Brasil Observer #46 - EN

OU VIRE PARA LER EM PORTUGUÊS

LONDON EDITION

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ISSN 2055-4826

FEBRUARY/2017

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Content

FEBRUARY/2017

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LONDON EDITION

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Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED founded by

From Donald Trump to Carnival

How reducing migration can be bad for British public finances

Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Ana Freccia Rosa, Aquiles Reis, Christian Taylor, Franko Figueiredo, Gabriela Lobianco, Heloisa Righetto, Nathália Braga Bannister, Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

OBSERVATIONS

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GUEST COLUMNIST

Júlio Miragaya on why Brazil’s economic reforms are unfair

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GUEST COLUMNIST

Roxana Cavalcanti on how Brazil’s far right became a dominant force

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INTERVIEW

Alex Ellis, former British Ambassador to Brazil

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REPORT

Overcrowded, violent and neglected: the tragedy on Brazilian prisons

REPORT

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CONECTANDO

Lindy Hop, a dance from the 1920s, enchants Rio de Janeiro

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CULTURAL TIPS

Music, theatre and photography... with a Latino touch

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COLUMNISTS

Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism Aquiles Reis on music

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BR TRIP

A trip to the beautiful Marau

COVER ART Márcio MFR

Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies

Ricardo Humberto Graphic artist and illustrator, Ricardo Humberto attended the Superior Course of Painting and the Superior Course of Engraving at the School of Music and Fine Arts of Paraná, but considered himself self-taught. He was born and lives in Curitiba.

Distribution Emblem Group Ltd. To advertise comercial@brasilobserver.co.uk 020 3015 5043 To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk Online 074 92 65 31 32 brasilobserver.co.uk issuu.com/brasilobserver facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.

SUPPORT:

The cover art for this edition was produced by Ricardo Humberto for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2017 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In February 2018, all of the pieces will be displayed at the Embassy’s Sala Brasil.

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

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Observations Divulgation

Very special relationship...

The Prime Minister Theresa May visited the newly elected United States President Donald Trump at the end of January. Taking advantage of the “special relationship” between Americans and British she jumped forward in line trying to get into a trade agreement with the United States, seen as fundamental in times of Brexit.

The visit has generated much repercussion and protests due to Donald Trump shameful remarks on women during the electoral campaign. For the English media the visit could have been worse and Theresa May left almost unharmed. But the heat of the streets indicates a different perception from the public.

Reproduction

...or not: dump Trump!

Tens of thousands of people have protested in London and other British cities against the decree of President Donald Trump that forbids entry into the United States of refugees and people from seven Muslim-majority countries. Thousands gathered at Downing Street, home to Prime Minister Theresa May, the world’s first leader to visit Trump. Some shouted words against May for her invitation to Trump to visit the UK, while 1.5 million people signed a petition asking the cancelation of the trip – which involves all royal ostentation and a banquet with the Queen Elizabeth.

Reproduction

Does Brexit mean Brexit?

The UK High Court has ruled that the country cannot leave the European Union (EU) without Parliament’s approval. The decision runs against Prime Minister Theresa May’s plans to start formal withdrawal talks in early March. The verdict, announced

by Judge Thomas of Cwmgiedd, will stir controversy, as most of the 650 British MPs have declared themselves in favour of the British stay in the political-economic bloc. Legal experts claim that the decision can generate months of debates that would place obstacles to the Brexit negotiations. In the photo, Gina Miller, the economist who initiated the legal process against the British government.

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

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Divulgation

Another brick in the (gray) wall Willing to seem hard-working in his first days in office, the new mayor of São Paulo, João Doria, donned the uniform to start the so-called “Beautiful City” program. The main and most controversial action was to “clean” the graffiti on the Avenida 23 de Maio, which had become an open mural during the previous administration of Fernando Haddad. Without making much distinction between graffiti and ‘pixo’, the current mayor annoyed many citizens as the graffiti gives colour and life to a predominantly gray city. Either way, the city administration said they will create a program for graffiti artists to do their work again.

Reproduction

Once upon a time a billionaire The businessman Eike Batista, who was the richest man in Brazil a couple of years ago, was arrested by the Federal Police at the international airport of Rio de Janeiro on the morning of Monday, January 30. Eike was in New York and is the target of Operation Efficiency, a dismemberment of Lava Jato Operation in Rio, accused of having irrigated a corruption scheme of former governor Sergio Cabral, imprisoned since November. The businessman is accused of having transferred 16.5 million dollars (more than 52 million reais) in bribes to the former governor Cabral.

Divulgation

Joy in the middle of the crisis Carnival is coming and the preparations are already going on in Brazil. The season of rehearsals at the São Pedro Courtyard in the central region of Recife began on Thursday, January 12. The rehearsals for the folia, marked by the nostalgia and poetry of the old carnivals, are free and take place every Thursday night until February 16, the week before the opening of the Carnival. The lyrical blocks are marked by a chorus of female voices, accompanied by an orchestra of instruments such as guitar and mandolin. Born in the 1920s, this type of folia is inspired by European traditions and the capture of sophisticated fantasies.

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Guest President Michel Temer political agenda hasn’t passed through electoral scrutiny

Why Brazil’s B economic reforms are unfair It is necessary to resume economic growth as quickly as possible, but preserving social inclusion

By Júlio Miragaya g

Brazil needs to resume economic growth as soon as possible, but not at any price. It’s essential to keep promoting social inclusion and advancing in the social and spatial distribution of income. We are 207 million inhabitants with deep social contrasts; despite some advances in the last decade, more than 35 million Brazilians remain in poverty. The reason for that is the enormous concentration of income and wealth in the hands of a minority.

According to an OXFAM study, the richest 1% of the population concentrates about 40% of the national wealth, while the poorest 50% hold about 3%. In this context, Brazil persists as one of the most inequitable countries in the world, but there is a smokescreen that hides one of the main mechanisms of concentration of income and wealth: our tax system, which is highly regressive, economically irrational and socially unfair.

It should be noted that in 1988, towards the end of the military dictatorship, the ruling class had to make a concession, albeit small, allowing a timid system of social security and public education, the same it is trying

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil

to destroy today. Although its limitations, it is this system that prevents us from having hordes of flagellates, looting of supermarkets and breaks in the peripheries of metropolises in the dimensions that occurred in the recent past, even with a sharp fall in GDP and high unemployment levels.

It’s impossible to meet the growing social demands without touching our archaic tax model. It is not a problem and it is not even true that our tax burden is high or has grown exaggerated during the Workers Party governments (2003 to 2016). From 1988 to 2002, it rose from 26% to 33%, but from 2003 to 2015, it remained strictly in this percentage, having fluctuated slightly to 35% in 2009.

The problem is that 72% of the tax burden resides on consumption (56%) and labour income (16%), with taxation on capital income and wealth representing only 28%, against the rest of the world. In the OECD countries average, for example, taxation on capital income represents 67% of total taxes collected, leaving only 33% on consumption and labour income.

However, instead of this debate, the discussion is directed towards a presumed and non-existent over expenditure of the public sector, in particular in relation to the expenses with education, health, welfare and assistance, which would be responsible for the increase of the public deficit, omitting the greater reason, which are the public debt interest expenses (accounting for 80% of the nominal deficit), excessive tax waivers, revenue frustration as a result of the crisis, low levels of combating tax evasion and corruption.

To rebalance the public accounts, a set of proposed actions will have negative effects on the poorest and the middle class. The spending ceiling, which established a freeze on public expenses, including health and education, will result in deep cuts in social spending, even if the current volume of resources is insufficient to offer the population a better quality service that fully meets demand.

In the health area, for example, we have a rapidly aging population, demanding increasing resources, and, according to the National Fo-

rum of State Secretaries of Health, the measure will reduce the resources of the sector in the next 20 years by 650 billion reais. The “New Fiscal Regime” places the burden of adjustment on the poorest sectors and causes reduction of social rights already won among those established in our Constitution.

The proposal for labour reform can also represent loss of rights for tens of millions of workers. The outsourcing bill, for example, will reverse the progress made in recent years in the formalization of labour relations. The prevalence of negotiations over legislations threatens the labour achievements of millions of workers, especially those of small professional categories, represented by unions with reduced ability to mobilize and negotiate.

Another setback comes with the proposed pension reform. Social security began to be instituted in Brazil in 1923, and it is unacceptable to seek to change so profoundly a system that has operated in the country for almost a century in a couple of months. In addition, it is unacceptable that changes

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in social security that will affect the lives of tens of millions of Brazilians will be done by a National Congress that is absolutely illegitimate, corrupt, elected by economic power and the most conservative since 1964.

The Michel Temer government proposal focuses exclusively on expenditure, neglecting revenues. The equation of social security financing should start with revenue. It should also be pointed out the conjectural nature of the fall in social security contributions, due to the sharp fall in the level of employment in 2015 and 2016. As soon as the economy resume its growth pace, with the recovery of formal jobs lost during the economic crisis, the revenues must grow again.

Another fallacy of the government proposal is that social security presents a huge deficit. What happens is that the government, purposely, omits that the Federal Constitution, in its art. 195, provided for a tripartite system, with employees, employers and the government contributing, which means there is actually a surplus. The government resorts to the false and terrorist discourse that social security reform is necessary and unavoidable and that, if it is not done soon, there will be no money to pay the benefits.

Cynically, analysts recognize that it is unpopular (according to SPC Brazil survey, 73% are opposed) and, as such, should be done soon, by an unpopular government and in a non -electoral year.

The government’s proposal came even more draconian than expected.

For the purpose of retirement, women have been equipped with men and rural workers to the urban population; it is proposed to unlink the minimum wage in several situations; the social security contribution is increased from 15 to 25 years and, most seriously, to 49 years of contribution to obtain the right to full benefit.

We are moving towards a social security reform that represents injustices, especially with the poorest of the population, when seeking to raise the minimum age for retirement to the level practiced in countries with a life expectancy well above Brazil. How can we suggest that the rural worker retires at age 65 if the life expectancy of this population in the North-Northeast is 63 years?

In short, the country needs to resume economic growth, but preserving the social inclusion of the last years and advancing the distribution of income. Experience of GDP growth with social exclusion we had in the early 1970s under the military dictatorship, with the withdrawal of rights, political repression and a brutal concentration of income. This is certainly not the wish of our people.

Júlio Miragaya is president of Brazil’s Federal Council of Economy (Cofecon)

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Reproduction

How Brazil’s far right became a dominant political force MP Alberto Fraga, leader of the ‘bullets caucus’

Most visible political advocates are gathered in Congress, where they form the Bullets, Bible and Beef (BBB) caucus

By Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti g

Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti is Lecturer in Criminology, University of Westminster. This article was originally published

by The Conversation (www.theconversation.com) g

Recent reports indicate that far-right groups from the Ukraine have come to Brazil to recruit neo-Nazis to fight against pro -Russian rebels. Western readers reacted with shock and fascination – but however strange the story might seem, conservatism and political extremism have been on the rise in Brazil for some time.

Many of the country’s hard-line right -wingers come out of religious movements, such as neo-Pentecostalism, evangelical Christianity and US-style churches. There are over 600 Christian TV and radio channels, including the second-largest TV channel in the country, Rede Record, which is owned by billionaire bishop Edir Maçedo of the pentecostal Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. But the right’s most visible political advocates are gathered in Congress, where they form the Bullets, Bible and Beef (BBB) caucus. An increasingly dominant political bloc, the BBB began to form in 2012 during legislative discussions about Brazil’s forest code. Right-wing pro-deforestation rural lobbyists forged an alliance with the evangelicals, and later with armaments and ammunitions lobbyists.

That alliance successfully put forward a number of pro-deforestation proposals, and in 2015, a special commission approved the BBB’s proposal to amend the constitution to give the national congress sole authority over the demarcation of indigenous lands. Many NGOs and advocates consider the proposal disastrous for Brazilian indigenous tribes that rely on land for survival, and a severe environmental danger. And as the BBB has grown more powerful, its far-right conservative agenda has expanded beyond deforestation and agribusiness to include hard-line stances against abortion, women’s rights, homosexuality and gun control.

Coming 30 years after Brazil embraced liberal democracy, the sight of ultra-conservative politics returning to the mainstream is rather shocking. And it might never have

been possible had the country’s progressive governments done a better job addressing their people’s concerns.

JUMPING SHIP As did their counterparts in many other countries, Brazil’s social democratic and centre-left parties long ago signed up to “soft” versions of the so-called neoliberal agenda, embracing globalisation and free trade. In doing so, they gave up their identity as organs of popular protest – and thereby left an opening for far-right parties and movements to exploit anything resembling a national crisis.

This is what happened to the Workers’ Party (PT), which governed Brazil for a full 14 years. The PT advanced progressive policies, most famously the social security cash transfer programme Bolsa Familia, but also a higher minimum wage and wider access to credit and university education. This policy programme wasn’t popular with the mainstream media, the middle classes and business leaders, but it won the PT loyal support among poor voters. Under its tenure, Brazil saw mild reductions in inequality for the first time in its history.

But these policies weren’t enough.

They could not close a gap between high taxes and the low quality of basic public goods, the PT having failed to rework a historically regressive tax system that disproportionately punishes Brazil’s poorest. Services simply did not improve quickly enough to keep up with the country’s growth, pushing many Brazilians’ patience to breaking point. In 2013, massive urban protests erupted against a rise in bus fares and poor service provision.

This all left the PT highly vulnerable.

OUSTED The PT never held more than 20% of seats in Congress; to govern a country with over 25 political parties, it had made coali-

tions with the right and adopted some of its economic policies. This proved to be a big mistake, especially when it introduced public spending cuts that ate into its support base. Right after the party’s Dilma Rousseff was re-elected president in 2014, the opposition started calling for her impeachment, citing corruption allegations that many observers considered dubious.

As the economic downturn intensified during 2015 and unemployment rose, media publicity about corruption scandals brought Rousseff’s already low levels of popularity to rock bottom. Michel Temer, Rousseff’s vice-president and coalition partner, was quick to take the opportunity to remove and usurp her.

This was the BBB’s best chance yet to flex its muscles. Among the 367 members who voted to impeach Rousseff, 313 are associated with the BBB. At the time of writing, 373 out of 513 (73%) elected federal deputies in Brazil’s congress are part of at least one of the three congressional fronts that form the BBB. The right has plenty more fodder at its disposal. Fear of violence is a central issue: according to one study, nearly 60,000 Brazilians lost their lives to violence in 2014 alone. It’s widely understood that the authorities are unable or unwilling to control high crime rates, and this insecurity fosters extremely punitive attitudes towards stereotyped groups, especially the poor and criminals.

In this febrile atmosphere, armed far -right and neo-Nazi groups have been able to present themselves as the defenders of poor communities. Nothing better illustrates that than a recent lynch mob epidemic, which showed just how explosive the combination of violent insecurity and rampant individualism can be. With the BBB as powerful as ever in Congress and disgust at ineffective, corrupt government still widespread, small wonder that the far right is on the march – and that it’s finally getting global attention.

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Interview Alex Ellis during the Rock in Rio Festival

Brazil is a roller coaster of surprises

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

Divulgation

You served in Brazil during a very chaotic period. World Cup, Olympics, demonstrations, impeachment, political and economic crisis...

What is your evaluation now you are leaving office?

I see a lot of changes, many changes in power, but also change of attitude in relation to impunity. I arrived during the trial phase of the so-called ‘Mensalão’ (corruption scandal) and since then the attack on traditional practices in Brazil has been strong, which has been very positive. Another thing I have seen is the resilience of Brazilian institutions and also of the Brazilian people. Institutions in general and courts have worked the way they should. And at the same time the people can adapt (with difficulties, of course) to a huge recession.

Did Brazil live up to the expectations you had before taking office?

Brazil sells a stereotyped image of beach, football, samba and carnival. Like any stereotype, there are true elements. But what I discovered was creativity. Brazil is perhaps the most creative country where I have lived.

Not only the elite, but everyone. Creativity can be a bad or good thing depending on the context, but in art, culture, dance and music it is absolutely fantastic. It is a deep richness.

Brazil can show even more.

Another point is the complexity of the country. Brazil is a complex country. People accept and even like this complexity. And human warmth, which is a cliché, but it is important. When I arrived, the first few weeks I went to the supermarket to buy some things and had a list that I did not know right, so a gentleman helped me find what I needed. That is one of the things that will stay in my memory.

We are still experiencing a period of great political and economic turbulence. In your opinion, is postimpeachment Brazil closer or farther away from solving its problems?

Former Ambassador Alex Ellis talks about his experience on Brazilian soil and what he expects for Brexit negotiations

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By Guilherme Reis

Alex Ellis served as British ambassador to Brazil for three and a half years. It was, at least, a restless period, with the World Cup, Olympic Games, an impeached president, among other more or less glorious facts.

Invited to be part of the team that will be negotiating Brexit, Alex Ellis left the Brazilian post last month – to be filled by Dr. Vijay Rangarajan, former director for Europe in the United Kingdom Foreign Ministry.

In this interview with the Brasil Observer, the former ambassador tells his impressions about Brazil and what he expects for Brexit negotiations.

Brazil is going through a huge recession.

Without resolving the budget deficit it is very difficult to resolve other economic issues. We had a similar situation in the UK in 2010 that required a strong spending reduction policy, so I find that inevitable and necessary to move forward. The issue of Lava Jato (corruption investigation) has great popular support and needs more time.

I think Brazil is making great strides in this area. The problem is that if you look from year to year you have the feeling that it does not advance. But look 20 years ago, in the early 1990s, and you will see that the country is totally transformed.

What is your expectation for Brazil in 2017? Are you going to continue suggesting that British companies invest in Brazil?

I learned that in Brazil you cannot anticipate anything; it’s a roller coaster of surprises. We already have huge investments from British companies in Bra-

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zil: Shell, Unilever, BP, Land Rover... We are the fourth largest investor in Brazil.

So yeah, I say you should keep investing.

Some investors have stopped because of political uncertainties, capital in general does not like uncertainties, but I think Brazil is not only a potential country, but it has a great consumer market, natural wealth and many opportunities. I see very great opportunities in the area of​​ basic public services, education, health...

You will now have an important role in the Brexit negotiations. What can you say about the strategy the UK will adopt?

The vote was clear and decisive for our departure from the European Union.

Participation was high by our standards (72%), so we have to move forward. We have the reality today, we are members of the European Union, and we have a very strong desire on the part of the government to maintain a close relationship with the EU member states. How to get from here to there is the big question. It requires negotiation. We have to try to solve as many problems as possible. Is it possible to do everything in two years? It is not impossible, but it is difficult. Will we need more time? Do we have to create a transitional regime? These are big questions. Everything will become clearer throughout the negotiations. It will not be easy.

There are many uncertainties about the future of the UK on behalf of Brexit, especially for immigrants.

What kind of guarantee can European citizens who already live in the UK have?

For now nothing changes. Brazilians with a European passport in the United Kingdom have their rights held until the day we leave the European Union. The later we will determine. We have been an open country; we do not require a visa for Brazilian tourists, for example.

Will Europeans need a visa to enter the UK?

It depends on what the person will want to do, tourism or work. Of course, the rights of European citizens in the United Kingdom will change when we leave the European Union. Let us assess what rights and opportunities we can offer to EU citizens and outsiders.

How can Brazil take advantage of this Brexit situation?

I see our departure from the European Union as a great opportunity to strengthen the relationship with Brazil. And I think Brazil also sees Brexit as a great opportunity. Brazil is rapidly internationalizing itself and the United Kingdom, which is already an international country, will adapt to a new reality, approaching even more countries like Brazil. We have already done a lot and I think the next decade will be even closer.

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

REPORT

Overcrowding, violence and neglect: the tragedy in Brazilian prisons Brazil begins 2017 with a wave of rebellions from north to south of the country. The dead are over a hundred already

By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

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A pressure cooker about to explode: a valid metaphor to illustrate the situation of the Brazilian prison system at the beginning of 2017.

From the earliest days of the year until the time of writing, there were more than 100 dead in rebellions in penitentiaries in seven states.

From the north to the south of the country, in family conversations, in bars, at the fair, in the bank queue, at bus stops the feeling is that the situation is uncontrollable.

The pessimistic, fatalistic tone prevails on such wheels of conversation. Not for less. The shock is not only because of the rebellions, nor because of the number of them, which is still frightening. It’s mainly because of the violence, the cruelty of riots.

Photographs and videos show decapitated men, quartered bodies, if not charred.

They reveal penitentiaries under the absolute domination of factions. They confirm overcrowded, unhealthy environments, far from being places of detention for criminals. The images present cages which, instead of recovering human beings, punish them for their mistakes, transform them into postgraduates in crime, into irrational beasts.

It contributes to the general desolation the position of the rulers. In the wake of the rebellions, there have been reports of corruption in penitentiary administrations. Secretaries of State, ministers, governors and the President of the Republic, when they are not omitted, sink – and drown the country –

in unreasonable statements (and decisions).

President Michel Temer, for example, only manifested himself in the face of the killing of prisoners three days after the first rebellion that started the riot in Manaus (Amazon), which broke out on the second day of the year. Minimizing the facts, he described the brutality as a “frightful accident”.

The following uprisings – in Roraima, Rio Grande do Norte, Minas Gerais, Ceará, São Paulo, Pernambuco and Paraná – proved that it was not just an “accident”. It is an absolute chaos.

It was also the statement of the then National Secretary of Youth of the Temer Government, Bruno Júlio, revealed by the newspaper O Globo. The minister, who is directly linked to the Presidency of the Republic and should be based on humanitarian principles, defended the ongoing killing in prisons. “I’m kind of pissed about it. I’m the son of a police officer, I think it had to kill more.” After these astonishing words and the natural criticism he received for saying them, Bruno Júlio resigned.

da Capital (PCC), Amigos dos Amigos (ADA) and Família do Norte.

Worse, they continue to deny that prisons have become a square of war between these factions, which, moreover, control businesses outside the grids (gas stations, transportation co-operatives, drug trafficking, among others).

For experts in the field, minimizing the power of these factions does not solve the problem. Denying the seriousness of the situation is to sign a certificate stating that the State is incompetent. This omission has allowed the factions, previously concentrated on the Rio-São Paulo axis, to spread throughout the country, expanding and intensifying the dispute between them.

The PCC itself, protagonist of the current wave of rebellions, when it was constituted more than two decades ago, was restricted to São Paulo. As they were promoting rebellions, their members were being transferred to units in other states, and settling in, branching out.

IN DENIAL

PALLIATIVE MEASURES

Meanwhile, Justice Minister Alexandre de Moraes and authorities responsible for the administration of state prisons have sought to reject evidence that Brazilian prisons are under the control of factions such as Comando Vermelho (CV), Primeiro Comando

There are no signs that the crisis will be resolved any time soon. The measures announced so far – the use of the National Security Force and the creation of a “national prison intervention group” to fight riots in progress – are sounding more like palliative

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil

Even with the suspension of visits to inmates at the Anísio Jobim Penitentiary Complex in Manaus, Amazon State, family members queued up on January 12 to try to deliver food and clothing

actions. Between the announcement of such measures and the effective implementation of them the killing and the escapes follow in mass.

The use of the National Security Force, for example, was decided by the government on January 18, but only at the end of the month did members of the Army, Navy and Air Force come into action. “The [Armed Forces] men will be available to the governors to search for weapons, drugs, cell phones and other illicit substances and products,” the Defence Minister Raul Jungmann told reporters.

Public security experts and lawyers have fallen behind on the role of the Armed Forces in civil and urban disturbances, such as the rebellions in prisons.

Ostensible public security is the duty of the federation units and their police forces – the use of the Armed Forces is questioned because Army, Navy and Air Force personnel are prepared to fight with external enemies in situations of warlike conflicts. In deviation from function, there is a great risk of committing excesses. President Michel Temer, in a public statement, argued that the men of the Armed Forces will not contact rebels. “[The Forces] will evidently have no contact with the prisoners, but will have, yes, the possibility of inspection in all Brazilian prisons.”

NATIONAL PLAN As if seeking to respond to the frightened society, the Ministry of Justice also announced a set of objectives and measures to compose a National Public Security Plan. In theory, the plan speaks of three basic purposes: “reduction of homicides; the integrated fight against international organized crime (in particular drug and arms trafficking) and organized crime inside and outside prisons; and the rationalization and modernization of the penitentiary system”.

One has to backtrack about the feasibility and effectiveness of such a plan announced in the heat of national dread. First, because the plan places a lot of emphasis on security forces operations, ignoring that public violence stems primarily from social problems such as economic inequality, unemployment, lack of prospects. Second, because one has to ask how a government that has done everything, and was able to approve in Congress, a constitutional amendment that freezes public investments for 20 years, can now support a plan that obviously requires extraordinary financial resources.

In addition, the current tsunami of riots in Brazilian prisons is more than a conjectural crisis, to be solved with

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punctual measures, in the evaluation of specialists and entities such as the Pastoral Carcerária, of the National Confederation of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB). It is, in fact, the result of the bankruptcy of the country’s prison system.

In a statement released on 24 March, the Prison Ministry reports “systematic violation of rights” in penitentiaries, the background of violence now opened in the rebellions that have been taking place since January. “The main product of the Brazilian prison system has always been and continues to be death, indignity and violence,” said the note. “This massacre has been going on for some time.”

The Prison Ministry continues: “In underestimated figures provided by the penitentiary administrations, at least 379 people died violently in the dungeons of the country in 2016, without any ‘crisis’ being publicly announced by the national authorities. Lack of warnings or ‘recommendations’ that persons deprived of their liberty ceased to be dead and vilified in their dignity.”

TORTURE The United Nations (UN), in a report released in August 2015, warned of the risks of an explosion in the Brazilian prison system. Inspections by the

UN Human Rights Council pointed out that the practice of torture in detention was “endemic”, as was the overcrowding of jails. The prison population has grown rapidly in recent decades, making Brazil the fourth country in the world in number of inmates. The increase in the prison population was not, however, accompanied by the expansion of the system infrastructure.

Now in January, the UN High Commission for Human Rights (OHCHR), in the face of a wave of riots in Brazilian prisons, reaffirmed this assessment of the chaos of Brazil’s prison system. Amerigo Incalcaterra, South America’s regional representative, in an official statement condemned the ongoing massacres, calling for “an immediate investigation of the facts, with a view to assigning responsibility for the action and omission of the State, which is primarily responsible for the prisoners in their custody.”

The UN representative said: “The lack of implementation of a prison policy in accordance with international human rights standards in Brazil has been repeatedly pointed out by United Nations bodies, leading to a growing crisis in the prison system in the country. This crisis is evidenced by recent episodes of massacres.”

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

How Britain’s public finances can be affected if Brexit reduces migration

The terms under which the UK withdraws may permit more restrictive migration policies for arrivals from the EU

Lowering net migration leads to a lower population and alters its composition. Effects could come through revenues or through spending

By Ian Preston g

Brexit will have high fiscal costs and a large part of that will be a consequence of what happens to migration numbers.

That was the conclusion widely drawn from the Office for Budget Responsibility’s most recent Economic and Fiscal Outlook published in late November – the first since June’s referendum vote. It was illuminated further by supplementary analysis published on December 8.

To be precise, Brexit is forecast to lead to a cumulative £59 billion more in public sector borrowing over the next five years – £16 billion of which is attributed to the effect of reduced migration because of the unfavourable balance between its effects on tax revenue and government spending. Whereas the negative impact of other Brexit factors peaks in 2018-19, the effect of migration is forecast to still be rising by 2020-21.

WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO MIGRATION

Ian Preston is a Professor in the Department of Economics, University College London. This article was originally published by The Conversation (www. theconversation.com).

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The likely fall in migration is difficult to quantify, given the uncertainty about Brexit negotiations. As a result, the OBR’s approach to capturing it is necessarily rough and ready.

The changing political atmosphere since the vote may discourage immigration, as potential migrants expect a less welcoming reception. Eventually, the terms under which the UK withdraws may permit more restrictive migration policies for arrivals from the EU. What the OBR does is to note that without Brexit it would have raised its estimate of future migration by about 80,000 a year. This is influenced by recent high migration levels, which have

been confirmed again in the most recent migration figures. Given the referendum outcome, the OBR assumes that this increase will no longer happen and it treats this as the Brexit effect.

This reduction falls some way short of meeting the government’s stated aspiration of cutting net migration to the tens of thousands, so it may be that the fiscal consequences of Brexit are being substantially understated. On the other hand, that target is politically contentious and widely viewed as impossibly ambitious.

Lowering net migration leads to a lower population and alters its composition. In particular, since migrants are typically young, well educated and arriving to work it leads to a population which is older and less likely to participate in the labour market. Effects of this on public finances could come through either side of the public sector balance sheet, through revenues or through spending.

IMPACT ON TAX REVENUES The deleterious effect on the revenue side is easiest to understand. The lower population means less economic activity on which taxes are paid. Given that migrants tend to be younger than the average UK citizen, the OBR also predicts that fewer migrants coming in will lead to a decline in the employment rate, which reduces tax revenue further.

Because the inflow continues at the lower level year after year, the effect on the population builds up, which is why the annual effect on tax revenues continues to grow.

In its supplementary set of tables, published on December 8, the OBR ex-

plains that about half of the reduction comes through lower income tax and national insurance contributions and about a quarter through lower consumption tax receipts such as VAT. By 2020-21, the cumulative fall in tax receipts is forecast to have reached £17.3 billion. This is much the most important factor driving the increase of £16 billion in forecast borrowing by that year that the OBR attributes to lower migration as a result of Brexit.

NOT MUCH CHANGE TO SPENDING On the expenditure side, things are more complicated. Welfare spending is treated as sensitive to migration because benefit claims are affected by the size and composition of the population, albeit that average welfare spending on migrants is lower than in the population as a whole.

By 2020-21, cumulative welfare spending is forecast to be lower by £2.1 billion as a result of the lower migration. Offsetting this is an increase of £0.6 billion in debt interest spending as a consequence of the lower tax receipts.

But the largest part of spending – on public services such as education, health, police, defence and so on – is treated as fixed by prior plans. The OBR assumes that reduced migration will not lead to cutbacks in spending on these items over the horizon it considers.

Of course, migrants are entitled to use public services even if, contrary to popular perception, there is little evidence that they make excessive demands. So the OBR’s projected reduction in numbers of migrants without any change in

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

David McKelvey

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The OBR projections ignore many possible economic effects of migration.

If immigration affects UK workers’ wages or returns to capital, if it affects innovation and productivity, or affects the cost of providing public services then this is not accounted for. Although the OBR does allow for reduced migration to reduce housing demand and cut house prices, no effects on receipts from stamp duty, for example, are incorporated in the calculations of effects of migration.

Its projections also allow for no changes in the composition of migrants. If low-skilled migrants are more discouraged by Brexit than high-skilled migrants, say, then the fiscal consequences might be less pessimistic since the discouraged migrants would have paid less in taxes.

However, the reductions needed to bring the government near to its target of net migration in the tens of thousands would need to cover more than the low-skilled.

International migrants are on the whole the sort of productive, economically motivated individuals that governments ought to be keen to attract.

Making the country a less welcoming place and adding bureaucracy to economic relations with its nearest neighbours is not a promising route to attracting the most fiscally lucrative migrants.

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It is perhaps helpful to compare the OBR figures to the best comprehensive costing available for the public finance impact of recent migration provided by economists Christian Dustmann and Tommaso Frattini.

Their calculations suggest that recent migration to the UK from the European Economic Area (EEA) over the period 2001-2011 benefited the exchequer by about £22 billion – with taxes paid exceeding spending costs imposed by about 34%. Over the ten-year period which they consider, EEA immigration expanded the economy by about 7m immigrant-years – calculated as about 1.4m immigrants each being in the country for an average of about five years. The net benefit to the exchequer was therefore of the order of £3,000 per additional immigrant, per year (in 2011 prices).

To compare, the OBR forecasts an increase in borrowing of £16bn over 20162021 for about 1.2m fewer immigrant-years. This suggests a forecast impact on borrowing of about £13,000 per missing immigrant per year. This is a signifi-

WHAT IS MISSING

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cantly higher figure – but that is because it is an answer to a different question and evaluated over a different period coming after a decade of output growth and rising prices. Between 2011 and 2021, the OBR forecasts nominal GDP to rise by about 40%.

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planned spending means that pressure on those public services is implicitly being allowed to diminish somewhat.

Falling population numbers are not being matched by commensurate spending cutbacks on these services and the projected increase in borrowing cannot therefore be straightforwardly interpreted as the cost of the migration changes.

What the OBR is doing is making a forecast for borrowing, not evaluating the cost of lower migration after Brexit.

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CONECTANDO Amanda Baroni

Lindy Hop made in Rio Dance from the 20s and 30s has been conquering the ‘Cariocas’ who love the past

By Luciana Bezerra

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

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On the first Sunday of each month, it’s Swingin’ on Sundays, an event that has already become a tradition and has existed for two years.

Lindy Hop is an African American dance that dates back to the 20s, 30s and 40s and unites people who love the style, the dance and increase the vintage culture around the world. The US and Europe are the regions where Lindy Hop is stronger, but for those who do not know, the Lindy Hop scene in Brazil has been growing a lot in recent years.

São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and, now also the northeast, land of the forró dance, already has its first steps of swing that are marked by an addictive bounce, with traditional bases of movements but that allows you to use the creativity and its freestyle in the name of fun.

That Rio is very well-known for samba and Carnival is well known, but a Lindy Hop dance scene is something unexpected.

Lindy Hop began in Rio in 2008 by a few students, but much desire to dance, starting a movement that today, conquers more and more new hoppers and leaves tourists surprised to see that we do not have only samba in the foot.

It was the case of Peter Saunders, 55, a British man who has come to Brazil more than ten times

and met Lindy Hop in 1995 in London. Once again on a visit to Rio, he accepted a friend’s invitation to meet Swingin’ on Sundays on January 8th, which was a surprise for him.

“The atmosphere was so relaxing and simple that I felt at home. Good structure for dancing, a receptive group that enjoys an outside culture but with its own style and Brazilian touch. On my flight, I watched the Woody Allen movie ‘Cafe Society’, about jazz, and when I arrived at the event, I felt like I was in the movie. I recommend everyone who travels to Rio and like Lindy Hop and jazz,” says Peter.

The event takes place at Castelinho do Flamengo, a building that by itself is vintage, 20th century and historic in the city of Rio, contrasting with other more modern buildings on the city’s coastline. The event begins with a short film exhibition related to Lindy Hop or jazz themes, followed by an open class with the basic dance steps and then a super party till the end. And there is no beginner and advanced, everyone dances.

Gabriela Novellino, 25, has been practicing Lindy Hop for more than four years and is currently one of the teachers, besides being awarded in several competitions in Brazil and abroad. According

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to her, the event at the Castelinho is very important. “The place is beautiful, has a great wooden floor, a vintage feeling and for the movement it is very important to have a free monthly dance with open class, so people know and know what it is. It’s a very important event for the Lindy Hop scene,” says Gabs, as she is known.

In addition to this monthly event, the Lindy Hop scene in Rio is buzzing with other activities, such as the Pic Lindy (monthly picnic in city parks), Jazz on the Street, Lindy na Lapa (weekly practice), as well as the frequent classes organized by Groups Lindy Riot and Luiz & Denise dances.

Besides being a dance, Lindy Hop is a magic thing for people who practice, for joining young people who love a time when they did not live and feel that the connection is not only in the couple at the time of the dance but in the friendship that they make, besides to meet people from other states and countries when they travel to dance.

According to Lucas Merquior, 27, Lindy Hop dancer, the vintage scene in Rio is very inspiring but still small and the Swingin’ on Sundays event is very important for the dissemination and expansion of the vintage universe.

You cannot dance without good music playing.

To the sound of ukulele, acoustic double bass, banjo and other classic instruments, the success formula of the Digga Digga Duo sound. This duo hits Rio’s vintage parties and makes everyone dance to classic 20x30 and foxtrot classics. The duo perform in the most charming places of Rio and besides playing old classics, they bring all revivalism through the style, the instruments and also telling the stories of the songs and the context that were created.

And for those who enjoy a slower sound, with a bandaged face, there are blues, too, with the Gypsy Caravan of the Blues, a band with a super repertoire (B.B. King, Etta James, among others) that takes all of Lindy’s people to the dance floor.

CONECTANDO is a project developed by Brasil Observer aiming to enhance experiences of ‘glocal’ communication. With universities and social movements, our goal is to bring local content for a global audience. To participate, write to contato@brasilobserver.co.uk

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BANDS THAT STIRS THE SCENE

Digga Digga Duo

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

TIPS

MUSIC La Linea 2017 Line Up announced

La Linea – The London Latin Music Festival returns this April with a dynamic mix of rising stars and global superstars from the Latin music world.

Celebrating its 17th anniversary, La Linea was created by Como No in 2001 to showcase the Latin contribution to the wider musical world and to celebrate new artists, new collaborations and new projects. La Linea also recognises and celebrates London’s growing status as one of the world’s great Latin cities, home to many Latin artists and a hungry and diverse audience.

La Linea takes place each April in a range of venues across central London, from clubs to concert halls, presenting genre crossing sounds from Mexico, traditional music from Colombia, youthful rock/rumba from Spain, new jazz sounds from Cuba, Argentinian tango fused with opera and dance, psychedelic indie-mambo from the US/Mexico border lands and future Latin-electronica from London.

Acts announced so far: 18 April Julieta Venegas – Barbican Hall 20 April Future Latin Sounds – Concrete, E1 21 April Antonio Zambujo sings Chico Buarque – Cadogan Hall 21 April Orkesta Mendoza – Rich Mix 23 April Estopa – Shepherds Bush Empire 25-29 April Violetta’s Last Tango – Wilton’s Music Hall 28 April Totó La Momposina y sus Tambores – Cadogan Hall 29 April Eiane Correa & London Lucumi Choir – Rich Mix Information and tickets www.lalineafestival.com g

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Seu Jorge on tribute to David Bowie

Seu Jorge is one of Brazil’s most talented and acclaimed artists. Jorge first came to international attention as one of the leads in the film City of God, and then as the enigmatic David Bowie-singing sailor in Wes Anderson’s 2004 movie The Life Aquatic. In the film Jorge performs Bowie’s songs, including Rebel Rebel, Life On Mars? and Starman, accompanying himself on acoustic guitar. In a deeply personal tribute, the Brazilian singer/songwriter puts on his red toque to take his audience on an emotional journey through his bossa-flavoured Bowie covers. These songs have never been performed in front of a live audience until 2016.

When: 30 May Where: Royal Albert Hall Entrance: From £25 Info: www.royalalberthall.com

THEATRE Condor Theatre Company presents ‘Don Quixote in Algiers’ in South London

Many years before “Don Quixote” came into being, whilst enlisted as a soldier; Miguel de Cervantes was captured by pirates and taken to Algiers. After five years as a slave and four unsuccessful escape attempts, his ransom was paid and he returned to his family in Madrid. Years after his release Cervantes wrote “The Captive’s Tale”; one of the stories woven into “Don Quixote of la Mancha”.

“Don Quixote in Algiers” premiers at the newly refurbished White Bear Theatre in South London, and reworks “The Captive’s Tale”, while borrowing from other works of Cervantes and also from the Arabian Nights (one of the very first examples of storytelling in literature), to create this new play. Part historical, part fiction, the play uses elements of history and biography to envision a long-running, uncomfortable, tense relationship which resonates with contemporary ideas and tensions. Richly detailed and convincing in the creation of its world this atmospheric work is rich with lyrical language and human emotion.

When: 7 February – 4 March Where: The White Bear Theatre Entrance: £15 Info: www.whitebeartheatre.co.uk

EXHIBITION The Flying Carpets of the Rain Forest

In this exhibition Cristina Schleder presents one of her current researches and artistic productions entitled The Flying Carpets of the Rain Forest. Her passion for nature has allowed her to penetrate the forest. These are the essential elements of her artistic production developed in recent years with the aim of creating a singular and unusual oeuvre.

The work created and presented in this visual compendium ennobles details that exist in the singularity of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest, presented by the artist in a language that is unique in terms of both its artistic results and the technique used. The result is a pictorial work with precise characteristics, such as the contrast between light and dark, structure, colour composition, spatial unfolding, background perspective, transparency, a blend between abstraction and figuration. The work is, however, photographic and created by Cristina Schleder as the result of a search springing from her subjective impulse. This allows her to discover and see details that were previously unknown, or unnoticed by less observant gazes.

When: 10-23 February Where: Embassy of Brazil in London Entrance: Free Info: www.brazil.org.uk

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Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO

Next time you decide to go to the theatre, try going to the fringe

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By the time this article comes to print my production of ‘Don Quixote in Algiers’ will be running in the White Bear Theatre (see Cultural Tips), a London Fringe venue. But what does that mean?

What is the London Fringe?

Fringe theatre has come to be known in the UK as a theatrical performance that is unconventional or distinct from the mainstream. It usually refers to theatre shows produced away from the West End. In New York, it is often referred as off-Broadway.

In the UK, particularly in London, there are a number of renowned fringe theatres that stage new and exciting works as well as old musical revivals. In fact, there have been many productions staged at these intimate venues that have been transferred to the West End stage, for instance, ‘BU21’ has recently transferred from Theatre 503 to Trafalgar Studios. They come in all shapes and locations, above a pub or contained in its own building, small theatres producing new writing to larger houses reviving classics, there are many unsubsidized theatres putting ground breaking and entertaining new work on London’s diverse and multi-layered stages.

Fringe theatre is the pulse of the London theatre scene and it provides a playing ground to many rising stars. It is in the fringe that you’ll find the forefront of contemporary theatre. London is alive with emerging theatre companies, writers, actors and directors making a name in the world of fringe.

Rufus Norris, the current artistic director of the National Theatre, spent over 10 years working in the fringe before directing on larger stages.

The term “fringe” is said to derive from the growth of unconventional theatrical productions on the fringe of the Edinburgh Festival in the 1940s. Apparently, when eight theatre companies showed up at the Edinburgh International Festival, hoping to gain recognition from its mass gathering, a journalist had described the situation as “the drama round the fringe of official Festival” and in 1947 the first Edinburgh Festival Fringe was founded.

The first fringe theatre was the Traverse Theatre in Edinburgh, a studio venue that brought much vitality to British drama in the 1960s. Most of these productions were critical of the establishment and appealed to younger audiences. By the early 80s there were more than 50 fringe theatres in London: Tricycle Theatre, Bush Theatre, Gate Theatre, The Hampstead Theatre and many more.

What many people don’t realise is that, in scale comparison, it is just as expensive to produce fringe theatre as some West End productions. On the London fringe, it can cost several thousand pounds a week just to hire a space, which, financially speaking, is hardly fringe. Some people even seem to think that anything produced outside London is just fringe, and others think that fringe is amateur, they are wrong in both cases: you will find your West End theatre versions in many cities throughout the UK, and the fringe is produced by many professional companies, some of which are subsidised by the Arts Council.

The fringe has so many hidden gems, and there is something for everyone: the Union Theatre specialises in musicals, The Finborough, The Brockley Jack, The White Bear and Theatre503 programme energetic new writing and reclaimed classics. New Diorama, Arcola and Southwark Playhouse embrace diversity, youth and variety. There is something for everyone.

The London Fringe remains radical, strong and vital, and as ever a catalyst for provoking changes in theatre making. We ought to be celebrating it, going to visit them more frequently.

Next time you decide to go to the theatre, try going to the fringe. In fact, why not come and see ‘Don Quixote in Algiers’ at the White Bear Theatre?

Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company

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brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

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HELOISA RIGHETTO

What is intersectional feminism?

Many women do not call themselves feminists because they don’t see the need for it in their own lives. Some might say that feminist arguments are excuses to be painted as victims. After all, if I never had any sexist issues affecting my life, why would I fight this battle? If I chose to be a housewife and a stay-at-home mum, or if I have a high earning job and I feel comfortable focusing on my career, if I have never been a victim of abuse or discrimination for being a woman, if my partner respects me and my life is good as it is, how is feminism going to make my life better?

Here is the answer: feminism is not about you. Feminism is a collective movement that fights against inequality, which was imposed by a patriarchal society centuries ago. And many privileged women (something that I insist on highlighting) – white, cisgender, middle class, heterosexual, able bodied, that had access to education – do not feel the negative impact

of such inequalities in the same way less privileged women do. And even after we realise we are feminists (which generally happens as a result of a personal experience), we are still reluctant to recognise that we are not all on the same boat. Yes, we are all feminists, but the needs of some women that face other types of oppression beyond sexism (racism, xenophobia, and homophobia) must be treated as a priority by all of us. The type of feminism that embraces this theory is intersectional feminism.

The term “intersectionality” was coined in 1989 by Kimberlé Crimshaw, a North American Professor: “The view that women experience oppression in varying configurations and in varying degrees of intensity. Cultural patterns of oppression are not only interrelated, but are bound together and influenced by the intersectional systems of society.

Examples of this include race, gender, class, ability, and ethnicity.”

But what does it mean and how do you practice intersectional feminism?

First of all we need to rethink g

the way we talk about choice. Many people believe that being feminist means being free to choose. This is a delicate issue, as our choices are generally linked to ingrained sexism as well as privilege. When someone says that being feminist means freedom of choice, they are ignoring millions of women that cannot even think of choosing because they are busy surviving.

And acknowledging our privileges isn’t enough. We have to use them to benefit women with life experiences so different from ours.

Let’s put it like this: the way we practice our feminism can be harmful to less privileged women that have been dealing with several layers of oppression since they were born, in the same proportion that mens’ sexist behaviour is harmful to us.

We need to remember that many feminist achievements were made without including the needs and the reality of black women, poor women, disabled women and immigrant women. Of course we are

thankful to our predecessors, but we can no longer perpetuate feminism as an elitist, white movement.

Let’s use the gender pay gap as an example. It is even more outraging when we compare the salaries of white men and black women. And white women in general earn more than black men, which proves that feminism cannot have white women’s lifestyle and statistics as a base.

Intersectional feminism embraces other causes and recognises that it’s impossible to have gender equality on its own. How can feminism win in a racist, xenophobic and homophobic society? Upgrade your feminism: include, talk, ask, give voice, and give space. Follow groups of women that are different from you on social media. Question representativeness: let’s not only demand the presence of women in politics, awards and conferences for instance. We have to demand the presence of black women, disabled women, trans women. Demand diversity.

Heloisa Righetto é jornalista e escreve sobre feminismo (@helorighetto – facebook.com/conexãofeminista)

AQUILES REIS

Maria Teresa Madeira unveils Ernesto Nazareth The pianist Maria Teresa Madeira brings an impressive work, “Ernesto Nazareth – Integral by Maria Teresa Madeira” (independent).

Recorded over two years, with musical direction by Maria Teresa herself and her husband Márcio Dorneles (recording, mixing and mastering technician), the twelve CDs come in a beautiful box.

Profoundly familiar with the work of the “carioca” (born in Rio de Janeiro) Ernesto Nazareth – a composer who left an indelible mark on Brazilian music – Maria not only performed a reference work but also demonstrated mastery and complicity with the genius of the author, himself also a pianist who had a great influence on the evolution of handling of the instrument and in the diversity of Brazilian music.

With tangos, polkas, waltzes, gangs and lundus, Nazareth planted seeds that led to the weeping that has since been modernized through the legacy generated by him and a few other great pioneer composers.

There are altogether 215 works conceived by Nazareth between 1882 and 1924, all of which are now assembled. They are works already known of Nazareth, like “Odeon”, “Confidências” and “Batuque”; new ones such as “Encantador” and “Capricho”, among others; and some that, because they were not finished by Nazareth, Maria tried to complete and adapt to the piano. Examples of this are two tangos, created between 1910 and 1920. To all Maria dedicated her perseverance, her care and her competence.

Steeped in the music of Nazareth, Maria achieved a symbiosis that made

their arts amalgamate and come to light in a single identity. It makes the most ranch of creatures cry.

In the studio, it was as if each recorded work was a painless birth, but with unlimited love. And that’s how the children of “Maria Nazareth Ernesto Madeira Teresa” came to the world.

In the first CD, the waltz “Recordações do Passado” and “Primorosa”, the polka-lundu “Você Bem Sabe” and the quadrilha “A Flor Dos Meus Sonhos” stand out.

In the second, “Brejeiro” (note that this composition, which is now part of the repertoire of choros, was composed by Nazareth as a “Brazilian tango’) and “Crê e Espera”, another beautiful waltz, shine.

In the sixth disc there is the well -known “Ameno Resedá” and the slow waltz “Turbilhão de Beijos”. g

In the seventh, a perfect interpretation by Maria of the classic “Apanhei-te, Cavaquinho”, besides the beautiful “Divina” waltz.

In the ninth, Maria raises in the carnival samba “Mariazinha Sentada na Pedra” and in the samba “Arrojado”.

On CD eleven, the beautiful Brazilian tango “Plangente” and the tango “O Alvorecer” stand out.

In the album twelve, “Resignação”, another slow and beautiful waltz, closes the cover of the superb work of Maria Teresa Madeira. My God! Cheers to her for gathering and presenting us all the work of Ernesto Nazareth. And cheers to him, a genius of Brazilian popular music!

More information at www.mariateresamadeira.com.br.

Aquiles Reis is a musician, vocalist of the iconic Brazilian band MPB4

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February 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

BR TRIP Divulgation

Península de Maraú: a slice of paradise

By Christian Taylor

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Our speedboat glides across the open ocean, leaving the tranquil island of Boipeba in its wake. Soon we dock on the sunny shores of Barra Grande, a bustling, vibrant village on the tip of the Maraú Peninsula, a few hours south of Salvador. For the majority of visitors to this vibrant strip of coastline, this is their first stop, and it certainly makes a good first impression.

Barra Grande is a laid-back village with sandy streets and coconut trees, as well as a number of rustic bars, restaurants and pousadas. The village is the area’s main tourist hub, a place for people to shop, eat and drink before venturing off to explore the peninsula’s other attractions.

Maraú is famous for two things – pristine beaches and incredible food. A Tapera dishes up hearty traditional fare, like moque-

ca, in a charming, rustic setting. Bar da Rô offers superb seafood in a sunny, riverside location. Pizza Taipu whips up some of the best thin-crust pizza you’ll find in Brazil. Be sure to visit Sol do Mutá, where you can sip a caipirinha or an ice-cold beer and watch the sun set while the sea quite literally laps at your feet.

As for beaches, those which face eastwards offer excellent surf, while those on the west side have calmer waters. The sedate waters and shaded shores of Ponta do Mutá make it ideal for children. Taipu de Fora is considered one of the most beautiful beaches in the region. It’s great for surfing and at low tide it has vast natural rock pools which are fascinating to explore. Further south is Cassange Beach, which has softer sand and a freshwater lagoon, great for swimming and snorkeling.

brasilobserver.co.uk | February 2017

WHERE TO STAY Butterfly House Bahia This rustic-chic retreat is all about privacy and attention to detail. Butterfly House is a sophisticated little enclave, offering a fine-dining restaurant, plus a beautiful pool and bar area, all surrounded by fragrant, manicured gardens and towering palm trees. There’s also a beachfront bar, where you can relax in a hammock or in the giant timber throne and either watch the rising sun (if you’re a morning person) or the glowing moon above the crashing waves. The sunset is best watched while swimming in the sea – you can turn around, face the pousada and watch the sun slowly slip behind the palm trees. Pure magic.

The pousada offers eight charming bungalows and three suites, each with its own unique style. I stayed in the Moroccan-French-inspired Esmaralda bungalow, with its high, thatched ceilings, timber floors and walls made from smooth Moroccan plaster, it was like nothing else I’ve seen in Brazil before. All rooms come with TV, air-conditioning and plush bedding.

The best thing about the hotel may be the worst thing about it too, depending on how you look at it – the location is remote. Taxis and quad bikes can help you get around, but it’s worth keeping this in mind. That being said, once you’re here, you probably won’t want to leave. With a superb restaurant, a spectacular beach at the doorstep and a freshwater lagoon just a short walk away, it’s a glorious place to relax in.

Double rooms start from R$380/£97 per night, breakfast included. Visit www.butterflyhousebahia.com.br.

Dreamland Bungalows This pousada really lives up to its name. Built by Norwegian owners Jan and Lyana, Dreamland is their dream – and you can see how much they enjoy running the place. They make you feel right at home and that’s part of the charm of this place.

The bungalows themselves are well-constructed, the decor is rustic-chic but they feel modern and comfortable, with air-conditioning, fridge, TV and fast wi-fi. Every bungalow has a sea view and a spacious patio outside with a table and hammock. The premium bedding and the roar of the nearby waves will ensure you rest easily.

The hotel’s location is also remote, but it’s a little closer to the buzz of Barra Grande, just a 10-minute drive from the town. However, it’s unlikely that you’ll need to venture far from the pousada – there’s a bar and restaurant on-site, the beach is right at your door and there’s a small shop at the hotel selling essentials just in case you run out of toiletries.

The breakfast buffet is an excellent way to wake up each morning and includes tasty cakes, breads, fruits and juices – everything was made fresh each morning. The caipirinhas at the bar were superb!

Taipu de Fora beach itself is stunning - the waves are great for surfing, the sand is soft, the water is clean and there are natural rock pools to explore during low tide. Sitting in the bar listening to the waves crash, feeling the sand between my toes and watching the moon rise over the water was a real highlight. Jan is also a musician – from a group called Jan Session – and they occasionally perform live in the bar.

Double rooms start from R$400/£102 per night, breakfast included. Visit www.dreamlandbungalows.com.

Viking Inn Viking Inn is tucked away amidst the palm trees and sandy roads near Taipu de Fora beach. It’s a modern, stylish boutique hotel with rustic touches, built around a large, immaculately clean swimming pool, complete with a poolside bar and plenty of deck chairs in which to relax. It’s only a short stroll to the beach, where you’ll find Viking Inn’s brand new beach bar, complete with superb cocktails and comfortable deck chairs on which to relax. Try the coco batida – pure bliss!

The pousada has a restaurant on site which serves a hearty breakfast buffet with fresh breads, cakes and fruit, as well as a diverse menu of mid-priced lunch and dinner options.

The owners Henry and Janete are a delight. Henry speaks excellent English, which was extremely helpful. It was lovely to sit in the restaurant and chat with him over lunch, and hear his stories about his move from Sweden to Brazil and what it’s been like to build a pousada in Bahia.

The rooms were spacious, modern and comfortable, with all the comforts you’d expect – air conditioning, fridge, cable TV, premium bedding and a roomy balcony overlooking the surrounding nature. Viking Inn is a wonderful place to wind down and spend a few relaxing days away from it all.

Double rooms start from R$295/£75 per night, breakfast included. Visit www.vikinginnboutiquehotel.com.

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