An Alternative Cultural Landscape - Clara Dip Wan Cheung

An Alternative Cultural Landscape Learning from the insurgent placemaking of the Umbrella Movement and its aftermath in Hong Kong

Essay 2: Pilot Thesis Clara Cheung Dip Wan Queens’ College, University of Cambridge

Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge a number of people that have contributed towards this pilot thesis. I would like to thank my supervisor, François Penz for sharing his expertise, sincere guidance and encouragement. I would also like to thank Ingrid Schröder and Aram Mooradian for their valuable support and feedback to the design aspect of the pilot thesis.

I would like to express my indebtedness to the following who made various contributions from sharing site information, maps and data, to stimulating discussions and insights of Hong Kong in this research: Eric Schuldenfrei, University of Hong Kong Hendrik Tieben, The Chinese University of Hong Kong Caroline Wüthrich, Parallel Lab, Hong Kong Paul Zimmerman, Designing Hong Kong Karl Chan, Hong Kong Public Space Initiative Kusha Sefat, University of Cambridge Jim Lau, Foster + Partners, Hong Kong Jimmy Ho, Aravia Design Ltd, Hong Kong Thomas Chee, The Chinese University of Hong Kong Yuyu Ng, The Chinese University of Hong Kong Jo Ngan, The Chinese University of Hong Kong Finally, I am thankful to my family and friends who shared their faith and encouragement.

Essay 2: Pilot Thesis

Submitted on the 19th April 2016 Word count: 5,007 words including captions and footnotes An essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil Examination in Architecture and Urban Design. 2015-2017 This essay is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

Clara Cheung Dip Wan Queens’ College

Mphil in Architecture and Urban Design (ARB/RIBA Part 2) Department of Architecture University of Cambridge

Content

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Introduction

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DISAPPEARING PUBLIC SPACE The evolution of modern public space in Hong Kong

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THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT The ‘space of appearance’

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THE AFTERMATH The ‘agonistic’ nature of placemaking

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REAPPROPRIATING The resilience role of architect

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CONCLUSION

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Bibliography Primary, secondary and illustration sources

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Introduction In the West, much of capitalist democracies’ attention has been given to the gendering of cities along the public-private lines, the decreasing number of public spaces as sites of democratic politics, and the emergence of pseudo-public spaces of corporate interest and consumption (Davis, 1992; Mitchell, 1995; Mitchell and Staeheli, 2008; Zukin, 1991). These issues are also heated topics in Hong Kong, one of the most densely populated places in the world. Yet the purpose attached to public space and the concerns associated with its disappearance are negotiated through cultural politics that can be quite obvious. This paper is about the disruption of conventional understanding of public space by citizen’s alternative uses in the 2014 Umbrella Movement and its aftermath in Hong Kong. The question lies on whether there is still capacity that could be described as democratic – not so much in a political, but a societal sense. The collective actions by the underprivileged mass, in the eyes of the classical sociological tradition of Chicago School, are considered as an important agent of social change and collective interests (Zukin, 1980).

The attention to the Umbrella Movement and its aftermath thus helps keep the social-cultural perspectives of public space in productive tension.

To begin with, it might be helpful to understand that the purpose of public space is not only to be open and accessible to people, but also serves for socially as a cultural landscape of a place. Under such definitions, there is a tendency to allege that this quality of public space is vanishing in Hong Kong (Abbas, 1997; Cuthbert, 1995; Poon, 2005). This pilot thesis therefore will first situate the anxieties about public space within the Central Business District, the key site of this research. The first section looks at the geographical development of the District, in order to help us better understand the intricate contradiction and the conflicts of public space in Hong Kong. In the second section we shall frame the sensus commuis of self-made urban spaces aroused in the Umbrella Movement and its aftermath

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Figure.01 Hong Kong’s highways had became places for a promenade, transforming car-space into peoplespace by the Umbrella Movement

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INTRODUCTION

scattered in the city. These instances of reclaimed sites which were created predominantly by informal communities have nurtured new expressions of the insurgent collective realm in Hong Kong. Introduced and explained in the third section are the two important analyses on the insurgent public space: Lefebvre’s (1997) ‘lived space’ as opposed to the ‘conceived space’ produced by the government and private enterprise; and Mouffe’s (2013) ‘agonistic’ democracy model that creates heterogeneous civil society. The discussion continues by exploring how this democracy public space can be enacted through to different architectural practices. The paper concludes by pointing out how better understanding of such everyday and not-so-everyday making of public space in the Movement and its aftermaths open up new opportunities where architecture can be a re-appropriated in support of a more diverse and democratic city of Hong Kong.

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03 Figure.02-03 The robustness of public spaces in Hong Kong street culture inherits its significant role of social life from traditional Chinese public space

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DISAPPEARING PUBLIC SPACE

Disappearing public space

The evolution of modern public space in Hong Kong The idea of public space in Hong Kong has much inherited from the traditional Chinese culture deeply rooted for centuries. The enrichment of street culture inherits its significant role of social life from traditional Chinese public space, which is cultivated by a strong sense of social drama and communal activities (Wang 1998).

But spatial mindset distinguishing between public and private is ambiguous (Chen, 1986, pp.89). Despite the fact that most of the urban development in Hong Kong has taken place during the British colonial governance from 1841 to 1997, public activities that associate with squares or plazas in Western culture would occur along pedestrian bridges, in the alleyways between mega structures, and along the fringes of major roads in Hong Kong. This had suggested the important social value of public realm.

1 In section3 of the “Park Ordinance” issued in 1864, “Chinese craftsmen and workers are not allowed to enter into the Park” The “Control Chinese Ordinance” in 1887 stated, “No public theatre without permission. No public gathering is allowed without permission from the Governor.”

However, public space as a symbol of governance has always been co-defined by its Chinese heritage and its colonial background.

The presence of the former can be felt in the legacy of the Chinese character ‘Gong’ (公), which is translated into the word ‘Public’ with a focus on morality (Chen, 1986, pp.91) ; and that of the latter can be reflected in the establishment of the colonial ruling power by the British government (Cuthbert, 1995). Yet, the traditional Western culture of a “plaza” was never brought over by the British into Hong Kong . Their pragmatic colonial management echoed with the traditional Chinese concept of ‘the public equals the government’. For instance, there was a regulation in the colonial times to deny Chinese people walking in Queen’s Victoria Statue Square because it was the ‘air of Edwardian civic dignity’ (Wordie, 2002, P.31) - the Square was a place for military ceremonies and imperial elites. Similarly, public realm control measures, ordinances1 in old colonial period , and the new Law of Public order since handover in 1997 have disrupted and ultimately undermined the citizens’ activities to influence politics and therefore the civic society. Until now, most of the parks are imposed with a large

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05 Figure.04 Parade celebrating Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee in 1897 at Statue Square as a symbol of imperialism Figure.05 Public parks are heavily regulated as a site of social control

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DISAPPEARING PUBLIC SPACE

number of rules, and people are dissuaded from using them. Public space remains closely controlled. Ackbar Abbas (1997) asserted in post-handover period that colonial policies had left ‘no spaces for own interpretation of Hong Kong culture’ since no real ‘contest’ had taken place. This has turned Hong Kong, particularly the Central commercial district, into a ‘placeless landscape’. (Abbas, 1997, p. 65; Law 2002) Continuing Abbas’s notion of ambivalent cultural space, Cuthbert and McKinnell (1997) have acknowledged that the disappearance of public realm in Hong Kong is also a result of the on-going corporatisation of urban development. Hong Kong saw a succession of the laissezfaire policies since the colonial period. Because of Hong Kong’s international significance as a financial centre, the Legislative Council, dominated by the heads of private property developers, constantly ‘shrinks the city’s public realm’ with a claim that it is counterproductive to profit making as it plays no part in wealth creation (Cuthbert and McKinnell 1997, p.295; Goodstadt, 2009; Schiffer, 1984). In essence, this phenomenon involves the shifts of responsibility of social space from the public to private sector. Public space becomes incorporated into the footprint of new mega-structures owned by multinational corporations including banks and property developers. Large shopping complexes such as the International Financial Centre (IFC) are encouraged to provide internal atriums, courtyards and street to replace public space.

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Fragmented open spaces at rooftop gardens Covered seatings with facilities including restaurants, bars and cafe

Internal retail atrium Provide internal retail atrium, courtyard and street replace public space Inaccessible Open space a large proportion of outdoor open space are located in left-over spaces. Thus these spaces could only be function as visual green due to the weak connections

Connection to metro (MTR) Direct linkage to MTR at its basement level provides constant circulation inside the mall

Inevitable Flow Pedestrian bridges is designed to reinforce consumerism by channeling customers through shopping malls atrium spaces.

Street culture is also sacrificed by this network

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DISAPPEARING PUBLIC SPACE

Privately Owned Public Space means the physical public area of a dedication proposal approved under the Building Planning Regulations Section 22(1) and Practice Notes for Authorized Person no. 233 in the Hong Kong Laws.

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Coupled with the reducing size of the public realm comes the policy of Privately Owned Public Space2 since 1980s. Under the condition that certain covered commercial areas such as shopping malls be regarded as ‘public space’ , the Hong Kong government has allowed private developers to build higher buildings with larger floor area and free up spaces for public use of which they have the responsibility to maintain and manage . For example, by providing the 5,410m2 plaza and street widening, Time Square in Causeway Bay could get a bonus allowable floor area of 120,000m2, around 5 storeys, as return. This hybrid of public and private produces ‘ambiguous space’ where corporate power has control and surveillance over the citizen’s ‘ambiguous right’ to freedom of movement and assembly (Cuthbert and McKinnell, 1997, p.310). The pseudo-public space hence caters to commercial as opposed to public interests.

Figure.06 International Financial Centre (IFC) shopping mall as pseudo-public space Figure.07 Economic-oriented urban vernacular development shrinks the city’s public space

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Figure.08 The Umbrella Movement Mapping

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THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT

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The Umbrella Movement The ‘space of appearance’

One might question whether or not these sterilizations of public social space are so authoritative or encompassing. The result of this economic-oriented urban vernacular is an urban space that reflects the dominations of the ruling elite, with local residents as passive subjects. However, as Foucault (1980, p.95) reminds us, ‘where there is power, there is resistance’. Public space is a site of the domination, of state politics, corporate power, and the capitalist economy, but at the same time, it is also a site of civil resistance where Hong Kongers voice out their opposition. Desperate to express their disapproval, they have created a ‘site of oppositional social movements’ (Duncan, 1996, P.129). In September 2014 the Umbrella Movement, also known as Occupying Central Movement, had disrupted the orderly visual space of Central and had suggested an ‘alternative’ public sphere that goes far beyond the archetypal interpretation of power and resistance.

Despite the Town Planning Board (2013, pp.25) stated that: “Civic Square [...] is an open-air civic square and public open space. It provides a gathering ground for civic functions and general recreational activities.”

The Square has been fenced off in July 2014 with and only allowing protests to be held there with consent.

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Figure.09 Cordoning off Civic Square Figure.10 Police’s tear gas towards unarmed protesters Figure.11-15 Tim Mei Road had been reclaimed by the citizens to a spontaneous recreational ground

The movement was an exhilarating impromptu response to police’s cordoning off Civic Square3, the well-intentioned civil space situated in the backdrop of the new government headquarters building self-stated as ‘Doors Always Open’ . A mass was sitting outside the shuttered Civic Square demonstrating dissatisfaction towards Beijing’s August 31 electoral reform ultimatum until the protestors attempted to retake Civic Square by scaling the three-meter high barricades around the square (see Figure.09). This sudden toppling of the status quo sparked off a movement that questions and explores the never existed sense of public space. Police tactics towards the first wave of the occupation included tear gas and baton striking on unarmed protesters, which soon triggered more citizens to join the Movement.

In the weeks of standstill that followed, thousands of citizens occupied streets and highways, taking responsibility for self-organised transformation at the Central Business District. Street had been reclaimed; the main artery of the city had turned into a spontaneous creative urban recreational ground offered by the people: full of new

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Tamar Government Headquarter

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Highway Ditch Prevent pedestrian from reaching

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Bottleneck entrances Control the flow of crowd

Fenced Gatehouse The three-meter high barricades around the shuttered Civic Square Civic Square The beginning of Umbrella Movement as an exhilarating impromptu response to police’s cordoning off public space Tim Mei New Village The main occupied site of the Movement

Figure.16 Analysis of the Umbrella Movement in relation to Tamar Government Headquarters 15

THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT

signage, informal classrooms, free tutorials, yoga classes and open air movie screenings, live gallery of protest art with students, tourists and artists in residence under pop-up tents (see Figure.11-15).

Some international discussion has considered Umbrella Movement as an’ international offshoot of the Arab Spring and the global Occupy movement’ response to the late-2000s financial crisis (Lim and Ping, 2015, p.90). While Tahrir Square, Tiananmen Square, and other largescale protests resulted in bloodshed, a major tenet of the Umbrella Movement was to embrace a peaceful and socially-conscious posture during the protest activities for equality and democracy. Despite the diluted and multi-polarised political intentions due to the lack of true leadership or formal organisation (Gracie, 2014), the Movement has rekindled Lefebvre’s the Right to the City published in 1967, which was the slogan of May ‘68 student revolution in Paris. The Right to the City outlined the notion of citizen’s right being involved in shaping the city, and in the case of Hong Kong, people’s right to access to urban public spaces as the spaces of democracy by the democracy of space.

The Occupation contributed to restoring the city to its more tolerant capacity for different modes of existence in a shared commingling atmosphere. Even for just 79 days of planning and forging spaces, protesters made a visible civic dialogue through the social drama Hannah Arendt (1958, p.199) has paradigmatically defined as the ‘space of appearance’ . Here a series of animated sections drawn to disclose the spatial experience over time:

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Central Government Offices

Legislative Council Complex

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THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT

Civic Square

Activated Civic Square

According to Marc Augé (2008), ‘non-places’ refer to spaces that do not hold enough historical, sociological nor cultural significance to be regarded as “places”, such as such as motorway or airport.

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Firstly, the initiation of the protest created a congregation of human that juxtaposed with Civic Square and the government headquarter.

Borrowing the reciprocal logic of inscribed and prescribed space from the architectural theorist David Leatherbarrow (2008), what happened here could be categorised as an inscribed cavity of configuration ‘reoriented otherwise’ (p.144) in comparison to the linear prescribed infrastructural city controlled by planners. The cavity developed the contested territories in an attempt to alter the existing powerresistance urban setting. In doing so, non-places4 (in the case of highways and roads) were activated, and thresholds became intimate auditoriums for spectatorship, blanketing the ordinary with a collective narrative and temporarily charging and enveloping the urban context.

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Tear gas and baton striking on unarmed protesters

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THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT

Mass congregation

Actively engaged citizens

The second noticeable feature of the inscribed cavities was the thickening of boundary as numbers of participants contributed their energy and presence to this mobile metaphysical envelope. “Do you hear the people sing?” With the full-throated roar of many citizens, especially young students, they had actively engaged themselves as players in the public realm. The space had been enlivened as a new form of public theatre. A combination of sound, visual signage, and scent strengthened the atmospheric composition of this theatre, and thereby replenished the initiate.

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Public art

Stage talk / lecture

Builder’s workshop

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THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT

Study corner

Urban farm

Lennon Wall of HK : The democratic mosaic wall of expressions

Resource team

Dance performance

This activated assembly then further developed and was differentiated into various groups responsible for self-sustained interventions at the next stage: resource team dealing with shared food, tents, first-aid and waste; builder’s workshop making barricades and furniture for protesters; local artists performing public art; volunteers putting up student study corner, library, public lectures, urban farm, to name but a few. It is important to stress that this process involved a positive sense of recognizing oneself as being part of a community. In fact, protesters had renamed the occupied Tim

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THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT

Mei Avenue as ‘Tim Mei New Village’. It is through the inhabitation of the space that a sense of ‘place’ is created. Rather than serving to break down social barriers and join the group into an undifferentiated unity, here I would argue that the movement fluctuated between the different realities to establish a ‘meaningful whole’. It is the experience and evaluation which are opened for all participants’ own interpretation with some point of identity and recognition with the event (Norberg-Schulz, 1980, p.19). While the resistance may not recognise this collective consciousness of ‘our place’, it does help create an alternative sensus communis sphere for self-expression.

Sensus communis here is interpreted by Arendt (2005, p.95): ‘One judges always as a member of a community, guided by one’s community sense, one’s sensus communis.’

The Umbrella Movement has constituted a social dramatisation of cultural identity to flatten the hierarchy of the contemporary city.

In this case, Lefebvre’s theory , outlined in The Production of Space, has pulled our attention to the central role of imagination and representation in producing a ‘lived’ space (1991, p.33). A ‘lived’ space could be understood when the protestor’s spontaneity ‘effectively translates the social order into territorial reality’. The exposition of a sense of place and belonging to the city leads us to a strategic reversal of the ‘conceived’ space achieved by government and corporate power in Hong Kong. Despite its temporariness, the ‘lived’ space in the Central District produces social-political awareness and thus has a subversive potential. ‘Inhibitor’ is the key operative word here. It is when the citizens communicate alternative political desires, public space becomes a social platform for democracy; it is when the citizens claim their right to the city, Hong Kong becomes a ‘place’ of us.

Figure.17 Les lieux de mémoire — the sense of belonging, memory and identity are both real and imaginary

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THE AFTERMATH

19 Figure.18-21 Parallel Lab had conducted workshops to interview and map the presence of citizens in the Movement.

Here is a testimony of “traces” of the protest that has inscribed in everyone’s memory.

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THE AFTERMATH

The Aftermath

The ‘agonistic’ nature of placemaking

The concept of ‘sites of memory’ was introduced by Pierre Nora (1996, pp.1-20) where “memory crystallizes and secretes itself” .

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The Umbrella Movement is an extraordinary event in Hong Kong that opened up people’s imagination to the alternative usage of space.

Even now as the barricades are forcibly removed, pop-up tents have been expelled and cars have reclaimed their usual passage on the road, the city has returned to normality only at the surface. Many Hong Kong citizens are now encouraged to solely walk along empty highways and to explore the city in pollution-free air. The experience has left in the memory of the citizens and would not be easily forgotten. Central District become the site of memory5 lived through the taken-forgranted social life .

The alternative forms of neighborhood in the Movement are certainly debatable, as people’s attention might gradually ebb away and the long term effect be indiscernible, it is nevertheless true that the experience of the movement initiates the existence of these alternative forms of institutions which has sustained beyond the ephemeral protest.

Because of the Movement, politics is now on everyone’s mind and lips. In the meantime, Beijing’s interference on local affairs is becoming growingly presumptuous, which confronts the ‘one country, two systems’ promise for Hong Kong to remain one of the few administratively distinct cities in China. We have discerned examples of targeted pressures on pro-democracy newspapers, cyberattacks on media and more recently, the missing of book publishers in Hong Kong. It has instigated the so-called ‘Umbrella generation’: the social awakening youth who now dedicates its time debating politics and defying the encroached freedom of speech and assembly. Instead of idly standing by waiting for the gradual ebb, many community groups from the movement have now communicated their political desires not only through normative political demonstrations and political parties, but also through art and culture in different districts of the city.

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THE AFTERMATH

There are dozens of informal organisations scattered in the city whose aim is to continue the spirit of the Umbrella Movement through all sorts of means. This section attempts to look at these post-Umbrella bottom-up placemaking through mapping and documentation. The mapping exercise presented here illustrates how these community groups geopolitically formed a cultural landscape nested within Hong Kong and how they are socially interconnected. This describes the landscape as a relational field, depicting alternative narratives of influence discovered in the earlier analysis of the Umbrella Movement.

When viewed as a series, the mapping of the institutions reveals the multiple tangled acts that stretch across split sites created by their own inscribed cultural interventions.

Figure.23 Mapping the morphologies of the political Political Demonstration Route Political Community Groups Public Green Space Governmental Cultural Performing Venue Communtiy Hall and Centre

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THE AFTERMATH

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25 In Wan Chai, some independent publications, book stores, theatre groups and medias had rented Foo Tak Building with only 1HKD payment to a generous landlord

26 Hong Kong House of Stories, located at the listed building Blue House, is a significant location for communitybased activities including performance occupied the road

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Figure.27 A political cultural landscape

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THE AFTERMATH

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THE AFTERMATH

When private individuals assemble to form a public body, it forms a public sphere that operates outside the state as described by Habermas (1999). The evolution of the post-Umbrella communities is the testament to the process of reflecting social issues in a more active and regular terms. Because of the scope, the making of this alternative public space is more participatory and spontaneous, and hence physically more open and inclusive. On the everyday level, these cultural spaces echo with the trend in international ‘guerrilla’ projects towards ‘insurgent public space’ evident in the work of Jeffrey Hou (2010, p. 15-16), where the ‘insurgent public space enables the participation and actions of groups and individuals in renewing the city to an arena of civic exchanges and debates’ through ‘continued expressions and contestation’. Performing as a stage for social implications and political expressions, public space is not only a material setting but also ‘an ensemble of social connections, political institutions, and judicial practices’ (Hénaff and Strong, 2001, p.34).

Figure.28 Hong Kong fans hold signs at the 2018 World Cup qualifying match Figure.29 TKW Community Builder Figure.30 Public watch the dystopian Hong Kong independent film ‘Ten Years’ Figure.31-33 Political art performance Figure.34 TC Cafe’s food related to local news

At this point, it becomes almost unavoidable to mention the Ancient Greek Agon, as the most referenced root of democratic theory rested on the work of theorists like Habermas and Mouffe. Agon in the Dionysus theatre plays a central role in the performance to reflect and develop sophisticated discussions for the assembly (Hansen, 1991).

The celebration of Agonism of many scholars tends to conform with Habermas’s concept of creating the ‘public sphere’ (1991, p.3) as a political place where consensus can be achieved by persuasion and exchange of opinions. Thus it has the power to ‘mediate between civil society and the state’ (Habermas, 1999) and create social harmony.

But this civil society established by the intersubjective agreement has been called into question by Mouffe (2013), drawing attention to the ‘political’, the antagonists that have struggled outside of formal institutions. Hence, she advocates the ‘political’ rather that ‘politics’, the pluralistic interests of adversarial parties rather than the homogeneous consensus lies at the core of public realm (2013, p.21). In doing so, ‘conflicts are manifested themselves’ and a positive ‘multipolar institutional framework’ is established instead (2013, p.29).

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36 Figure.35-36 The peaceful occupation in the 2014Umbrella Movement is paralleled to violent clashes in the 2016Fishball Riot 37

THE AFTERMATH

If we look at the cultural landscape from the Umbrella Movement and Mouffe’s model of democracy, we might not find them incompatible.

For Mouffe, the danger of the agonistic model is that a possibly violent space in the outside realm may result (2013, p.49). After the Movement ended without getting any concessions from Beijing, a clash during the Chinese New Year, dubbed by the social media as “Fishball Riots”, happened about two months ago. Radicalised protesters had set fires and thrown bricks at the police in order to make themselves heard. Hong Kong society is more polarised than ever and is bracing for more turbulence ahead.

Nevertheless, Mouffe’s model helps re-politicise Hong Kong’s cultural landscape as a heterogeneous public sphere. Hong Kong is a multicoded landscape whose interpretations are constantly being rewritten by a variety of groups. The mentioned insurgent placemaking is a practice that is horizontally constructed out of collective power, and that constantly challenges vertical hegemonic conditions in the city. The newly created public space is and will be where Hong Kong political imaginaries juxtaposed and the unique local culture is challenged. Hence, there is a need to make conscious this production and use of public space so that it does not ‘disappear’ or stay ‘ambiguous’ as Curthbert and Mckinnell (1997) described. The anxieties towards these public spaces is unlikely to subside in the near future, and neither will the confrontation between corporate power and the informal be imminently resolved, but for those of us who acknowledge the effort of Umbrella Movement and its later protest activities to actively build their community culture without doing extensive damage to the city, all seems hopeful.

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REAPPROPRIATING

Reappropriating

The resilience role of architect The idea of architectural practice as narrative and the notion of the participatory public forum as small interventions for design, is continually readdressed throughout the observation from the aftermath of the Umbrella Movement. In developing a design methodology for architectural practice in the production of the discussed cultural landscape in Hong Kong, the architect is in a difficult position. Firstly, architect is dealing with design and form in the material world whereas the socio-politics of space remains ephemeral.

In other words, architecture has the control over conceived but not lived space (Hill, 2003). Secondly, traditional architectural practice is commissioned by the authorities and therefore tends to engage formal architecture with a focus on the power not the resistance.

‘Participation’ in architecture is commonly described as ‘consultation’ where the decisions are made elsewhere (Hoskyns, 2014). There is also the trouble of architectural drawing, which is inevitably an abstracted representation of an imagined space, that is fixed and divorced from the time.

The challenge is to design form that is as indeterminate as possible, to remove functions in order to allow for appropriations and possibilities.

Bernard Tschumi, in his Parc de La Villette in Paris, has given an example to intentionally create an empty garden centre that allowed participatory events to take place in the city. For Tschumi the key is to determine spatial boundaries and points for unknown programs by what he described as ‘follies’ in the park. The real success of the Parc de la Villette could be seen at the political meeting of European Social Forum (ESF) in 2003, where the park was the only central location to accommodate thousands of visitor in a multiplicity of discussions and events. Accepting the inextricable entanglement of architects with formality and conditions of hegemony, what we have learnt from Tschumi is the how a design can anticipate ‘the political’ of plurality and contestation. As Mouffe (2013, p.21) has argued, architect can never fully avoid conditions of hegemony but can only critique and

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REAPPROPRIATING

reconstitute slightly better hegemonic orders. A degree of openness and flexibility of the design is crucial to define democracy and in order to critique what is often seen as totalising form or scheme.

The problem with architecture is that it is an inanimate husk; in fact most buildings are embodied traces of creative program or use.

How to revitalise a lifeless object to its inhabitation hence involves architect’s imagination and design. More importantly, the crucial first step to be undertaken by the architect is to disclose the field of relationships that ground an architectural intervention within a milieu setting. Just as Leatherbarrow (2008, p.144) discussed the relationships can be broken down into three narrative layers: foreground, where the program activated; middle-ground, where the architectural intervention creates a dialogue with the site; background, the implicit context. The weighting of each contributing strand is not fixed to predetermined guidelines, instead architect has the broad capacity to orchestrate and fluctuate between the layers, as relevance is placed according to context. It is when the narrative layers of interpretation and performance serve to animate the architecture, the emptiness becomes meaningful.

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REAPPROPRIATING

Foreground Middle-ground Background Figure.37-38 Inspired by Tschumi’s strategies of repetition and fragmentation, my project explores the superimposition of a series of scattered ‘folies’ that linked and intersected by the political walkway in Hong Kong

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Conclusion

Conclusion To conclude, public space in Hong Kong had long been considered as a synonym of social control rather than social Agonism and civic formation. Yet the sterilizations of social space by the capitalist economy constitutes a threat to the democratic life of Hong Kong that has nourished an increasing awareness of identity and public space since 1997, suggested by Abbas, Cuthbert and McKinnell. It is important to take reflection on new forms of public realm that are being produced in response to the ‘power and resistance’ relationship.

Umbrella Movement and its scattered aftermath in the city, in this way, had altered the space of Hong Kong. No matter how arbitrary their traces are exterminated, the very fact of its presence, the memories and associations it evoked permanently changes the production of ‘place’ in which it occurred. No longer limited to the archetypal classifications of neighbourhood, parks, square and civic architecture, these insurgent cultural space allowed us to re-imagine the normative meaning of public space and placemaking in Hong Kong on an entirely new level.

From attempting to articulate the spatial sensibility by defining Umbrella Movement and its aftermath, the investigations led to an understanding of Lefebvre’s ‘lived’ space’: first, as a space of inscribed narrative with the ability to cultivate non-places; second, as an atmospheric composition of theatrical perception; and finally, as sensus communis. By participating the Movement, citizens have shifted their conception of space from habit to performance. Mouffe’s agonistic model is also seen as the closest democratic insurgent space as this model puts ‘the political’ or plurality at the core of the public realm. Having interpreted spatial qualities and theories, we develop a methodology for producing the democratic civic space, which confronts the formal architectural practices with representational method alone. Tschumi’s Parc de la Villette has given us an example

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Conclusion

of how democracy can enter space in architect’s deconstructive approach, through a design vision that negotiates socio-cultural implications as a part of the narrative layers.

There is a need to theorise re-spatialisation so that people’s effort to make sense of, or to change, their everyday experiences are not embraced by an understanding of power that ignores its transformative potential. However, the literature is dominated by a bias to neglect the socio-political difference of the non-West and formulate urban theories based on the Western experience.

As Lefebrve explained, ‘Whether the East, specifically China, has experienced a contrast between representations of space and representational spaces is doubtful in the extreme’(1991, p.42). The politics of the production of space may not be straightly applicable.

To tackle the problem, we need to trace the trajectory of the urban theories in question and elaborate Hong Kong’s position in relation to its history of colonisation and urbanisation.

So the observation of the public space aroused from the Umbrella Movement and its aftermath offered the thesis project a clue. The term ‘thesis’ derives from the Greek word thetos or tihenai meaning ‘placed’ or ‘position’. As a part of the design-led research this architectural thesis hence involves the situation and orientation of design with respect to this set of conditions. Analysing the insurgent public space through its inhabitation has ultimately led us to study the cultural expression of the urban context of Hong Kong — the heterogeneous arena between the power of the hegemony and the resistance of the informal; a place of vexed relations with China and the West. Far from being outdated, the study of this public space as a legible cultural landscape allows a temporary, socially inclusive reordering of the city. It is at these moments when the heartbeat of Hong Kong is reconciled and celebrated, architecture and urbanism, along with people and events, are unified.

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Thank you for reading.

Clara Cheung Dip Wan