PAST-PRESENT-FUTURE-STADIUM by Brandon Conrad

PAST PAST PAST PAST PAST SENT PRESENT PRESENT PRES RE FUTURE FUTURE FUTURE FU STADIUM The Stadium as a Catalyst for Urban Development and Shared Identity Brandon Conrad Heber Santos Architectural Thesis Fall 2019-Spring 2020 Professor Francisco Sanin, Yutaka Sho, Marcus Parga

PAST-PRESENT-FUTURE STADIUM

The Stadium as a Catalyst for Urban Development and Shared Identity Brandon Conrad / Bachelor’s of Architecture Candidate Heber Santos / Bachelor’s of Architecture Candidate Architectural Thesis 509 Spring 2020 Syracuse University School of Architecture Professor Francisco Sanin Professor Yutaka Sho Professor Marcus Parga

04 Pg. 45

Site Identification

Pg. 39

Program

Table of Contents

Pg. 17

Context

Introduction

Pg. 7

Bibliography

Alternative Studies

Pg. 165

Designed Intervention

Pg. 161

Design Considerations

Pg. 123

Precedent Analysis

Pg. 99 Pg. 89

09 08 07 06 05

Yankee Stadium Bronx, New York. 6

Photographer: Ron Antonelli

01 - INTRODUCTION On Baseball / Statement of the Problem Project Statement / Design Intentions

ON BASEBALL AND URBAN AMERICA... Stadiums and its overarching typology can be found both internationally and domestically. While unique in their own ways, these mega structures share the same common function, spatial arrangement for the entertainment spectacle, whether sport or a concert. However, each stadium and arena accomplishes this different from one another, often embodying the cultural identities and the aspirations of both the city and the residents it serves. Often creating spaces of engagement and inclusion unlike any other civic architecture, uniting the rich and the poor, the young and the old, everyone and every group in between through a shared identity around the sport, the team, or the civic event. The venues and the spectacles (the sport) for which they house unite people and the city, establishing a static sense of place in an ever-changing world. Arguably the most popular sport in the United States, Baseball has seen tremendous growth around the world through East Asia, Latin and South America. Embedding a deep sense of community across the globe. Domestically, baseball is the oldest professional sport, parading the phrase, “our national past-time.” From its creation the game has been played on numerous levels, from children creating their own “ballfields” with the most basic of the sport’s parameters to the cathedral like stadiums of today’s professional teams. For most, fandom is built on childhood memories and experiences of play. In today’s United States, the once vernacular or spontaneousness of the sport are no more. The utilitarian variant of the sport, “stickball”, is all but removed. But the sport of Baseball survives. To many fans, the stadium can be akin to that of a cathedral. A heightened sense of pride surrounds gameday, as fans wander through halls “built” by their heroes as they make their way to their seats. Inside the stadium, the functionality of the sport and the experience is evident and observable. But much is left to be desired of the area immediately outside. As upon their exit, the comradery and unity vanishes . . .

*Stickball, Joyce Dopkeen for The New York Times. 8

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM While Baseball has incredibly strong and deep connection with the communities in which it occupies, baseball stadiums and the other stadia of the United States saw a major shift towards the geographic locations of the venueâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s placement. The latter half of the twentieth century saw the near total removal of the stadium from the American urban context, relocating to the suburbs or the urban peripheries which became inundated with endless parking. Creating placeless destinations outside the city, lacking public transportation and catering to the private motor vehicle. Limiting who may attend and enjoy the sport through personal experience. The ideology saw the stadium regarded as a complete misuse of space and their role in the urban context of Americaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s downtowns squandered. With the advent of the twenty-first century, this ideology has changed as franchises and city planners have devised a new role for the stadium to play in urban redevelopment across the nation. However, these practices have resulted in contemporary problems resulting in the gentrification of low-income neighborhoods, displacing thousands, as well as severe issues regarding programmatic scheduling. In the United States, the two largest professional sports leagues, leave the largest total absence of venue use (exterior stadiums). The National Football League, on average will host approximately 10 games (8 home games and 2 preseason games, before playoffs are factored into the equation. Resulting in a stadium which likely sits dormant for 96% of the year. Whereas, Major League Baseball sees their facilities unoccupied for roughly 75% of the year. Taking into account that the numbers are calculated based on strictly game days (not accounting practice days or the other events which may be held throughout the year concerts, conventions). Across the country, the creation of new stadiums has evolved into a feverishly decisive debate. Residents of American urban centers have voiced their increased frustrations through referendums to construct new ballparks throughout the nation, most noticeably in New York when years ago a new stadium for the New York Giants and Jets was dismissed on the site which is now Hudson Yards. Under most circumstances, the public pays for the construction of these urban mega complexes through government subsidies granted by the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s municipalities and local governments. Taxpayers are skeptical of the use of their tax dollars in funding these stadiums for which they may never experience a game in or that will sit unoccupied and inactivated for more than 90% of the year. Complains which are entirely valid and can exercised at the ballot box. The architecture of the contemporary stadium is void of any semblance to their locations, technologically advanced with limited community identity. Out of scale and burdensome on its surroundings. And spawned from commercialized practices, as ever surface is plastered with advertising space. *Fenway Park. Eric Kilby Photography. 10

THESIS STATEMENT The stadium and its expansive typology has long served as a multi-faceted spatial arrangement and emblematic visual of societal attitudes towards sport and the greater spectacle. Throughout history, the typology has long been considered a catalyst for urban development through connectivity and leisure, embracing its local and often regional civic and cultural identities. Formulating themselves in pseudo-public entities that seek to bridge individual and class differences through a common goal, sport and spectacle. However, this has not always been the case. The latter half of the twentieth century saw the near total removal of the stadium from the American urban context, relocating to the suburbs or the urban peripheries which became inundated with endless parking (Kansas City). Creating out of scale placeless destinations, which remain burdensome on their surroundings due to the clear lack of public transportation and catering to the private motor vehicle. Limiting who may attend and enjoy the spectacle along social and economic class lines (Marlins Park). With the advent of the twenty-first century, the ideology had changed as franchises and city planners devised a new role for the stadium to play in urban redevelopment across the nation. However, these practices resulted in contemporary problems such as the institution of structural violence, through the gentrification of low-income neighborhoods, displacing thousands of residents, as well as severely unaddressed issues regarding programmatic scheduling. Our thesis thus seeks to understand the stadium as a critical piece of America’s urban fabric, facilitating development and the activation of space left in the shadows of the mega-structure, identifying these spaces as the “residual” and “interstitial.” Objectively, we wish to explore the role these interstitial spaces (parking lots, alleyways, and the underdeveloped thoroughfares) around the stadium can be reimagined to address the needs and wants of the community. Ultimately creating a new typology which promotes continual and year-round activation of the site, by dissolving the structural inhibitors. Thus, reintroducing urban social engagements with the institutions of the sport. Arriving at our case study, Fenway Park.

STADIUM CULTURE For millennia, the stadium and its accompanying typologies have occupied the public realms of nearly all civilizations on Earth. The stadium exists to give place to the spectacle. The spectacle that is sports or displays of athleticism, events of civic pride, or political discourse. The ancient world saw the stadium, or the public venue rise from the aspirations of despots to control the populace. But today the stadium stands for far more than control. In its modern and contemporary history, the architectural type symbolizes the ideals of society. A mechanism for which a city, state, or nation can display their achievements. But more so, the stadium is a facilitator for social gathering and interaction. Its walls and in its seats, we witness the human experience. We celebrate, we commemorate, we dance, we sing. We come together, we build a greater sense of community, as if all who occupy these facilities share the same common goal. From every community, to every city, to every region, to every nation, the stadium functions the same.

DESIGN INTENTIONS Rather than the creation of an entirely new facility around the spectacle that is Baseball, we see potential of further architectural and spatial activation through modifications to Fenway Park and its immediately surroundings. A stadium with such rich history of the sport should be treated much like the famed cathedrals of Europe, continuously maintained and preserved, acting as a heritage site for all fans of the sport. As it currently stands the stadium lies in a rather developed neighborhood (Kenmore-Fenway) on the peripheries of greater Boston, home to countless businesses, restaurants, and residences. Businesses and residences which see increased traffic and disruption during game days and periods of extreme desolation during the offseason. Through perhaps even the smallest architectural intervention, the conditions outside the stadium could be entirely reimagined as continuously activated zones which focus on a shared identity with the stadium and the city, sports. We visual an urban condition in which the private motor vehicle is removed around the stadium, giving new need to surface and architectural applications in the adjacent parking lots and empty thoroughfares, as understood by the steps taken by our precedents. Or perhaps the stadium must undergo a radical change which sees the stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exterior and containment structure dissolve. Dissolve in such a way that the parameters of the field no longer dictate its purpose. Being entirely reprogrammable throughout the year as structure could be dissembled to make way for public markets, temporary housing for displaced people, or even further activation through another sport. Perhaps the radical change manifests itself in complimentary structues that situate themselves around the stadiums through the replacement of otherwise residual spaces.

*(Left) Israels Plads Plaza, Sweco Architects + COBE. Copenhagen, Denmark. *(Right) Water Square Benthemplein, De Urbanisten. Rotterdam, the Netherlands. 14

I-90 and R-20 Fenway-Kenmore, Boston. Photographer: Robbie Shade

02 - CONTEXT Overview / History Climate / Demographics Culture / Team History

BOSTON

State: Massachusetts Region: New England / Northeastern United States Coordinates: 42° 21’ 40.1220’’ N, 71° 3’ 25.4988’’ W The city of Boston is located in the Northeastern United States, in the region known as New England. Situated at the convergence of the Charles River and Boston Harbor, an inlet of the Greater Massachusetts Bay. Home to some 700,000 people in the city proper, the total city population tallies nearly 4.7 million, making it among the 10 most populated cities in the United States. Boston is the largest city in New England and one of the oldest settlements in the nation. Initially settled as a township in 1630, the city has flourished through the past four centuries. Today, the cities rich history can be observed through its various architectural styles from its colonial past to the contemporary architecture that occupies its civic and world-class educational centers. This rather unique characteristic can be seen through out of the city as the architectural types often forming aggregates within the same and adjacent blocks of the city. At its core, the city is also an aggregate of people from all over New England, serving as the major educational and commercial center of the region.

Boston is home to some of the nation and worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s finest education and medical institutions, such as Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Northeastern University. As a result, in 2010 the city was home to more than 150,000 students and more than 34% of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total college enrollment, despite the city only accounting for 10% of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total population. The city has a deeply rooted history in pop culture and professional sports. Serving as the backdrop for award winning films such as the Departed, Good Will Hunting, and popular television series such as Cheers. In sports, the city is home to several franchises, primarily the four major American sports; baseball, basketball, football, and hockey. All of which enjoy a large following within the city and around the country. The continued success of several franchises has seen particular teams like the New England Patriots become revered among fans of Football. At its core, Boston is referred to as the quintessential baseball town due to the long history and success of the Boston Red Sox, and previously the Boston Braves (now the Atlanta Braves), which are among the oldest active franchises. Fenway Park, home of the Red Sox, is the second oldest baseball stadium in the country, seeing its original completion is 1912. *(Left-to-Right) MIT Quad, Quincy Market, Marshall Street. 22

HISTORY Settled as a township in 1630 by Puritan colonists from England, Boston has played a critical role in American history. Originally founded on a hill scape, the land was leveled as the city grew. The initial Puritan settlement was located on the Shawmut Peninsula, connected to the mainland by a causeway. The site of the causeway now forms the northern end of Washington Street, one of the longest roadways in Boston. The city’s original biome was a salt-water marsh, consisting of tidal flats and smaller inlets. As the city’s built environment and population expanded, entire regions of the Massachusetts Bay shoreline were dredged and filled to accommodate the population. The city played an crucial role in the American Revolution, serving as a site of heavy resistance to British Imperial Rule. Events such as the Boston Massacre and the Boston Tea Party sparking the revolutionary spirit. Following the war, the city came to enjoy its position economically as one of the world’s wealthiest seaports. Coming to be known for its exportation of leather good and textiles. The city is famous for immigration trends, as European Immigrants flocked the city during the 19th and 20th century. Coming to define Boston’s ethnic neighborhoods, many of which still remain. The Irish neighborhoods occupy the Southern regions of the city, while Italian immigrants claimed the city’s North End. *(Left, Right) Custom House Tower, Creek Square. 24

CLIMATE Boston occupies approximately 89.63 mi² along Massachusetts bay. The topography of the region varies, as large swathes of the city are flat as a result of the city’s many filled regions. Although, the city is home to numerous and notable hills, such as Beacon Hill. Overall the city’s elevation is rather flat, but regions of the city situated around its hills have been known to exceed 130 ft above sea level. The city’s flatter areas average 8 ft above sea level. The city has three natural barriers, the Charles River to the North End, the Neponset River to the South, and the harbor to the East. The city’s climate is considered, continental, which can best be characterized by very cold and often snowy winters. The summers tend to be warm to hot, with consistently high humidity, resulting in frequent thunderstorms. The transitional seasons are known to be mild, with heavy winds during autumn. July is the hottest month with an average temperature of 73F. While January is the coldest, with an average temperature of 29F. Boston’s proximity to the ocean results in high precipitation totals, averaging 45 inches a year. Trade and coastal winds move larger storms into the region, creating “nor’easters,” which see heavy precipitation primarily during the colder months. Hurricanes and Tropical Storms have been known to reach the city, although rare. Snowfall in the city can be expected from December to March. *(Left-Right) Beacon Hill, Head of the Charles River, Snow on the Charles. Photographer: Robbie Shade. 26

DEMOGRAPHICS The city of Boston is known nationally for its distinctive neighborhoods. Originally defined by natural barriers, caused by the salt-marshes and inlets, the city’s efforts to expand redefined the boundaries of its neighborhoods. Coming recognize more than twenty within the city limits. The mass immigration to America’s East coast helped to form Boston’s numerous ethic neighborhoods as the Italian’s occupied large portions of the city’s North End. And the Irish claimed the South. While much of the architecture of today is contemporary, much of the neighborhood’s cultural identity remains. Downtown lies Boston’s Financial Center and Government Offices. Several American cultural sites remain in the city center, but much of the area was cleared for urban renewal projects in the 20th century as the city saw a need for commercial office space. These towers help to form the distinct Boston skyline of today. Boston’s immigrant roots are seamingly lost as race and class continue to divide the city. Instilling an infamous reputation on city of racism and non-inclusiveness . . .

Boston Race and Ethnicity White Black Hispanic Asian 1 Dot = 2 People *Information Provided by the Boston Development Authority

Gender Distribution

30 *Information Provided by the Boston Development Authority

Population Density

31 *Information Provided by the Boston Development Authority

Age Distribution (1 to 17 years)

32 *Information Provided by the Boston Development Authority

Median Household Income

33 *Information Provided by the Boston Development Authority

Boston Transit System

Public Park System

THE RED SOX’S PHYSICAL & DARK HISTORY STADIUM

1912 - Fenway Park Opens

1932 - Boston Redskins Open Inaugural Season at Fenway Park

1914 - Left Field Fence Built Up With On Field Bleachers

1933-Left Field Catches Fire Prompting Construction of the Green Monster

1934 - ‘Green Monster’ Construction Begins Before Opening Day

1947 - Upper Deck and Lighting is Installed at Fenway Park

1947 - ‘Green Monster’ Formally Painted Green with Plastic Coating

1988 - Press Box is E 600 Club is Added with

DARK H

1890s

February 1933

April 1945

1959

1984

1890s/1930s - Devised by city planners and in conjunction with landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted, the neighbor was intended to serve as a community for wealthy or upper-middle class Bostonians. Creating an economic segregation along the city’s Eastside. Although ethnic diversity was proportiate to the city’s demographics, tuition prices for Colleges of Fenway coalition furthered the economic divide among the eligible students seeking to attend. African-American students were eligible to enroll as early as 1895, with the first Black students graduating from MassArt in 1901.

1933 - Tom Yawkey purchases the franchise. A South Carolinian venture capitalist, Yawkey would become known for his racist tendencies in regards to the promotion and integration of African-American players into the professional sphere. His name became synonomous with racism among the black players union, after controversary arose from his failure to integrate the team in a timely manner, 12 years after Jackie Robinson had retired.

1945 - As an effort by team management to appease a prominent City Councilman and staunch desegregationist, I. Muchnick. The tryouts were held for future pioneer, Jackie Robinson at Fenway Park. The stands were limited to strictly team management personel and despite playing well, Robinson was subjected racial epithets from the management, humiliating him during the tryout.

1959 - 14 years after Jackie Robinson’s integration into professional baseball. The Boston Red Sox’s promote a member of their minor league system, Pumpsie Green to their professional roster. Ending the team’s resistance to integration. Pumpsie’s career would last 5 seasons. But Boston’s troubled history with racism would continue.

1984 - The Red Sox’s fire team manager Tommy Harper, the teams first African-American manager, and former player. The incident was sparked by comments made by Harper regarding his experience with segregated team buses, meals, and travel during spring training and the regular season. Although, removed by the organization, Harper would not be silenced, partnering with other African-American athletes to combat racism in American sports.

HISTORY

1999 - Auxilary Seating and Luxury Suites are Added to Fenway Park Under the Upper Deck

2000 - Digital Scoreboard Added to Center Field to Compliment Manuel One

Expanded and the h Glass Protection

2003 - Seating is Formally Added to the top of the “Green Monster”

2004 - Additional Seating Added to the Upper Deck in Righ Field

2014 - Monument Park Installed Outside the Stadium Concourse

2011 - Creature Comforts are Added New Jumbotrons Elevate th

HISTORY May 2017

May 2017

September 2017

2018-Now

2017 - During a game in May of 2017, Orioles’ outfielder, Adam Jones, was subjected to racially driven taunts and commentry by several fans in right field stands of Fenway Park. Jones reported constant beratement with use of the N-word and even a bag of peanuts throw at him. The fan was ejected and later faced legal action for the racially motivated incident.

2017 - A day after the Adam Jones incident Yankee’s pitcher, C.C. Sabathia, comes out regarding the racism he has faced during his experience in Fenway Park. Citing incidents in which verbal taunts and use of the N-word were directed at him while warming up in the visitor’s bullpen before games. Also located in right field. In response, the Red Sox organization has since increased security presence in right field.

2017 - In September of 2017, 4 fans were ejected for unfurling a banner a top the “Green Monster.” exclaiming, “Racism is as American as Baseball.” The fans were imemdiately ejected from the game. Their protest was in response to the relevations of racism within the ballpark cited in May of that same year. As well as a growing number of racially motivated crimes taking place across the nation.

2018 - Following criticism by Fans of the sport and residents of Boston for the events of 2017. The Red Sox organization in conjunction with the city of Boston renamed the street previously known as “Yawkey Way,” named after prior owner, Tom Yawkey. To “Jersey Street,” the move was seen as legitimate steps taken by the organization to move past it’s “dark” history of racism and ethnic bias.

2018 / Now - Controversary still continues around the organization following the installation of several statues outside the stadium depicting Red Sox legends. These statues have been criticized for their less than inclusionary status, as all the players depicted are white, despite the Red Sox’s contemporary sucess and the history with minority athletes such as Pedro Martinez and David Ortiz.

Fenway Park (Gate A, Ticket Booth) Fenway-Kenmore, Boston

03 - PROGRAM The Players / Stadium Program

“THE PLAYERS” When we define “the players,” we are not speaking of the literal players, although they are included. We are discussing the groups which work together to found a new or revitalize an existing stadium. Honing in on the City, the Fans, and the Franchises as the core groups. While the relationships between these three entities is often contested, their unanimous agreement on the stadium is key to projects realized success. It may seem to the Fans or a group we commonly referred to as, the residents, that the Franchises and the City actively work against their interests. Ultimately leaving them politically voiceless. As it currently stands, the relationship between the Fans and the two others is strained. Taxpayers and residents are frustrated with the institutions which propose these new stadiums. The urban mega structure of the stadium is commonly funded through government subsidies which allocate tax dollars to the funding of the project. One would think in that case, the taxpayers would have the greatest say in the parameters of the project, but that is unfortunately not the case. With the advent of the stadium returning to the city, these new stadiums are increasingly building their own neighborhoods to occupy. Displacing residents and commercial enterprises at an alarming rate. Culminating in what many see as a playground for the rich. But the stadium district should be more, it should cater to all who occupy the city. Offering opportunity for the human experience in more ways than having to buy a ticket. 40

The stadiums when completed prompt their own issues besides the displacement of vulnerable and often struggling communities and people. Masked as an “economic boom,” these stadiums often undergo a tourism cycle. Cycles which typically last 5-10 years after the completion of a new stadium. During this time, attendence peaks regardless of the teams success on the field. With each subsequent year yielding lower attendence rates. Unless success is sustained on the field, franchises typically collapse, resulting in them either leaving their resident city and starting a new. Or using their leverage over the city (either as the premier, or only franchise) to upgrade their facilities, restarting the tourism cycle. In rare circumstances, teams disband entirely such as when professional leagues merge, but these are becoming increasingly rare as the professional leagues have monopolized over the last half century. As the stadiums become more technologically advanced, the price of attendances raises, making it harder for lower income individuals to experience the spectacles of the venue. Coupled with the dependence on private motor vehicle transportation, most sports stadiums and facilities are unaccessible by large portions of the population. The higher density urban stadiums are often the only facilities with adequate public transportation, otherwise stadium access is driven by economic class difference.

Game Day Users Fans / Spectators Players Coaching Staff Training Staff Venue Staff (Food Service / Security) Venue Administration Press / Media Representatives Tailgaters Local Business Employees Restaurant Goers / “Consumers”

Non-Game Day Users Residents Commuters Franchise Representatives Venue Staff (Food Service / Security) Venue Administration Restaurant Goers / “Consumers”

EXISTING SITE PROGRAM

POTENTIAL PROGRAM

Stadium Program: 10,000 Parking Spots Seating (38,000 Seats - Baseball) Luxury Suites / Club Seating Concourses Concessions Team Stores Food Vendors Bars Press Box Box Office Medical Facilities

Exterior Program: Parking Ticket Offices Tailgating Sections Street Vendors Security Stations Transit Stations Bus Stops + Stations Train Platforms Ride Share Locations Bike Racks Dynamic Plazas Sports Courts Designated Market Kiosk Stations Outdoor Exhibition Space + Pediments Outdoor Seating Counter-Culture Programming

Playing Field Locker Rooms Restrooms Therapy Stations Press Room Team Offices Administraton Marketing Ticketing Fitness Weight Room Exercise + Recovery Security Groundskeeping Emergency Services Fire Safety Mechanical Equipment Rooms Electrical Equipment Rooms Media Rooms

Pedestrian Traffic Patterns Protected Streets Limited Car Traffic Elevated Walkways Fan Fare Sites Culture Exhibitions Sports Neighborhood City Live Music Stations 43

CITGO Gas Sign WBUR Photographer: Jesse Costa

04 - SITE IDENTIFICATION Site Overview / Existing Conditions Site Analysis

SITE Finalizing the site of our thesis project proved rather difficult. The initial phases of our investigation led us to investigate the various stadium types which identified the major problems with the mega-structure. But rather than designing a new facility, we elected to revitalize a pre-existing stadium. Especially a stadium like Fenway which has numerous public transit system connections and favorable infrastructural conditions. The Kenmore-Fenway neighborhood stood out as an attractive site to speculate on our thesis due to its duality of being a stadium district and residential neighborhood. Our goal is blend the conditions of the spectacle and activity into not only game day but the everyday life of the neighborhoods residents. With the creation of Fenway Park in 1912, the stadium nestled itself into an irregularly shaped block along Bostonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s west side, residing in its original location, the stadium has received the acclaim of being the quintessential and seemingly oldest ballpark. And adapting its facade and presence to be more in tune with its geographic location in the city and scalar tectonic qualities. Providing a near perfect atmosphere on game day; however, this is not without imperfections, as the down-season and singular focus leaves the programmatic arrangement on the site and the vicinity destitute. Interstitial spaces form between the megalithic structure and community in its shadows, taking the shape of parking lots and empty thoroughfares as they remain underused for three fourths of the year.

SITE HISTORY KENMORE-FENWAY Constructed in the 19th century, the neighborhood originally sat on marshlands called the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Fens.â&#x20AC;? After the marshlands were filled, the land was acquired from the neighboring town of Brookline in the 1873 Brookline-Boston Annexation Debate of 1873. Initial proposals for the site included a Frederick Law Olmsted designed park, which city developers saw as an attractive amenity to potential new residents. Through the neighborhoods originally planning, it was expected to grow into a high-wealth community, seeing many brownstones occupied the area rather quickly. But by 1907 it had gained the reputation of being a neighborhood of higher learning as more than twenty-two educational institutions had sprung up in the neighborhood, including nine universities. In 1912, construction finished on Fenway Park. The stadium is situated on the land between Brookline Avenue, Jersey Street, Van Ness Street and Lansdowne Street, in the Northern End of the neighborhood. Today the neighborhood has adopted the persona of Fenway Park, catering to the fan experience in the North End. Numerous sports bars and fan apparel stores occupy the streets, mimicking the architectural characteristics of the adjacent stadium. *(Left-Right) Kenmore Square, Leslie Jones, 1928. Kenmore Square, Robbie Shade. 50

Diagram:

Stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Relative Location to Major Transit Systems

Diagram:

Stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Relative Location to Cultural Institutions

Diagram:

Stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Relative Location to Other Government Subsidies

Diagram:

Stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Relative Location to Other Places of Well Being / Physical Activity (Courts / Parks)

Diagram:

Nolli Plan of Kenmore-Fenway

Diagram:

Street Hierarchy Street Arrangement on Gameday

Diagram:

Shared Identities Based on Neighborhood Positioning

Diagram:

Interstitial Space Typologies / Nestled Diversities Located Around the Site

VISUALIZING GAMEDAY (TAILGATING)

VISUALIZING THE EVERYDAY (WORKDAYS)

AREAS OF FOCUS In a rather simpliest plan, we wanted to convey to our audience where our primary focus is buildable area. We see the motor vehicle as the a large portion of the problem for the sites almost desolate personality in the off-season. As numerous parking locations litter the neighborhood during the office. Ultimately, the parking outside of Stadium events is burdensome and over accomodating. They lay primarily empty from October to March, as the stadium dictates the activity in the area. But perhaps these hard surfaces could be modified or made malleable. Perhaps the confines of the urban structure could provide the parameters to the vernacular sport, like Stickball and â&#x20AC;&#x153;urban Baseballâ&#x20AC;? once claimed. Where the only parameters that must be met are the equipment and a place to play. Surely these non-places could provide more.

PUBLICNESS DRAWING To understand the space, we must understand the means by which people tranverse the urban-scape. At the current moment, the exterior of the stadium operates as a pseudo-nonplace. It is a transitional space with moments of defined social interaction, whether random or forced. Ultimately both memorable and easily forgettable. Through image mapping and timelapse videos, we were able to explore this behavior and the movement patterns of the fans in attendance. Revealing moments of appreciation in which fans gazed upon the stadium in awe. Or clustered around the stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exterior monuments of Ted Williams for the perfect instagram photo. Moments in which the passion of the sport takes centerfold. As young fans gather around the field for pregame festivities, batting practice and warm-ups.

Hot Spots (Areas of Heightened Congestion)

But perhaps the most interesting were the places of heavy foot traffic, even on streets with active traffic. And the forced congestion, zones of frustration as the line into the stadium comes to screeching halt.

Monuments / Idolization (Moments of Red Sox History) Fan Traffic (Identified Paths of Foot Traffic) Stationary Fan (Manifestation of Hot Spots) Activated / Interactable Peripheries (Storefronts / Restaurants) 67

SITE + STADIUM PLAN The stadium situates itself within an irregularly shaped block in the Kenmore-Fenway neighborhood. At its core, the essential services (i.e. concessions and restroom, utilities) are pushed inward, situating themselves directly under the first seating tier. On the outward edge, programmed deemed non-essential by our thesis manifests itself through fanfare and team stores, security checkpoints, and other kiosks.

PHASES OF STADIUM CONSTRUCTION

1912 Fenway Park opens as the home of the Boston Red Sox Lower concourse and seating is all that occupies the stadium.

PHASES OF STADIUM CONSTRUCTION

1947 Second seating deck is completed, replacing the stadiums original roof structure. Lighting is added to the stadium for night games and the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Green Monsterâ&#x20AC;? is constructed alievating movement in the stadium.

1988-2003 Fenway Park completes its last phase of struction as fifteen years of work concludes with its infamous pressbox, seating along the Green Monster and a third deck seating.

EXISTING STADIUM SECTION_1

*Section not to scale.

EXISTING STADIUM SECTION_2

*Section not to scale.

ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS On a tectonic level, the stadium functions with an inward projection. Essential services are located along the interior as the non-essential services are pushed towards the outer most edge. Indicating the potential for the stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s footprint on the site to lighten through the removal of non-essential structural forms. The basic concrete composer of the stadium can easily be dismantled based on our sepculation, since the majority of the stadiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exterior is free standing and not load bearing based on our site survey and the information provided. Making Fenway Park an ideal candidate for our thesis. The following diagrams highlight how the stadium functions through several section cuts we have taken of the grand stand and concession concourses.

COLLAGE_1 On a tectonic level, the “Green Monster” functions almost like a fortress wall. A clear subdivision is created between the adjacent street and its relationship to the buildings just across it. This was the result of a strategic design by the Red Sox Organization decades ago to prevent individuals from “freeloading” or watching the games without a ticket. Today the wall hangs over the street, further asserting its dominance over the area and remains a point of interest for our investigation.

COLLAGE_2 The second of our collages focuses on the disconnect between the city and suburbs as shifting attitudes towards American urbanity have evolved. The stadium is still the core of the shared identity for most regional civic systems, but with the influx of middle and upper class Americans out of the urban centers in the late 50s and 60s, infrastructural enhancements were put in place to account for day trips or travel back into the urban sphere. The Stadium struggles then struggles in this reality as those we can activate find themselves as temporary occupants, who must return to their home desitnations at the end of each event. Continuing the destitute nature of the stadium and its peripheries post event.

COLLAGE_3 The last collage attempt to hone in on the temporal qualities of the periphery. The influx of people to the street before and after games allows us to imagine a prolonged activation of the site. But only for shortly sustained future. One could imagine the spectacle and shared identity which could flow out the exit gates of the stadium. But the question still remains of how can it be continually activated as a temporal architecture intervention must â&#x20AC;&#x153;packupâ&#x20AC;? eventually. Permenance then became the key to our thought process moving forward.

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Topotek 1 + BIG Architects + Superflex

05 - PRECEDENT ANALYSIS Overview

Israels Plads Square Sweco Architects + COBE Copenhagen, Denmark

Originally the site of city fortifications, the plaza has gone through drastic programmatic changes through its public markets and its desolate parking lot. As it stands today, Israels Plads Square is a plinth which hovers above the parking lots of the neighborhood. Best described as an â&#x20AC;&#x153;urban carpet,â&#x20AC;? where the less desired components of urbanity (the vehicle) can be swept under. The surface definition of the plinth implies its use as an urban micro arena. As seating is situated around a centralized sports court, drawing direct sightlines to the physical activity and spectacle. The new Israels Plads Square works to promote the history of the site through materiality of the fortifications which once stood. While also revitalizing the area into a vibrant and programmatically diverse square. For which people of all cultures and backgrounds can experience the activity, cultural events, and its civic pride.

*Images provided by ArchDaily.

Superkilen

Topotek 1 + BIG Architects + Superflex Copenhagen, Denmark The collaborative project, Superkilen, is an exploratory urban space which stretches nearly half a mile through Denmarkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s most ethnically diverse neighborhood. Seeking to express its presence as public exhibition of urbanity. An exhibition which is expressed through the displaying of artifacts from sixty nations. Contrasting any semblance of homogeneity among the Danish population. Subdivided into three zones, defined by the colors: Red, Black, and Green. Each zone having a prioritized activity or design motif. Red: Serving as the cultural experience, offering a large expanse of open space. Catering towards urban markets, team sports, and other programmatic arrangements. The surface application folds onto the building facades and roofs, as the site seeks to ascend into the three-dimensional planes. Black: Mimicking a living-room like condition, this zone offers space urban leisure space as pediments double as tables and benches. Organically flowing lines on the surface depict and imply movement through the square either by bike or foot traffic, Green: Primarily activated by sports, the green zone is constructed by a series of berms which converge onto a centralized multi-use sports court. *Images provided by ArchDaily.

The Luchtsingel ZUS Rotterdam, The Netherlands

Hovering over the cityscape of Rotterdam, ZUS’s Luchtsingel explores the realm of “Permanent Temporality.” Initiated by the closure of a large-scale office development in central Rotterdam, the firm claimed the underutilized office space. Operating the space and repurposing the firm to serve as “incubator” for crowd funding and entrepreneurial endeavors. What shortly followed was a boom in the district, as new businesses opened, including the first urban farming roof in Europe. Naming the first phase as “Dakakker.” Followed by several other micro-districts catering towards children and nightlife. All unified by the presence of the Luchtsingel. With its intervention, the 400-meter-long pedestrian bridge traverses the cityscape, exploring varied verticality which defines the programmatic arrangement along its expanse. Synergizing the relationship between these micro-districts, the bridge connects the individual to the scale of the city, by revealing program adjacent and beneath. As well as re-imaging conventional movement paths, as the bridge snakes through the Schieblock, office building. *Images provided by ArchDaily. 94

Park ‘N’ Play

JAJA Architects Copenhagen, Denmark As JAJA Architects came to understand, parking structures are a critical piece of urban infrastructure. However, the monofunctional programming of the structures is often their demise as they become scars and unattractive elements of our urban fabric. They ultimate arrived at a functional parking garage that offers rooftop emenities and a functional “green” facade that allows local vegetation to reclaim the once burdensome parking structure. The structure grid of the parking structures facade is thus broken apart by exposed vertical circulation and the winding nature of the vegetation that sprawls its elevations. On the roof, a fantastical playground manifests itself as railings transform into elaborate jungle gyms, ball courts, and more. Literally inviting the visitor to follow the railings of the exterior circulation to a playful experience for the young and old. Surface treatment is appied to the playground to allow for better drainage of the structure, while also challenging the horizontal movement of play along the rooftop.

*Images provided by ArchDaily. 96

Park ‘n’ Play Copenhagen, the Netherlands JAJA Architects

06 - DESIGN CONSIDERATIONS

DESIGN OPTION 1 Our investigation took several routes throughout the semester. Manifesting our thesis objective into the area around the stadium, rather than the stadium itself. We came to focus on the lack of intimacies of the interstitial or “forgotten” spaces. Identifying these areas of “placelessness” as the neighborhoods dead ends, alley ways, parking lots, and closed roadways. Early iterations in the semester saw our work focus on visualizing these spaces as an extensive of physical activity on a grand scale. Imagining a seamless sweep through the city, where joggers could follow a “literal” track through the city or gymnasts could utilize the various pediments and benches as equipment. Or the dynamic transformation of civic space which is void of a clearly defined program. Visualized as either surface application or through smaller architectural applications.

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DESIGN OPTION 2 In a more radical view, we were encouraged by a professor outside our advisory group to explore the realm of the dissolving stadium. Exploring the provocative nature of the structure and the enclosure, if it were literally melt away or be removed. What does it do to the institutions and the parameters of the sports for which these stadiums occupy? How do the fans interact with the game in a game with no defined boundaries? Or how do we as residents reclaim the stadium with no physical barrier? We conceived this drawing as a quick thought exercise, but perhaps the question of the stadium is not an addition equation, but subtraction.

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DESIGN OPTION 3 After thoughtful consideration, we elected to focus on the immediate vicinity of the stadium. Seeking to transform the area through dynamic programming. Emphasizing the he relationship between the stadium and the “residual” space. A modified version of this Design Option would ultimately be adopted. However, the key difference is the creation of permanent spaces and the structural adaptation of the stadium itself. These characteristics were previously unaccounted when we devised this strategy during our thesis preparation in the fall. Further emphasized by a major scale change as fields transform into permanent installations with a varying degree of programs instead of hyper-focusing on sports. And a hybridization of design options 1 & 2 leak into the project as infamous architectural elements dissolve and manifest themselves in new perspectives as to the stadium’s greater use.

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Early design consideration focused on building a network of sports “fields and courts” around the stadiums periphery to play on the psychological idea of playing in the “shadow of your heroes.” 113

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07 - DESIGNED INTERVENTION

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INTERVENTION RULE SET Modifying the existing site program from the early phases of our investigation, we arrived at our â&#x20AC;&#x153;Rule Set.â&#x20AC;? The following rule changes to the stadium, would thus dictate how we designed the stadium intervention. I.e. stripping the stadium of its facade, seeking the total removal of the motor vehicle from the site, and embracing tropes about visitors and activated users that the stadium previously had resisted.

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INTERVENTION OPERATION SET Based on the rule set, we estalished a series of operations that would be performed on the stadium. Beginning with the identification of the “areas of interest.” Highlighting four zones adjacent to the stadium. Then proceeding with the removal of the stadium’s existing facade, which is primarily composed of steel and brick. By focusing on the division of the stadium into four near equal parts, program can be tuned to the residual sites adjacent to each piece of the stadium. Creating four distinct interventions, that may compliment those adjacent or directly across from one another. And then further dissection of structural elements such as the “Green Monster,” which underwent a radical transformation during our intervention. Seeing the near total removal of the outfield wall.

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DESIGNED INTERVENTION Through our exploration, we arrived at four residual sites within the immediate vicinity of Fenway Park. Formulating the following structures based on resident feedback from our anthropologic site survey. Program was also determined based on the adjacency of that across the street from the stadium. We sought to establish “axes of diffusion” which would dictate the programmatic arrangement around the stadium (see site program axon). The first of which features a twin “sports” hall along the outfield bleachers of Fenway Park. Adorned with traditional sport fields and courts, the primary feature of the intervention is the creation of an interior plaza between the stadium and the “V” shaped structure. Creating a micro-arena with the potential for dynamic programming as visitors to the site can observe and participate freely along the sheltered streets, plaza, and balcony structure generated by the building.

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DESIGNED INTERVENTION_1 The first of designed intervention features a twin “sports” hall along the outfield bleachers of Fenway Park. Adorned with traditional sport fields and courts, the primary feature of the intervention is the creation of an interior plaza between the stadium and the “V” shaped structure. Creating a micro-arena with the potential for dynamic programming as visitors to the site can observe and participate freely along the sheltered streets, plaza, and balcony structure generated by the building. The program of the sight is prone to its singular focus on baseball, with the “sports hall,” specialty sports begin to diffuse into the site. Allowing the community and fans to participate in the spectacle of baseball through unconscious means as they participate in the “micro spectacles” around them. This can also be seen through our fourth intervention, depicted later in our booklet.

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In section, the building operaes on four primary levels. The sub-level serves as a parking garage, which aims to reduce the need for street side parking on the site. Moving the residual spaces below ground would help to enable a better programmatic response in the area, without the total elimination of the car. On the ground floor, the sports hall cantilevers over the street creating an interior public plaza which could provide space for dynamic programming throughout the year. As well as the creation of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;sheltered street,â&#x20AC;? in which the concourse and street become one-in-the-same as you maneuver your way around the stadium. On the second level, the specialty sport areas begin to form, catering towards individual and team based sports such as badminton, volleyball, and table top games like ping-pong. On the upper most level, two identical fields anchor the ends of the V-shaped building. Seeing usage as a micro soccer field.

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The V-Shaped Sports Hall is perhaps the most important intervention as it mimics the quality of the stadium in plan. The micro arena can house dynamic programming that compliments the events being housed in the stadium itself. Further continuation of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;sheltered streetâ&#x20AC;? occurs based on the cantilever of the structure, catering towards the safety of the pedestrian in an area still dominated by motor vehicle traffic before, during, and after games.

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DESIGNED INTERVENTION_2 Immediately to the South, an intervention based in public performative space takes fold. Drawing upon the recent demolition of a local performing arts school, the building manifests itself in what was once a residual parking lot for the stadium. Through the diffusion of the performative spatial arrangement, elevated massings which act as public theaters take shape within the core structure. While the upper levels embrace vertical relations to the adjacent stadium, allowing fans a glimpse into the game. As it currently stands, the site struggles with accomodating public gathering space outside of the stadium. Yes, parking lots become public gathering spaces for the phenomenon of tailgating and other fanfare activities, but no dedicated space for performative and culturally enriching experiences exists within the stadiums immediate vicinity outside of a private conservatory. The public would be free to rent and use the space as they see fit, likely playing host to public lectures, art exhibitions, and more.

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As previously mentioned, the building functionally through stacked volumes. These volumes function as social and performative spaces. The performative spaces manifest themselves underneath the floor plates allowing the free transition of people and ideas beneath them. With the exception of the upper most theater which overlooks the stadium, offering scenic views towards the game and Kenmore Square. On the ground floor, the building seeks to funnel visitors into the stacked volumes, by extending the â&#x20AC;&#x153;shelted streetâ&#x20AC;? of the new stadium concourse across the street.

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DESIGNED INTERVENTION_3 To the Northern face of the site, stood what was once a two tiered parking deck. Undergoing a dramatic change, the parking deck has since been reduced to a half scale and an intervention dedicated to intimate social interaction transcends vertically. On every level of the structure, the conventions of the famed “Green Monster” are challenged as fans and passersby can observe the game from several unique viewing angles, due to the dissolving of the stadium’s envelope. The upper deck pool counters the intention of the outfield wall which was originally constructed to prevent “freeloaders” from watching the games. Visitors can observe a distant yet panoramic view of the stadium as they tower over the one invincible “Green Monster” or partake in the various social engagements deployed in the structure. In our attempt to reinvent how individuals travel to the site, we see a lessen dependance on private motor vehicle travel, thus eliminating the need for the parking garage. The down-scaling of the structure can then be seen as a temporary intervention which can later be realized in full as the private motor vehicle is eliminated from the stadium travel system at a later date.

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By challenging the notion of the “Green Monsters” existence, we devised a new strategy for temporary construction. On game days, the need for an outfield wall is at the utmost importance. A deconstructible “glass wall” would then occupy the place of the current “Green Monster” on the ground floor, allowing passerby to witness the excitement of the game at an intimate level. Essentially standing over the shoulder of the outfielders. When games are no longer in play, the wall can be dismantled and the free movement of people and program can occur between the street and field. We based this dynamic programming from feedback received by the stadium groundskeeper who stressed that the most important piece of the playing surface is the in-field which would be have to remain off limits, but the outfield grass is easily repairable. This is further explained by the concert and alternate sporting events that occur at Fenway each year.

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The building functions in vertical relation to the “Green Monster.” At the ground level, the building offers views through the “Green Monster,” creating social gathering space as you transcend the building vertically. Similarly to the second intervention, the “sheltered street” has a duality as both this intervention and the “Green Monster” hover over the street. At the upper most level, the infinity pool challenges the notion of the “Green Monster” as individuals can perch themselves above the massive outfield wall, watching the game from a bird eye’s view. Thus continuing the legacy of the stadium “freeloader.”

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DESIGNED INTERVENTION_4 Our last designed intervention challenges the attention and engagement of the participating fan. By demolishing the original ticket office, an installation of specialty programming, such as rock climbing and community inspired “murals,” takes shape. Visitors to the park can experience the commensal relationship that forms between the stadium and the new vertical structure through direct participation or the distant glazing as climbers can be seen from the east side of the stadium. At the ground level, repurposed structure elements double as “vernacular exercise equipment” creating an open air fitness park for residents and visitors alike. Much like the sports hall, we are challenging the attention of the fans in attendance, much like a Minor League Baseball game would. Through this challenge, individuals who may otherwise become “bored” of the game are free to traverse new landscapes within the stadiums structure. While they still remain engaged with the game at hand through sensory participation, or what we have referred to as the “unconscious participant.”

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At its core, the intervention installs a rock climbing wall that offers both exterior and interior perspectives to climbers allowing year round use. An adjustment was made at the ground floor that created an interior concession (absent from the renders) area at the corner of the site as well as an equipment rental and storage center. On the second level is a private area for changing and storage of personal belongs. As well as the cable chassis housing for the climbing walls to avoid damage from the outdoor elements.

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DESIGNED INTERVENTION CONCLUSION Through our realization, the most critical element of the stadium is not the sport it houses, it is the social engagement between all parties, both in and around the stadium. By eliminating the hard edge between stadium, sidewalk, and street. There is no longer a clear subdivision between the individual, the stadium, and the city. By community reclamation of the residual sites around the stadium, program is activated by virtue of the individual and by necessity of singular focus. By removal of Fenway Park’s façade, street and concourse become one-in-the-same. The individual thus becomes an unconscious participate in the spectacle through sensory experience and the continued activation of arbitrary programmatic arrangements. Mere the act of reclaiming the “interstitial” then serves as the new catalyst for stadium evolution as the boundaries between city and stadium are broken down. The intention of our thesis was to develop the potential prototype for future stadium expanse models. Seeking critical feedback from the communities for which they will occupy to dictate programming and establishing ethical land acquisition strategies.

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Great American Ballpark Cincinnati, Ohio HOK Sport

08 - ALTERNATIVES STUDIES

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09 - BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Works Cited Adams, E. (2018). Capitalizing on Stadia Investment Through Strategic Integration with the Urban Neighborhood (Order No. 10991835). Antonelli, Ron.“Views of Yankee Stadium.” Ron Antonelli Photography. http://ronantonelli.com/blog/2013/5/18/yankee-stadium-views Berkow, Ira. “What Is Baseball’s Meaning and Its Effect on America.” The New York Times. May 31, 1981, sec. 5. Boston Redevelopment Authority. Boston By the Numbers: Colleges and Universities. 2011. http://www.bostonplans.org/getattachment/1770c181-7878-47ab-892f-84baca828bf3 Boston Planning and Development Agency. U.S. Census and Demographic Maps. http://www.bostonplans.org/3d-data-maps/gis-maps/census-and-demographic-maps Bragging Rights: Stickball Stories. Chica Luna Productions, 2006. Broton, Natalie, Ives Brown, Sze Wai Kong, and Nicole Doan. The Diamonds of American Cities. Barcelona: Actar D, 2019. Chapin, Timothy S. “Sports Facilities as Urban Redevelopment Catalysts.” American Planning Association. Journal of the American Planning Association 70, no. 2 (Spring, 2004): 193-209. Charles C. Tu. “How Does a New Sports Stadium Affect Housing Values? The Case of FedEx Field.” Land Economics 81, no. 3 (2005): 379-95. Churchman, Chris. “Sports Stadia and the Landscape: A Review of the Impacts and Opportunities Arising as a Result of the Current Redevelopment of Football Grounds.” Built Environment (1978), 21, no. 1 (1995): 6-24. Ciampaglia, Dante A. “How Generations of Ballparks Have Shaped Cities, and Vice Versa.” Metropolis, June 3, 2019. https://www.metropolismag.com/architecture/paul-goldberger-ballpark-book-architecture-urbanism/. Cotter, Sean Philip. “Boston Rolls Out Plans to Make City Hall Plaza an Inviting Hangout.” Boston Herald, June 4, 2019. https://www.bostonherald.com/2019/06/04/ boston-rolls-out-plans-to-make-city-hall-plaza-an-inviting-hangout/ Delaney, Kevin J., and Rick Eckstein. “Urban Power Structures and Publicly Financed Stadiums.” Sociological Forum 22, no. 3 (2007): 331-53. Frank, Howard, Sandra Lopez, and Sonia Santana. “Old Before Their Time: The Shortened Lifespan of Professional Athletic Venues and its Implication for Public Subsidy.” Public Administration Quarterly 22, no. 3 (1998): 384-401. Gold, Jonathan. “Old-School Stickball Comes to Life on Summer Sundays in the Bronx.” ESPN. ESPN Internet Ventures, September 11, 2017. http://www.espn.com/ espn/feature/story/_/id/20670727/welcome-stickball-boulevard. Goldberger, Paul. Ballpark: Baseball in the American City. Knopf, New York. 2019. Gustafson, Seth. “Displacement and the Racial State in Olympic Atlanta: 1990–1996.” Southeastern Geographer, vol. 53, no. 2, 2013, pp. 198–213. Holleran, Michael. “Problems with Change.” Boston’s Changeful Times: Origins of Preservation and Planning in America. John Hopkins University Press. 2001, pg 41. Horne, John. “Architects, Stadia and Sport Spectacles: Notes on the Role of Architects in the Building of Sport Stadia and Making of World-Class Cities.” International Review for the Sociology of Sport 46, no. 2 (June 2011): 205–27.

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