Brasil Observer #36 - EN by Brasil Observer

LONDON EDITION

www.brasilobserver.co.uk

ISSN 2055-4826

MARCH/2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016 E D I T O R I A L

Foolish politicking

It’s easy for Brazilians living abroad to fall into that cliché: “there is no way out for Brazil, thank God I moved out”. Or perhaps: “do you still care about it?” Or: “politicians are all the same; there they are exploring people’s ignorance”. So hard it is to avoid these simplistic affirmations. Let’s have a quickly look into the current scenario. Brazil is facing a hard recession; inflation is totally out of control, the unemployment rates are growing, the purchase power is declining. But what do people care about? Recently, people are really preoccupied with the former president Lula’s possession and the ex-love affair or former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso. What importance does it have? Are we going to investigate all the treats politicians receive in the country? Really? It’s obvious that, ahead of illicit acts, the competent powers of a democracy need to investigate the facts and eventually punish the wrongdoers. But the “hunt” of Lula is quite ridiculous. How can the conservatives be so afraid of Lula’s possible candidature in 2018? The country is facing an economic crisis; the developmentalism project has been proven inefficient. It’s only a matter of presenting a coherent proposal to gain the votes of an exhausted society. Is it so difficult? On the other side, what do the progressists want defending Lula by attacking the past of Cardoso?

Wouldn’t it be clever to recognize the mistakes and turn the page, looking for a new alliance that overcomes the rigid Workers Party and the “myth” of Lula? Is it only a matter of power? What matters now is to know whether the president Dilma Rousseff is going to govern or not. We are against her impeachment because it does not solve any problem, quite the contrary. But what’s the difference of having someone like Rousseff and having no one at all? Excuse us for the scepticism, but apparently it makes no difference, that’s the hard truth. “Thank God I live in England”. Think again. Let’s see David Cameron. The UK today has a fundamental issue, rising inequality between classes, regions and generations, while Europe has as principal challenge, in addition to the economic problems, the immigration. And what does the prime minister do? Invent a referendum to decide whether or not Britain will continue to be part of Europe. This question is easy for us, we don’t even need to go deeper: we are in favour of remaining, obviously. All of these just to say that, in the middle of this foolish politicking, there are few hopes on the traditional politics, kidnaped by the interests of big corporations and by petty ambitions of political narcissists. We keep caring a lot about Brazil though. We live far away, but it is our home.

co n te n ts

16 To be or not to be European Finally, the referendum about the UK permanence in the EU 14 Who’s the owner of pre-salt oil? Brazilian Senate changes the rule for deep sea exploration

LONDON EDITION Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED funded by

Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Aquiles Reis Franko Figueiredo Gabriela Lobianco Márcio Apolinário Wagner de Alcântara Aragão Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies Distribution Emblem Group Ltd.

10 Women, unite! Interview with Nana Lima about feminism in Brazil

To advertise comercial@brasilobserver.co.uk 020 3015 5043

12 Social effervescence Analysis on protests and political polarization in Brazil

To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk

22 In the heart of Brazil Exhibition revels a new look into Brazil’s indigenous culture

To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk

20 Psychedelia Story of a festival that is a movement And more… Pg. 8 - Lenio Luiz Streck on the Operation Lava Jato Pg. 26 - Franko Figueiredo on the pain of others Pg. 27 - Aquiles reis on the new album of Zélia Duncan Beyond that… Pg. 6 - Relevant observations on what surround us Pg. 24 - Cultural tips for Brazilian Londoners Pg. 28 - The city of London by Roberta Calabro Pg. 30 - Jericoacoara: hidden just enough

Online brasilobserver.co.uk issuu.com/brasilobserver facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Cover Art Rodrigo Cardoso www.flickr.com/photos/digo_c www.instagram.com/digo_cardoso

Rodrigo Cardoso (29 years old), self-taught, found his means of expression through urban art. He is a pioneer in the street art of Chapecó, in Brazil’s southern state of Santa Catarina, and since 2003 has been participating in exhibitions and projects beyond the boundaries his hometown. His work and style are focused on street culture, with everyday life, surrealism and his two sons his main sources of inspiration. His techniques go far beyond spray-painting, not limited only to the walls, looking for new materials, techniques and colours. His creations have proportion, balance and technique. From the walls to the canvas and from the canvas to mosaics built with scrap wood, Digo, as he is known, mixes, creates and innovates. His idea of art revolves around the ability to make people get inspired. And his interest to evolve goes beyond galleries. www.instagram.com/eoliveira13

Around London

Edition #35 - February 2016

The cover art for this edition was produced by Rodrigo Cardoso for the Mostra BO, project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil in London. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2016 is featuring an art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In December, all the works with be exhibited at the Embassy’s Sala Brasil.

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Observations Divulgation

Looking for British investors data product and test the UK market, from contacts made during the mission. Beyond Aquarela, the other Brazilian start-ups who came to England are easySubsea, Forebrain, Inteletron, Mereo, Mogai, Ukkobox, ClapMe, Plurio, Liferank, Piipee, Solides, Tech4safe and Urbotip. Besides networking, participants also had the opportunity to visit important British technology centres, such as the joint venture MediaCityUK (pictured) and investment agencies from Manchester, MIDAS, and London, London & Partners. For the Secretary of Innovation at MDIC, Marcos Vinícius de Souza, this type of initiative is crucial. “We must learn to negotiate. Start-ups still focus only on the domestic market. It is essential to target the global market from the beginning,” he pointed out. Souza also believes that these international experiences help to change the mentality and culture of Brazilian entrepreneurs. “It’s amazing the effect of these experiences when they come back to Brazil. Abroad, they undergo practical training with senior mentors, prepare for other opportunities,” he said. Interest in Brazilian start-ups, according to the economic counsellor of the British Embassy in Brazil, Catherine Barber, is justified by the possibility of diversifying the British market with products and high quality services. In addition, she points the creativity of the Brazilian entrepreneurs as something that generates a lot of interest in the UK. The UK has invested 150,000 pounds in the initiative. And the MDIC, although it has not disclosed the amount invested exclusively in the UK Chapter, said the Brazilian contribution to the third edition of the InovAtiva Brasil was 7 million reais. It was not the first time the program has partnered in this format. In another edition of the program, 20 start-ups were sent to the United States for mentoring, training and networking with companies and investors.

Divulgation

Representatives of 14 Brazilian start-ups, selected by InovAtiva Brasil – UK Chapter program, were in Manchester and London in February to present their work to British investors. It was the first step for them to enter into British and European markets. Created in 2013, the InovAtiva Brasil program is encouraging entrepreneurs who seek to launch innovative activities globally, providing training and mentoring for the establishment of new businesses. Organized by the Ministry of Development, Industry and Foreign Trade (MDIC), it is executed by the National Association for Research and Development of Innovative Companies (Anpei) in partnership with the Brazilian Trade and Investment Promotion Agency (Apex-Brazil). In its 4th edition, the program has created the UK Chapter in partnership with the British Embassy in Brazil and the UK Trade & Investment (UKTI). The initiative was funded by the British government through its Prosperity Fund. During the business trip, representatives of the 14 start-ups had the opportunity to talk individually for 30 minutes with British companies interested in discussing business and partnerships. In the “Demo Day”, which took place at the Embassy of Brazil in London seven start-ups presented their ideas for five minutes to investors. One of the investors present was James Downing, from Silicon Valley Bank. “Events like this are a great opportunity to get to know interesting companies,” he said. The angel investor Oliver Dowson, CEO of International Corporate Creations, said he was so impressed with the presentations that rearranged his schedule to accommodate meetings with two Brazilian start-ups in which he is interested in investing. The entrepreneur Joni Hoppen dos Santos, founder of start-up Aquarela Knowledge & Innovation, said he has established two partnerships to develop their big

Brazilian debates at King’s College and Ilas Continuing its series of seminars, the Brazil Institute at King’s College London will hold three conferences in March, while the Institute of Latin American Studies (Ilas) of the University of London promotes this month a two-day course on the relations between Brazil and the UK. At King’s College, on March 8th, the Emeritus Professor of Latin American History at the University of London Leslie Bethell ministers a lecture entitled “The Failure of the Left: A Brazilian Tragedy”. The professor, according to the program, first analyses the failure of the left – communist, socialist, populist – between 1920 and 1970. Then, he explains the formation of the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) in the 1980s and its growth until the election of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to the presidency in 2002, the biggest win of the Latin American left since the Cuban Revolution and the election of Salvador Allende in Chile in 1970. Finally, Leslie Bethell evaluates Lula (2003-10) and Dilma Rousseff (2011 to date) governments, apparently doomed to failure, and raises questions about the future of the left in Brazil. On March 14th is the time for the British Ambassador in Brazil, Alex Ellis (pictured), in post since July 2013, to present his opinions about the delicate political and economic climate of the South American country. And on March 22nd, also at King’s College, the researcher Markus Fraundorfer, from the University of São Paulo, leads a lecture whose theme is “Democratising Global Governance. Examining Brazil’s Potential”. The main issue: is it possible for an emerging democracy from the global south to contribute to the democratization of the global governance system? At Ilas, the title of the conference which takes place on March 10th and 11th at the Senate House is “Britain and Brazil: Political, Economic, Social, Cultural and Intellectual Relations, 1808 to the present”. Event organizers are Professor Leslie Bethell and Alan Charlton, who was British Ambassador in Brazil between 2008 and 2013.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

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Marcos de Paula/Staff Images

On its tour in Latin America, the British band Rolling Stones performed in Brazil in the cities of Rio de Janeiro (photo), São Paulo and Porto Alegre, pulling in crowds. Before that the band had performed in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay. A historic show in Cuba was scheduled for March 25th.

Online radio for Brazilians debuts in March Debut this month the Radio Brasil da Gente (RBG) through the website www.radiorbg.com and a mobile app, the RBG Radio. With the ambition to be “the radio of Brazilians around the world”, as the slogan says in Portuguese, RBG will be launched first in England, but plans to expand to other countries in Europe. “Our team of journalists and professionals from different fields and specialties is responsible for the production

of customized programs geared to the needs of Brazilians abroad,” says the radio website. In programming will be programs for health, immigrant rights, entrepreneurship, culture and music. One of the attractions calls Novos Sons do Brasil (or New Sounds from Brazil), and will be conducted by journalist and DJ Livia Rangel, responsible for the digital magazine Eleven Culture. The program will air every Friday at 8pm on RBG Radio.

Brazilian Chamber of Commerce in Great Britain defines the winners of the Personality of the Year award The 18th edition of the gala dinner organized annually by the Brazilian Chamber of Commerce in Great Britain takes place on May 10th in London Hilton on Park Lane. On the occasion, it will be presented the Personality of the Year award, which traditionally recognizes the achievements of two business leaders – one Brazilian, one British – who have been instrumental in forging closer commercial ties between

Brazil and the UK. The recipients of the 2016 Personality of the Year awards are Alexandre Grendene Bartelle of footwear producer Grendene, and John Fallon of publishing and education company Pearson. About Grendene, it is worth saying that one of its successful footwear labels, Melissa, recently opened a store in the prestigious area of Covent Garden in London.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Guest

When 283 years become seven From discourse to abuse, Brazil’s Federal Police Operation Lava Jato is a true paradox, writes Lenio Luiz Streck

Lenio Luiz Streck is professor at UNISINOS-RS and UNESARJ, PhD in Constitutional Law, lawyer, member of the Brazilian Academy of Constitutional Law

Operation Lava Jato, carried out by Brazil’s Federal Police, investigating bribery scheme at state-owned oil giant Petrobras, is a true paradox. It is its own contradiction. On the one hand, in theory, the friendly talk of fighting corruption and ending impunity. On the other, in practice, the repeated abuses in the use of plea bargains and the constant abandonment of constitutional guarantees. How is it possible that a total of 283 years in sentences of 13 whistle-blowers has become seven? The problem: there is no supervision. For example, how can a sentence of 13 years become one? The answer is very simple. As there isn’t the ombudsman role in Brazil, which would determine whether a whistle-blower arrangement is proper or improper. The whistle-blower denounces whatever he/ she wants and how he/she wants. The Public Ministry (Brazilian body of independent public prosecutors) gives thanks in return, and the judge deliberates. Many people do not understand what’s wrong with the way these plea bargain agreements are being made. See: no one is in favour of corruption (only the corrupt, of course). But the question is: can we combat impunity by paying any price? Those who today support a decrease in guarantees – yes, you can see important opinion leaders saying things like “we must tackle corruption with exceptional mechanisms” – are and will be the first to complain when their gua-

rantees are not met. How much are we willing to pay in the democracy market? Are we willing to “sell” the Constitution? “Ah, the Constitution is bad in that point.” But in others it is good, isn’t it? I know it’s unpleasant to say this, but we live in time of utilitarianism in Brazil. That’s why we want to “sell” guarantees. And we could come to a paradox: if all whistle-blowers speak out, what will we have left? And how will we solve contradictory whistle-blowers? As much we have violence or corruption in Brazil, none of this means that we can act in a consequentialist way. That is, to fight corruption – which is endemic in Brazil – we cannot, of course, trample rights. Justice cannot use the formula of utilitarianism. The ends do not justify the means. Let’s look at a case. A decision of the Regional Federal Court from July 2015 denied habeas corpus to a defendant of Operation Lava Jato who was already at that time (continues today, more than six months later), arrested for over 500 days. The case obviously had gone beyond the reasonable period that the precedent is setting of about 170 days. The Regional Federal Court held that the period was justified because the Superior Court of Justice authorized the continuation of preventive detention in the event of “slight delay in the case.” Let’s observe to what extent the Court’s consequentialism/utilitarianism arrive:

more than 500 days are understood as a “slight delay”. To fight corruption, can we change the meaning of words? The almost complete absence of protests in the legal community is impressive. We only see the media applausing. Some lawyers – and I quote Professor Joaquim Falcão, from Getulio Vargas Foundation – say there is a new law in Brazil. Falcão says it is about a generational change in the judiciary, the Public Ministry, the Federal Police: “Judges, prosecutors, police chiefs are younger. They started their careers earlier. They live in a country with press freedom, decline of political parties and indignant private appropriation of public goods. And they have no past to protect or fear. They give more priority to the facts than doctrines. More pragmatism, less bachelorism. More evidence of the case – documents, e-mails, spreadsheets, testimonies, records –, less lessons of foreign manuals or relationship of lawyers with courts.” I want to add something to what Falcão said. The problem, in my view, is cultural. It turns out that this new generation does the same the previous one used to do. They believe in what I call Judge Cognitive Privilege. The judge decides according to his/her opinion about the law and society and not from what is set out in the Constitution. The motto of the JCP is to decide first, then seek a foundation. What is that? Nothing more,

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Rovena Rosa/Agência Brasil

In São Paulo, the Brazilian Federal Police arrived at the construction firm Odebrecht during the 23rd phase of the Lava Jato operation, which started in March 2014 in order to investigate money laundering schemes said to have expropriated more than 10 billion reais through fraudulent contracts with state-owned oil giant Petrobras. Businessmen and politicians benefited by the corruption scheme.

nothing less, than the consequentialism I have been denouncing. Anyway: it’s a new judiciary, a new Public Ministry and a new Federal Police. The future will tell if I am right. And will tell if they are right, since there is a complaint in the legal community that Lava Jato hits guarantees, with excess of prisons and the use of the whistle-blower as an instrument of pressure. In this imaginary change, I still say that main defeat in the process of the socalled “mensalão” (corruption scheme involving members of parliament) was to the legal doctrine. The same is happening in the Lava Jato case. The law is becoming what the judge says it is. Let me explain: from the 1980s to now we have had a not very good transition. The lack of democracy led to a sort of bet on the judiciary role in the face of authoritarian structure of the legislation and the State. So it flourished at a given time, a space that was occupied by activists’ theses, such as legal realism and theses betting on the free appreciation of the law and the evidences by the judge. However, when democracy was recovered and soon after the Constitution was born in 1988, the legal doctrine hasn’t recycled. There started the problem. Indeed, it is in these hard cases of (real) life such as the Operation Lava Jato that the judges reveal their personal convictions about the law, not

forgetting that there was also a profound renewal in the frames of the judiciary and prosecution services. The question is whether the law coincides or not with the personal convictions of the judges (and prosecutors). In other words, everything goes well and good until the law (a fundamental institution of democracy) become what the judge understands by law. It happens, for example, when someone is arrested and released on the same argument. If everything is, nothing is. All of this materializes with the decision of the Supreme Federal Court that, against the Constitution, began to allow people convicted in seconddegree to be arrested before the final judgment of the case. It turns out that the Criminal Procedure Code (Article 283.) and the Constitution say otherwise: they say that there is a presumption of innocence. This decision confirms what I said: the JCP (Judge Cognitive Privilege) was stronger than the law and the Constitution. This decision has an immediate impact. The very next day, defendants awaiting judgment in liberty began to be arrested. And of course: the decision of the Supreme Federal Court will have very large effects on the Operation Lava Jato. Of course for those who have not denounced anyone; those who denounced receive their prize from the establishment. So 283 years turned to dust.

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Interview

Nana Lima

Brasil Observer interviews Nana Lima, co-founder of Think Eva and project manager of Think Olga By Ana Toledo

Brazilians have a high engagement rate on social media channels. Several issues are raised all the time and, among them, is feminism. Comments on the subject are no longer something new, which can already be considered a step forward, because the issue has been traditionally treated as taboo in Brazil. The latest feminist “controversy” put the actress Fernada Torres on the spotlight. The debate started with a post in a blog hosted by Folha de S. Paulo newspaper’s website, which published an article signed by Fernanda that soon generated great impact online. Women from everywhere in Brazil haven’t saved any character to question some concepts exposed by the actress. The same blog published then a response by Fernanda Torres, who apologized after re-evaluating her opinions. Some accepted the mea culpa, highlighting the importance of dialogue and the ability of the actress to revise her concepts. Others, however, did not accept. One way or another, it is a case of how the feminist movement in Brazil has evolved in recent years and of course the importance of the internet in this process.

Regardless of the opinion you may have, the fact is that since 2013 a number of initiatives have been created and others that have existed for longer have been expanded because of debates like that. This is the case of Think Olga, which is an NGO responsible for feminist campaigns in Brazil such as #meuprimeiroassedio, focused on debating the first harassment suffered by women. As a consequence of Olga, Think Eva is a consulting firm for brands, agencies, institutions, NGOs and government agencies that want to create a healthy dialogue with women. To talk about the experience of these projects, in an environment in which the subject has gained voluntary repercussions on the internet through various fronts, Brasil Observer interviewed Nana Lima, a co-founder of Think Eva and project manager of Think Olga. In a relaxed conversation, Nana showed her personal sensitivity to the issue and how it is a key factor to make the message effective through practical changes. On women’s day, what do we have to celebrate?

The reason of this day is a very sad story and it’s horrible to think that many things have not changed. The demands are very much the same: equal pay, a labour market that looks for women as human beings, the understanding that we have different needs than men. We don’t have much to celebrate because we are walking in small steps and often we have setbacks. But I think it’s interesting to have a month to generate debates. Both Eva and Olga receive many invitations from companies, schools and universities for lectures. And what we try to do is to continue to work beyond the month of March. I have mixed feelings about it. On the one hand it is very interesting, but then the date cannot be trivialized. It is a day for us to think that nothing has changed so much as they say. Is understanding feminism like choosing between a red or blue pill, you can never go back? I think so (laughs). We use to say that when you put the lens of feminism on, you cannot avoid feeling bad about certain things, or watch TV the same way, even the conversations change. You understand that it is

Arquivo pessoal

When you put the feminist lens on, you cannot avoid feeling bad about certain things

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

a matter of behaviours, including the fact that if you say nothing, you are perpetuating the bad habits. That’s what is happening to this generation. It does not enter in the head of the younger girls that they do not have the same rights of a boy, for example; that maybe she will give up college to take care of a child; that she will earn less than a boy who entered college with her; that even being as capable as men, you have a different salary. The feminist movement in Brazil has occupied an important space for debate, online and on the streets. In the long run, how do you see the reflection of this in society? While we don’t achieve structural changes – law, business, communication and marketing – this wave will not pass. Women are much more aware of their role, their right, and are organizing more to fight for it. Some newspapers wonder about this “new feminism”, but it is not new, it’s the same demand of the 1960s and 1970s, the same thing that we claimed in the 1920s and 1930. Now with the internet we have the power of organization, complaint, to show our dissatisfaction. Sometimes you think you’re alone, that it is only you thinking that way, so you put on the internet and realize a flood of support. While these changes do not occur, such as the decriminalization of abortion, equality of wages, parental leave – so that women are not placed in the refrigerator before or after the maternity – nothing will change. From the point of view of marketing, I think that “empowering” communication will become rule. We are still at the beginning, but I believe this will be almost the modus operandi of the brands. I am being very optimistic, but I think that’s what will happen. Most voters in Brazil are women, but women’s representation in Congress is still very low. How do you see this situation? Having women in Congress does not mean that everything will improve, or that the movement will be better. We need to know what kind of woman we’re putting there. Are we improving diversity? You can have a woman, for example, who is only interested in the agenda of agriculture, or a person who is not interested by the demands of the movement. We have to have more diversity of women for this to be turned into a variety of public policy. We have a very homogeneous view. One example is Dilma Rousseff, a female president who gave us cuts in public policies for women. This is a challenge to make politics something sexy for young people. These days I was in a meeting and ask ourselves why don’t we become candidates? We have an example of how women in power are massacred because they are women. They suffer so much machismo you say that never will occupy a position like that. If we have more women there, machismo would not be as accepted.

Feminism goes basically through two issues: rights in the labour market (fight linked to the claims in the factories of Victorian England) and sexuality (from 1968 movements in France). How do you understand these two fronts? Now the fight is much more intersectional. Women understand that, for example, I, white female, upper medium class, highly educated, have a fight. But we have a bunch of women from different life experiences, from social class, ethnic groups, who suffer other forms of violence. I think that’s one of the things that make the movement to be more consistent. We can move forward, but at the same time look to the side and see what others could not. And the internet contributes, because we can share more experiences. Today I can create an empathy with what a black woman suffers at the periphery. And this makes the movement much more coherent and more interesting. It is more challenging because it is easier make mistakes in some views. On the other hand, it makes a cooler thing to work, achieving not only a specific group of women. Think Eva has another role in this movement, to bring the discussion into the companies. How do you develop this work? We work on three fronts with business. One is the strategy that is working within the company communication, enter the branding and also analyse the company’s consistency. You cannot talk that empowers women and your female employees earn less. Another part is the content of both internal and external communication materials, joint campaigns. And the third is education, with training sessions, workshops. It may happen that a company is not at the point of change or start talking about it, but want to start this debate there. And the three fronts usually mix. Over time, the fact that a company does not have an internal policy for women will be a surprise.

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The new generation has surprised in various forms of movement, such as occupations of schools in São Paulo at the end of last year. How do you see feminism has been debated among younger? The girls are doing much better than our generation. We have had the experience of giving lectures to girls between 12 and 16 years and it’s amazing to realize the consciousness they have. The clarity they need to fight to have the same rights as boys already have, inside and outside the school. Because they have access to the internet, much more than we had, they are managing to get organized and learn more. The occupations of schools in São Paulo were practically led by the girls. I think this generation will not take steps, but jumps.

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Copyleft

Polarization It’s crucial to understand the movements of June 2013 as a moment of social opening, as the demonstrations continue

The year 2016 began with a new round of protests in Brazil. The motives are manifold, however grievances related to the rising cost of public transportation, soaring costs of living and the right to the city in general. These upheavals are an omen that the mobilizations that begun in June 2013 are far from over. Quite the contrary, they inaugurated a new political cycle in Brazil, breathing fresh air into society, with consequences that can be seen today in several spheres and not only in the streets. Since then, new spaces and actors have emerged leading to an increase of conflict in the public space and a questioning of the extant codes, actors and traditional actions since political redemocratization. Although they embrace distinct (and usually opposing) visions and projects for Brazilian society, the individual and collective situate to the left and right of the government mobilized since 2013 until today are a fruit of the same socio-political opening. The forms of action and organization they adopted – proper to a transformation in the forms of activism and militant engagement in the country and the world – favoured its swift emergence, media attention and the capacity to express and challenge, but also provoked tension and ambivalence in its own constitution and in the results it generates. Between June 2013 and the beginning of this year the country has been through several different settings marked by heightened political radicalization and polarization. The outcome remains unclear, but we are living in a scenario of transition in which the “old” is still dying and the “new” still has not come to full blossom. In this process of sedimentation, it is fundamental to understand the emergence of new political actors, the immediate impacts of the protests, the realignment of political groups and their political and discursive constructions.

SOCIAL OPENING Diverse individuals and social groups from across the ideological spectrum took part in the 2013 mobilizations. It was immediately possible to discern the diffuse outrage, the ambivalence of discourses, the heterogeneous nature of grievances and the lack of mediation of other parties or traditional actors, the trademark of most contemporary mobilizations, such as those in Spain and the United States. The differentiation of the rhythms, composition and perspectives espoused by protests in the many places where they unfolded, underscores the importance of situating the mobilizations in the different space-time coordinates. Although the locus of action of the demonstrations was public territories and spaces (through the massive occupation of squares and streets) there was a practical and symbolic connection with other scales of action and significations, whether national or global, resonating across movements and subjectivities, as well as dynamics of diffusion and feedback loops. It is crucial to understand June 2013 as a moment of social opening in the country. Once the ground was cleared and opened up for protests by the initial and

mobilizations and movements (such as the Movimento Passe Livre, in São Paulo), other participants came together to make their own grievances, without necessarily keeping their ties with those who triggered them and/or repeated the forms, organizational cultures, ideological references and repertories of actions of the initiators. Alonso and Mische aptly captured the social and cultural sources, as well as the ambivalence of the repertories present in June within what they defined as “socialist” repertories (familiar in the Brazilian left in the last decades), “autonomist” (akin to various libertarian groups and critiques of power and the State), and “patriotic” (which deploys a nationalist discourse and the colour green and yellow with a very particular historical and situational meaning). As a new cycle of protests emerged, a social overflow, as I have defined it recently, could be noticed. The term describes a moment in which protests spread from the more mobilized segments to other parts of society, overflowing, as it were, from the social movements that initiated the process. In the climax of this process, a wide spectrum of society is mobilized by a diffuse indignation, containing diverse perspectives and grievances which coexist in the same physical space and sometimes even under the same mottos (against corruption or against the government), although their constructions and horizons might be far from each other and disputed. In this cathartic phase, which started in June 2013 and lasted some months, ideological polarization already existed (leading, for example, to the aggression of protesters carrying the flags, shirts or other symbols associated to the left); however it was diluted in mass indignation and experimentation in the streets.

POST JUNE SCENARIO After a slow beginning, 2014 sees the beginning of a phase of decantation, as it became possible to discern more clearly between the main grievances to the left and right. At the time being there have been no massive demonstrations in streets and squares, but there are ongoing smaller mobilizations, as well as a more invisible reorganization of individuals, networks and collectives. The confluence in the same public space has been gradually replaced by calls with more specific and well-defined objectives. Although a good portion of these actions were not directed to the institutional or electoral field, whose logic and temporality are distinct from those of social mobilization, the pre-electoral scenario of 2014 as the presidential race approach ultimately led to a moment of furthering of polarizations which absorbed most political and social actors in 2015. Despite the criticism levied against the Workers’ Party (PT) in particular and political parties in general, the 2014 elections massively mobilized Brazilians, with some even defending the incumbent party as “the lesser evil”. Dilma’s win by a slim margin generated a climate of instability which was constantly fuelled by sectors from the opposition in hopes of impeaching the president.

By Breno Bringel, at Open Democracy g www.opendemocracy.net

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

and protests André Tambucci/Fotos Públicas

In the heat of the presidential debate, several analysts associated the PT’s loss of votes with the 2013 protests. Although there might have been in fact links between the protests and the vote, it is impossible to establish a direct causality. Furthermore, the main problem is that hegemonic interpretations concerning the impact of the 2013 protests insist in their belief that effects did not go beyond the institutional and electoral realms. It is important to differentiate between the attempts to appropriate some of the protest’s agenda by certain candidates (the case of Marina Silva and her discourse of a “new” politics albeit blended with “old” practices) and political parties without true connections to mobilized sectors in processes in which there is in fact a historical relationship or tactical and strategic alliances between social and political groups (as the case of the PT as a party and not the government and other smaller parties on the left end of the spectrum).

IMPACTS OF THE PROTESTS

Demonstrations in favour and against the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff will happen again in March

Oswaldo Corneti/Fotos Públicas

These politico-institutional and political-electoral perspectives restrict the vision of politics and the politicians and ignore other kinds of results, impacts and possible scenarios. We argue, inversely, that a broadened and multidimensional view of the impact is fundamental, since not all the consequence of the June 2013 mobilizations are easily measurable in these terms. At least two other types of impacts (the social and the cultural) must be considered. Among the social impacts, two main ones can be identified: the reconfiguration of the social groups and the generation of new socio-political framings. In the first case, the recent mobilizations served to shake up the positions, visions and correlation of forces between the parties, unions, social movements and NGOS and other collectivises. In the second case, new individual and collective framings are included, related today mainly to the quality of life in Brazilian metropolises, media bias, violence (including State violence, which particularly affects women and poor black youth living in urban fringes) and sexism. In the cultural realm it is possible to observe innovations in the logic of mobilization and in the relational and interactional mechanisms of activism. Marked by its conflictive nature, by viral diffusion, and multi-layered identities and by an expressiveness of the political mediated by culture, both fledgling militants as well as more consolidated movements challenge the political cultural of apathy. Although in some cases there is a distancing between a new generation of activists and a more seasoned base, in others some creative confluences emerge, as in the case of some synergies detected in underground networks and cultural/artistic initiatives in political engagement (notably in cities such as Belo Horizonte).

MOVEMENTS AND POLARIZATION It is hence important to understand June 2013 not as an isolated “event” put as a whole process. To this end, it is fundamental to always associate social movements to broader societal movements. This is central in

Brazil’s current scenario of crisis, where there seems to be a reconfiguration of the forms of activism and political subjects. In this sense, in the same way the mass mobilizations of the 1970s and 1980s were depicted as a societal movement for the redefinition of democracy and rights, the recent mobilizations are associated to structural developments of the country, which were particularly swift in the last decade. In a society as unequal as Brazil, these changes affected social classes differently, leading to frustrations that, although convergent in many cases, were ideologically opposed. The rich became richer, while a layer of the population was lifted from poverty and started accessing certain services, spaces and rights once reserved for an upper middles class that suddenly saw their “privileges” and lifestyle threatened. In the current situation of polarization, it is possible to clearly identify in Brazil two radically antagonistic poles, with a diversity of possible intermediary situations. On one hand, a progressive camp that also favours a radicalization of democracy and acts based on values such as equality, justice, plurality, difference and the good life. On the other hand, there is a reactionary camp, marked by authoritarianism, certain fascist and anti-democratic traits, favouring the defence of class privilege, private property and a vision of liberty that is elusive. The first pole encompasses a diverse layer of young people, collectivises, platforms and movements that have been active in the exposure (and attempt to eliminate) of hierarchies, oppression and abuses conducted by the State – mainly violence, institutionalized racism and criminalization – and who also espouse a diverse set of grievances, such as the improvement of public services and human-friendly cities. They engage on territorialized and/or cultural disputes and conceive of democracy in its broadest sense, and not as a synonym for institutions, representation or elections, but rather as a socio-political creation and a subjective experience. The latter pole perpetuates in its discourse and daily practices the structures of domination and forms of oppression. It accepts the high levels of social inequality in the country based on the discourse of inevitability and/or meritocracy. It preaches, in some cases, the return of a better past (dictatorship), to which end it is not coy in calling for military intervention. It generally counts with the support and collusion with the economic and media elites. It also commonly acts behind the scenes of politics, although these strategies are now combined with one new element: street mobilization and direct actions. The array of positions that transcend these positions is wide-ranging, but the polarization in Brazilian society today ultimately causes most interpretations to reduce all conflict to these two poles, blurring the potential of more transformative voices emerging from June 2013. In these surging attempts and in the re-articulation of the popular layers of society lie the hopes of generating alternatives to the current scenario. Breno Bringel is Professor of Sociology at the Institute of Social and Political Studies at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (IESP-UERJ). The article was edited by the Brasil Observer

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

REPORT Lula Marques/Agência PT

Senators from the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, Aécio Neves, Tasso Jereissati, Aloízio Nunes and José Serra celebrate the approval of a law project that change the exploration of Brazil’s oil fields

Facing unfavourable conjecture, Brazil’s Senate approves bill eliminating Petrobras obligation to operate pre-salt reserves By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

Coveted oil A A law project approved by the Senate is already in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies that, in practice, opens the exploration and production of oil from the pre-salt layer to foreign companies. In addition to the questionable merits of the proposal – to give up one of the largest reserves of the most coveted product on planet –, it has also drawn attention to the way the bill was processed and approved. Among the inevitable impressions, the most controversial is that the delivery of the pre-salt oil to multinationals is the bargaining chip for certain political leaders to stay alive – and the government itself. Under the current legislation, approved during the government of the former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the Union is not required to bid the oil fields from the pre-salt layer, allowing it to automatically hire Petrobras, a state-owned company. Or, in cases where the Union deems appropriate bidding areas for exploration, the law establishes that Petrobras must have a minimum 30% stake in the venture. With the new project approved, this exclusivity and this participation of 30% becoming optional. It would be possible for a pre-salt field to be operated solely by private corporations, including foreign ones. The project still needs to be approved by the Senate; if it passes, it will depend on sanction or veto of President Dilma Rousseff. Although it is a matter of national sovereignty, the bill, authored by Senator

José Serra (Brazilian Social Democracy Party), was appreciated by the plenary and approved less than a year after being introduced. Filed on March 2015, the project hasn’t passed by the various commissions that usually analyse the Senate proposals. It passed only by the Constitution, Justice and Citizenship committee (first stage of any project, to check the constitutionality of the proposed measure), and in June, in plenary, the project received an urgency request in its proceedings. A special committee was established to discuss the project, but in October, when the deadline for the commission finalizes its work approached, without a final report, the bill returned to the Senate plenary agenda. The discussion of the matter was delayed by more than 30 sessions to get back to the agenda in February, at the start of the legislative year. At the opening of the legislative year, in his speech the President of the Senate, Renan Calheiros (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), said the proposal was going to be voted, making sure to point out his support for the bill.

SCENARIO For the vice president of the Association of Petrobras Engineers (Aepet), Fernando Siqueira, it was implied in the words of Calheiros that the approval of José Serra’s bill was a condition to preserve the members of parliament involved

in the Lava Jato Operation (Brazil’s Federal Police investigation of a corruption scheme in Petrobras) and save the government of Dilma Rousseff, who is facing an impeachment process. “Weakened by being a target of Lava Jato, parliamentarians committed themselves to the project. Renan [Calheiros] went on to defend Serra’s project. [Eduardo] Cunha [president of the Chamber of Deputies] also defends it and will do everything for the project to pass in the Lower House. Even Dilma Rousseff entered in this negotiation,” said Siqueira in an interview with the Brasil Observer. The representative of Aepet has travelled several regions of Brazil participating in events that seek to mobilize society in defence of Petrobras as the exclusive operator and producer of the pre-salt oil fields – the prerogative that José Serra bill removes. On the passage of the bill by the Senate on February 24th, Fernando Siqueira ministered a lecture in the city of Santos. The aim of the lectures promoted by Aepet is to demonstrate that Petrobras does have financial strength and technological expertise to maintain exclusivity in the pre-salt fields. Siqueira points out that the difficulties faced by Petrobras today are momentary, and many of them similar in all oil companies over the world, due to the current oil market situation. “One of the reasons for these difficulties is the oil price fall, which had already reached $115 a barrel and now has dropped to

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

HURRY Both Rotava and Dourado endorse the evaluation of Siqueira, from the Aepet: financial difficulties are reaching all oil companies in the world, not only Petrobras (although the Brazilian company has its image undermined by corruption scandals revealed by Operation Lava Jato). A recent report from the International Energy Agency (IEA) supports the analysis of the three specialists. According to IEA, the persistence of low oil prices made the investments of the oil industry worldwide to be the smallest in three decades. And it will keep falling this year. The report says that the capital expenditure of companies dedicated to exploration and production of oil and gas fell 24% last year and is expected

to decrease 16% this year. It is the first time since 1986 that investments fall for two consecutive years. On the other hand, the same report notes that Brazil will be, except for the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the second country with the highest growth in oil production by 2021. The oil supply in Brazil will go from the level of 2.5 million barrels per day in 2015 to 3.4 million in 2021. It seems that, at least so far, the new facilities more than offset the decline in some production fields. Exactly because of the uncertain international scenario and also the geopolitical power of oil is that opponents of the opening of the pre-salt oil for foreign companies found it weird the speed of parliamentarians to process the bill of José Serra. “Why the urgency? Why wasn’t it processed in all committees?” asked, for example, Senator Cristovam Buarque (Popular Socialist Party). “Why the hurry to deliver the pre-salt oil to international companies? The pre-salt can have up to 273 billion barrels of reserves. Petrobras would become the second largest producer in the world. They want to deliver this, our breakthrough, our technology for free to foreign companies”, criticized Senator Telmário Mota (Democratic Labour Party). Under the deal made between the base of support for the federal government and the defenders of the project of José Serra, a substitute text to the original bill was approved in order to continue giving Petrobras the preference for exploration and production of pre-salt fields. This preference shall be offered by the National Energy Policy Council. If the state gives up, then the exploitation is open to other oil companies. “What the project does is to take the obligation of the company to invest in all of the pre-salt fields. Everything remains in the hands of the government, only Petrobras is not required to invest. Only that. If it wants in a month, it manifests its intention and controls the field,” Serra defended. The Brazilian Institute of Oil, Gas and Biofuels (IBP) said it is an important step forward for the country and for the oil and gas sector the approval of the project. “Experience shows that the diversity of operators, with different strategies and skills, encourages technological development, stimulates the Brazilian industry of goods and services, promoting competitiveness and better enhances the value of the country’s natural resources,” they said in a statement. For years dividing liberals and developmentalists, the issue of oil in Brazil should continue to generate political conflicts in the country, at a time when the government of President Dilma Rousseff seems to be weaker than ever, including losing the support of her own party, the PT (Workers Party). As the government weakens and Petrobras loses leadership, the interest of foreign companies for oil in Brazil’s pre-salt layer should increase. The product’s price is low, but nothing indicates that it will no longer be coveted by the major powers of the world.

PETROBRAS X-RAY Centre of corruption scandals for decades, Petrobras is with a scratchy image. Data allows contained optimism. Check it out: g

The most recent balance sheet of the company, related to the accumulation in the first three quarters of 2015 (January to September), shows that in the period the company recorded net income of R$ 2.1 billion, 58% below the same period 2014. Operating profit grew 149% in the period, reaching R$ 28.6 billion. Net debt totalled US$ 101.2 billion, 5% lower than the debt recorded at the end of 2014. The average debt deadline increased from 6.10 years in 2014 to 7.49 years at the end of the first quarter of 2015. Last year Petrobras produced 2.128 million barrels per day, up 4.6% compared to 2014. The annual average operated production in pre-salt layer in 2015 was also the highest in the company’s history, reaching an average of 767,000 barrels per day, exceeding production in 2014 by 56%. Source: Petrobras/Fatos e Dados

Petrobras/ABr

$30. Petrobras [in its investment plan] considered the barrel of oil in the range of $60.” Nothing could prevent the company from continuing to explore and produce oil from the pre-salt, noted the vice president of Aepet. “The pre-salt oil is a highly valued asset; it is strategic. Only within the pre-salt layers Petrobras has discovered reserves of 60 billion barrels, and with its experience it is able to explore these reserves.” In the evaluation of the professor Elói Rotava, coordinator of the Petroleum Engineering School at the Catholic University of Santos (UniSantos), the oil prices decrease, but does not cancel the profitability of oil production in pre-salt. Rotava argues that Petrobras must continue to produce in the pre-salt layer. “I personally believe that we should continue with efforts of production and development of the oil industry in Brazil – not only by the expectations of oil price rising in the coming years, but also as a way to increase the strength of the Brazilian economy [against] the fluctuations in the international market,” he said to the Brasil Observer. “Oil and gas are essential in the Brazilian and world economy. The oil industry in Brazil has a long history of technological development and successful offshore production. Abandoning this knowledge by an oscillation in the international selling price of the product is a loss that can take a long time to be recovered, in a possible valorisation of the barrel,” Rotava added. It’s a similar view to the professor Robson Dourado, one of the coordinators of Oil and Gas Engineering post-graduation course at the University Santa Cecilia (UNISANTA), in Santos. To the Brasil Observer, Dourado explained that the official data from Petrobras makes it clear that there is economic viability for the company to keep its performance in the pre-salt fields. “All the investment in this segment should be done guided always by scenario analysis not only in the short term, but especially longer time horizons,” he said. “As has been reported by the state-owned company, we have to maintain the economic viability of production even with the current values,” Dourado completed.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

British prime-minister David Cameron and the president of the European Parliament Martin Schulz after meeting in Brussels

David Cameron’s game British prime-minister negotiates deal with the EU and sets the referendum about the permanence of the UK in the bloc By Márcio Apolinário

British Prime Minister David Cameron announced that the referendum to consult the opinion of the population of the United Kingdom on the permanence of the country in the European Union (EU) will take place on June 23rd. The announcement was made a day after the 28 EU member states agreed, in a unanimous decision, the demands made by Britain to remain in the block. The agreement signed in Brussels, Belgium, gave the UK a “special statu” within the European bloc. It will be the second time that the British will vote on staying in the EU. In 1975, the “yes” camp won. No country has left the block so far – many others in fact have been adjusting their economies and governance systems to be part of the group. Trying to avoid a Brexit, the EU heads of state agreed that the UK could put some limit to labour rights granted to immigrants over the next seven years. Thus, foreigners arriving from other European countries will have to contribute for four years before they begin to be entitled to the same benefits paid to British workers. In addition, the amount paid by child will be based on the cost of living in the country of origin. Under the agreement, the new rules immediately will be valid for the new arrivals, and from 2020 to almost 35,000 existing applicants. The agreement also provides a protective package to the city of London,

which will be shielded from the financial regulations of the European market, and ensures that the United Kingdom is outside the “ever closer” concept. “This choice goes to the heart of the kind of country we want to be. And the future that we want for our children. This is about how we trade with neighbouring countries to create jobs, prosperity and financial security for our families”, said David Cameron. Ipsus Morri research held in February indicated that 51% of voters want the UK to remain in the EU, while 36% favour leaving, and 13% are indecisive. After the meeting, which lasted nearly two days, the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, responsible for mediating the discussions in Brussels, said the heads of state agreed to sacrifice some of their interests for the common good, to show union. The positioning made clear the sense of frustration of Tusk after he fought with the British government. This is because the exceptions granted to the UK open precedents for other EU countries try bargaining similar agreements. It hasn’t taken too long. During the meeting, the vice president of the French far-right party National Front, Florian Philippot, said he was watching what happens to Britain with interest and anxiety. He said the renegotiation of relations with the EU is a process that is being

proposed by the French government for a long time. The Scottish government has been one of the most important defenders of the remaining of the UK in EU. After the meeting, the leader of the Scottish National Party and the country’s government, Nicola Sturgeon, said she will try a new referendum on the country’s independence if the UK decides to leave the EU. In a referendum held in 2014, more than half (55%) of the Scots refused independence. “If we get into the situation, where Scotland votes to stay in, the rest of the UK votes to come out, then people in Scotland will have big questions they will want to look at again about whether Scotland should be independent”, she said.

DAVID X BORIS Leader of the negotiations with the EU, David Cameron has defended publicly the UK staying in the European bloc. On February 21st, the leader of the Conservative Party took an interview with the BBC to try to win the support of the popular London Mayor Boris Johnson, a leading proponent of the leave camp. During the interview, he said that with the agreement signed in Brussels, the UK will be more secure and prosperous within the block. He also said that the UK’s exit will be a leap in the dark.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

European Parliament

The next day, the Prime Minister repeated his call to stay in the bloc, stating that the treaty in Brussels returns economic and immigration powers to the UK. He said the UK got a special status and that there is the opportunity to follow building on what it already has, protecting people and driving prosperity. Explicitly critical of various aspects of the EU, the Mayor of London, Boris Johnson, joined the campaign for Brexit and ended up causing a rift in the Conservative Party. Johnson is known for his outspokenness and appears as one of the most quoted political to succeed David Cameron as party leader. Johnson said his decision was of enormous suffering, to go against Cameron and the Conservative Party. For him, the EU is running the risk of losing its democratic control. Johnson came to congratulate Cameron signed the agreement in Brussels, but cast doubt on the effectiveness of it. “I think everybody should pay tribute to David Cameron for what he pulled off in a very short space of time,” Johnson said. But he then added: “I don’t think anybody could realistically claim that this is fundamental reform of the EU or of Britain’s relationships with the EU.” During a press conference in front of his home in north London, the mayor denied that his decision has anything to do with his political ambitions. However,

with its position, the charismatic English politician ends up winning the support of many conservatives.

CONSEQUENCES The pound has been having strong variations, having recorded large negative swings since February 22nd, when several British government ministers and the Mayor of London, Boris Johnson, confirmed that support the UK’s leave on the referendum June 23rd. In a statement made to the market in the last week of February, the British bank HSBC predicted that the currency should suffer a decline of up to 20% if the British vote in favour of the Brexit. Although, at first, this devaluation of the pound promotes tourism and exports, the financial institution warns that this removes the possibility of the Bank of England to raise interest rates, which can have a direct impact on inflation in the country. Another warning was also given in a study published by the Open Europe, in March 2015. In the survey, it is said all major British export sectors would initially be harmed and that the country could lose up to 2.2% of GDP by 2030. From the goods exported by the UK to the EU, 35% would be subject to taxation higher than 4%, says an excerpt of the analysis, which was based on surveys

and interviews with entrepreneurs and traders associations. Still in February, a group of 200 UK business leaders issued a manifesto in The Times against the possible Brexit. Together, they represent one third of the hundred largest British companies. The petition argues that leaving the European bloc would threaten the employment level in the region and leave the local economy in danger. “The UK will be stronger, safer and richer as an EU member”, they wrote. Among the leaders who signed the manifesto are executives of British companies like BP, Astra Zeneca, Burberry and Marks and Spencer. Groups from other European countries, such as Airbus, also subscribe to the document. ““We believe that leaving the EU would deter investment, threaten jobs and put the economy at risk”, they added. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) also spoke on the subject and said that the uncertainties regarding the permanence or not of the UK may weigh on the growth outlook of the bloc’s economy in 2016 and 2017. According to the organization, it is estimated that the economy should grow 2.2% this year and next compared to 2015. For professor of International Relations at PUC-SP (Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo) Geraldo Nagib Zahran Filho, if the British opt to exit the EU, the decision will result in a political weakening

of the bloc. “It will be a big blow to the regional integration project, which has been criticized in recent decades. On the other hand, there is the possibility that this output remove one of the brakes to the process of integration,” he said in an interview with the Brasil Observer. “In practice, not much should change in fact, since the UK is not part of the monetary union or the border agreement (Schengen). In this sense, nothing changes. But there is a good side, since diplomatic representations which are coordinated with the EU, such as the World Trade Organization, will gain more autonomy”, he added. For him, the possible departure would not be immediate. “The process is not automatic. Parliament will need to approve specific laws to regulate the output and the European Union needs to be communicated. The output should take several months to happens.” The immigration specialist lawyer Marcelo Reale believes that Brazilians should be little affected with a possible UK leave. This is because the main changes are related to social security benefits. “It only affects Brazilians who have European citizenship and their families who wish to live in the UK. Brazilians living here by the British immigration law as students, spouses and citizens with visas to work, for example, would not be affected”.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

CONECTANDO

a festival movement Initiative arose from the need of the creators themselves to generate spaces for the public to appreciate their art

Arriving at the Evaristo farm in the north of Brazil’s southern state of Santa Catarina, the warm breeze heralded a festive Carnival atmosphere. The queue at the entrance did not remove the smile on the faces of the ones that were there, excited to once again experience (or for the first time) the wonders of that festival. One of the many volunteers welcomed me with a big smile and soon asked me when the last time I had been in Psicodália was. The answer was 2010, on this same farm, when the main attraction was the band Os Mutantes. Had she asked me when the first time I had been to Psicodá-

By Roberta Schwambach

lia was, and my memory would have taken me much further, back to 2002 in Antonina, in the state of Paraná. It would have made me travel through different places and bands. The Psicodália arose from the need of its founders, themselves composers and musicians, to create space for the public to enjoy their art. Since 2001, 19 editions of the festival brought to the south of the country over 450 local artists, national and international attractions. The Psicodália is one of the few festivals in Brazil where we really feel at a festival. Thousands of tents and stalls color the hills of the farm. The frien-

dly atmosphere between neighbors of a few days, the intense joy we see in the meetings between friends during walks through the different attractions and festival spaces. That atmosphere of summer festivals! Despite Psicodália’s attractions are many – cinema, workshops, theatre, circus –, the music is the great flagship of this movement and the bands come from places as diverse as the audience that watches them: from Curitiba, Santa Catarina, Minas Gerais, Recife... Some names that have made this edition worthwhile: Nação Zumbi, Terreno Baldio, Cidadão Instigado,

Bandinha Di Dá Dó, Nômade Orquestra, Trombone de Frutas, Confraria da Costa, Terra Celta, Bombay Groovy, Apicultores Clandestinos, Banda Gentileza, Orquestra Friorenta, A Banda Mais Bonita da Cidade. Elza Soares took to the stage on Monday of Carnival. Sitting at the top of a wooden frame and iron chains, she sang her new album. A whole story surrounded that stage, the tone of her voice was red, strong, and vibrant. The more than 4000 people attending the show could not resist dancing and singing with her big new hits of her long and successful career. I already miss Psicodália.

CONECTANDO is a project developed by Brasil Observer aiming to enhance experiences of ‘glocal’ communication. In partnership with universities and social movements, our goal is to bring local content for a global audience. To participate, write to contato@brasilobserver.co.uk

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Ana Lopes

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Lenses on Brazil’s

Exhibition of Sue Cunningham reveals new perspective on indigenous communities from Brazil and all over the world By Gabriela Lobianco

The Embassy of Brazil in London opens a new exhibition by English photographer Sue Cunningham, from 4 to 24 March, at Sala Brasil. With more than 30 years photographing the indigenous culture, especially in Brazil and Peru, Sue returns to the series In the Heart of Brazil. In 2007, Sue and her husband, Patrick Cunningham, navigated 2,500 kilometres throughout the Xingu River in the Amazon Forest to register the harmony of a people that respects nature and lives in peace. In this new project, she eternalized with her clicks the first ever International Indigenous Games, which took place in October 2015 and brought more than 2,000 athletes from 30 countries to Palmas, in Tocantins state. Owner of the largest photo archive of Brazil outside of Brazil, Sue Cunningham spoke to Brasil Observer about her new exhibition, commenting on the threats that the construction of the Belo Monte hydroelectric dam imposes to the indigenous people of the region and on the work of the indigenous filmmaker Takumã Kuikuro, whose documentary London as a Village was recently screened in London.

What could the audiences expect of this new exhibition? They can expect a splash of colour in the grey of winter. They will be surprised at the diversity of indigenous cultures from all over the planet, but especially the variety of peoples from within Brazil. They will see the vibrancy of tribal people, their strong traditions and cultural heritage. I hope that Brazilian visitors will realise that the strength of their indigenous cultural heritage is something they can be proud of. Could you tell us about the process of this exhibition? We spent ten days in Palmas, Tocantins, where the first International Indigenous Games took place. We were amazed at the positive delight with which the 5,000 non-indigenous crowds cheered indigenous people from everywhere, especially Brazil. Many of the people I photographed asked us to show the world so that is what I am doing here in London. When we left, we drove across the state of Tocatins into Para and Mato Grosso, taking a road which travels through the Megranoti Indigenous Reserve, a

huge indigenous territory occupied by the Kayapó. It took us back to the Xingu River, to a place we hadn’t been to since our sixmonth expedition in 2007. It was a very emotional experience, like going back to see a good friend after many years. From there we went to visit an indigenous secondary school in the reserve, because they had asked us to help them to re-build the student accommodation – which is the current fund-raising priority for Tribes Alive, the charity we are trustees of. Then we headed back to the UK. Since then we have been planning and mounting the exhibition. It is exciting to turn an idea into a reality. Given your experience with the indigenous people from Xingu, how do you think they are going to deal with Belo Monte once it is finished? What are the threats in your view? Is there a way out? It seems there is no way out; the reservoir is being filled as we speak and the first turbine will soon be turning. Brazil is capable of harnessing the power of alternative energy – there’s so much sun and so much wind; Brazil should be leading the world in developing this technology!

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

What are your thoughts about Takumã Kuikuro’s documentary ‘London as a Village’, recently screened at the Brazilian Embassy? We visited Takumã’s village during our expedition along the Xingu River, and we’ve followed his career ever since. He is a remarkable person, with a unique way of seeing, his view of London displays a level of insight which some people might find surprising, bearing in mind that he didn’t even begin to learn Portuguese until he was 18, and didn’t set foot outside the indigenous reserve for the first time until he was 12. He is a gifted, hard-working film-maker with a very clear concept of what he wants to achieve. In many ways he is very worldly, yet he is only really at ease back home in his village in the Xingu, making films of his own people, which he then shows them, reinforcing the importance of their culture. Takumã represents the intelligence and spirituality of his people.

Sue Cunningham

We have visited the tribal communities which are on the front line of Belo Monte. They are already under massive pressure; their territories have been invaded, their river is already polluted and will soon become impassable, and their traditions and cultures are being torn up and destroyed. The ecosystem which has supported them for millennia has been turned upside down, making them increasingly reliant on handouts from the dam consortium, which will eventually dry up, leaving them with no means to feed and maintain themselves and no dignity. But the major threat comes from the arrival of over 100,000 migrants who were attracted by the promise of work on the construction project. Once the dam is finished they will be laid off, with no alternative but to try to find a piece of land where they can grow some food to feed their families. The ‘improvements’ in the transport infrastructure offer them easy access to indigenous territories, so invasions will be a major issue. The dam consortium and the government think that it is okay to give them a few thousand reais in ‘compensation’, but how can you compensate a community which has always fed and housed itself from the forest, and has survived – and thrived – without the need for money? If you destroy the forest and the river, you destroy their means of subsistence, you take away their independence and you sweep away their cultures and traditions. There is no way to compensate for that.

While he was filming in London he was struck by the similarities between the problems he encountered amongst small communities here – like the people who live in houseboats on the Thames – and what his own people are dealing with, in terms of threats which affect their communities, and which they have to fight in order to retain their homes and their futures.

IN THE HEART OF BRAZIL When: 4-24 March (Monday to Friday, from 11am to 6pm) Where: Sala Brasil (14-16 Cockspur Street, London SW1Y 5BL) Entrance: Free

What could Londoners learn from Brazil’s indigenous culture? First, you need to be asking that in the plural. With around 120 indigenous languages still in existence in Brazil, each with its own ethnicity and culture, there is more cultural dynamism in Brazil than exists here. Respect for other people’s values would be a good start. What else can we learn? Spending time in the Xingu has shown me that our industrial materialism is incompatible with the future well-being of mankind, at least in the way it operates in the present. In an indigenous village you cannot tell which house belongs to the chief’s family, because he has no material advantage from his position. Indigenous people simply do not waste anything, and the small amount of rubbish they generate from their traditional way of life is completely degradable – though this is changing as they begin to use manufactured goods. They have a spiritual connection to their environment, so they just wouldn’t countenance taking anything more from the forest than they need. We would do well to adopt a similar approach. We could leave more natural resources for future generations and create less pollution and environmental destruction. In a nutshell, we can re-learn from them everything that we have forgotten. They say “we all live on one earth, we breathe one air, and we drink one water; we are trying to give you back the knowledge that we are alive, and that this planet is alive, because you have forgotten this.”

First ever International Indigenous Games

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

TIPS

MUSIC Céu divulgation

The Brazilian singer Céu (Sky, in Brazilian Portuguese) debuted in London in 2005 shortly after the release of her first album and now returns to the English capital in a rare performance with a new album. Tropix, her fourth studio recorded album, was scheduled to be launched on March 25th. When: 6 April Where: The Forge, 3-7 Delancey Street, London NW1 7NL Entrance: £17,50 advanced / £20 at the doors Info: www.forgevenue.org

Criolo La Linea Festival has built a respectable reputation bringing to London prominent names in Latin music. And this year is no exception. In April, the British capital receives the Brazilian rapper Criolo, the Portuguese fado singer Ana Moura, the Cuban singer Daymé Arocena and Chilean cumbia band Chico Trujillo, among other attractions. In addition to playing in London, on April 24th, at Koko, Criolo will also perform in other English cities: Cambridge (21/4), Bristol (22/4), Leeds (23/4), Brighton (25 / 4) and Manchester (26/4). When: 24 April Where: Koko, 1a Camden High St, London NW1 7JE Entrance: £22.25 Info: www.comono.co.uk

Banda Black Rio Mixing elements of funk, jazz and samba, the Banda Black Rio, formed in 1976, is considered one of the most important groups of Brazilian music and has influenced generations for decades. After the death of band leader, the saxophonist Oberdan Magalhães, in 1984, the group stopped performing, returning only in 2000 when the son of Oberdan, William Magalhães, took the initiative to record a new album. Since then the group has been performing with the same philosophy: to celebrate the Brazilian musicality through varied rhythms that compose world music. When: 8 April Where: Hideaway Jazz Club, 225 Streatham High Rd, London SW16 6EN Entrance: £20 Info: www.hideawaylive.co.uk

FESTIVAL Headways

Comida Fest

StoneCrabs’ Young Directors is celebrating its 10th anniversary in a Gala Night on March 14th that unites 103 artists who have gone through the company’s training. The evening will include a drinks reception, short plays, films, live music and cake! The Gala Night will also kick off the weeklong Festival Headways and launch a pledge to support the next generation of theatre makers. Headways is a festival of short theatre plays at The Albany that showcases the skills of eight new directors. Together they promise to make you laugh and cry, deal in horror and in wonder and get you to explore the multiple truths held in a single story.

Comida Fest - Latin American Street Food Market opens for the first time at the scenic Southbank in April, May & June bringing to London a treat to all senses: a tasty journey that will cover the vast culinary diversity from Mexico to Argentina, including their infamous cocktails. The famous Latin vibe will be provided by music and Latin beats curated by the group Movimientos. To top it off: entertainment & games for kids and adults will get everyone in the right mood for the Latin American fiesta.

When: 14-18 March Where: The Albany, Douglas Way, London SE8 4AG Entrance: £6 per show or £15 per night (three shows) Info: www.thealbany.org.uk

When: 16-17 April, 21-22 May, 18-19 June Where: Courtyard Oxo Tower Wharf, London SE1 9PH Entrance: Free Info: www.comidafest.com

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

EXHIBITION Mario Cravo Neto: ‘A Serene Expectation of Light’ The work of the Brazilian photographer Mario Cravo Neto explores the cultural heritage of Bahia, like Candomblé and its African roots. The exhibition – the first in solo format in the UK – comprises two series, ‘The Eternal Now’, in black and white, produced in the 1980s and 1990s, and ‘Laróyé’, coloured, produced in the 2000s, during the latter part of Cravo Neto’s career (he died in 2009). The first combines human beings with inanimate objects and animals, while the second depicts the urban life in Salvador.

When: 15 January – 2 April Where: Autograph ABP, Rivington Place, London EC2A 3BA Entrance: Free Info: www.autograph-abp.co.uk

Rosângela Rennó: ‘Rio-Montevideo’ The first solo exhibition of Brazilian artist Rosângela Rennó in the UK presents images of photojournalist Aurelio Gonzales and uses 20 analogue projectors. Taken between 1957 and 1973, the pictures were hidden in the walls of the then office of the Communist newspaper El Popular before the military coup in Uruguay, and were discovered by chance 30 years later. Rennó highlights the stories of a time of upheaval in that country and in Latin America, debating national amnesia phenomenon caused by the censorship imposed by the military regimes.

When: 22 January – 3 April Where: The Photographers’ Gallery, 16-18 Ramillies St, London W1F 7LW Entrance: Free before 12pm; £2,50 advanced; £3 door Info: www.thephotographersgallery.org.uk

Claudio Tozzi: ‘New Figuration and the Rise of Pop Art’ The exhibition focuses on the key work of the Brazilian painter, designer and visual programmer Claudio Tozzi’s career, between 1967 and 1971, one of the most repressive periods of the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985). To produce art that could circumvent censorship, and also avoid punishment, Tozzi and others were forced to adopt different techniques that usually ended up polarizing artists and curators. The work of Tozzi, predominantly around urban and social conflicts themes, throws a particular light on the politics of the Brazilian Pop Art that time.

When: 23 January – 24 March Where: Cecilia Brunson Projects, Bermondsey Street, London SE1 3GD Entrance: Free Info: www.ceciliabrunsonprojects.com

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

Columnists European Union 2016 – European Parliament

FRANKO FIGUEIREDO

Too simple to grasp

Why is it so hard for us to engage with the plight of others?

Red Demon Marylebone Theatre, 60 Paddington Street, London W1U 4HZ Thursday 10th March – 2:30pm & 7:30pm Friday 11th March – 7:30pm

Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company g

I’m currently directing a version of Red Demon by Hideki Noda for Regent’s University Film & Drama School at the Marylebone Theatre in London. Red Demon is an old Japanese tale of how a small community treats an outsider who has just washed up on the local beach. This is a piece of theatre that has xenophobia as its main theme, but presented in a comic-tragic manner. The play was originally produced in the UK in 2003, and it still feels appropriate, particularly considering its themes as the debate rages over the number of asylum seekers allowed into Britain and the rest of Europe. A recent poll commissioned by BBC Local Radio suggests that there has been a decrease, from 40% to 27%, in the proportion of Britons that believe the UK should accept more refugees. The decrease is shown in comparison with another survey carried out last year after the international outcry over the image of the young Syrian boy lying dead on a beach. In just four months, the population seems to have erased the memory of the Syrian boy, re-evaluated their feelings towards asylum seekers and changed their opinion. Do we really need strong images such as that of the dead Syrian boy to make us care? Why is it so hard for us to engage with the plight of those around the world that are suffering as a consequence of conflict often created by the mighty powers? Why is it that we don’t care until it hits our doorstep?

In Red Demon, the “outsider” is accused of kidnapping babies, eating people, getting secret messages in bottles to plan an invasion and he is, eventually, taken to court, convicted and given the death penalty. Similar themes are bubbling underneath Luca Guadagnino’s film A Bigger Splash where the action takes place in a remote exclusive Italian villa, far from Pantelleria’s harbour where increasing numbers of refugees are being held. This is the portrayal of a selfish bourgeoisie totally oblivious to the rest of the world. One of the main protagonists avoids prison, as refugees become scapegoats for a crime they had not committed. Red Demon himself is a mirror to the villagers’ fears, greed and lack of compassion. You need to understand your inner weaknesses before you can change them. Saramago once wrote “you have to leave the island in order to see the island. We can’t see ourselves unless we escape from ourselves…” One of Red Demon’s lines simplifies the whole issue: “We dwelt there in perfect bliss. But then we were attacked. Our land had rich produces. Many sought the produces. So they attacked us. They bombed our schools. They tore away our beliefs. They destroyed our cities. They decimated us. And like coconuts drifting away from the shore, we begin our wandering…” The high rise in the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers is a worrying result of increased world conflict. Although what the play is telling us is obvious, we/our governments continue to ignore it: war produces refugees. Refugees come

from places of conflict, namely Eritrea, Iraq, Sudan and the rest. If we take the current issues in Syria alone, currently Syria’s neighbours (Turkey, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Egypt) are shouldering the responsibility of hosting 97% of Syria’s refugees. Not many people know but it has been reported that even Brazil has accepted more refugees from Syria than any other Latin American country. We all need to do our bit, and the UK needs to take responsibility too. Buddhist-humanist leader Daisaku Ikeda has put a peace proposal to the United Nations in which he expresses a commitment to inclusiveness, the determination to protect the dignity of all people without exception and it has three main themes. The first is the “rehumanization of politics and economics” making politicians’ prime motivation the alleviation of the suffering of individuals. The second is encapsulated in the idea that a great revolution of character in just a single individual can help achieve a change in the destiny of an entire society and make possible a change in the destiny of all humankind. And the third theme is the expansion of friendship across differences in order to build a world of coexistence. Expanding human solidarity based on a broader network of friendship through dialogue. More tragedies could have been avoided in Red Demon should the villagers had a little more compassion and dialogue. But maybe that answer is far too simple, too easy and too cheap to be grasped.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

AQUILES REIS

Mutant artist Zélia Duncan is a woman ready to experiment Since I received Antes do Mundo Acabar (Biscoito Fino), the new album of Brazilian singer-song writer Zélia Duncan I started to think about her musical trajectory. When she accepted the challenge of being part of the iconic group Os Mutantes, I could only admire her courage. Only a woman ready to experiment would have her humbleness and wisdom. She left the band stronger and retook her solo career. I have connected myself with her career like moss sticks in stone, listening to and enjoying each one of her albums. Recently I have started to follow her story in the O Globo newspaper. And I can conclude that, appreciating her work, I wish the best for her. Produced by the musician Bia Paes Leme, the album brings ten samba songs with lyrics signed by Zélia Duncan with a range of partners and four songs by other authors. Through this album, she dares another jump in the dark – something as audacious as being part of Os Mutantes. Antes do Mundo Acabar reveals a singer that gives everything. Zélia Duncan is intense. And with her deep voice, she becomes a lovely and seductive samba singer. Zélia plays with the melody with lots of swing and intelligence, and with a maturity hard to find in those who want to make samba their ploy, she proves to be singing extremely well. “Destino Tem Razão”, one of the three partnerships between Zélia and Xande de Pilares, opens the album. The congas of Thiago da Serrinha mark the rhythm. The acoustic guitars (Marco Pereira e Webster Santos) and the bandolim (Luis Barcelos) bring the harmony. The rhythm is intense. The

first part is sung with vigour. The congas are great. In the second part, the rhythm adds the hand-repique… Fabulous! The good samba “Dormiu Mas Acordou” (Arlindo Cruz and Zélia Duncan) makes use of instruments like the cavaquinho and pandeiro (Thiago da Serrinha). It has swing and mixed choir, and more good lyrics by Zélia. The slow samba “Alameda do Sonho” (Ana Costa and Zélia Duncan) starts softly with two acoustic guitars and one ganzá. The cuíca brings grace. A great acoustic guitar intermezzo boosts the samba’s beauty. “Por Que Você Não Me Convida Agora?” is an amazing samba de roda, samba to be played in a circle of people, by Riachão. With tantã and seven strings acoustic guitar, the rhythm wins maliciousness. In the repetition, Zélia doubles the sing with herself. “Antes do Mundo Acabar” (Zeca Baleiro and Zélia Duncan), slow samba that gives its name to the album, has great lyrics by Zélia. Acoustic guitar, bandolim and pandeiro start. Zélia divides well the phrases, the swing thanks and increases. “Por Água Abaixo” is a samba by Pretinho da Serrinha, Leandro Fab and Fred Camacho. “Um Final” (Pedro Luis and Zélia Duncan) is beautiful, with Zélia enchanting with emotion. The harmonica of Gabriel Grossi gives more grace to “Pintou Um Bode”, clever samba by Paulinho da Viola. “Vida da Minha Vida”, samba by Moacyr Luz and Sereno, closes the álbum, a new point of view given to samba, idealised and built by Zélia Duncan, as crazily genius as mutant. Divulgation

Aquiles Reis is a musician, vocalist of the iconic Brazilian band MPB4

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

LONDON BY

Boris Dzhingarov/Flickr

National History Museum

A case of love L

London, even though it is a city that keeps its secular characteristics, can be considered one of the world’s capitals of technology and innovation. Only London can refer to the past and the future simultaneously. Despite its diversity and 300 nationalities, each person will find its own London. I say that you can move and be in many countries in this city, because each neighbourhood-area has a different characteristic and, in the end, it defines your lifestyle, habits and routine. Three years and some months ago I had my first contact with the southwest London, when the black cab stopped at 11am in front of the luxurious set of glazed buildings Battersea Reach, on the edge of the River Thames in Wandsworth Town (home to some Chelsea players, by the way). I arrived dividing the apartment with five other people, thanks to Cortisso Accommodation. The views from the apartment, the tranquillity and beauty of the area made me fall in love. My life is until today (house and work) linked to this area of L ondon as well as my habits and customs. I have already moved three times, all with a distance of five minutes’ walk of each other. In addition to Wandsworth, the districts of Victoria, Chelsea, Clapham, Earls Court, Fulham, South Kensington, Battersea, Barnes, Putney and Wimbledon are part of southwest London. According to opinions of Londoners themselves, the region is identified with words such as “chic”, “clean” and “family”, linked to high society and considered “fashion”, but “pretentious”. For me, intellectual, cosmopolitan, cultural, trendy, suburban. South Kensington and Chelsea are very beautiful areas and some of the richest the city, where I fill my cultural soul in museums such as Natural History, Science and Victoria & Albert. East Putney, Putney Bridge and Wandsworth Town are very quiet neighbourhoods and with a choice of bars, restaurants and cafes, from elegant and sophisticated to more “affordable” ones. Wimbledon, meanwhile, has more than tennis courts. With residential and fashionable trends, it is home of relaxed pubs, theatres and parks. Clapham Junction and its buzz, filled with bars and restaurants contrast with the huge green space of

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

STEPS TO FLY works in the preparation for those who have the dream of life experience abroad through comprehensive guides and individual and corporate coaching. It offers receptive lectures and care for those who are coming up and need to adapt to the new country, in Portuguese, Italian, Spanish and English. www.stepstofly.com WhatsApp: +447809150969 E-mail: contact@stepstofly.com

Roberta Calabro explains why she felt in love with southwest London, a region with lots of green, culture and good taste

erry Lawford/Flickr

Clapham Common. The Battersea area is an old pier (with the Battersea Power Station) that now houses apartments, restaurants and bars, plus the incredible Battersea Park, one of the most interesting green areas of the city, next to my favourite bridge, the Albert Bridge, that during the night gets completely illuminated. Wandsworth Town, the name of the train station operated by South West Trains and whose nearest underground station is Fulham Broadway, is only 15 minutes from Waterloo Station by train. Among my favourite things to do, I recommend a brunch at delicious Brew, or the natural Planet Organic, next to the Southside Shopping (ideal for shopping or a cinema). But if you come here, be sure to ride a bicycle around the edge of the River Thames, moving both toward Chelsea (through Battersea Park) and towards Hammersmith Bridge. Here is the charming Waterfront. Leaving Wandsworth Bridge and riding through the river on the way to Putney, you reach the well -known pub The Ship, which during the spring and summer is quite crowded. The brand new Riverside Quarter and its houseboats lavish taste, and the giant and beautiful trees of Wandsworth Park mingle with the family atmosphere of the tour with children and dogs, among the games of teenagers. Before arriving at Putney Bridge, always by the river, I love the Spanish bar called Alquimia, which has excellent paellas and gin and tonic. The Putney High Street is hectic and crossing the bridge you come to Parsons Green (expensive and with very good bars and restaurants, such as the ones in the New Kingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Road) and Fulham (home of the famous football stadium of Fulham and Chelsea, or the popular bar the Slug). Pedalling a little by the river in Putney you see the starting point of the traditional rowing race between English universities Oxford and Cambridge. Later, you can ride through the green corridor to Hammersmith Bridge (through the former warehouse of Harrods) or extend to Barnes or Richmond. I just love it. You choose your area according to your personality or create your character around the neighbourhood you pick. In a cosmopolitan and bustling capital like London, the southwest is my haven of peace and tranquillity.

Albert Bridge

Battersea Park

If you come, be sure to ride a bicycle by the River Thames

DncnH/Fl

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brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

BR TRIP

just out of reach enough Accessible only by jeep, Jericoacoara is an unspoilt paradise with exhilarating experiences and laid back nightlife By Christian Taylor

Hidden away in the north-eastern Brazilian state of Ceará is Jericoacoara, a kitesurfer’s paradise and a lively, cosmopolitan oasis. Here the streets are paved with sand, the waters are crystal clear and it’s warm all year round. You don’t have to be a kitesurfing enthusiast to find Jericoacoara’s high wind speeds exhilarating – a walk to the top of the dunes at sunset is a fantastic experience for all. From here you can feel the wind whipping past you, and you can see the sands shifting beneath your feet. This naturally-occurring dune is ideally located on the edge of both the village and the sea. Each day, hundreds of people make their way to the top to watch the sun sink into the ocean. It’s a simple ritual that provides for a moment of reflection at the end of each day. Small customs like these help Jericoacoara retain its authentic village feel and sense of community, in spite of its increasing popularity as a holiday destination. Some might say Jericoacoara’s location is both a blessing and a curse. Jeri is a five hour journey from Fortaleza, the final hour being off-road and requiring either a 4x4 or a bumpy journey in a jardineira (open-air bus).

Depending on the season and your vehicle of choice it can be a loud, wet, windy trip, but the rugged journey is an exciting one. Suspense builds as you make your way through simple towns and villages, before eventually speeding along the shores of nearby Preá beach with the strong sea breeze behind you and the waves almost lapping at your wheels. It’s Jeri’s relative isolation that has protected it from being completely swallowed up by mass tourism - somehow it feels just out of reach enough. Buggies and quad-bike tours are readily available from the town square, offering to whisk you away to nearby dunes and lagoons for a day. Jeri’s sandy streets mean you won’t need shoes - a pair of Havaianas will do just fine. If you get an opportunity, try to experience the dunes on horseback - their hooves are surprisingly efficient at negotiating the soft sand, and the absence of engine noise leaves you feeling on top of the world. During the day, Jeri is all about boutique shopping, laid-back bars, restaurants and of course, windsports. At night the town transforms and the streets fill with people. The lack of street lights only add to

the enchantment, with the glow from the bars, the moon and the occasional firefly to show you the way. The sound of Samba and sensation of cool breezes drift through the streets as locals sell handcrafted jewellery and clothes, or barbecue street food. Blurring the line between indoors and outdoors is something Brazil does so well, and with ideal weather all year round, Jeri makes the most of the outdoor lifestyle. In many bars and restaurants you’ll be sitting beneath trees or under the stars. Sometimes you’ll find floors made of sand, or a giant tree growing in the centre of the room. One such place is Na Casa Dela, which offers tasty, creative food served in their colourful, candlelit garden. Jeri’s sands don’t stop at the front door at Sabor da Terra, a restaurant serving generous portions of hearty meals. Caravana serves vegetarian meals outdoors and has a quaint Volkswagen Combi Van parked in the garden, which makes for an interesting talking point. Naturalmente is right on the beach and serves crêpes and açaí bowls using surfboards as table-tops. Creativity, charm and attention to detail are watchwords in this town.

Claudia Regina (flickr.com/claudiaregina_cc)

Jericoacoara

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

WHERE TO STAY Photos: Supplied by eGroup

VILA KALANGO

RANCHO DO PEIXE

vilakalango.com.br From R$ 410 (£100) per night, double occupancy with breakfast and wi-fi included.

ranchodopeixe.com.br From R$ 350 (£86) per night, double occupancy with breakfast and wi-fi included.

Vila Kalango offers the effortless, rustic charm that Jericoacoara is famous for, but with a touch of class. Unlike a number of its big hotel rivals, Vila Kalango provides a five star experience while retaining its authenticity. The timber bungalows and stilt-houses with thatched roofs are both humble and luxurious, with high ceilings, air-conditioning and personal, handcrafted details. Knotted pieces of timber are given a second life as bathroom shelves, holding fluffy white towels and passionfruit scented soaps, while handmade lamps and cushions add to the cosy atmosphere. Outside, inviting hammocks await in the shade. The complex offers 24 rooms in total, built around lush, tranquil gardens. From the welcoming reception area, wooden decking snakes a path over lush green grass, around coconut and cashew trees, past the massage rooms and comfy day beds, down to the outdoor beach bar and the striking red swimming pool. From here you can lay on a sun lounger or take a swim while enjoying the spectacular views of the sunset dune and Jericoacoara beach. Breakfast is a glorious start to each day: freshly squeezed fruit juices, strong coffee, tasty cakes and bread, as well as eggs and crêpes made to order. The restaurant’s open design allows the strong Jericoacoara breeze to flow through, and its high vantage point gives a great view over the beach as horses, motorbikes and dune buggies pass by, and kite surfers twist and fly through the air.

Located on nearby Preá beach, Rancho do Peixe offers a private, tranquil retreat from the hustle and bustle of Jeri. Consisting of 22 bungalows in total, 14 of which directly face the beach, the complex shares its owners with Vila Kalango and a shuttle e bus travels between the two premises numerous times each day. Spending some time at both hotels gives you two totally different experiences and is highly recommended. While Vila Kalango feels intimate and cosy, Rancho do Peixe feels pleasantly desolate. The sea can be seen from just about any part of the property, and sand and palm trees appear to stretch out for miles on either side. Guests can relax in the bar or the pool, on daybeds and in hammocks beneath the trees, or they can wander down to the beach bar. At night, the bar becomes a pizzeria, serving some of the most delicious pizza you’ll ever find, at very reasonable prices. There is no better way to end the day than to relax with a tasty meal as the sounds of the wind and waves wash over you. Afterwards, you can relax in a hammock outside your bungalow and marvel at the spectacular night sky. The bungalows are charming and offer plenty of privacy, as well as premium bedding, high ceilings, handmade decorative touches and a mini bar. These two hotels, in fact, the Jericoacoara and Preá regions in general - offer the perfect balance between luxury and simplicity. It’s this combination that makes a visit to this part of the world so memorable. After you leave, you’ll ache to return.

brasilobserver.co.uk | March 2016

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