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FOZ DO IGUAÇU. Welcome to the unforgettable.
Foz do Iguaçu is one of the most important tourist destinations in Brazil. In the city, near the borders with Argentina and Paraguay, you can find the Iguaçu Falls, one of the Seven Wonders of Nature. It is a destination that stands out thanks to its excellent cost-benefit ratio. Come visit and let yourself be amazed. It’s your choice. www.destinodomundo.com.br
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As the largest hydroelectric plant in the world in terms of power generation, Itaipu Binacional has as its mission to generate much more than just electricity. It applies its energy to sustainable development, regional integration and the progress of both Brazil and Paraguay. This is being carried out so that by 2020 Itaipu can consolidate itself as the clean and renewable power-generating plant with the best operational performance and the best sustainability practices in the world. This is the energy the world needs to be sustainable. This is the energy from Itaipu.
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Content LONDON EDITION Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED founded by
Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Fernanda Canofre, Franko Figueiredo, Gabriela Lobianco, Heloisa Righetto, Jan Rocha, Julita Lemgruber, Wagner de Alcântara Aragão Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies Distribution Emblem Group Ltd. To advertise comercial@brasilobserver.co.uk 020 3015 5043
NOVEMBER/16
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Debate at King’s College on the crisis in Brazil Ana Júlia Ribeiro, symbol of Brazil’s high school movement
The expansion of wind power in Brazil
OBSERVATIONS
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GUEST COLUMNIST
Jan Rocha on Brazil’s local elections
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GUEST COLUMNIST
REPORT
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REPORT
The electoral victory of a transgender woman
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CULTURAL TIPS
Cinema and music, from Brazil to London
Julita Lemgruber on violence in Brazilian prisions
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Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism
INTERVIEW
A chat with Brazilian singer Zeca Pagodinho
COLUMNISTS
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BR TRIP
A trip to Foz do Iguaçu
COVER ART Rafael Murayama Using the Brazilian culture as a reference for the production of his work, Rafael Murayama deals mainly with the relationship between social classes and striking cultural characters associated with the author’s subconscious imagination, transforming the works of everyday descriptions into dream fantasies of provocative character. To develop his work, art history references come in a second time. Names such as Francis Bacon, Baskiat, Pablo Picasso, Jackson Pollock and Rene Magri are part of his imagistic references. Márcio MFR
To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk Online 074 92 65 31 32 brasilobserver.co.uk issuu.com/brasilobserver facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.
SUPPORT:
The cover art for this edition was produced by Rafael Murayama for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2016 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In December, all of the pieces will be displayed at the Embassy’s Sala Brasil exhibition.
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brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
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Observations ‘The Constitution hasn’t delivered what we expected’, says Brazilian expert Brazil’s 1988 Constitution hasn’t delivered what the Brazilian society expected of it. This is the opinion of Oscar Vilhena Vieira, dean of the São Paulo Law School of Fundação Getulio Vargas. The expert participated in a debate organized by the School of Law of King’s College London last October. The theme of the discussion was the political crisis in Brazil. For Oscar Vilhena, a sign that the Constitution hasn’t worked is the persistent social inequality in the country, compounded by a recessive tax system that punishes those with lower purchasing power. Another sign is the fact that Brazil has failed to control the violence on its territory. Brazil occupies the 141st place in the ranking of equality by the World Bank, in front of only 13 cou-
spending for up to 20 years. For him, the proposal represents a major change in the Constitution and will not be approved only if society reacts. The PEC 241 has generated intense debate in Brazil. Those in favour consider it a feasible option to contain the hole in the public accounts and overcoming the economic crisis. The critics argue that the proposal will affect investments in health and education foreseen in the Constitution. Oscar Vilhena also commented that he does not consider the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff a coup, and that the current President Michel Temer represents the corporate power, with little chance of conducting changes that promote greater social justice.
ntries. In 2014, the country recorded 59,627 homicides, the highest number ever recorded in the country, which puts Brazil in first place in the world ranking of this type of crime. Oscar Vilhena explained that the 1988 Constitution was born as a reaction to the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) and the very social inequality in the country, being quite generous and ambitious to try to change the reality of Brazilian society. For Vilhena, it is an inclusive and asymmetric Constitution, with interests of different sectors of the nation. The director also spoke about the Proposed Constitutional Amendment (PEC) 241, approved by the Chamber of Deputies and now under consideration by the Senate, which proposes to freeze government
OCCUPIED MIND Alessandro Dantas
A ten minutes speech in Paraná State Legislative Assembly transformed student Ana Julia Ribeiro, 16, to be a symbol of high school movement in Brazil. She took to the rostrum on 26 October to defend the occupation of the State School Senador Alencar Guimarães, in Curitiba, one of more than 800 schools occupied by students in the state, according to the protesters. The video of her speech went viral on social networks and has generated heated debates. Days later, the student made a speech at the Commission on Human Rights in the Senate (photo). “I do not understand the size of the impact as it comes to something very basic, or that should be at least,” she said. High school students began occupying public schools at the end of last year mainly in São Paulo, where the state government tried to make changes in the public system without listening to students and teachers. Now, occupations occur mainly in Paraná due to the Provisional Measure that wants to change high school curriculum and the Proposed Constitutional Amendment (PEC) 241, which defines a ceiling for public spending, including education – the text has already been approved the Chamber of Deputies and will be considered in the Senate. “I’m a public school student and I realize the precariousness of public education,” said Ana Julia in the Senate. “I and all students learned a new meaning of resistance. Those who vote against education will be with dirty hands for 20 years.”
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Guest
Brazil’s election post-mortem The Workers’ Party fared badly in the municipal elections and is unlikely to recover before 2018; the political system is entering a new era, but no one knows where it will lead By Jan Rocha g Originally published at Latin American Bureau www.lab.org.uk
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As the dust settles after Brazil’s municipal elections, the post-mortem reveals a PT (Workers’ Party) on the ropes and a rightwing empowered and triumphant. The results reveal the end of a cycle for the PT, after almost fourteen years in power. The combination of Dilma Rousseff ’s disastrous government, the relentless anti-PT campaign waged in the media, and the selective actions of the federal police and part of the judiciary during the investigations into corruption rackets, all contributed to the debacle. But the PT contributed generously to its own fall from grace, by abandoning its ethical standards and making alliances with the very same morally corrupt politicians it had previously criticised. In the end, it lost its identity as “a party that was different” and became to voters just another power-seeking, corrupt agglomeration of politicians. Out of the 26 state capitals, the PT won in only one – Rio Branco, in the distant state of Acre. While before the PT had 638 mayors, its post- election tally plunged to 254. In São Paulo state, their number fell from 72 to just 8. In the ABCD industrial ring around the city of São Paulo, once the heartland of the party, the PT failed to win a single town. The anti-PT sentiment helped to strengthen rightwing forces, both religious fundamentalists, based on pentecostalist churches, and the extreme ideological sector led by the Bolsanaro
family, unashamed apologists for the military dictatorship. The right successfully captured not only the generalised anti-PT sentiment, but also the angry rejection of politics and politicians, which first emerged during the 2013 protests, and successfully channelled it exclusively against the PT. This enabled the centre-right party, the PSDB, to elect a previously unknown candidate in São Paulo, who ran with the slogan: “I am not a político, I am a gestor”. This rejection of the political system was also demonstrated by the huge number of abstentions and blank and void votes, which in some cities outnumbered the valid votes. In São Paulo, the PT’s incumbent mayor, Fernando Haddad, had introduced popular innovations, like bus corridors, pedestrian areas, cycle lanes and speed curbs, but had failed to bring visible improvements to the poorer periphery areas. However, his honesty was never in question, and he might have won, but for an extremely successful and slick marketing campaign, which portrayed João Doria, a previously unknown but extremely rich businessman, as a worker. “João trabalhador” (João the worker) was his slogan, accompanied by a catchy jingle. As well as São Paulo, its major gain, the PSDB took many other capitals and leading cities. Doria’s victory was a triumph for his sponsor, São Paulo state governor Geraldo Alckmin, who has his
eye on a bid for the presidency in 2018. As long as Doria does not mess up, this gives Alckmin a big advantage over his rivals in the party, Aécio Neves and José Serra, who is foreign minister in Michel Temer’s government. As the 2018 elections draw near, the PSDB is expected to abandon the Temer government and to take up an independent position. The president’s own party, the PMDB, maintained roughly the same number of mayors, although most are in small towns. Many of them downplayed their connection to Temer, who already has less support than Dilma. Temer has been busy blaming the PT for the country’s economic woes, publishing big ads in the main papers under the headline “we must get out of the red”. The fact that he was vice-president in both Dilma governments, that many of Dilma’s ministers belonged to the PMDB, and that PMDB congressmen and women, led by Eduardo Cunha, helped to blocked the austerity programme Dilma tried to get through parliament, is conveniently overlooked. Eduardo Cunha has now been ejected from congress for corruption and lying and arrested under the Lava Jato investigations. While the PT has become a toxic brand, the party formed by party dissidents, PSOL, which has always refused to make alliances with more right-wing forces, did surprisingly well. In Rio its candidate, Marcelo Freixo, a respected
brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
Sumaia Villela/Agência Brasil
g Jan Rocha mora is a freelance journalist living in Brazil and is a former correspondent there for the BBC World Service and The Guardian
human rights lawyer, reached the second round, as did its candidate in Belém. Although both lost in the final round, for many disenchanted PT voters, the PSOL offers the only coherent option. Marina Silva’s Rede Sustentabilidade, however, trapped in its own ambiguity, did badly, and several leading members, particularly intellectuals, resigned. The election disaster has left the PT staring into a long dark tunnel with no light visible at the end of it. How should it react? Should it continue to go it alone, or join forces with other leftwing, progressive groups, leaving behind sectarianism and exchanging ideas of hegemony for humility? Many feel that a bout of self-criticism is badly overdue. Others say that now is the time to present a new project for Brazil, a way of reforming the present political system, which with its 35 parties makes good government virtually impossible. Whatever the party decides to do, at the moment it seems extremely unlikely that the PT can recover in time to mount a serious challenge for the presidency in 2018. Not only has the PT name become toxic, but Lula, the obvious candidate, is being played like a fish on the end of a line by the judiciary system. Accused of half a dozen crimes under the Lava Jato investigations, at any moment he could be reeled in, arrested and flown to Curitiba to be questioned by judge Sérgio Moro, and then left to rot in prison while the case is prepared against him.
His former minister, Antônio Palocci, was arrested just before the elections. One of Dilma’s most dedicated defenders in the Senate, Senator Gleizi Hoffman, has been indicted. Dozens of politicians from other parties, and from previous non-PT governments, including prominent leaders, have also been denounced for corruption during the Lava Jato investigations, but strangely, so far, apart from Eduardo Cunha, only PT members have been singled out for arrest and exposure in the press. In the midst of the doom and gloom, there were some brighter moments. The São Paulo councillor elected with a record number of votes, over 300,000, was none other than veteran PT politician Eduardo Suplicy. But this was very much a personal triumph. Voters seem to like Suplicy’s slightly dotty behaviour, but they also respect his integrity, the way he supports causes, even if it means being carted off by the police at protests. And while Suplicy, at 76, is the oldest councillor, the youngest, Fernando Holiday, aged just 20, emerged from the street protest movements, like several other newly elected councillors up and down Brazil. In spite of being black and openly gay, he stood for the right-wing Democrats, a party not known for its tolerance of minorities. But maybe that’s another sign of change in Brazil.
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brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
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Riot in a prison in Cascavel, Paraná State, in 2014
How the war on drugs fuels deadly prison riots in Brazil Mass incarceration disproportionately affects poor, young black men and women of their freedom
Brazil has a prison problem. Recent crises have brought renewed attention to mass incarceration, overcrowding, and the lawlessness and inhumanity of Brazil’s jails – issues that are often ignored, but hardly new. Two separate prison riots on October 15 led to the deaths at least 18 inmates. The next day, in an apparently unrelated incident, some three dozen inmates escaped from a São Paulo prison after a riot caused a fire there. This is shocking but not unprecedented in Brazil. In May 2006, up to 200 died during mass prison uprisings and related violence, both inside and outside of prisons.
‘HUMAN RIGHTS DISASTER’ Brazil has the fourth-largest prison population in the world. More than 600,000 men and women live in desperately overcrowded prisons where their most basic rights are not respected. Cells are mouldy and windowless, and smell of urine and faeces; dozens of men compete for space to sleep on the floor. In some jails in São Paulo – the richest state in the country – incarcerated women use bread crumbs as tampons because the standard menstruation provisions are insufficient. To call Brazil’s prison conditions cruel and inhumane is to say the very least – a “human rights disaster”, as Human Rights Watch has declared, is more like it. Believe it or not, Brazil has excellent legislation designed to protect prisoners. The 1984 Penal Execution Law describes in detail the rights of the country’s convicts, which include education, payment for labour, health service, physical safety, recreational and artistic activities, conjugal visits, and access to in-person mee-
tings the prison director, if demanded. Almost each and every one of these rights is entirely ignored. In 2002 the Association for Prison Reform, an offspring of the Centre for Studies on Public Security and Citizenship (where I am a co-founder and director) decided to legally challenge the horrifying prison conditions in the state of Rio de Janeiro. To help prepare the case, we brought on Alvin Bronstein, now deceased, as a consultant. Bronstein had directed the National Prison Project of the American Civil Liberties Union for more than 20 years and had extensive experience in litigating for prisoner rights. When Bronstein learned that the Penal Execution Law described, in great detail, the rights of prisoners in Brazil, he told me the lawsuit was going to be “a piece of cake”. He noted that, in United States, “we won the most difficult cases just by referencing the 8th Amendment”, which prohibits cruel and unusual punishment. What Bronstein did not know is that Brazil, as the saying goes, is a place where “some laws stick, others don’t”. After nearly three years of litigation, a local judge ruled that the law was a programme, and the state should thus abide by it only when funding allows. When a piece of federal legislation is interpreted as something that may or not be implemented based on the existence of funds, the rule of law is nonexistent.
THE THREAT OF CORRUPTION Hugely overcrowded, under-guarded, and underfunded prisons bring another risk: corruption. The government’s absence opens the door for different gang leaders to seize power by providing “services”
Reproduction
By Julita Lemgruber g Originally published at The Conversation www.theconversation.com
not provided by the state and impose their will by force. There is evidence that the October 15 prison riots were started by the Primeiro Comando da Capital - a powerful São Paulo criminal gang. This group, widely known as the PCC, provides much of what’s lacking inside the state’s prisons, from basic hygiene products, such as tampons and toilet paper, to transportation for family members visiting their incarcerated relatives. When criminal gangs like the PCC or the Red Command (born in the prisons of Rio de Janeiro) end up having to divide the same space and share power, riots happen easily. And given overcrowding and limited oversight from security officials, loss of life during such violence is almost inevitable. Indeed, most recent reports indicate that these two groups, previously working together in a several-year-long alliance, have broken their pact, making increased prison violence more likely.
THE ‘FAILED’ WAR ON DRUGS The root cause of this calamitous prison situation is Brazil’s unfortunate adherence to some of the worst policies from the United States: mass incarceration as a result of a vicious drug war that disproportionately deprives poor, black young men and women of their freedom. In the past 15 years, Brazil’s prison population has more than doubled; the number of prisoners serving drug-related sentences tripled from 2005 to 2012 alone. Today, 620,000 inmates occupy facilities built to house 370,000. Misguided drug legislation enacted over that period, in particular the badly analysed 2006 Drug Law, has had a powerful impact on the prison population, growing it to levels seen in few other
countries. In the long run, these policies have made prison conditions that were already inhumane enough to merit our lawsuit in 2002, even more degrading. Brazil is a Latin American leader in mass incarceration related to prosecution of drug crimes, but it is hardly alone. A 2015 study by the Collective for the Study of Drugs and Rights found that in most of the Latin American countries examined, at least one in five prisoners were incarcerated for drug offences. In several places, including Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Mexico, and Colombia, that population increased at a faster rate than the general prison population. As researcher Catalina Perez Correa wrote in a 2015 commentary about the findings: “Support for excessively harsh drug laws stems from very real concerns in Latin America – the region with the world’s highest homicide rate – that drug markets generate instability and violence. However, data from previous CEDD research shows that the incarcerated are mainly low-level drug offenders, whose arrests have little or no impact on the drug trade, as they are the easiest to replace”. Along with the upcoming presidential election in the United States, citizens in numerous states will also be voting on legalising either medical or recreational marijuana. The country that led the world, and Brazil, to a tragic war on drugs that has produced much more violence than drug use ever did or could is poised to lead the way in reversing this deadly policy. Hopefully, Brazil will eventually follow suit. Julita Lemgruber is Coordinator, Center for Studies on Public Security and Citizenship (CESeC), Universidade Candido Mendes
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brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
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Interview Divulgation
Zeca Pagodinho:
This is samba Brazilian singer speaks with the Brasil Observer ahead of his concert in London
ZECA PAGODINHO When 29 November, 7.30pm Where Eventim Apollo (45 Queen Caroline Street, London, W6 9QH) Entrance from £25,75 Info www.eventim.co.uk
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One of Brazil’s biggest samba stars and four time Latin Grammy award winner, Zeca Pagodinho returns to London for a first-time-in-a-decade exclusive performance. Zeca Pagodinho is Brazil’s fiesta front man. With a Rio samba inspired sound, he continues to embody the free, easy-going Carioca spirit and will touch down in London as part of a European tour, coinciding with the ‘100 years of samba’ celebration. He headlined the Rio Olympics opening ceremony (alongside Gilberto Gil and Caetano Veloso) and has previously played a New Year’s concert in Rio in front of 1 million revellers. Born and raised in Irajá, a working class suburb of Rio, Pagodinho’s Grammy award-winning debut album sold a million copies with a 30-year career and counting. In this interview with the Brasil Observer, Zeca Pagodinho talks about his new album and what he is preparing for the concert in London. Zeca, talk a little bit about your new album, ‘Quintal do Pagodinho 3’. What was the intention and what do you think the album gives to the audience? This third edition reinforces the idea of the project that is to present the composers responsible for many of my successes, but that does not have the image known by the general public, and to invite to this encounter a number of artists from various segments around the samba. The greatest wealth of the disc is the music presented with joy and, above all, quality. What are you preparing for the show in London?
I will sing my successes. There are always a lot of Brazilians in the audience of these international shows. I intend to, through the samba, bring a bit from Brazil to them and the general public. What is the pleasure of doing a show abroad? How would you explain your music to a British person? Exactly the one that I said: bring joy to the hearts of Brazilians who are out there and foreigners as well. How do I explain? I say, this is samba, one of the most popular rhythms of our land. Thinking about those who are beginning to learn about samba, what do you suggest listening to? Oh, there’s a lot of good things to hear, beginning with the old, Cartola, Nelson Cavaquinho, Noel Rosa, passing the most current, as my friend Arlindo Cruz, Jorge Aragao, Fundo de Quintal and so on... Speaking of the new generation of samba, who has pleased you? There is a good group doing samba, my nephews Juninho Tybal and Renato Milagres are some of these names. It also has the Gabrielzinho do Irajá and many others. If you were writing an improvisation song to the Brazilians who live in London, how would it be? This we only know at the time.
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REPORT Aluísio Moreira/SEI
lebrated by experts and representatives of industry. The Wind Energy Brazilian Association (Abeeólica), which brings together companies that are part of the supply chain of wind energy in the country, considered the 10,000 megawatts of installed capacity mark achieved by Brazil a “flagship”. “To get an idea, the Belo Monte hydroelectric dam has just over 11,000 megawatts capacity. Last year, wind energy monthly fuelled a population equivalent to the entire south of the country,” compares in a statement the association. The professional association also stresses the nationalization index of the production chain and investments of approximately R$ 48 billion made in the last six years. “It is important to mention that the use of wind power has grown consistently because in recent years has developed in the country a wind power chain that is 80% nationalized, which led to wind power to be the second most competitive source of the country,” says Elbia Gannoum, the executive president of Abeeólica, in an interview with the Brasil Observer. Investments in the last six years are 80% of the R$ 60 billion invested since 1998, which shows how recent is the path taken by Brazil to expand the use of this renewable (and sustainable) source that is wind energy. Last year alone, Brazil opened 100 of 407 wind farms that the country has today, according to data from the Mines and Energy Ministry. “In 2015, wind energy was the source that grew most in the Brazilian energy matrix, responsible for the participation of 39.3% in the expansion, followed by hydropower (35.1%) and thermal energy (25.6%),” adds Abeeólica.
HORIZON
Investments over the last ten years place the country among the world’s leaders in wind energy generation By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão
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The winds that blow over the more than eight-and-a-half million square kilometres of Brazilian territory are increasingly being taken advantage of. These winds move the turbines of wind farms in Brazil. Ten years ago (more intensely since 2010), the country has invested heavily in the generation and production of energy from wind power. The installed wind power capacity jumped from 27 megawatts in 2005 to 10,600 megawatts in 2016. That is, the installed capacity increased to 400 times in the last decade. According to the latest annual report of the Global World Energy Council (GWEC), Brazil ranked fourth in
wind power growth in 2015 globally, only behind China, the United States and Germany. The report stresses that Brazil has some of the best winds in the world, three times the need for electricity in the country. The international agency points out the country will keep growing its potential. Solid growth is expected to continue; Brazil continues as the most promising market in Latin America, notes the report. In installed capacity, Brazil ranked tenth in the GWEC report with 8,700 megawatts, or 2% of installed capacity worldwide, just below Italy (with 8,900 megawatts) and France (10,300 megawatts).
SURPASSED MARK If the pace of investment is not dramatically affected by the severe political and economic crisis facing the country since the beginning of 2015, the trend is that Brazil will go up in the world ranking of installed wind power capacity. Last August, the installed capacity of the Brazilian wind farms exceeded 10,000 megawatts (at the time of writing, was at 10,600 megawatts according to official figures). From the end of 2015 to the second half of 2016, growth of this capacity was of 21%. The fact, moreover, was much ce-
Projections announced in January by Abeeólica – during the government of Dilma Rousseff – indicated a prospect of Brazil reaching 24,000 megawatts of installed wind energy power capacity in the coming years. By the end of this year is estimated to reach 11,000 megawatts. The prospect of a promising future is maintained despite the political and economic crisis that has virtually paralyzed the country since early 2015. Among parks under construction and those with construction already contracted are currently 333 units in progress, most of them (159) in the North-Eastern State of Bahia. With the exception of Rio Grande do Sul (17 parks), all other States with units under construction or contracted are also in the Northeast Region: Rio Grande do Norte (59), Piauí (37), Ceará (41), Pernambuco (ten), Maranhão (eight) and Paraíba (three).
brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
Divulgation
HISTORIC EVOLUTION
15
SOURCE: Abeeólica
Growth in installed capacity of wind power in Brazil (in megawatts):
10,000,6*
8,736,6
5,982,9
3,476,6 2,524,5 1,429,9
27.1
2005
235.4
245.6
323.4
2006
2007
2008
600.8
2009
931.2
2010
2011
2012
2013
EXPANSION IN SIGHT
2014
2015
2016
*Until October
SOURCE: Abeeólica
For the next four years, estimated increase of almost 80% in installed capacity (in megawatts)
11,049
13,477
16,789
17,827
18,147
2016
2017
2018
2019
2020
WHERE THE PARKS ARE The distribution of units already installed, by state:
SOURCE: Abeeólica
Sergipe – 1 Pernambuco – 27 Paraíba – 13 Rio Grande do Norte – 116 Ceará – 65
Rio de Janeiro – 1 Bahia – 73 Piauí – 30 Paraná – 1 Santa Catarina – 14 Rio Grande do Sul – 66
‘POLITICAL ISSUES WILL NOT AFFECT THE SECTOR’ In an interview with the Brasil Observer, the executive president of the Brazilian Association of Wind Energy (Abeeólica), Elbia Gannoum ensures the industry projections. BRASIL OBSERVER | In the Abeeólica view, how intense the expansion of the Brazilian wind energy sector has been in the last decade? ELBIA GANNOUM | The Brazilian electricity industry has undergone great changes after the 2001 rationing, implementing a new model between 2003 and 2004. A key change was the creation of power generation auctions. Especially from 2005, the auctions began to hire new generation projects. At that time was already underway the Alternative Sources Incentive Program, Proinfa, which hired about 1.3 GW [or 1,300 megawatts] in wind farms because the projects were not yet competitive to participate in the auctions. Proinfa was very important because it provided the first entry of large wind projects in Brazil, which were later covered with energy auctions from 2009. Wind power began in Brazil in an appropriate time; it’s now possible to have competitive prices. BRASIL OBSERVER | What factors have lead this expansion?
ELBIA GANNOUM | Wind energy has been developed with great intensity and has some tax exemptions that other generation sources also have. This means that there was an incentive for the creation of the production chain, which was a very successful industrial policy. Besides all this, there is one crucial point: Brazil has one of the best winds in the world, and this is undoubtedly one of the major reasons for the growth. BRASIL OBSERVER | Can the troubled political and economic situation pose a risk to investments in wind power in the country? ELBIA GANNOUM | No, this is not a risk because there is a real need to contract due to the inevitable resumption of growth that will come soon. The wind power is developing in Brazil successfully and is not the result of a program of this or that party. It is a national project and the source has reached an important strength. Several other data give a dimension of importance, which the wind industry now has. Last year alone, 41,000 jobs were created [by the industry]. This year, the estimate is a similar number. Each megawatt installed generates 15 jobs in the entire production chain. There is no risk of political interference.
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A transgender woman’s modest election win Indianara Siqueira received 6,166 votes and won an alternate seat in Rio de Janeiro’s legislature By Fernanda Canofre Originally published at Global Voices – www.globalvoices.org
For a few years now, Brazil has shamefully led the world in the number of murders of transgender people. According to a study by Transgender Europe, four times more transgender people are killed in Brazil than in the second country on the list (Mexico) and almost eight times more than in the third (United States). An independent study, organized annually by a gay rights group in Bahia, counted that at least 318 members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community were killed in Brazil in 2015, of which 37% — or about 117 people — were transgender. The life expectancy of a transgender person living in Brazil in the 21st century is 30 years. To compare, the life expectancy of Brazilians in general is currently 75. Brazil doesn’t have any laws that protect LGBT people from discrimination. Neither sexual orientation nor gender identity are included in the definition of a hate crime, and you’ll find no option to check either on a police report, making it difficult for activists and NGOs to gather data. Life is especially hard for transgender people who earn a living as sex workers. Amid such a problematic reality, a 45-year-old transgender woman has offered the world a glimpse of what life is like for trans people in Brazil. Indianara
Siqueira ran on the left-wing party PSOL ticket in Rio de Janeiro’s municipal elections on October 2. She received 6,166 votes and won an alternate seat (one of six designated replacements in case the voters’ first choices pass away or must abandon their post for any reason) in the local legislature. To celebrate, as well as to invite her voters to her inauguration ceremony in January, Indianara decided to share some of her life story on her Facebook page. So far, her post was liked by more than 3,100 people and shared more than 700 times. Indianara was born in a medium-sized city, Paranaguá, in the southern state of Paraná during Brazil’s military dictatorship (1964-1985). She started to take hormones at age 12. At 16, she left her grandmother’s home. Before turning 20, she had already been raped – committed by police officers in the small boarding house in São Paulo where she was living. Indianara detailed the brutal conditions she and others like her were made to endure: “I moved to Santos, after all, as the song says: La miseré est plus légere au soleil (Misery is lighter under the sun). There, while sleeping in the streets, I met transvestites working as prostitutes who sheltered me and gave me a lamp post on a street corner where I could work. From a baker and pizza maker, I became a whore”.
“Almost every day, we were taken by the ‘Frenchman’ (an investigative officer), among others, by Abreu (a military policeman), among other military policemen, to the police station. We were beaten up because we existed. We were thrown into the police cars and vans as if we were garbage that couldn’t be recycled. We were lined up against the wall of the Santos’ Coliseum Theatre and we had ammonia splashed all over our faces. It burned the eyes, the inside of the mouth. The thing is, when they went to pull out the ammonia, they also pulled out their guns, and if you ran, they’d shoot. You had to endure the ammonia burning you while they laughed. Sometimes, they would make you believe they were going to shoot us all. You learn your executioners’ shifts, but not to run away from them, you learn to prepare yourself psychologically to be tortured by them. You have to survive. But you leave home ready to die”. Indianara identifies as both a transgender woman and a transvestite. The word travesti in Portuguese, while derogatory in origin, has been reclaimed by the transgender community in Brazil, and many trans women currently identify as that.
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Tomaz Silva/Agência Brasil
Indianara Siqueira during a demonstration in Rio
She lived in Santos during the 1990s when the AIDS epidemic was hitting Brazil. She wrote that at the time, “the life expectancy of transvestigeneres” — a mash-up of the words “transgender” and “transvestite” in Portuguese — “was 25 years.” “AIDS came. Santos was known as the AIDS capital. They said I would die from AIDS. My cisgender sister, who was married to a police officer, died from AIDS. Several of my friends died from AIDS. People used to call us the AIDéticos. They used to kick us out of bars, restaurants, afraid that we could contaminate the silverware. They were softly killing us socially. They had pleasure in doing so. And we didn’t have anyone to run to. Sometimes we would revolt. The revolt leader was killed. No one cried for us. On the contrary. To many families, as it still is today, it’s a relief when they kill us or when we die”. Through her struggles, Indianara became an activist. In 1996, she was part of the LGBT rights group fighting for transgender people to have the right to use their chosen name – which was only officially granted by Brazilian law this year – as well as the right for a member of a same-sex couples to adopt their partner’s surname. She also fought for trans women to be placed in the female wing of hos-
pitals, or at least to be separated from men in the male wing. And when she advocated against police abuse against LGBT people working on the streets, she became a target. “So, one day I was handcuffed to a lamp post in Santos, while the police officer played Russian roulette [with the gun] against my head. I was terrified and shaking and crying. I thought about my little brothers who depended on me surviving this shitty life, I thought about the transvestites who were sick and depended on me surviving. […] Yes, the noise of the gun’s cylinder spinning made me remember those who depended on me to live a little longer, even if I myself didn’t know if I’d have the chance. But the frightening noise of the gun would remind me that I was still alive. Or dead, even if I didn’t know yet”. Under threat, Indianara split her time between Rio and São Paulo for a while, working with support groups for transgender people and organizing LGBT rights marches. But as she rose to a prominent role in her community, the police abuse grew stronger. “In São Paulo, the police would put cocaine on transvestites’ cars and purses demanding that they pay 5,000 Brazilian reais [1,500 US dollars] so they wouldn’t be locked up as drug dealers. Many of them were. Their lives were destroyed in jail. Once free, they would become revolt as thieves who would even attack us, their friends, as if they blamed us for not being locked up as well. Many were unjustly arrested. Some died in prison. Our torture should be told at public hearings about torture”. The harassment motivated many in Brazil’s transgender community to organize on a larger scale. A national transgender conference was created and became a prominent annual event. Indianara had to leave Brazil, but she continued denouncing the police. As she explained, “the lives of future transvestigeneres depended” on her doing so. One of her recent projects includes preparatory classes for university entry tests specifically designed for trans students. In 1992, a friend of Indianara, Kátia Tapety, was voted municipal legislator in the small town of Colônia do Piauí – becoming the first trans person to be elected to a political position. In the following elections, Kátia became the most voted legislator in that town. In the vote after that, she was elected vice mayor. Twenty-four years later, the representation of transgender people in political offices remains low, but this year’s elections had a record number running for office. At least 80 candidates were identified as trans; six of them were elected. To Indianara, who is celebrating her own alternate seat win, this was a victory. “We’ve sent a message: We are and will be in every space that has been denied from us. My alternate seat is a victory to all the bodies of transvestigeneres that have fallen for me. That survived for me. That have fallen beside me. To the bodies that can now say yes, we can because they could. I’m resistance. I’m resilient”.
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TIPS
Music divulgation
Elza Soares The queen of Brazilian music performs her new album The Woman at the End of the World. Ushering in a new wave of Brazilian music while honouring its history, Elza Soares has been a defining presence in Brazilian music since the 50s. On her latest album Soares has teamed up with the cream of São Paulo’s avant-garde musicians, singing tales of a life in Brazil that is anything but a tropical paradise.
When: 13 November Where: Barbican Hall, Silk Street, London EC2Y 8DS Entrance: £17.50-25 Info: www.barbican.org.uk
Gabriella Di Laccio The Brazilian soprano Gabriella Di Laccio launches this month her debut album ‘Bravura’, featuring operatic Baroque masterpieces by Handel and Vivaldi. Di Laccio is joined by period ensemble Musica Antiqua Clio and their director Fernando Cordella. Gabriella was the first Brazilian singer ever to be accepted to study at London’s Royal College of Music, which she joined in 2001. The CD is available through all UK classical music outlets including iTunes and Amazon from 11 November. When: 17 November, 6.30pm Where: Embassy of Brazil, 14-16 Cockspur Street, London SW1Y 5BL Entrance: Free Info: RSVP via culturalbrazil.rsvp@gmail.com
Azymuth
Miriam Aida
Brazilian jazz-funk pioneers behind the hit ‘Jazz Carnival’ launch their first studio album in four years at Hideaway for two nights. Alex Malheiros on bass and Ivan ‘Mamao’ Conti on drums and percussion, from the original formation of the band (1968), are joined by Kiko Continentino, a highly skilled pianist, composer and arranger who have worked with Brazilian legends such as Milton Nascimento and Gilberto Gil.
Emilia Martensson curates an afternoon with two exceptional new bands. Water Boogie System run from noise and free improvisation, disarming hilarity mutating into tear-jerking choral harmony, alongside the award-winning singer Miriam Aida’s effervescent take on the music of Brazil.
When: 18-19 November, 9pm Where: Hideaway, 2 Empire Mews, London SW16 2BF Entrance: £22.50 Info: www.efglondonjazzfestival.org.uk
Nossa Voz: Brazilian Groove
When: 19 November, 4.30pm Where: Barbican Free Stage, Silk Street, London EC2Y 8DS Entrance: Free Info: www.efglondonjazzfestival.org.uk
Bamba Social
Nossa Voz (Our Voice) singing group presents an evening of ultra-groovy soulful Brazilian music from the 70s and early 80s. Feel the beats, riffs and grooves produced by performers and songwriters such as Djavan, Tim Maia, Marcos Valle, Jorge Benjor amongst others.
Joined together by a passion for Samba and Chorinho, this collective of Brazilian and Portuguese musicians revisit the classic sounds from the 1930s to the present day in a unique fashion. Bamba Social is a concept that revives the golden years of the Carioca bohemia where music, dancing and socialising were woven as one.
When: 26 November, 8pm Where: Room K1.28, Strand Campus, King’s College London Entrance: £11.99 Info: www.nossavoz.org
When: 30 November, 7pm Where: Tia Maria, 126 South Lambeth Road, SW8 1RB Entrance: £8 (online) Info: https://goo.gl/wO2sx6
brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
CINEMA KCL Brazilian Society: ‘Trash’ The King’s College London Brazilian Society brings a film screening this month. ‘Trash’ is a 2014 Brazilian-British adventure drama thriller film directed by Stephen Daldry and written by Richard Curtis, based on Andy Mulligan’s 2010 novel of same name. The film stars Rooney Mara, Martin Sheen, Wagner Moura and Selton Mello, and tells the story of three kids who make a discovery in a garbage dump and soon find themselves running from the cops and trying to right a terrible wrong. When: 7 November, 6.30pm Where: Room S.013, Strand Campus, King’s College London Entrance: Free Info: www.facebook.com/BRASAKCL
Circular: Brazilian Children and Young People’s Film Festival Circular Festival is a non-profit collaborative project that aims to promote Brazilian culture for children and youth living in the UK. This year’s edition brings two feature films and a selection of short films. One of them is ‘The Territory of Play’, a 21-month-long journey through the vast geography of children’s gestures in the most diverse settings in Brazil. Another is ‘The Dionte Family’, a lyrical family drama, infused with magic realism, about a father and the two sons he is bringing up alone. When: 12 November, 1pm to 7pm Where: Room B34, University of London, WC1E 7HX Entrance: £2.50 per session Info: www.circularfestival.org
Cineclub Brazil: ‘The Middle of the World’ Directed by Vicente Amorim, the film stars Wagner Moura (‘Elite Squad’) and Cláudia Abreu as a couple with five children making a 3,200 kilometres bicycle trip from the state of Paraíba to the city of Rio de Janeiro. It is based on the true story of former truck driver Cícero Ferreira Dias. This screening is in partnership with Caipirinha Club in London (monthly gathering to practice/learn the Portuguese language). When: 16 November, 7pm Where: Embassy of Brazil, 14-16 Cockspur Street, London SW1Y 5BL Entrance: Free Info: RSVP via culturalbrazil.rsvp@gmail.com
Cineclub Brazil: ‘A Hungarian Passport’ Speaking on the telephone with the Hungarian Consulate, the filmmaker asks: “Does someone whose grandfather is Hungarian have the right to obtain a Hungarian passport?” The question apparently sounds strange. “Yes – It’s possible... But, why do you want a Hungarian passport?” The filmmaker asks for the list of necessary documents, but the officer still doesn’t understand why she wants to become Hungarian. The idea has seized her mind: she is going to ask for Hungarian nationality. The administrative process is the guiding line of the film. And the filmmaker faces essential questions: what is nationality? What’s the use of a passport? What is our heritage? How do we construct our identity? When: 25 November, 6.30pm Where: Embassy of Brazil, 14-16 Cockspur Street, London SW1Y 5BL Entrance: Free Info: RSVP via culturalbrazil.rsvp@gmail.com
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Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO
The great task
Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company
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“There’s no trust, no faith, no honesty in men. All perjured, all forsworn, all naught, all dissemblers. Ah, where’s my man? – Give me some aqua vitae. – These griefs, these woes, these sorrows make me old.” The above is a line spoken by the Nurse in Shakespeare’s “Romeo and Juliet”. This is the moment when she brings news to Juliet of the death of Tybalt. This Shakespeare tragedy has so much relevance to our contemporary world than one would probably imagine. “Romeo and Juliet” is not only the story of two young star-crossed lovers whose deaths ultimately reconcile their feuding families. It is, too, the story of a long feud between the Montague and Capulet families disrupting the city of Verona and causing tragic results for these young lovers. Now, imagine that Montague is a community or even a country, and Capulet another country, and Verona a continent, or even the world. As you do this, you’ll soon realise Shakespeare’s powerful message. Love must be the force to overcome all violence, prejudices and intolerance. You can see why it was among Shakespeare’s most popular and most frequently performed plays during his lifetime. Sadly, the world seems to be consumed by animosity. The gutter press shamelessly peddling hate and right-wing politicians pushing dangerous divisive agendas promote nothing else but hateful ideologies. I had never thought I would live to see such despicable public behaviour: the abusive language, the name-calling, lies upon lies from people in power; those who are to be an example of respect, fairness and sobriety are delivering speeches that are senseless and hurtful. Hate-preachers fuelled and validated by politicians like Trump in America, Temer in Brazil, May in the UK and a wave of right-wing populist politicians all around the world are rampant everywhere, from radio programmes to TV debates and social media. The never-ending quest to elevate ourselves above our peers has turned sour and ugly; people are using whatever means they can to climb their tower and grab whatever power they can, regardless. And power, as we all now, mostly corrupts. In “Romeo and Juliet”, love and hate are just two sides of the same coin – both are intense emotions that, as Benvolio says, get the “mad blood stirring”. When the hatred between the Montagues and Capulets finally drives the lovers to their tragic deaths, it seems like love might finally triumph over hate – but if they’re just two sides of the same coin, then can
An 1870 oil painting by Ford Madox Brown depicting the Romeo and Juliet famous balcony scene
this kind of passionate love even exist without hate? Can we shake ourselves out of the subconscious rut that our lives too often fall into? Can we combat the horrid language and attitudes floating about in our environment? Must we, like the Capulets and Montagues, wait until tragedy has happened to find some kind of solution, some common ground and peace? Shakespeare does not say why there is an ancient grudge between the families. This leaves an unanswered question for the audience to contemplate, adding drama to the play because they do not know the cause of the hate. This is illuminating, because if we analyse it properly, the hate that seems to be spreading around us at the moment has no cause, only a dark heart. A heart that is small, petty, intolerant and scared. And that is what the alt-right, the far-right, the centre-right is praying upon: people’s fears. Like in “Romeo and Juliet”, to be fearful is to be anxious or nervous about your safety. This fearfulness is reflected a lot in the play because there are a lot of fights where your life is in danger. It is fight-orflight response. It is as basic as that. Every time love surfaces in “Romeo and Juliet”, it is drowned with hatred and tragedy. The reason is that between those families there is no dialogue, no space for options or shared experiences, family members do as family members are told to do, until love shows its face and confronts reality. Don’t come and tell me that there isn’t room for everyone in this world, because there is! If only we’d share it more generously. We need to engage in real
Reproduction
Can we shake ourselves out of the subconscious rut that our lives too often fall into?
dialogue, and confront our greed. Love, compassion and understanding, however twee that may sound, are the only forces that can drive us out of this dreadful swamp of injustice and inequality. Gem Novis, founder of the social enterprise Four Corners of the Land puts it very powerfully: “I feel it’s important to engage in dialogue to raise concerns, explore new options, share perspectives and experiences and to make a commitment to go beyond the minimal requirement in our care for others. This works in the one to one friendship and family stuff, and at a broader organisational, community or society level. So I’m using today to deepen and refresh my resolve to actively encourage and support others, including to courageously speak up when necessary (in my work, family, community and society). For as Daisaku Ikeda states: ‘Remaining silent in the face of injustice [or suffering] is the same as supporting it.’” The coming together of two feuding families in the final moments of “Romeo and Juliet”, offers a ray of hope. And I am still hopeful. Like Gem I am using today to deepen and refresh my resolve to actively encourage and support others, including courageously speaking up when necessary. “Romeo and Juliet” is about the human impulse to hate, and as much about the need to love. Ultimately, each one of us must reflect upon which will win. I chose hope, not hate. Our great task is not to get rich, not to gain power and I quote the wise Saramago, “the great task is to succeed in becoming more human”.
brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
HELOISA RIGHETTO
Double standards
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The deconstruction of stereotypes and development of an accurate perception of everyday sexism won’t happen overnight “I don’t think it looks good”. That’s what my husband said when I mentioned I was thinking about stop dyeing my gray hair. We have been together for over a decade and he has never had such a strong opinion related to the way I look. His comment struck me and I immediately regretted having asked for his opinion. After all, he couldn’t care less for his own gray hair (and never cared to ask my opinion about them), so why on earth he is so bothered with my gray hair? Double standards. This was yet another key moment for my feminist learning curve. As I always like to highlight, I was brought up in a middle class family and got the straight and cisgender cards in the DNA lottery, I have privileges that millions of women from around the world can only dream of. I can study, work, drive, vote, own a property, marry whoever I want (and get divorced), walk alone in the streets and watch a football game in a stadium. But apparently I am not allowed to have gray hair. At the same time this sounds like a trivial issue, it is also a tangible example of sexism within the privileged bubble inhabited by those on the top of the socioeconomic pyramid. Some of my childhood memories include quite a few sexist situations, such as seeing all the women in the family cleaning up the kitchen and washing the dishes after Sunday lunch, while all the men were drinking beer. Nowadays, many years after these family gatherings, I often get asked why my husband cooks. Don’t I know how to do it or don’t I like it? But no one ever bothered to ask him if he doesn’t like or doesn’t want or doesn’t know how to clean the bathroom floor or change the bed linen. Double standards. We are so efficient and quick to spot misogyny in other cultures and countries, and we are in shock when we read about sexual abuse and harassment (especially when it includes someone that
is running for president of the United States), and yet we keep blaming a rape victim for wearing a short skirt. We don’t accept the decriminalisation of abortion but we are so used to the fact that millions of children don’t even have their fathers’ names on their birth certificates. We are quick to criticise women that feed their baby using bottles, but at the same time we are not comfortable with breastfeeding in public. We find outrageous that women don’t get paid as much as men for doing the exact same job, but we can’t understand why so many people got upset with the fact that there are no women in the Nobel Laureates list of 2016. Women in leadership positions are severely criticised if they don’t smile or if they are not charismatic. It is as if they must compensate the audacity of being powerful by also being cheerful and delicate. Ironically, we don’t expect the same from men in similar positions. Men, by the way, are feared if they lose control of a situation. Women become a joke. Double standards. The deconstruction of stereotypes and development of an accurate perception of everyday sexism won’t happen overnight. Not even feminist women are free from perpetuating sexist behaviours. However, we have to identify these situations instead of just closing our eyes to them and “letting it go”. Enough of convenient double standards! Our hair will get gray, our partners will cook, we will respond with anger, we will post on Facebook and use hashtags on Twitter. Feminists will keep trying to change the world and will no longer care if you feel uncomfortable. We will empower, one woman at a time. g
Heloisa Righetto is a journalist and writes about feminism (@helorighetto – facebook.com/ conexãofeminista)
For Brazilians who think globally. For everyone who loves Brazil. 074 92 65 31 32
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BR TRIP
where nature made its masterpiece Content sponsored by Itaipu Binacional
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Have you ever heard about Foz do Iguaçu? The Brazilian city located on the border of Argentina and Paraguay receives tourists from all over the world, mainly attracted by Mother Nature’s masterpiece: the Iguaçu Falls. The magic of biodiversity is everywhere. And for those who also admire great human achievements, the city also hosts the bi-national hydroelectric Itaipu Dam, the largest producer of energy in the world. Foz do Iguaçu is a touristic destination that brings together all the senses and provokes strong emotions. Seen from above, the National Park gets lost in the horizon. On the Brazilian side, the park has more than 185,000 hectares. Divided only by the Iguaçu River, the green area has more than 67,000 hectares on the Argentinean side. In addition to being seated on the Guarani Aquifer, one of the world’s largest reserves of underground water, the park is one of the last reserves of Atlantic Forest and the largest reserve of subtropical rainforest in the world. This vast area has such a rich biodiversity that it was declared a Natural World Heritage Site by UNESCO in the
1980s. In the two parks there are more than 2,000 different species of plants, over 400 species of birds and about 80 species of mammals. Among the invertebrates, there are no less than 257 species of butterflies. The fauna includes endangered animals such as the jaguar and yellow alligator, and other quite rare, as the guan, the harpy eagle and the kite with purple chest. For the visitor, the parks include a breathtaking attraction: the Iguaçu Falls, a set of waterfalls stretching over 2.7 km between Brazil and Argentina. The waters plummet from a height ranging between 40 and 80 meters, making a noise heard for miles around. This natural spectacle can be enjoyed on trails that lead close to the Falls; by boat ride, where the most exciting point is to go under the falls for unforgettable “bath”; by helicopter flight with a privileged view; or walking in the woods (or by bike or electric car), always accompanied by guides that provide explanations in Portuguese, Spanish and English. Close to the Iguaçu National Park is the Bird Park, which also houses reptiles of Brazilian fauna, like iguanas, alligators
and the dreaded anaconda. In an area of almost two square km, the visitor comes into direct contact with more than 1,320 birds of 143 species, many considered at risk of extinction. Half of the birds were rescued by environmental monitoring. Many came from environments where there wasn’t a remaining habitat. Others are the result of seizures in action against animal traffickers. There are also birds that were kept illegally in captivity. Many arrive at the park debilitated with clipped wings, beaks and partially amputated limbs, blind and without flight conditions. They receive the necessary treatment, shelter and care. Foz do Iguaçu is crossed by two major rivers, the Iguaçu (where the falls form the border with Argentina) and Paraná River, where the Itaipu dam forms the border with Paraguay. The bi-national plant, Brazilian and Paraguayan, is the world’s largest energy producer. It is, in itself, an attraction for travellers, but in the Brazilian side the Itaipu Tourist Complex offers visitors a number of tours. The Panoramic Visit, made in double deck buses, offers a view of the grandeur
brasilobserver.co.uk | November 2016
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Divulgation
of the plant, which can also be known from inside in the Special Visit. The attractions include a boat trip on the reservoir and the Dam Lighting, on the nights of Friday and Saturday. But for those who want to have contact with nature cannot miss the Bela Vista Biological Refuge. Created in the 1970s to receive thousands of animals “dislodged” by the formation of the plant’s reservoir, the refuge has become a research centre on the fauna and flora. Forest seedlings are produced, to restore degraded areas, and it is developed the breeding work of wild animals in captivity. The visitor takes trails through woods, to see closely, in nurseries that mimic natural habitats, animals such as the jaguar and the capuchin monkey. To receive tourists, who come from all over the world, Foz do Iguaçu has a hotel chain that offers nearly 30,000 beds. There from luxury hotels, including the Belmond Hotel das Cataratas, the only one inside the Iguaçu National Park, to hotels and hostels at very convenient prices. Foz do Iguaçu is considered one of the Brazilian destinations with the best value for money, according to TripAdvisor.
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MOSTRA 2016 B R A Z I L I A N D ES I G N E R S T R A N S L AT I N G N E WS I N TO P OW E R F U L I M AG ES
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