than’, which is the essence of the ‘don’t give money to beggars’ sign... It is like giving the message ‘do not feed the animals’. By doing that, we are taking away their human dignity”.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

HELOISA RIGHETTO

Voting can be a feminist act

ADVERTISE HERE

A feminist political project is built on affection and sorority and aims to empower When I first started my feminist YouTube channel (a project I cofounded with my dear friend Renata Senlle, who lives in São Paulo), the idea was to talk about feminism in an informal, non-academic way. We wanted to speak not only to women that already understood what feminism means, but also to those that still struggle to accept it and need a little push to realise they are indeed feminists. We wanted to show that feminism is not a negative word, but a constant battle that will bring positive results to everyone. At first we shared our own experiences, we talked about our inspirations and objectives, and little by little our voices started being heard by more and more people. We received messages from friends telling us they were happy to find out they were feminists, and people sent us links and suggestions for our live broadcasts. This feeling is amazing: we were (still are) empowering other women, and we realised how important it is to feel represented. But there is a long way to go for women to feel truly represented. We need more women as film directors, university deans, speakers at conferences, hospital doctors, football players, farmers. After all, if we don’t see or interact with women on a daily basis, how can we possibly show to the next generations that we deserve equal rights, and that we can do everything men can? And if I – a white woman, cisgender, straight and middle class – feel under represented, can you imagine how it is for black women, disabled women, poor women, transgender and other minority ethnicities? The feminist battle is also a battle for representation, and there quite a lot we can do about it, starting with the elections. To vote, especially now, is a feminist act. A research published in the beginning of 2016 by Brazil’s Secretariat of Policies for Women revealed that only 13% of municipal councillors in the country are women, and the number is similar when it

comes to mayors: 12%. When there is a concrete chance to make a change, to do something that actually results in positive changes for women, were are underrepresented. And many of the women that are in charge perpetuate sexist behaviours, after all they are also victims of patriarchy and use this given power to feel they belong. It is, for them, a ticket to equality, which unfortunately doesn’t do anything for all other women. To vote and to elect women in Brazil after the coup is to show that we are not only first ladies and housewives. We are over half of the population and we need, we deserve more space in politics. Our leaders are not only sexist, but misogynist. Besides not working to reach gender equality in the country, they want to take from us the little privileges we conquered, such as the right to buy the after pill and the right to abortion in case of rape, violating human rights and silencing our voices. The good news is that there are several women (and feminist) candidates. They don’t hide their activism. They embrace it as part of the campaign; it’s not something they negotiate to get support from other parties, votes or favours. There is so much that can be done by mayors and local councillors: offering childcare with flexible hours so the mothers can work without worrying, encouraging natural birth in public healthcare, give support, aid and refuge to women that need help to leave an abusive relationship, make sure there is no gender pay gap in both private and public sectors. A feminist political project is built on affection and sorority and aims to empower. And female empowerment is beneficial to all, despite the gender. g

Heloisa Righetto is a journalist and writes about feminism (@helorighetto – facebook.com/ conexãofeminista)

For Brazilians who think globally. For everyone who loves Brazil. 074 92 65 31 32

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

BR TRIP

Morro de São Paulo:

Maravilhoso!

If people come to Brazil and they never find their way out of the big cities, they’ve missed out on the true magic of the country

By Christian Taylor

Divulgation/Secretary of Tourism from Bahia

Salvador’s dazzling skyline slips from view as our heavy ferry splashes its way towards Itaparica Island, where our bus awaits. In less than 2 hours we’re munching popcorn in the sleepy port of Curral, surrounded by holidaymakers eagerly waiting to board their boat ride to paradise. I’ve always said that if people come to Brazil and they never find their way out of the big cities, they’ve missed out on the true magic of the country. Brazil is full of these hidden little gems, places that make your troubles melt away. Morro de São Paulo, a vibrant town on the car-free island of Tinharé, is one such place. Our little boat, laden with smiling people and suitcases, speeds across the bay and soon docks at the Portaló, an archway made from stone which marks the entrance to the island. Fortunately this is the location of our hotel, aptly named Hotel Portaló, so we don’t have to carry our luggage very far! For everyone else, groups of strong, helpful locals with wheelbarrows are on hand to help. It’s difficult to get lost here. Not only are the beaches numbered 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th, but there’s also a pathway that snakes past all of them. This path begins at the charming Nossa Senhora da Luz church, built in 1845. From here, another pathway leads to the lighthouse, which has superb views across the island of Tinharé. Once there, the quickest way down is to take the zip-line, which will sweep you from the cliff tops down to the waters of Primeira Praia (First Beach) below. By the church is the leafy Plaza de Aureliano Lima, where you’ll find creative locals selling handicrafts of an evening. As you head down towards Primeira Praia, you’ll pass the bustling shops, bars and restaurants of Vila. Beneath entangled power lines, the lights and laughter spill out onto the pavements. It’s a great place to eat, or to just walk about and soak up the vibe. Primeira Praia’s main thoroughfare is one block back from the beach itself, which helps to make it a fairly relaxing spot to sun yourself or take a dip. If you feel like renting a surfboard or some diving equipment, this is the place to do it. You can take a ride on a banana boat or if you’re feeling lazy, just gaze up towards the lighthouse on the hill and watch the zip-line riders splash in the water. It’s just around the corner, but Segunda Praia (Second Beach) feels a world away, particularly at night. When the sun is shining it’s a popular spot for volleyball and soccer, but of an evening, it comes alive with chic bars and candlelit restaurants, offering live music and tables on the sand. The atmosphere is great. It’s an ideal place to slip off your shoes, sip a caipirinha and listen to some samba while the waves crash nearby. If you’re looking for nightlife, this is the place to come. Around the corner is Terceira Praia (Third Beach), which is a well-known spot for diving, thanks to nearby Caitá Island, which is made up of a barrier of coral reefs. You can take a boat ride to the island or make your own way out there in a kayak. From Terceira Praia, boats will take you further south to Boipeba, stopping off along the way at floating shacks serving crabs and oysters. With so much on offer in the bustling heart of Morro de São Paulo, few visitors make it as far as Quarta Praia (Fourth Beach) and beyond. However there are plenty of reasons to explore this stretch of coastline. You’ll find 8kms of white sands and coconut trees, plus calm waters with natural swimming pools filled with colourful fish. Quinta Praia (Fifth Beach) lies on the other side of a small river and a mangrove swamp. This tranquil 2km stretch of coast is also known as Praia do Encanto and is well worth a look if you feel like getting away from the crowds.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

WHERE TO STAY

Set among lush, fragrant gardens which overlook the sea, Hotel Portaló offers chalets, apartments and comfortable suites. Rooms have free WiFi, air-conditioning, fridge and TV. Our chalet was clean, cosy and had sweeping water views. There was also a private balcony with a hammock, making it an ideal spot to relax and watch the boats come and go. The chalets are not too close together, which helps you feel like you’ve got this wonderful place all to yourself. Hotel Portaló has a large, outdoor swimming pool with excellent views out to sea. There’s also a swim-up bar, if you’re thirsty. After you’ve had a swim, there are plenty of deck chairs and sun-loungers to choose from. The hotel’s outdoor bar has old stone walls and grass beneath your feet. It’s famous across the island for being the best place to watch the sunset. This vi-

brant spot gets rather busy of an evening, as the sounds of DJs and cocktail shakers fill the air. Each morning we awoke to the sounds of birds in the trees and boats honking their horns on the water. There’s a hearty buffet breakfast served each day, consisting of freshly made cakes, pastries and coffee as well as a delicious range of fruits. The perfect way to begin the day. This hotel is ideal for guests who don’t need a lot of personalised service and don’t intend to spend all day in their room. Come for the incredible views, the beautiful gardens, the cool bar and the lovely pool! Double rooms start from R$390 / £91 per night, breakfast included. Visit www.hotelportalo.com/en. Next month: we travel further south to the charming coastal town of Boipeba.

brasilobserver.co.uk | October 2016

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