Brasil Observer #50 - EN

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LONDON EDITION

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Contents LONDON EDITION Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED founded by

Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Antonio Veiga, Aquiles Reis, Christian Taylor, Daniela Barone Soares, Franko Figueiredo, Gabriela Lobianco, Heloisa Righetto, Márcio Apolinário, Nathália Braga Bannister , Wagner de Alcântara Aragão Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies

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OBSERVATIONS

Brazil’s latest political scandal

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GUEST COLUMNIST Adriana Facina on funk female singers

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INTERVIEW

Rafael Barone, bass player of Liniker and the Caramelows

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REPORT

How far can Brazil’s ‘new right’ go?

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CULT

A protection ritual that links different religions

Distribution Emblem Group Ltd.

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Brasil Junino and a lot of Brazilian music

To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk Online 074 4529 4660

CULTURAL TIPS

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COLUMNISTS

Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism Daniela Barone on human behaviour

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issuu.com/brasilobserver

A trip to Brazil’s Lake District

facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.

BR TRIP

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brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

cover art

www.mauricioplanel.com

Old encyclopaedias and magazines forgotten for decades in a sebum in Rio de Janeiro are the raw materials for creating collages: search, cut and remove from the original context to combine with other images and create a new setting, a new story.

Mauricio Planel works with editorial and architectural illustrations, with works published by: Playboy Magazine, Continente Magazine, Ciência Hoje Magazine, Mundo Estranho Magazine, Superinteressante Magazine, Florense Magazine, Editora Melhoramentos, Revista da Cultura, GQ Magazine, Você S/A Magazine, Editora Torre del Vigía, WMF, Martins Fontes, CEPE Editora, Mellen Press, Mymag Editora, Rara Editorial, Editora Moderna.

He also teaches a variety of manual and digital collage workshops for graphic design students, photographers, architects, and people interested in the arts, passing on his experience and directing students to express themselves personally and creatively. He has developed animations with his collages as graphic and visual experiences, is a founding member of the collective Collagistas sin Fronteras, which brings together South American artists who work with this technique, and has held exhibitions in Uruguay, Argentina and Brazil. Mauricio Planel is currently represented by Aura Arte Contemporânea, an online gallery of art.

The cover art for this edition was produced by Mauricio Planel for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2017 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In February 2018, all of the pieces will be displayed at the Embassy of Brazil.

Offers valid during June and July 2017

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OBSERVATIONS

Q&A: Brazil’s latest presidential corruption scandal Brazil’s president Michel Temer is facing a major scandal over a tape purporting to show him condoning bribery and efforts to influence public officials. It’s another in a long series of interconnected public and corporate scandals that’s engulfed the Brazilian elite in recent years. Pedro Dutra Salgado explains a web of events.

Who is Michel Temer?

Temer belongs to Brazil’s Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). He was elected as Dilma Roussef ’s vice-president in 2014 and took charge of the country after she was impeached and ousted by parliament in 2016. Since then he has proposed a series of harsh austerity “reforms”, slashing social security programmes and workers’ rights.

What’s this latest scandal?

On May 17, a recorded conversation was handed over to investigators as part of a plea bargain with Joesley Batista, a businessman involved in corruption investigations, and then made public. On the tape, Temer is seemingly told that one of his allies who was arrested for corruption, former head of the Chamber of Deputies, the PMDB’s Eduardo Cunha, was being paid monthly bribes. (Cunha is currently in jail for money laundering and tax evasion). To that, Temer replies: “You have to keep this going, OK?” In the same conversation, Batista also claims he can influence the decision of two judges and a federal prosecutor, to which Temer says: “Great, great.”

While not denying that his voice is heard on the tape, Temer’s lawyers claim it was heavily edited. But the impact of what’s been reported is nonetheless enormous; they implies that at the very least the president was aware of bribes and obstructions to ongoing corruption investigations. In his plea bargain deal, Batista also alleged that he illegally paid almost 2,000 politicians – Temer among them – a total of 500m reais.

How does this relate to other scandals?

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Pedro Dutra Salgado is a PhD Candidate in International Relations, University of Sussex

Batista is being investigated as part of “Operation Car Wash”, a massive investigation into bribery and illegal campaign financing that touches on some public companies (notably Petrobrás) and many private ones. For its part in these practices Batista’s company, the meat distributor JBS, will probably be hit with a heavy fine, expected to be in the region of 11 billion reais.

If confirmed, that fine will be second only to the fine construction company Odebrecht SA was slapped with in April 2017 by the governments of Brazil, Switzerland and the US. But for all that the

fines are colossal, the plea bargain deals under which they’re issued mean the companies can still bid for public contracts.

How might this affect Temer’s government?

Given that it began with what amounted to a congressional coup against Rousseff, Temer’s presidency was always going to be fragile. He himself concedes he is very unpopular, and that his government depends on the support of congress and the media.

The day after the tape was released, the Federal Supreme Court authorised an investigation against Temer and impeachment requests were presented to the Chamber of Deputies. The president responded with a speech declaring he had no intention of resigning, but some of his ministers have resigned, while various newspapers in Brazil are demanding he resign or face impeachment.

With all this public pressure, Temer will struggle to maintain the congressional support he needs to hold his government together – and in an apparent attempt to clear his name and thereby alleviate some of the pressure, he is now asking the Supreme Court to investigate him.

Since Temer was actually caught on tape apparently condoning and encouraging bribery, corruption and obstruction of justice, the case for impeachment is rather tighter than it was when Rousseff was dethroned.

Temer is also even more politically isolated than his predecessor was. Unlike Rousseff ’s Workers’ Party (PT), which enjoys the loyalty of various social movements and powerful trade unions, the PMDB exerts power solely via its presence in congress, meaning its elected officials are more vulnerable to scrutiny by the mainstream media. If they want to remain the largest party in congress, the PMDB’s representatives might just have to turn against their own president.

What about charges against other politicians?

Besides Temer, Batista’s recordings also spell trouble for the senator Aécio Neves, whom Batista caught on tape accusing members of the government of being “too weak” to stop corruption investigations, as well as asking for R$2m in bribes.

Rousseff ’s presidential predecessor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, already faces

multiple corruption charges, and was in the last few days formally charged in an even more serious corruption probe. Both he and Rousseff have been mentioned in various plea bargains made in the Car Wash investigation, and there have been some reports that both judges and the media have been pressing defendants to mention the former presidents.

Other members of the PT have been embarrassed by revelations that emerged from recent plea bargains between prosecutors and executives, especially the former finance minister Guido Mantega, though concrete proof of wrongdoing has yet to emerge.

What now?

People were protesting against Temer even before the tape emerged, and the recordings have only galvanised public opinion against the him. Impeachment proceedings might well be on the horizon; even if Temer isn’t impeached, the 2014 election that elected him and Rousseff may yet be voided because of alleged campaign financing irregularities. These allegations will be heard in court at the beginning of June.

Should Temer be removed from office, the presidency would go to the next eligible person in the line of succession. That would normally be the head of the Chamber of Deputies, but the current one, Rodrigo Maia, is facing a corruption inquiry of his own, which might legally exclude him from the presidency. Next in line is the Senate’s president, then the president of the Supreme Court.

Whoever ultimately took office would have 30 days to call an “indirect election”, a process in which a new president would be elected by congress rather than the public, then remain in office until the 2018 general election.

This would be highly controversial.

Many Brazilians feel that the current scandal-riven congress should not be tasked with electing a new president, and an indirect presidential election would feel uncomfortably like a return to dark undemocratic times. People have been claiming for a direct election using a popular slogan from the late 1980s: “Diretas já.”

There is now broad support for a proposed constitutional amendment that would require any successor to Temer to immediately call a direct election, so that the next president would be chosen by the people, not politicians – who currently enjoy less public support than ever.

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brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

Marcos Corrêa/PR

The political crisis in images reproduction

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2 Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil

Fabio Rodrigues Pozzebom/Agência Brasil

4 Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil

3 Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil

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5 Marcelo Camargo/Agência Brasil

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1 Speaking to the press on May 18, Brazil’s President Michel Temer says, “I will not resign, I repeat, I will not resign.”

2 Joesley Batista, the businessman who rocked the Michel Temer government: owner of the world’s largest meat processing company (JBS), Batista confessed bribing more than 1,800 politicians, with around R$600 million, to secure interests of his companies.

3 The Brazilian Bar Association (OAB) filed on May 25 an impeachment petition of President Michel Temer. The document was delivered by the president of the entity, Cláudio Lamachia.

4 Demonstrators march in Brasilia, on May 24, against the government austerity measures and calling for direct elections.

5 e 6 Protesters and police clashed in confront.

7 Protests were called by trade union centrals.

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

GUEST

Sex, drugs and feminism: for Brazil’s female funk singers, the personal is political

By Adriana Facina g

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At first sight, there is seemingly nothing feminist about Carioca funk, the electronic dance music coming out of Rio de Janeiro’s poor favelas. Nearly all the songs sung by women are of the sexually explicit, sometimes violent funk putaria variety – hardly empowering.

At least, that’s what I thought when I began my post-doctoral research into the genre in 2008. From my white, middle-class perspective, the salacious lyrics were an expression of machismo, borne of Brazil’s patriarchal society. I understood this type of music, along with the artists’ suggestive performance styles and outfits, as objectification of women that further subjected them to male power.

I couldn’t have been more off base. In truth, by singing frankly about sex and life on the streets in the first person, Rio’s female funk singers are bringing the rough realities of the city’s toughest neighbourhoods to mainstream audiences and emboldening a new generation of young female artists.

FAVELA FUNK Mídia NINJA

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Adriana Facina is Anthropology Professor at Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Originally published at www.theconversation.com

Deize Tigrona at the 2016 Back2Black music festival

I was at my first participant-observation session, attending a favela dance party, when I spotted the samba school rehearsal yard full of sound equipment.

A woman’s voice blasted in my ears.

It was the group Gaiola das Popozudas, and the lead singer, Valesca, was wailing to the deep beat of the electronic drum: “Come on love/beat on my case with your dick on my face.”

I thought: it’s not by chance that this is the first sound I’m hearing on my very first day of fieldwork. There is something I have to learn from these women, certain personal certainties I need to deconstruct.

A product of Brazil’s African diaspora, funk music (which bears little resemblance to the more globally familiar George Clinton variety) began to appear in Rio de Janeiro in the early 1990s, with original lyrics written in Portuguese. Over the past decade, artists have taken to adapting foreign songs with invented new lyrics, rather than translating the original songs.

With the dawn of song writing contests at funk parties, young fans became MCs, penning lyrics that talked about the slums where they’d grown up and declared their love for partying and for other pastimes available to poor black youth in Rio de Janeiro.

Back then, there were few women on the stage. When they did perform, female artists, such as the 1990s idol MC Cacau, often sang about love.

An important exception was MC Dandara, a black woman from the streets who saw breakout success with her politicised Rap de Benedita. This old-school rap centred on Benedita da Silva, a black favela resident who was elected to Congress as a Workers’ Party representative, only to be treated with massive prejudice by the mainstream press.

Even Dandara’s stage name was deeply political: Dandara was a warrior woman who was one of the leaders of Brazil’s Quilombo dos Palmares runaway slave settlement, which in the 18th century grew into an abolitionist organisation.

By the turn of the 21st century, male dominance of funk was being challenged as more and more female MCs came onto the scene. The pioneer MC Deize Tigrona, who hailed from one of Rio’s best-known and most dangerous favelas, City of God, was a housemaid when she first made her name singing funk.

Her songs are erotic but jocular. One of Deize’s first hits was Injeção, in which a shot she gets at the doctor’s office becomes a ribald reference to anal sex (the refrain: “It stings, but I can take it”).

Around the same time in the early 2000s, another City of God resident found fame by singing about sex and pleasure from a woman’s standpoint. Tati Quebra Barraco was black, like Deize, and she challenged prevailing Brazilian beauty standards singing, “I’m ugly, but I’m in style/I can pay a motel for a guy.”

FUNK GOES FEMINIST Affirming fame, money and power, Tati became one of the most successful women in funk. Together, she and Deize ushered in what later became known as feminist funk, influencing a generation of budding female artists in the favelas.

Soon, the artist Valesca Popozuda became the first funk performer to publicly call herself a feminist. Valesca, who is white, picked the stage name Popozuda, which refers to a woman with a big behind (a physical trait much appreciated in Brazil).

Since leaving her band, Gaiola das Popozudas, to launch a solo career, Valesca has become known for explicit lyrics that outline what she likes to do in bed – and not just with men, either.

With songs that evince support for LGBTQ people, among other marginalised communities, her defence of female autonomy is clearly political. In Sou Gay (I’m Gay), Valesca sings, “I sweated, I kissed, I enjoyed, I came/I’m bi, I’m free, I’m tri, I’m gay.”

Valesca has become an icon of grassroots feminism for speaking out against prejudice of all stripes. On other tracks, she has spotlighted issues important to working-class and poor women in Rio de Janeiro.

Larguei Meu Marido, for example, tells the tale of a woman who leaves her abusive husband and finds that he suddenly wants her back now that she’s cheating on him (as he used to do to her).

Live on stage, when Valesca calls herself a slut, the ladies in the crowd go wild.

Following in the footsteps of these pioneering artists, today many female funk artists sing about an ever-widening variety of topics. The industry still has gender issues, though. Women may have broken through as stage talent, but they are still scarce as funk DJs, entrepreneurs and producers.

Men run things behind the scenes.

That will surely change, too. Nothing is impossible for these Brazilian women who, immersed in a deeply patriarchal society ruled by conservative Christian values, found the voice to scream to the world: This pussy is mine!, translating into the language of funk the core feminist slogan: my body, my choice.

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Interview

Rafael L Barone

‘We are bringing a taste of Brazilian warmth’ Bass player of Liniker & Os Caramelows speaks with the Brasil Observer before presentation in London

By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

Less than two years after the release of “Cru”, an EP launched on the internet that put the group on the Brazilian music circuit, Liniker & Os Caramelows heads to its first international tour this month. In 20 days, there will be 11 shows in equal numbers of cities, from six different countries in Europe.

This is not the first time the band performs outside Brazil – they took part in a festival in the United States in March. But the European agenda is a milestone in the history of the sextet. In addition to being extensive, it was strategically planed, as bass player Rafael Barone told the Brasil Observer.

The musician also pointed out that, in addition to music and a lot of art, Liniker & Os Caramelows bring political positioning as well. In times of such turmoil in Brazil, the group considers essential to express what they think and what they defend politically and socially.

Check out the interview, given by e-mail, a week before the group embarks for the tour.

How was the process of preparing this tour?

Since we released the “Cru” EP and noticed the repercussion abroad, we have monitored some of the countries [from which] more people were accessing [our] videos and also from where we were asked to perform. We were expecting some special date, and the approval of the Primavera Sounds line-up was the perfect excuse to start the tour. There were already talks with two agencies there: the Bacana, making Europe in general, and the Ao Sul do Mundo, which makes Portugal. From there we started the search for the best dates in strategic cities like Barcelona, ​​Madrid, Paris, Berlin, London, Lisbon, and Porto.

What can the public expect from this tour, in terms of repertoire? Is there anything special prepared?

For this tour we will have two new songs in the repertoire, an instrumental cover of Black Rio band and a new authorial song, already designing what will possibly be the new album – but it’s too early to speak about it. We are also going with new costumes and full band, the

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

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Leila P.

Liniker & Os Caramelows

Rafael Barone

nine musicians will be on the stages of Europe.

Do you think the audience will be essentially of Brazilians or local audience as well?

We believe that the public will be distinct, according to each date. In some capitals, like Paris, London, Berlin, much of the public should be Brazilian. In some dates that will be festivals, like Barcelona and Braga, we will have mainly other audiences than the Brazilians, but we know that in all places we will have many warm Brazilians to receive us.

What are the expectations for the show in London?

Our passage through London will be very rapid; we will not be able to experience the city and this culture that inspires us so much (especially the rockers of the band). We will try to enjoy every minute we’re out there, knowing we’ll be back soon, maybe through several other cities in the UK.

This tour takes place at a very troubled time in Brazilian life. Lineker & Os Caramelows are characterized by its political and social position. Do you expect that the concerts of this tour, in a certain way, catalyze the yearnings of the Brazilians who are far from the country, but who are following and feeling the political and social disorder with attention?

It will certainly be a time to catalyze our energies and to position ourselves. All of us Brazilians, not just those who live in the country, know very well how troubled and dangerous this moment is. We need to make clear our position in favour of much more transparency in the three powers. Against all this culture of corruption that is structural in our country. Against this government that took power through a coup very well articulated by the right allied to the interests of big businessmen and the media that masks everything very well for a large part of the Brazilian population.

This disturbance is not a Brazilian

exclusivity – to a greater or lesser degree, European countries also face social convulsions...

In recent years, the left has been gaining momentum all over the world.

More and more individuals are standing against racism, xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, machismo, against hunger, in favour of human dignity and other struggles that are faced in the daily lives of the majority of the world population. The movement of the right I see much as a reaction to all the advances that have been made. I think we will have great social upheavals, mainly by the use of brute force by parts of these invisible oligarchies, but we will not take a step backwards.

Feel free to say anything for the people in London...

We are bringing a taste of Brazilian warmth that I imagine all the Brazilians in London miss a lot. Begin the stretches and prepare your heart that we are going to dance a lot!

LINIKER E OS CARAMELOWS When 9 June, 8pm Where Rich Mix, 35-47 Bethnal Green Road, London E1 6LA Entrance £15-18 Info www.richmix.org.uk

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

REPORT

How far can Brazil’s ‘new right’ go?

In an environment of disenchantment with traditional politics, new forces have the chance to grow and amplify their space

By Glauco Faria and Luciano Velleda

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

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Right-wing movements grew with the impeachment of Brazil’s president Dilma Rousseff and now seek the 2018 elections

Tasso Marcelo/ Fotos Públicas

They began to appear more strongly in the protests in favour of the impeachment of Brazil’s president Dilma Rousseff (Workers Party), who left her post a year ago. However, even before that they were already relevant figures on social media.

Some of their exponents had already become significant figures in traditional media outlets, while others cherished legions of fans with their analysis and commentaries. In 2016, they were able to elect direct representatives and saw triumphs of candidates who had their support. Now, in a political environment that favours the possible emergence of outsiders, members of the so-called ‘new right’ plan to achieve bigger gains in next year’s presidential elections.

This new ideological group is heterogeneous, but increasingly visible, and has been studied by the academic community that has followed its consolidation in recent years. Not surprisingly, possible candidates in this segment appear with relative prominence in recent electoral polls, such as the federal deputy Jair Bolsonaro (Social Christian Party) and the mayor of São Paulo, João Doria (Brazilian Social Democracy Party). But how to define and delimit what this new right is?

“To find out whether there is a ‘new right’, we would have to differentiate it from the ‘old right’”, summarizes Adriano Codato, professor of Political Science and general coordinator of the Brazilian Political Sociology Research Centre of the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR).

He then explains the difference between one group and another, something proposed by the political scientist Bruno Bolognesi as part of a study on right-wing movements in Latin America.

According to this division described

by Codato, the old right is concentrated in parties that have connections with the military dictatorships, being characterized by points such as the moderate defence of the non-intervention of the State in the economy, the criticism of social compensation programs such as Bolsa Família, and the defence of civic morality and the traditional family.

The new right, according to the political scientist, arises “both as a political and electoral response to the old right and as a response to the rise of the left.”

It is present mainly in the new and small parties without connection with the traditional party system, advocating limited state intervention in the economy to ensure equal opportunities – social programs –, the acceptance of electoral democracy, and the radical defence of Christian values ​​and the traditional family (religious right).

If, at the beginning of the re-democratization period, even politicians with a clear right-wing inclination did not assume themselves as such, today the scenario is different. “It is a new generation, people who are between 18 and 40 years old, were born in the 1980s and do not relate to the military regime [19641985]. In general, they reject the dictatorship in economic terms,” explains Camila Rocha, PhD candidate in Political

Science at the University of São Paulo, who emphasizes the diversity of thoughts and a common point among these segments. “From monarchists to libertarians, but all converge in the defence of free market; they differ in the role of the state regulating personal behaviours.”

Reconciling economic liberalism with conservatism in moral terms has been one of the challenges of those who seek to embody the spirit of the rejuvenated right. An example of this was the candidacy of Pastor Everaldo (Social Christian Party) to the presidency in 2014. One of the main motifs of his speech during the campaign, besides the “defence of the family,” was preaching to the minimum state, “more Brazil and less Brasilia [the political capital] in the life of the Brazilian citizen”.

He was the only presidential candidate to openly defend the privatization of Petrobras, the oil state giant. In the end, he was unable to mobilize either the evangelical segment or the economic liberals around his candidacy, embittering 0.75% of the votes in the first round.

“Pastor Everaldo’s program and speech were rehearsed by his funders and was not a conversion from the religious right to economic liberalism. It is very difficult in Brazil to be ‘liberal’ in the economic sense, and at the same time to be ‘liberal’ in the sense of individual rights,” says Adriano Codato.

“Conservative religious candidates can fantasize about economic liberalism, but they cannot admit the liberalism of ‘rights of the individual,’ for that would imply admitting control over one’s own body, for example. Moreover, strict liberalism from the economics manuals does not fit into a country with such low incomes, such high social needs, and so accustomed to being provided by the state, including small business and big corporations – mostly then actually.”

The Social Christian Party is one that has sought to strengthen a greater identity with movements of the emerging right, trying to renew itself. “Part of the new right is organized mainly around three parties: the Social Liberal Party, which has a tendency; the Livres (Free), which wants to become hegemonic; the Social Christian Party, of Pastor ​​ Everaldo, which has a liberal-conservative tendency; and the New Party, more aligned with the Republican Proposal of Mauricio Macri (Argentine President), not entering the agenda of individual rights, with a profile of professional management and counting on entrepreneurs,” points out Camila Rocha.

In the case of the Social Christian Party, the political scientist points out the lawyer Bernardo Santoro, director of the Liberal Institute, as one of those responsible for the elaboration of the campaign platform of the party’s former presidential candidate. “He (Everaldo) had no sense of economic liberalism before that,” he says. Santoro also collaborated with Flávio Bolsonaro’s campaign to Rio de Janeiro’s city hall in 2016 and is

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working on the candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro for the presidency in 2018. “One of the tensions of the new right is between liberalism and conservatism. Many libertarians, for example, are against Bolsonaro and work has been done to convince he can be regarded as someone reliable,” he points out.

One example of the difficulty in balancing tensions between distinct values​​ on the right is Bolsonaro’s statements.

In early February, he said that the Brazilian state is “Christian” and that “minorities have to bow’’. At the time, Santoro, in his Facebook profile, came out in his defence, saying criticism of the parliamentarian’s speech was a “clear case of ill-will with the deputy.” “There is no problem in defending a democratic confessional state, which has in itself a power of institutional defence against cultural Marxism that the secular state lacks,” he wrote. “What he intends, in fact, is to combat, with vigour and tenacity, all the politically organized minorities who intend and have tried to implement social reengineering agendas for the destruction of Christian values, which are part of the construction and sedimentation of our society.”

In the same post, Santoro sees parallels between the deputy and the current president of the United States, Donald Trump. “Rationalizing his attitudes, what I see is that with this superficial speech and clichés he reaches the working class whose political thinking is not far-fetched and does not understand the kind of nuance I have presented here. Maybe he realized something I did not realize, a genuine communication with the people, just as Trump did in the US and no political analyst there noticed (except Michal Moore, the only one who saw that Trump was eating the Democratic base in the steel belt with his anti-globalization speech, where the election was resolved in his favour, especially in Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin).”

DOES LIBERAL VALUES GAIN VOTES? It can’t be denied there is a consolidation of the right-wing space in political electoral terms. However, the question is how far this segment can go, since neoliberal postulates do not find great support among the population, even among those who define themselves on the right.

In the presidential elections of 2006, in fact, the Brazilian Social Democracy Party candidate, Geraldo Alckmin, had the embarrassment of having to wear a jumpsuit decorated with logos of state companies to affirm that he would not proceed to new privatizations, one of the marks of the two mandates of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, from the same party.

A study conducted by researchers Esther Solano, Pablo Ortellado and Marcio Moretto shows the difficulty that candidates attached to the defence of principles of economic liberalism can find in majority elections.

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Between October 15 and 22 last year, they conducted a survey on frequent subjects in social media when it comes to politics, listening to 1,058 people from São Paulo. Among the themes was, for example, the following statement: “State -owned enterprises such as the Post Office and Brazil Bank should be privatized”.

Of those interviewed, 53.1% disagreed, compared to 30.2% who agreed.

Other affirmation evaluated was “The Bolsa Família is necessary to reduce inequality”, with agreement of 54.1% of the people. Regarding the phrase “Who started working early, should be able to retire early, without limit of age”, 83.8% said they agreed, and 83.1% agreed that “Everyone should work with a formal contract.”

“There is a big difference between the groups that led the impeachment and the people who were present at these demonstrations,” said Esther Solano at an event held by the Goethe Institute in São Paulo. “These actors, such as MBL (Free Brazil Movemet) and Vem Pra Rua (Come To the Street), stand as pro -market, pro-privatization and defenders of the minimum state. But people who define themselves as conservative and who went to pro-impeachment demonstrations do not adhere to the neoliberal consensus,” she said, noting that such a consensus only comes close to reality in the upper-income strata.

Research by the Perseu Abramo Foundation released in March, which analyzed the political values ​​of the outlying regions of São Paulo, also reinforces this perception, even though, at that time, traditional media sectors celebrated the results. “In the moment before the crisis, when there was an expansion of the labour market and the consumer market, people began to be included and to experience a bit what it is to have citizenship, although through consumption. When we have the reversal of the economic cycle, these people begin to feel the impact of this retreat. This creates an environment marked by ambiguous and paradoxical values. Basically, this social group, as they experienced citizenship and consumption, began to have high self-esteem, self-respect, started to want the right to build their own biography autonomously,” explains the professor of the School of Sociology and Politics of São Paulo, the political scientist and economist William Nozaki.

“This creates a notion of individuality different from the one that existed until that moment, because people come to understand themselves as citizens.

And as citizens they come to see themselves as individuals who want to have the chance, the opportunity, to build their own life. This creates an opening for the inoculation of values ​​marked by the presence of entrepreneurship, of competition, but not in the neoliberal sense, but in the sense of having the right to build one’s life trajectory. It goes beyond the logic of exacerbated competition, or a victory of free market.

It is more the construction of a modern notion of the individual,” he says.

ANTI-POLITICS AND THE NEXT ELECTIONS The study also shows that much of the anti-Workers Party sentiment might have shifted to anti-politics. In April 2015, only 11% of the protesters interviewed in the pro-impeachment demonstrations said they trusted the Brazilian Social Democracy Party very much, despite the fact that most of them had voted for the party. In relation to the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, the one whose vice-president (current Brazilian president Michel Temer) would take the chair of Dilma Rousseff, this index reached 1.4%.

“We live in a scenario of rarefied political culture, a very strong and at the same time empty polarization; this allows the election of technocratic leaders in an environment of weak democracy. In this scenario, the emergence of apolitical leaderships can be a great danger, at the same time that things change quickly and it is not possible to make many predictions with certainty”, observes Rodrigo Estramanho de Almeida, a professor at the School of Sociology and Politics from Sao Paulo.

With a panorama in which traditional disrepute reigns, it opens a way for new parties, as well as the so-called outsiders. This was already reflected in the elections of João Doria, in São Paulo – even though he is from the Brazilian Social Democracy Party –, and Alexandre Kalil (Humanist Party of Solidarity), in Belo Horizonte, for example. A candidate profile related to personal success, with speech of “business management” in public administration.

In an interview with Folha de S. Paulo newspaper, former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso acknowledged this condition, which affected the image of three possible candidates from his Brazilian Social Democracy Party in 2018, senators Aécio Neves and José Serra, and the governor of Sao Paulo, Geraldo Alckmin. “The point is that the Brazilian political system does not favour the formation of national leaders. Out of campaigns, who appeared nationally? The former president, the president and one or other presidential candidate. When did someone call attention? Only the most bizarre could. That has now changed, is changing. João Doria is out (from this previous scheme), Luciano Huck (a TV presenter) is out. They are the new because they are not being propelled by the forces of the past. We have to see how this unfolds.”

If new right-wing names are also in the big parties, the smaller legends have a big space to grow. The New Party, for example, joined volleyball coach Bernardinho, who emigrated from the Brazilian Social Democracy Party in April.

A lecture by the former coach (with paid entry) scheduled for June in Porto Alegre, appears on the agenda of legend events, indicating that he may add other public figures to the party. In the Social Liberal Party, the economist Gustavo

Franco, still in the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, is one of the sponsors of the Livres (Free) trend, represented by libertarians who seek to occupy a greater space in the association.

Among the big parties, the mayor of São Paulo has invested in the formula that was successful in the demonstrations of 2015, wearing the costume of anti-Workers Party and polarizing, whenever possible, with former president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. Aécio Neves also adopted a similar strategy in 2014 and managed to overcome Marina Silva and reach the second round. But radicalism on the right frightened part of the “centrist” electorate and he was defeated by Dilma Rousseff. In a contest for Bolsonaro’s electorate, Doria’s anti -Workers Party appeal can serve, but is it enough to win? g

Originally published in Portuguese at www.redebrasilatual.com.br

São Paulo mayor João Doria

Federal deputy Jair Bolsonaro

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

reproduction

Luiz Guadanoli/Secom

June

Samba Phenom

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To close the body Luciano Paiva

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Candomblé

How a protection ritual links different religion traditions in Brazil

By Adam Lee

When the slave trade arrived in Brazil in the 16th century, African religious beliefs and rituals survived the long journey along with it. Over the centuries, such beliefs would come to unify many of the descendants of the estimated four million slaves brought to the country, through the modern-day Afro-Brazilian religions of Candomblé and Umbanda.

During the same period of colonization, 700,000 Portuguese immigrants settled in Brazil, bringing their own particular kind of Catholicism with them.

Some of those settlers would attempt to carve out a home in the unforgiving desert of the Sertão.

The two ethnic groups would come to share not only much of the same region – the Northeast – but also an important aspect between their religions – a ritual known as the fechamento de corpo, or closing of the body.

The fechamento de corpo is based on a protection prayer that results in a corpo fechado, or closed body. The ritual is meant to ward off evil – either spiritual, physical or both. If the insurance sought was physical in nature, the receiver would believe to be safe from attacks no matter the weapon, including knives, guns or even snake venom.

So how did the fechamento de corpo become a common thread running through such different religious traditions in Brazil? The history begins more than five hundred years ago.

CATHOLICISM AS A CLOAK In the 15th century, the Portuguese went to Africa in search of a route to India, started producing sugarcane then moved onto the more lucrative business of slavery. During the same period, in Sub-Saharan Africa, missionaries from Portugal arrived with the aim of converting the locals.

The later manifestation of African belief systems in Brazil suggests their mission wasn’t fully successful. Rather than Africans changing their beliefs fundamentally, they ended up supplementing and/or disguising them with elements of the religion of the Portuguese slavers, Catholicism. One of the African beliefs to come under this Catholic cloak was the closed body ritual.

The Brazilian magazine Mundo Estranho wrote about this concealment in a January 2014 article: “At the time, the first Africans, of Yoruba descent, arrived in Brazil, a people that occupied the region where one finds Nigeria, Benin and Togo today. The Yoruba religion was Candomblé, but they arrived in Brazil as slaves and couldn’t

worship their gods freely […] Due to this ban, the slaves started to associate their gods with Catholic saints to practice their faith in secret. As the Catholic saints are numerous, there are divinities that are identified as more than one saint. For example: Oxóssi, the king of hunting, is associated with Saint George and Saint Sebastian.”

Candomblé as a religion was formalized in the 19th century. Then came Umbanda in the 20th century, which is mainly a mixture of Candomblé and Spiritism, which itself is a religious movement that believes in the existence of spirits and reincarnation.

The two African-based religions are “comparable to Christianity and Islam” since “they have completely different foundations, rites, visions and interpretations”, according to the blog Tenda de Umbanda Filhos da Vovó Rita, which is run by an Umbanda terreiro (a temple) in Santa Catarina. However, the blog explains that Candomblé and Umbanda do share some commonalities such as devotion to gods known as Orixás and the use of beads and hand drums.

And they both practice the closed body ritual. Interestingly, the ritual – also called ‘kura’, or cure – is usually practiced every year on Good Friday, before the Christian holiday Easter, throughout temple houses across Brazil.

The blog O Candomblé explains the ritual process: “The Cures are incisions made in the body of the already initiated novice of Candomblé, which in part represent the symbol of each tribe, like the symbol of each temple, but they have the aim of closing the body of the initiate, protecting it from all types of negative influences. To this end, incisions are made (what we call ‘openings’) and in these incisions a powder is placed, for the protection of that initiate. The powder consists of various plants and substances, but the kind used for Cures also contains the herbs specific to the deity of the initiate receiving the application.”

Umbanda, on the other hand, generally employs less invasive methods to “close” the body. Instead of incisions, the chief of the temple house will use a mix of herbs and other ingredients and gently do the symbol of the cross over different parts of the body of the person undergoing the ritual.

The ingredients vary. According to the blog Sete Porteiras, elements such as keys, white chalk, herbs, olive oil, chains, amulets, prayers, candles, water, shells, steel chains and garlic are commonly used. Each temple chief will have their own particular way of manipulating the physical elements meant for astral protection.

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

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Afro-Brazilians weren’t the only ones practicing the closing of the body. Resident peasants of Portuguese origin, who would go on to be called sertanejos – akin to the American cowboy – also took up the ritual.

Located in the North-eastern hinterlands, the Sertão is the Brazilian desert. Low annual rainfall in the region has historically led to droughts as well as to soil that doesn’t lend itself to crop growth. There, life is cyclical, full of sacrifice and daily battles, but despite this, its population survives and continues on. Euclides da Cunha, a Brazilian author and reporter who covered the War of Canudos, a peasant rebellion that happened in the late 19th century in the Sertão, spoke of the rural peasant’s longevity and strength, when he said “the sertanejo is, above all, a fortress”.

The region is home to a distinct culture. Over the centuries, oral traditions have blended and given rise to rich literature known as cordel; musical styles such as forró, frevo, xaxado, samba de roda and samba de coco; and winter festivals (during the rainy season) centring around Saint John the Baptist.

Religion in the Sertão also has a unique twist. Peasants created their own kind of rural Catholicism in Brazil, combining “magic, superstition, the presence of amulets, prayers of strength and protection, women of prayer, and the pious”, according to social scientist Max Silva D’Oliveira.

This included the closed body ritual.

In the dissertation titled “O Mandonismo do Sertão” (The Despotism of the Sertão), author Luis Carlos Mendes Santiago describes various methods and ceremonies for closing one’s body in the Sertão. They sometimes go beyond simple prayers.

In one instance, described by famed Brazilian anthropologist Câmara Cascudo, the recipient remains standing, with the right foot over the left, in a bucket of water, while receiving hand gestures made with a key. Another manner includes having a nun sew sacramental bread – considered to be the body of Christ – under one’s skin while prayers and ritual movements are undertaken.

One of the most high-profile sertanejos to practice the closed body ritual was Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, better known as Lampião. He was Brazil’s most famous bandit leader, operating in the Brazilian Northeast during the 1920s and 30s. American author Billy Jaynes Chandler, who wrote the book “Bandit King”, likens him to United States’ Jesse James, and while Lampião ardently and continuously broke the law, he never broke with his religious beliefs, which extended into the mystical.

The blog Lampião Aceso describes Lampião’s beliefs in the era of nomadic banditry: “…it was common to believe

that those who knew some closed body prayer and took precautions would be protected against disease and the mortal bullets of one’s enemies. Lampião and his gang recited such prayers daily. The bandit leader believed that the power of faith was enough to protect them from the natural dangers of the Sertão […]. Another warrior, centuries before, became a symbol of divine protection: Saint George, who corresponds, in mythology, to the Orixá of armies and warriors. […] Lampião included in his closed body prayer not just some elements of Saint George’s prayer, but also the huge religious nature of the hinterland population.”

In addition to merely reciting protection prayers, Lampião was well known among both his fellow bandits and enemies for his ability to see “beyond”. Not only that, but his enemies in the Forças Volantes – soldiers who were contracted to fight the bandits – also took the meaning of their own dreams to heart. In the book “Lampião: Senhor do Sertão” (Lampião: Master of the Sertão), author Elise Grunspan-Jasmin explains further: “Lampião didn’t just have the gift of interpreting signs announcing good fortune, danger or bad luck. It is said that he was gifted with the intuition of a fortune teller and, according to some of his companions, a ‘sixth sense’: he ‘saw’ what his enemies tried to hide and also what no one was able to ‘see’.”

Despite his daily prayers for protection, Lampião, who must have felt invincible during his 16-year reign as Brazil’s top outlaw, was eventually betrayed, leading to his death by police troops. His “closed” body was literally opened and part of it put on public display as a deterrent to others who might take up his cause. It could be said his death is proof that the closed body ritual doesn’t work, but perhaps his nearly two decades as an outlaw prove the opposite.

A RECOURCE FOR THOSE WHO HAD IT ROUGHEST Most interesting of all is not that the closed body ritual lives or dies with certain people, but that it survives culturally, even after centuries, even when practiced by descendants of two completely different social groups.

Even though rituals such as the closing of the body didn’t come from Brazil, the fact that they took root there, among those who had it the roughest – descendants of slaves and settlers of the Sertão – seems to be no coincidence. Perhaps the reason it survives can be found in the landscape, both geographical and religious, where it has the most relevance – a point of convergence which just happens to be Brazil.

This article was originally published at www.globalvoices.org

Divulgation

A BANDIT’S PRAYERS FOR PROTECTION

Made in Brasil & Made in Brasil Boteco A place for Brazilian Culture Enthusiasts In the bustling streets of Camden Town, two places provide the public with the yellow and green of Brazilian culture. The names could not be any other, Made in Brasil and Made in Brasil Boteco, where you can find the perfect combination of good music, tasty portions, caipirinhas and excellent service.

A must stop for enthusiasts of Brazilian diversity.

Made in Brasil

Since 2004, Made in Brasil has made you feel at a beach party with its vibrant environment, warm natural colours and typical decor. All of this combined with an extensive list of cocktails and tasty traditional and modern Brazilian cuisine.

In addition, the venue has an area entitled ‘Copacabana Beach Bar’. With its cosy style, it features live bands presentations, and is where the resident DJs play the best of bossa nova, samba and Latin rhythms. The space is available for private parties as well, for companies and individuals.

Made in Brasil Boteco

Made in Brasil Boteco is inspired by the authentic Brazilian botequins, which are a meeting place for bohemians looking for tasty drinks, elegant portions and a good conversation in a pleasant environment. Its different environments please all tastes, from those who prefer to stay around the bar to those who seek a more intimate atmosphere – there is also a cosy terrace to enjoy.

Music is an intrinsic factor to Boteco, watered by jam sessions, DJs and samba. The area also art exhibitions, samba and salsa classes, Brazilian and South American films, as well as space for cultural, business and private events.

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Stay connected: @MadeInBrasil1 - @madeinbrasilboteco

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

TIPS

EXHIBITION Brasil Junino: ‘Potentializing tourism through cultural events’ Divulgation

With a team of 59 people, among dancers, artists and producers, plus eight tons of typical costumes and decoration, Brasil Junino landed in Europe in early May and has already gathered more than 50,000 people in four capitals

By Ana Toledo

After more than 500,000 visitors received during the Rio 2016 Olympic Games, Brasil Junino gained strength.

In 2017, during the months of May and June, with the organization of the Brazilian Institute of Integration (IBI, in Portuguese), support from Embratur and the Brazilian Embassies, Brazil’s ‘Festa Junina’ (or June Festival) landed in Europe for a tour in Lisbon, Madrid, Rome and London. There are eight tons of materials coming from Brazil, plus four tons of material produced in Lisbon, all to complete every detail of the event and show the cultural diversity of Brazil through the Junina party, a celebration that takes place in all regions of the country, especially in the Northeast.

In London, from May 26 to June 4, the Sala Brasil – prestigious space of the Brazilian Embassy in London – gains a unique colour with flags, balloons, typical foods and drinks, music, dance, poetry, Cordel literature, and a space dedicated to J. Borges, Brazilian folk artist and woodcutter. In addition to the 10 days of programming at the Embassy, Brasil ​​ Junino takes to the streets with flash mobs on the famous Trafalgar Square and Leicester Square.

“The idea is to strengthen the Brazilian popular culture, showing the June festivals as a new touristic product of Brazil,” explains Edilane Oliveira, Artistic Director and Curator of Brasil Junino.

The structure of the show is composed of panels with audio and video, showing the seven biggest ‘Festa Junina’ in Brazil, which take place in the cities of Campina Grande (Paraíba), Caruaru (Pernambuco), Aracaju (Sergipe), São Luís (Maranhão) , Amargos (Bahia), Mossoró (Rio Grande do Norte) and Ceilândia (Federal District).

Brasil Junino at Sala Brasil, in the Embassy of Brazil in London

Characters Catirina and Mateus, presenting the story of Brazil’s ‘Festa Junina’ to the public

“The exhibition is totally interactive.

We have the part of audio and video, in which, in addition to showing the seven biggest parties in Brazil, we show that the country has a structure to receive international tourists,” says Eliane.

To complete the party, Brasil Junino has short videos presented by the characters Catirina and Mateus, who introduce to the audience the meaning of this party for Brazil. And, according to the curator, “to make the party more alive, there are presentations of the artists, with dances and music”. “We want to make people taste how the party is, live it and feel like going to Brazil to enjoy these traditions there,” she adds.

In addition to boosting tourism and promoting popular culture, Brasil Junino collaborates with the strengthening of local producers of Brazilian culture

Edilane Oliveira, Curator and Artistic Director of Brasil Junino

in the cities it has travelled to. “We have strengthened our culture wherever we go and some local artists who live from this art and sometimes do not have much expression. With the coming of Brasil Junino we managed to promote them, and to join this force during and after our passage,” emphasizes Edilane.

In London, among other artists, the event was attended by Zeu Azevedo, a Brazilian singer-songwriter, composer and accordionist based in London for more than 13 years and considered the forró ambassador in Europe.

With the success of the show, the plans for 2018 are already being consolidated with the intention that the event is established in Brazil’s annual calendar of promotion in Europe.

“For 2018 we already confirmed the show in Lisbon and Rome. In London,

we already have scheduled meetings, and the idea is to have a Junina Party in Trafalgar Square with gastronomy, dancing, music, art and, if possible, crafts. And setting the dates out of June so we don’t compete with the parties in Brazil,” points out the curator.

And celebrates: “The goal of Brasil Junino this year was to leave the event fixed, so the public can wait for us.”

“When we join forces, we have a lot of quality. And the result of Brasil Junino is this, the union of forces to be able to show Brazil beyond what is in the media, through its traditions, cultural manifestations, through its people,” she concludes.

For more information visit www.brasiljunino.com.br

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

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MUSIC LINIKER E OS CARAMELOWS

This is contemporary Brazilian soul at its finest, with a show both beautifully entrancing and full of energy throughout. Liniker has a spark and she shares it with you.

Looking deep in the eyes of the audience – you don’t have to speak Portuguese to be completely entranced by that moment, it’s universal.

When: 9 June, 8pm Where: Rich Mix, 35-47 Bethnal Green Road, London E1 6LA Entrance: £15-18 Info: www.richmix.org.uk

META META

The trio Meta Meta hail from São Paulo, but the major influence comes from further north up the Brazilian coast in Bahia, the centre of Candomblé, the Afro-Brazilian religion with its roots in slavery days. Wailing ancient chants mix with everything from punk rock and freeform jazz to traditional Brazilian, Latin and African forms.

When: 27-30 July Where: Womad Festival, Charlton Park Entrance: Four day ticket £210 Info: www.womad.co.uk

EUMIR DEODATO

One of the most successful crossover artist to ever come from Brazil, Eumir Deodato’s music grew out of traditional Brazilian and Latin rhythms and sounds towards disco, r’n’b, pop and funk, creating classic records still played to this day. Amongst his endless body of work there are timeless anthems like Keep On Movin’ and Night Cruiser.

When: 25 June, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £30-40 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com

BNEGÃO & OS SELETORES DE FREQUÊNCIA

The Hip Hop icon BNegão returns to East London after he performed at the closing ceremony of the London 2012 Olympics. The MC looks to the future of Brazilian music, mixing Rap with the essence of traditional samba and funk carioca. Today he performs with the Seletores de Frequência.

When: 15-16 July Where: Walthamstow Garden Party Entrance: Free Info: www.walthamstowgardenparty.com

JARDS MACALÉ

Jards Macalé was a radical and key figure in Brazil’s Tropicália scene of the 1970s working with Gilberto Gil & Caetano Veloso and many of the giants of Brazilian music.

This very rare UK performance will see him perform with a four piece band and will be an emotional return for him revisiting the city he once performed in way back in 1971.

When: 30 July, 7pm Where: Nells Jazz and Blues, West Kensington, London W14 8TG Entrance: £27.50 Info: www.nellsjazzandblues.com

NOMADE ORQUESTRA

Effortlessly weaving through the disparate sounds of Brazil’s diverse musical diaspora, the group go from funk and soul to afrobeat, Ethio-grooves, dub and hip hop, with a sound that remains firmly anchored in the world of jazz while taking off to the cosmic stratosphere. Supporting will be the Brazilian DJ Fabricio D.Vyzor.

When: 1st August, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £20-30 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com

NAÇÃO ZUMBI

Nação Zumbi is set to make a very rare London appearance (their first since 2006) and will be performing their classic tracks dating back to the early nineties. The Manguebeat movement was a turning point in Brazil’s musical history and Nação Zumbi was at the vanguard of this cultural legacy that spawned out of Recife.

When: 22 July, 7pm – 10pm Where: The Garage, 20-22 Highbury Corner, London N5 1RD Entrance: £30 Info: www.thegarage.london

BIXIGA 70

Hailing from São Paolo, Bixiga 70 is a band that is distinctly influenced by Fela Kuti’s brand of afrobeat, but spikes it with textures from the Caribbean, Brazil and other parts of Africa. It’s their horn section which draws the greatest plaudits, with elements of funk, bossa nova, tribal drumming from Guinea and samba all embroiled into a dense pot.

When: 25 July, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £16-26 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com

MARCOS VALLE

When it comes to Brazilian music, there aren’t many names bigger than Marcos Valle. An undisputed legend of South American music, his fusion of samba, bossa nova, rock and jazz has resulted in countless classic records, from Samba 68 and his self titled album Marcos Valle to Previsão Do Tempo and the more recent Contrasts.

When: 7 August, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £20-30 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com

ED MOTTA

Brazilian pianist Ed Motta is a bonfire jazz virtuoso. The nephew of the legendary Tim Maia, Motta played with the likes of Marcos Valle, João Donato and Roy Ayers over the course of his career, and wowed the Jazz Cafe audience last year with his electric performance featuring songs from his latest release AOR, as well as his substantial back catalogue which goes from funk and soul to bossa nova.

When: 22 August, 7pm – 11pm Where: Jazz Caffe, 5 Parkway, London NW1 7PG Entrance: £20-30 Info: www.thejazzcafelondon.com

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO

RuPaul’s Drag Race pushes the boundaries

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Glossary: g g

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No Tee No Shade - A phrase meaning “No disrespect.”

Herstory - n. A spin on the word “History”, playfully replacing the “his” with “hers” to imply a feminine reclamation of the word.

Werk – 1. A term meaning to “work your body.” 2. To strut, especially on a runway. 3.

To give an outstanding presentation. i.e. “You betta werk bitch!” – RuPaul.

Come Through - int. A phrase made famous by Season 7 winner Violet Chachki, first used after the a lip sync battle between Kennedy Davenport and Katya – used as an appraisal, a show of pride, a congratulations, etc. After being crowned, Violet Chachki immediately screamed “COME THROUGH!”

‘No Tee No Shade’, ‘Herstory’, ‘Werk!’, ‘Come Through’ are a few of the many expressions that RuPaul’s Drag Race TV series is inserting into the English dictionary; in fact, there is now an online RuPaul’s Drag Race dictionary for those who aren’t familiar with the underground ‘lingo’.

Actor, drag queen, TV personality, singer/songwriter and producer, RuPaul has dedicated his life to the craft of entertainment. He’s achieved international fame as a drag queen with the release of his debut single, ‘Supermodel (You Better Werk)’, which was included on his album Supermodel of the World (1993). But it’s his 9-year long-running reality-TV show RuPaul’s Drag Race that is bringing ‘drag’ culture into mainstream media.

The series received an Emmy Award last year and it has a very simple premise: several drag queens compete through a series of mini challenges to become America’s next drag superstar. Add powerful theatrical content and an amazing array of strong artists from host to judges and contestants to a simple format, and kaching! It is a winning recipe.

The drag queens starring in each series are multi-talented artists practicing the art of (outer and inner) transformation. We are invited to their dressing room, or as RuPaul calls it, the work room, to follow their transformative journey. We see them getting ready, putting their make up on, getting into their costumes, but when those artists face the mirror where they get ready, they discuss their personal experiences with body image, self-esteem, prior prison convictions, drug problems, family feuds and homelessness: they bare it all in front of the camera and the entire world. We become witness to the hard work they put in to create their art, the fragility, honesty, and pain they go through to produce their work; nothing is hidden away from us.

The format turns what is a private, confidence-boosting moment into communal nuggets for public consumption. And we love it for that. It is a complex and sensitive mirror that shows us what it is like to live in post-truth times.

In one of the past mini-challenges, the contestants had to turn veterans of the US military into drag queens for a day. These military men were of various ages, some gay and some not. That episode gave participants, and audience, an opportunity to discuss the realities of being gay in the military before, during, and after the ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell’ rule in America. This is but one example when the show ventures into politics/history without losing its entertainment value.

Mama Ru, as many of the past contestants refer to RuPaul, acts as host and mentor to the contestants, frequently warning them against the ills of one’s own inner saboteur, “that little voice inside us all that makes us doubt ourselves and, when listened to, brings about our own downfall”, and ending every episode in the same way: “remember, if you can’t love yourself, how in the hell are you gonna love somebody else?” g

There is earnestness and directedness to these affirmations that may seem as empty words, but this talk of self-love and self-care has always been fundamental in the drag world. Every season is filled with empowering lessons: you need to learn how to grow a thicker skin without losing one’s humanity, to laugh at your own failings, to be more accepting, and in turn, become all the more kinder and stronger in order to survive.

Logo TV, producers of the show, has admitted that the largest demographics of the show are split between younger female teenage fans and gay men from their 20s to 40s, and it continues to expand as it hits mainstream viewers through the new series aired on VH1, during prime time on Friday nights.

You can easily understand why themes of rebellion and nonconformity that is aimed at gay audiences has just as much importance for young girls struggling to accept and define themselves. A recent research showed that far from finding drag degrading to women, they find its value of “self-fashioning” and its “exaggerated version of femininity” to be liberating. Though drag highlights the need of strong aesthetics and theatricality, it does not promote a limiting interpretation of beauty or womanliness. For some of them, it has broadened their horizons.

RuPaul’s Drag Race pushes the boundaries and broadens the horizons for all the contestants too, with its unbounded theatricality: the queens are challenged to perform in videos, telenovelas, develop characters, produce their own commercials, mini-series, write comic speeches, cut and sow their own costumes, sing and dance, not to mention that in order to survive every episode, those at the very bottom must ‘lip-sync for their life’.

Season 9 premiered last April and featured Lady Gaga as a guest judge and it reached ratings of nearly 1,000,000 viewers, making it the series’ most viewed episode.

This is a very exciting time where we are seeing many great post-truth performance artists come through the series and become underground icons, Alaska Thunderfuck, Violet Chachki, Alissa Edwards, Jinx Moonsoon, Ginger Minge and Sharon Needles to name but a few. Some past participants are worried about the show going mainstream, but in a recent interview for the Huffpost, RuPaul is quoted saying: “Drag challenges the status quo. It’s always challenged the matrix – the matrix being ‘choose an identity and stick with it the rest of your life, because that’s how we want to sell products to you, so we’ll know who you are and can put you in a box and then sell you beer and shampoo’. Well, drag says ‘I’m a shapeshifter, I do whatever the hell I want at any given time.’ And that is very, very political.”

There are talks that RuPaul’s Drag Race will be producing its own series in the UK and in Brazil. This could be a serious tool to break down the prejudices about drag queens and LBGTQ folks.

Come through!

Franko Figueiredo is artistic director of StoneCrabs Theatre Company and artistic associate of New Theatre Royal Portsmouth

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

21

HELOISA RIGHETTO

Motherhood? No thanks.

Heloisa Righetto is a journalist and writes about feminism (@helorighetto – facebook.com/conexaofeminista) g

I don’t know for sure when I came to the conclusion that motherhood was not for me. Maybe, deep down I thought that the uncontrollable desire to have a baby would knock on my door (and I must say that dealing with this desire would have been much easier than waiting for it to arrive). That’s what everyone would tell me, and the closer I got to being 30, the expectations of friends and family were growing higher and higher. Everyone was absolutely sure that the time would arrive and my reproductive system would scream “please use me”, and my reason would be lost to my uterus.

The general interest on my fertility was intense, and I could feel the waiting anxiety in the air. Any personal announcement – a new job, an upcoming trip, a cool side project – didn’t seem to deserve a celebration, not to mention respect.

After all, if there is one decision made by white privileged women like me that generates commotion, that decision is to become a mother. Everything else is a bonus, or even “luck”. Our achievements are never celebrated.

My disinterest in admitting that I wouldn’t have kids – and I won’t, nowadays I’m no longer afraid of saying it out loud and clear – was based on the fear of walking towards a life path that com-

pletely diverts from the condition that is laid upon women by our patriarchal society. It was much easier to say “I haven’t decided yet” every time someone asked “when are you having kids?” and receive a patronising smile accompanied by the words “soon you will want them!”, rather than saying no and having to deal with even more questions and disapproving expressions.

I also didn’t understand that my decision should be made public instead of being kept a secret. I have always been reluctant about writing about not having kids, as I was familiar with the types of comments and the retaliation received by women that were brave enough to publish their thoughts explaining why they wouldn’t be mothers.

However, after I realised I was a feminist, I also realised that anything we do that confront sexist paradigms and gender roles is a political action that shakes patriarchy’s deep structures.

Not having kids, as not getting married or even prioritising career over family, or something as basic as travelling alone is always (for women, of course) a decision surrounded by questions that would never be asked to men. These are some examples of the few things that put us on the spot, and that make us free to

lead our paths and give us the great satisfaction of choice. This may sound strange, but almost every choice made by a woman during her lifetime is based on a sexist upbringing. So, the moment that we leave our pre-determined gender roles behind, is the moment that our choices are really free (albeit connected to our privileges).

The romantisation of motherhood and the promise of true and eternal love are embedded in a woman’s life from the moment she is born. I ask: is this motherly “call” really entirely biological? Or is there a very strong social construction? Do most women really feel that motherhood is natural and will certainly bring happiness? Or are they led to believe this is best they can do with their lives?

I do think that motherhood can be exhilarating and joyful. But so is having a childfree life. Although this choice, as previously said, is still seen as strange, it is fulfilling and brings a unique feeling of freedom. There is invisibility and loneliness as well (not because you won’t have children around you, but because the life of a childfree woman hardly ever triggers interest from other people), but above all there is the wonderful sensation of walking over patriarchy.

DANIELA BARONE SOARES

Be a better decision maker

g

Daniela Barone Soares is part of the Inner Space team (www.innerspace.org.uk)

I was going to the supermarket this past weekend and, to my surprise, ended up in the park. “How did I get here?

I thought”. And I retraced the almost unconscious decision-making that took place and drove me there. It made me ponder, how many decisions I make without even realising it.

We make decisions all the time, small and big. A former boss said to me: the best thing you can do is to make the right decision; the second best is to make the wrong decision. The worst you can do is not to make a decision at all.

I can understand that, as even when we make the wrong decisions, we can learn and move on. If we constantly hesitate or procrastinate, we will always be in limbo – or the time and circumstances will move on and ‘decide’ for us. Or we become just ‘reaction-driven’ rather than ‘decision-driven’: we react to things that happen, rather than taking charge of our lives.

Making good decisions is about

doing the right thing, in the right way, at the right time. It is seeing what is needed and acting to fulfil that need, not being swayed by people’s demands and personalities – or their agendas. Or even our own selfish motives: a good decision is beneficial for all.

In the process of decision-making, we need to become free from preconceived notions and false assumptions, negative emotions, fear, hurt or anger – and the need to please others. We need to learn from past experiences, but not let them ‘contaminate’ present decisions. To make a good decision we need space: let our minds and hearts take a breather. Let them be light. Create positive intentions and then choose that which will help our personal development and help everyone involved move forward.

Two key qualities will help: honesty and clarity. Honesty (with the self) will inform and allow us to understand what is driving the decision. It will highlight

true intentions and motives, feelings.

Honesty is like a light that illuminates the right path. Real honesty takes courage.

Clarity is about the understanding of how we function internally, and about what is working (or not) about this functioning. We can check if the ‘raw materials’ for decision-making are the right ones, i.e. a desire of bringing benefit, of finding a solution, of honestly doing our best.

Whilst it is useful to look to others for inspiration, ultimately it is your life and your actions – and only you are responsible for them. Take full responsibility for your decisions and don’t blame anyone.

Follow your heart, conscience, and intuition: best decision-making is deliberate and comes from a positive ‘inner space’.

The more your decisions and actions reflect your own better nature (your better self), the happier you will be with your decisions. And the greater benefit your decisions will bring to all.

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

BR TRIP Carlos André Viana

Ferradura Beach, Búzios

Fun in the Lake District Halley Pacheco de Oliveira

Arraial do Cabo and Búzios are part of the Região dos Lagos and are the favourite destinations of those seeking stunning beaches and fun near

By Visit Brasil | www.visitbrasil.com

Located about 170 km from Rio de Janeiro is one of the most sought-after destinations by the cariocas: the Região dos Lagos. Between 13 magnificent cities, you will find the trendy Búzios and the tranquil Arraial do Cabo. Each has its beauties, peculiarities and way of being.

Both perfect for you to have an amazing travel experience in Brazil.

Enchant yourself with the magnificent beaches and the natural beauties, stay in amazing hostels, take baths in the sea that will be remembered forever, relax, stroll through the busy streets, sail, play golf, scuba dive... By now, you were able to notice that this itinerary is serious stuff. If you go to Rio, be sure to plan at least 2 full days in the Região dos Lagos.

Santana Church, Búzios

Divulgation

Armação Beach, Búzios

brasilobserver.co.uk | June 2017

Leonardo Shinagawa

Forno Beach, Arraial do Cabo

THE COSMOPOLITAN BÚZIOS

PEACEFUL ARRAIAL DO CABO

Búzios is one of the most charming resorts of the country. A place of paradisiacal beaches, rustic-style decor hostels and exquisite service, much like the South zone of Rio de Janeiro, and with a wide variety of menus and first-rate restaurants that enchant residents and tourists since Brigitte Bardot presented Búzios to the world in the 1960’s. The infrastructure of the city combines harmoniously with the simplicity of its beaches.

Búzios resembles an island full of beaches, on all its sides. One of the most famous beaches is Geribá, a place of many activities, excitement, surf and flirting.

If you like a more familiar environment, go to Ferradura Beach, a place of crystal clear and very calm waters, with few and weak waves that make it a safe place to swim. You can even practice stand-up paddle (SUP) and sailing.

There are several other beaches that are also worth a visit, such as the Azeda, Azedinha, João Fernandes and João Fernandinho beaches. Facing the Praia da Armação, take time to enjoy the boardwalk of the Orla Bardot, the most symbolic street of Búzios. On one side, the ocean, on the other, bars and restaurants. The large colonial-style mansions, historical buildings, the colourful fishing boats and bronze sculptures of Brigitte Bardot, Juscelino Kubitschek (former President of Brazil) and three fishermen will take up a lot of space in your camera’s memory card.

If you like to golf, visit the Búzios Golf Club, with 18 first level holes. It is considered one of the best in Latin America, with the advantage that Búzios has one of the lowest rainfalls in Brazil, which is great for the sport.

When night falls, your address is Rua das Pedras. The light in the establishments completely changes the scenario and invites tourists to hop between the fine restaurants, bars, galleries and other entertainment options until dawn. A great place to date and make new friends.

From Búzios, go to Arraial do Cabo, less than a one hour drive. Arraial has one of the most beautiful features of the Brazilian coast: surrounded by hills and fishing villages, it has white sand dunes, reefs, lagoons, beautiful clean beaches and cliffs to watch the sunset.

Arraial is also famous for its quality diving, with a rich and exuberant marine fauna brought by the cold waters of the ocean. No wonder that the city is also known as the capital of diving. Seriously! This is your chance to swim with turtles, squids, lobsters, rays and even dolphins. If you have time for only one attraction in Arraial, dive!

If you don’t like to dive, boat tours are another excellent program, a pleasant way to know the entire coast of Arraial. Look for the dock at Praia dos Anjos, were boats leave towards the Prainhas of Pontal do Atalaia (green sea, perfect for swimming and diving), with stops at the Ilha de Cabo Frio, Praia do Farol (one of the most beautiful beaches of Brazil) and the Gruta Azul. If you’re lucky, you can see dolphins during the tour.

If you want to just sit at the beach, a good choice is the Praia do Forno. Of all the beaches of Arraial, this is the one with the most pleasant water temperature, since the other beaches have cooler waters. The preserved nature is the main attraction of the beach, particularly visited by families and couples. There you can choose a kiosk to spend the day in while practicing the activities that are available, such as renting a kayak, SUP boards and snorkel – diving is also a strong attraction at this beach.

Since the waters of this region have a large variety of fish, fishing is another very traditional activity in the city. If you like, inform yourself about areas that allow this activity. The fishing outings are made at the Porto do Forno, at the Praia dos Anjos, in boats known as baleeiras.

In Arraial, there are few luxurious establishments, but you’ll have enough comfort and many sea food dishes that are always fresh. Great way to finish the day.

Good appetite!

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June 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

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