AOrphanidou_Design_Thesis_Spaces of Integrity

Mar de Plรกstico: Almeria, Spain

Spaces of Integrity: towards an inclusive model of intensive agriculture in Almeria, Spain

Design Thesis Mar de Plástico: Almeria, Spain Spaces of Integrity: towards an inclusive model of intensive agriculture in Almeria, Spain

Design Thesis “A Design Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil Examination in Architecture & Urban Design (2014-2016)”.

April 2016

Anastasia Orphanidou ao379@cam.ac.uk MPhil Architecture and Urban Design University of Cambridge Hughes Hall Words: 14210 Supervisor: Professor Alan Short

4

Cover. “Mar de Plastico” panoramic. Source: Kaushik, n.d.

Contents page photograph. “Mar de Plastico” top down view. Source: Lang, 2015

5

Contents 9 11 15 19 23 31 38 41 41 51 55 59 59 69 74 78 89

Acknowledgements Introduction Methodology Chapter 1: The global food system Chapter 2: History and Development of Almeria Chapter 3: Labour Chapter 4: Towards Change Chapter 5: Rethinking the Agro-Sector

5.1. Spatial development: R-urbanism

5.2. The Street

5.3. Ecosystem and Negative Externalities Chapter 6: Redesigning the Agro-Sector

6.1. Masterplanning

6.2. From Framework to Implementation Conclusion Bibliography Appendix

6

List of Figures Figure 1: Aerial photo of the mar de plรกstico Figure 2: Panoramic view of the greenhouses Figure 3: Chabola Figure 4: Analysing the Global Food System Figure 5: A greenhouse built on a dry stone wall Figure 6: Satellite photos showing the growth of the greenhouses Figure 7: Rejected crops due to cosmetic standards Figure 8: Labour Figure 9: Scenes from the racist tensions of 2000 Figure 10: Chabolas, Cortijos and illegal settlements Figure 11: Map showing the cities surrounded by the mar de plรกstico Figure 12: Comparison of grids Figure 13: Comparison of scale with other cities Figure 14: Panoramic view of landscape from the road Figure 15: Inside a greenhouse Figure 16: Collection of photos of circulation spaces Figure 17: Collection of 30 native species of vegetation

8 10 16 18 22 26 28 30 32 37 40 44 46 50 50 53 54

7

56 58 62 65 72

Figure 18: Eco-system enhancement test area Figure 19: The street re-imagined Figure 20: Geddes’ diagrams on diagnostic survey and conservative surgery Figure 21: Initial design exploration on reactivating the street Figure 22: The co-operative system

8

Figure 1: Aerial photo of the mar de plรกstico, the Poniente. Source: Author

9

Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors, Ingrid Schroder and Professor Alan Short, for their support and mentorship during this project.

My warmest gratitude to Ángel Morales Gutiérrez, Lola Buendía and Juan and Marien for their invaluable help, generosity, hospitality and most importantly their friendship. Without them, my time in Almeria would have not been the same.

I would also like to thank the following people for their vital help, information sharing and for their endless generosity during my time in Spain: Lizzie Wynn Mónica González Fernández Juan Carlos Manuel Gómez Galera Jesús Rincon Juanba Escobar Pérez Eva Rosa Moreno and the rest of staff of Fundación Cepaim Jesús Barranco Irene de Burgos Aranda All the workers who dedicated some time to speak to me and share their experiences.

Above all, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my family and friends for their continuous support and guidance throughout the peaks and troughs of this journey.

Statement of originality: This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

10

Figure 2: Panoramic view of the greenhouses. Source: Burtynsky, 2013

11

Introduction The food system is a complex, well-regulated and highly consolidated structure hidden within efficient and large networks that connect production with consumption. Rapid urbanisation, food commodification and growing demand have led to increased food production, which has resulted in industrialised agriculture.

These agro-systems are energy and resource intensive which leads to the depletion of natural resources and compromises their ability to sustain future production for a growing demand. Despite growing debates and various projects exploring urban agriculture as a more sustainable practice of food production, agro-systems remain necessary to cover the demand from an increasingly urbanised and affluent society.

This thesis explores how existing agro-systems can be adapted into more resilient and flexible models. The province of Almeria is used as a case-study. The Almeriense model is a developed agricultural centre that contains the largest concentration of greenhouses in the world (Figure 1). Located in Southern Spain, thirty thousand hectares of greenhouses have extensively transformed the landscape from a cultural and economic wasteland into an intensive factory of fruit and vegetable produce. State-led intervention in the 1960s that brought in peasants to cultivate the land, coupled with the favourable conditions of the local semi-arid climate contributed to the growth of these developments. In particular, it was the intensive smallholders’ family farming and a cooperative system established in the 1970s which organised, funded and assisted the growers, that were largely responsible for the success of Almeria.

Despite the sector’s sustainable social growth, the scale of production led to an unsustainable use of natural resources. The hydrological factor, such as over-exploited aquifers, is the most significant issue,

12

with organic waste management following suit. Furthermore, plastic waste, poor road networks due to unregulated expansion, landscape degradation and biodiversity loss are only a small number of the additional environmental concerns. Researchers and the growers are now addressing these problems, and their concern reveals a positive move towards change. This momentum can be used to achieve a more rigorous and long-term shift towards sustainable practices.

A social problem has also risen in the area - that of immigration. In the 1980s the economic boom attracted Spaniards to leave agriculture.

Family members were replaced with seasonal and irregular migrants.

The state tried to control the flow of irregular migration with various subsidies, yet only succeeded in turning a blind eye to the enormity of the situation. The workers’ living and working conditions are poor.

Subsequently, the first workers’ unions were formed and some immigrants managed to permanently settle in the towns. In 2000, an economic conflict between Morocco and Spain over agricultural products created tension between the two countries; following two murders committed by Moroccans, violent acts sparked in El Ejido, the leading town of this industry. These events showed signs of deep societal fragmentation.

New legislation and temporary employment schemes were formed between Spain and other countries as an attempt to regulate seasonal employment. However, these were inadequate to address either the participants as important stakeholders for the site’s performance, or their needs as human beings. In addition, the financial crisis of 2008 forced the country to, for the most part, discard these contracts. Today, workers’ employment conditions depend on the growers. Workers can be fairly treated, trained and paid, whereas on the other hand many are exploited and live in unhygienic conditions.

13

This problem is vast and it is difficult to manage and regulate fair practices. The blame cannot lie solely with the growers and certainly not all of them are guilty of poor management, but undoubtedly their workers deserve to be recognised as individuals instead of a readily available, flexible workforce.

The aforementioned change of practice towards a more resilient model must integrate all stakeholders as fundamental contributors to its existence, to respect and enhance the ecosystem that helped the “mar de plastico”1 thrive, and to account for the true production costs of fresh produce. As well as the required economic changes, spatial changes will also be essential to achieve a new model. In this thesis, Campo de Dalias, the largest concentration of greenhouses in the province of Almeria, is compared to a city as a method of assessing these spatial changes. Its scale and configuration matches urban plans, with the greenhouses comparable to city-blocks and the circulation spaces as city-streets. Streets are the main component of the urban armature; they are multi-layered spaces where services, human activities and nature overlap. Additionally, ecosystem enhancement is argued as an essential project to promote “biologically controlled” production (Integrated Pest Management) techniques and safeguard the environment for the future.

In this way, the street and the landscape become actors towards a larger project proposal. Using Valencia’s Regional Green Infrastructure Plan as a case study, the need for a more holistic approach is outlined as a potential masterplanning approach. The masterplan needs to engage with governmental agencies, the public 1 Mar de plastico = sea of plastic. Almeria is usually referred to as sea of plastic due to the sheer amount of greenhouses that use polyethylene sheets.

14

(farmers and workers) and relevant organisations in order to reach a suitable reform that addresses all scales: regional, municipal, and local. The proposed masterplanning approach also utilises “Scott’s Rule of Thumb” for planning. These rules emphasise the need to accommodate for the unforeseen, and to provide for reversible interventions, to test changes at a smaller scale and plan using human inventiveness. Geddes’ “Diagnostic Survey and Conservative Surgery” is used as an additional tool for the configuration of existing spaces. His methods are useful to accommodate the every-day rhythm of the agro-system, to understand all of its components and ensure that the proposals do not disrupt its performance. The aforementioned principles, when combined, result in a propositional masterplan. The gradual application of the masterplan in this area could promote the insertion of a variety of programmes followed by associated diverse infrastructure. Such programmes would be beneficial for both the agro-sector and for the people who live in the vast expanse of the plastic landscape.

The proposed approach involves time-consuming analysis and processes that can only be achieved in a spirit of long-term strategic alliances between the growers, workers, governmental agencies and relevant organisations and enterprises. The agro-system in Almeria owes its success and growth to the families’ continued hard work and the cooperative system that originally supported them. The future of the agro-food system of Almeria continues to depend on these principles.

15

Methodology This research and design thesis draws on two different areas of focus regarding the industrialised agricultural model of Almeria. The first is the environmental discourse associated with this type of largescale production, and its effect upon the lifespan of the agro-system and the ecosystem. The second is the problematic integration of a mismanaged migrant and seasonal labour pool that has contributed to the success of the sector as a collective workforce, yet raises issues when it comes to the individual. These topics have typically been researched separately; however, when researched in parallel they offered an alternative view of the systemic problems related to the agri-business sector and fresh produce, and revealed how one affects the other. In addition, this propositional research blends the two trajectories and their findings into a theoretical framework which suggests treating both issues as one.

Six weeks were spent in the Province of Almeria - half this time in the capital town, Almeria, and the other in El Ejido, the main town of in the greenhouse region. During that time, interviews were conducted with scientists from the Experimental Station of Cajamar and the University of Almeria, growers, entrepreneurs and employees of auxiliary businesses and managers of the distributing enterprises. In addition, formal interviews were conducted with organisations and syndicates working with migrant communities, as well as informal discussions with migrant workers of various ethnicities and status.

The latter were used to confirm first-hand the secondary literature already available. The formal interviews were recorded, primarily in Spanish, with three of them in English. All interviews revealed existing problems, proposed projects as ways of resolving them, policy conflicts, and explanations of logistics and future challenges the sector might face; all of which are discussed in the thesis body.

All interviews offered valuable insights and helped cross-reference,

16

Figure 3: Chabola- A shed made of plastic, pallets and tyres. The “Moroccan Camp�. Source: Author

17

reinforce or negate pieces of literature covered prior to the visit.

The argument presented is based on experience accumulated during the period spent on site. Visits to the greenhouses, cooperatives, migrant camps and time spent navigating around these places have also contributed to the understanding of all the processes involved, from initial stages of production to distribution of produce and by-product handling (e.g. organic waste). This in turn offered constructive information about the every-day rhythm and challenges that each group of people faces. The primary sources, photographic evidence, site visits and interviews have been invaluable in forming an opinion about the approach to be taken.

The greenhouses form a built environment which offers an opportunity to address the site as urbanism. Extensive literature on the development and problems of agri-business has been consulted, alongside theoretical frameworks of urban planning as a way of generating proposals which reflect different scales - from the street to the entirety of the region. Despite the controversial discussion on the existence of agro-systems, this thesis seeks to highlight the Almeriense model’s importance, not only for delivering fresh produce but also as a community that emerged from hard work and has the potential to adapt to market challenges. The latter becomes the key to manifest proposals that respond to the system’s contingencies and enhance them. Spatial configuration is an essential tool to contribute to the manifestation of resilient agro-systems. Reviewing case studies has been a useful tool to raise more questions and inform the associated design course. This thesis does not propose a conclusive proposition; rather, it addresses some informed possibilities which relate to the issues involved, to preserve the theoretical design research nature.

18 Agricultural Development

Transport Development

Urbanisation

Diet

Waste Environmental effect Social effect Economic effect

1900s

1960s

1990s

Today

Figure 4: Analysing the Global Food System. Why do we waste food? Source: Author

19

1

The Global Food System “But it is certain that man has done much to mould the form of the earth’s surface, though we cannot always distinguish between the results of his action and the effects of purely geological causes; […] Man has too long forgotten that the earth was given to him for usufruct alone, not for consumption, still less for profligate waste.”

(Marsh, 1864, p.14)

This research began with a simple question: why are we wasting food? A striking figure of one third of what is globally produced is lost or wasted throughout the food supply chain, from farm harvesting to leftovers in a household (FAO, 2016a; Gustavsson and FAO, 2011; Stuart, 2009). From a naïve perspective, the problem might seem solely economical; however, the amount of resources used in making and distribution, both natural and labour-input, are so vast that it has been called a scandal (Stuart, 2009). The reasons vary from cultural norms to the market structure and consequences of our impact on the environment and climate change (Segrè, Falasconi, Politano and Vittuari, 2014; Benton, Dougill, Fraser and Howlett, 2011; Gustavsson and FAO, 2011). The global food system has been comprehensively industrialised in the past fifty years, and the necessity of providing plentiful and seasonal food globally throughout the year has made national borders more permeable (Gertel and Sippel, 2014) (Figure 4).

The complexity of processes involved in the daily food production and supply of cities has been well hidden in incredibly efficient and large networks that connect production with consumption (Steel, 2009). Meanwhile, rapid urbanisation and increased food demand has pushed production to the outskirts (Swagemakers, Jongerden and Wiskerke, 2014), weakening the bond between the city and the countryside (ibid). In fact, there is now a conflict of land-use; need of land for urban expansion and need for more arable land to cover food

20

requirements of the urban expansion (Regmi, 2014; Satterthwaite, McGranahan and Tacoli, 2010). These, in combination with access to more technological advancements, resulted in the appearance and expansion of intensive and highly productive agricultural clusters that have significantly transformed and shaped landscapes, depleting natural resources at the same time (FAO Agriculture, 2011).

The deregulation of the market and the triumph of free trade naturally transformed food into a commodity (WTO, 2015; Hansen, 2013; Scholliers and Van Den Eeckhout, 2013). In the context of Europe, the European Market initially resisted its liberalisation mainly to protect the interests of domestic agriculture and its farmers, until 1992 when it entered the free market (Campbell, 2012) upon agreement of the Maastricht Treaty. Following the formation of the EU, products, services and people freely moved within the member states of the Union (GOV.UK, 2015c). In the case of agricultural goods, trade between EU members was vividly promoted (GOV.UK, 2015a) since they are among the largest importers and exporters of agricultural goods (European Commission, 2015b; FAOSTATS, 2014). Importing food from outside the EU is slightly more complex, but ease of movement of agricultural products was generally considered essential. Consequently, trade has been vastly simplified by the application of tariffs and European standards (GOV.UK, 2015c; b). Providing all types of food throughout the year is vital in the contemporary supermarket model to satisfy the needs of an increasingly affluent society, regardless of seasonality (Christ, 2013; Benton et al., 2011; Steel, 2009; Stuart, 2009).

One could dispute the existence of intensive agricultural systems due to their negative environmental and social impacts, such as, for example, land degradation, greenhouse gas emissions, and decent farmers’ livelihoods or, in lyrical terms, the complete separation of man and nature and ignorance of the true origins of our food. As Steel (2008) highlighted, cities owe their existence to farmers and farming (Steel, 2008, p7). Especially in recent years, there is a growing

21

debate over urban agriculture, such as the concept of Continuous Productive Urban Landscapes (Viljoen, Bohn and Howe, 2005) or the appearance of allotments and vertical farming in urban contexts, the shift to organic agriculture and “locally” sourced produce resulting in a more extensive rather than intensive agriculture (FAO, 2016; Tornaghi, 2014; Anderson, Brushett, Gray and Renting, 2014; Steel, 2009; Kozai, Niu and Takagaki, n.d.). There is ground to call some of this a pure marketing strategy or a pretentious ideology, a product and activity available only for a niche market (Lovett, 2016; Royte, 2015; Benton et al., 2011). These concepts, however, are also a novelty and have pushed for a change in current practices at a larger scale of production and retailing (Benton et al., 2011), especially following the food crisis of 2008 that questioned the “productivist paradigm” (Marsden, 2013).

These trends fail to account for the fact that cities consume much more of what they can produce and there is a necessity for intensive systems to cover the food requirements of an expanding population with rapidly increasing wealth (FAO, 2016; Swagemakers, Jongerden and Wiskerke, 2014; Steel, 2009)(Steel, 2008, Swagemakers et al, 2014). In 2009, urban populations outgrew rural populations, with the world’s urban population expected to increase by 84% by 2050 (UNPD, 2009). At the same time, agriculture is expected to increase in resource and land use, mainly in developing countries, to compensate for population growth and relocation (Global Agriculture towards 2050, 2009). Consequently, agriculture needs to maintain its scale and intensiveness based on current trends. The challenge is how such systems can maintain productivity to cover urban needs, yet at the same time use environmental and human resources essential for production in a sensitive manner (FAO Agriculture, 2011). How can these clusters become sustainable models of intensive agriculture that accounts for the true environmental and social costs of eating fresh food? This challenge is explored in the context of Almeria and its intensive agricultural model under sheets of plastic.

22

Figure 5: A greenhouse built on dry stone wall. A materiality synthesis. Source: Author

23

2

Almeria: History and Development “Campo de Dalias” in the province of Almeria has the largest concentration of greenhouses in the world, as shown in Figures 1 and 2 (Valera Martinez, Belmonte Urena, Molina-Aiz and Martinez, 2016; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011).

It is dedicated to intensive agriculture which is the province’s leading economic sector (Galera, 2016; Valera Martinez et al., 2016). Located in southern Spain, Almeria, the desert of Europe, experienced “one of the most extensive territorial transformations in the last third of the 20th century” (Aznar-Sánchez, 2011; AznarSánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011). In less than 60 years the area was covered by the white landscape of approximately thirty thousand hectares of greenhouses (Valera Martinez et al., 2016). Its intensiveness marks it as one of the most significant agricultural centres in the world (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011).

Until the 1940s, Almeria was an origin for emigrants (Veiga, 2014; Geiger, 2008) and it was rendered as an “economic, social and cultural “wasteland” (Giagnocavo, 2012; Wolosin, 2008). Following the end of the civil war in 1939, agrarian policy of General Franco’s Nationalist government’s was focused on intensive land cultivation to restore disrupted food systems and mitigate food-scarcity (OECD, 2009). From the 1960s, the government activated the second stage of rural policy, of “authoritarian desarrollismo”2 (ibid). Large-scale irrigation systems and colonisation schemes took place with resettlement of farmers to areas where these works were accessible.

New land-planning and creation of small-holding communities introduced by the National Service of Plot Concentration (SNCP from the Spanish) shaped areas and agriculture. Almeria was 2 Authoritatian development.

24

one of these areas. Plots of land were given to Spanish landless families for cultivation and the use of plastic to protect the crops led to the permanent transformation of the Poniente3 to a sea of plastic (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; Aznar-Sánchez, 2011) (Figure 2). The first greenhouse appeared in 1960; by 1963 this had expanded to approximately half a hectare of greenhouses. Twenty years later, more than 14,000 hectares of greenhouses had developed with the aid of government support (Giagnocavo, 2012; Potot, 2009). This area has since doubled, and today there are approximately thirty thousand hectares (GaldeanoGómez, Aznar-Sánchez and Pérez-Mesa, 2012; Aznar-Sánchez, 2011; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; Galdeano-Gómez, Aznar-Sánchez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011) (Figure 6). This man-made structure-landscape, which is visible from space (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; United Nations Environment Programme, 2016), helped the GDP of the area to quadruple between 1994 and 2005, and ranked the province 3rd in the country (Giagnocavo, 2012).

The Mediterranean, semi-arid climate which is unique for Europe (Veiga, 2014; Christ, 2013; Aznar-Sánchez, 2011; Callejon-Ferre, Manzano-Agugliaro, Diaz-Perez and Carreno-Sanchez, 2011; Wolosin, 2008) provides over three thousand hours of sunlight annually, an annual average temperature between 15-20 oC and extremely mild winter months of 12-14 oC. The low annual rainfall4 was overcome by generous subterranean water at the Campo de Dalias. In addition, constant wind for passive ventilation and the 3. El Poniente: stands for the western part of Almeria province, where the largest concentration of greenhouses is located. Refer to Figure 1.

4. Just over 200mm annually

25

relatively flat surface contributed to these perfect climatic conditions for a thriving greenhouse agriculture (Molina-Aiz et al., 2009; MolinaAiz, Valera and Álvarez, 2004). Consequently, farmers could produce fruit and vegetables off-season in winter, which marks the peak production and export season of the sector (Buendia, 2016; AznarSánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011). By 2013, three million tonnes of vegetables were produced, of which 1.9 million tonnes were exported to European supermarkets (Cajamar, 2013).

The main market consists of Germany, France, Netherlands and the UK (Valera Martinez et al., 2016; Tremlett, 2015; Wolosin, 2008).

Despite the favourable conditions, the success of the Almeriense miracle was possible largely due to intensive family farming and a cooperative system that funded and assisted the farmers (Galera, 2016; Giagnocavo, 2012). Family farming is still at the core of the agro-business with more than 13,500 small-holding units spread in the farmland (Galdeano-Gómez, Aznar-Sánchez and Pérez-Mesa, 2012; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and PérezMesa, 2011). Strong cooperation and communication of skills and technologies available between the farmers led to the formation of a large cooperative system. The co-operative sector was a bottom-up organisation in a city of greenhouses that helped the agri-business grow sustainably, providing business management training, technical sessions, specialised courses in agriculture and organised email and banking systems (Giagnocavo, 2012).

Auxiliary businesses were gradually established on site to directly serve the agro-sector; from packaging to recycling and provision of production resources. Today, a wide network of collaboration among the businesses, farmers and consultants allows the province to carry out all processes from production to export and handling on site. The Director of Agriculture of the regional government

26

1974

1984

Figure 6: Satellite photos showing the growth of the greenhouses. Source: United Nations Environment Programme, n.d.

(Galera, 2016) stated that the majority of the population in the area is working for agriculture or for one of its auxiliary services.

The next chapter will discuss how the family culture has changed in recent decades, and the role this has played in the research.

This scale of production resulted in unsustainable use of local resources, with the hydrological factor being the most important (Buendia, 2016; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and PérezMesa, 2011). Over-exploitation of aquifers and lack of substantial regulation to manage water-uses led to shortages and poor quality with increased salinity (Munoz et al., 2010). Despite the turn to desalination, the large investment to building new plants and the improvement in technologies for minimal water use (Fuentes, 2011; Munoz et al., 2010; Downward and Taylor, 2007), water management is expected to affect production cycles in the coming years. It is projected that the site will be completely desalination-dependent in the next two years; this will increase production costs and therefore it is difficult to assure a complete ban of groundwater extraction (Buendia, 2016). Other negative externalities are the uncontrolled dumping of organic and plastic waste, the lost biodiversity due to large concentration of greenhouses (Rodríguez et al., 2014, 2012), faulty road networks and landscape degradation and floods following downpours (Maxwell, 2015; Diago, 2015; HortiDaily, 2015). Various sanctions and rural plans have been implemented to eliminate these externalities. Indeed, a lot has changed in the past 20 years, such as the protection of soil and managing waste collection to a degree by internalising the problem to the specifics of the site (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; Valera Martinez et al., 2016).

Organic waste is an important negative externality, since it drew

27

2004

2014

attention in the past when hundreds of crops were rejected and dumped in vacant plots left to rot (La Sexta, 2013; Fischer, 2009). To clarify, organic waste is distinguished between vegetal waste (plants, roots, unharvested crops) and fruit waste (harvested crops) (Perez, 2016). The volume of vegetal waste reaches about 1 million tonnes annually (Callejon-Ferre et al., 2011; Becerra and Bravo, 2010). Fruit waste is usually from crops that do not fit the cosmetic standards imposed by the market5 (La Sexta, 2013) or are rejected due to overproduction to avoid a market crash (Perez, 2016; HortiDaily, 2016), and the amount varies every year. It is a common phenomenon for farmers to have to abandon between 2% and 10% of their produce on average due to cosmetic standards (Figure 7), yet this figure has been known to reach 90%6. If prices are unfavourable, growers might choose to not market their entire produce, and send it to compost instead (Perez, 2016). Unfortunately, sometimes perfectly edible crops grown for human consumption can be found discarded in skips outside cooperative facilities or greenhouses (Figure X) - an unfair and inappropriate practice. This proves that despite the socialist approach and growth of the Poniente (as quoted in (Aznar-SĂĄnchez, Galdeano-GĂłmez and PĂŠrez-Mesa, 2011)), market forces - in particular for this case, the supermarkets - control production (Valera Martinez et al., 2016).

This is connected to the previous chapter that questioned the existence of such industrialisation and commodification. The aforementioned externalities confirmed the ethical issue associated with intensive production regarding environmental cost and when 5. Interviews with farmers during research trip in February, 2016 6. Consolidation of information retrieved from interviews during Fieldwork, 2016

28

Figure 7: Rejected crops due to cosmetic standards. Source: Author

29

this cost becomes part of the equation. Lost biodiversity and organic waste management are two of the issues that have been largely addressed by farmers, agronomists and entrepreneurs, and have promoted investment in eliminating them. A collaboration between the local government (Ayuntamiento de El Ejido), the regional government (Junta de Andalucia) and the cooperatives, for example, invested in building a new factory for converting rejected crops into animal feed as an additional auxiliary service (Juan Carlos, 2016).

There is also the shift to Pest Integrated Management7 as a cultivation technique since 2005 (Valera Martinez et al., 2016). Christ (2013) stated that “the dream of transforming these environmental and social contingencies into neoliberal opportunities for profit has many variations [...]�. The question is whether these changes remain neoliberal or if they offer fertile ground for an in-depth change towards a more sustainable model of intensive agriculture. It is certain, though, that the Almeriense model of monoculture and heavy dependence on irrigation questions its long-term sustainability and viability (Constance, 2014).

7. Using pests to fight pests that are damaging for the crops, and by minimising/stopping the use of chemical pesticides.

30

Figure 8: Labour: A collection of farmers and workers. Sources: Fischer, 2013; Leidel, 2012; Clisol, n.d.; BBC, 2011

31

3

Labour “Every loaf was eaten in the sweat of the brow. All must be earned by toil. But toil was nowhere else rewarded by so generous wages; for nowhere would a given amount of intelligent labor produce so abundant, and, at the same time, so varied returns of the good things of material existence.”

(Marsh, p2)

Family farming was extremely important for the development of the Poniente (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; Aznar-Sánchez, 2011). When the government initiated the development of the site, its objective was to use the cheap, available and local labour to farm the area and create another market (Giagnocavo, 2012). All family members were devoted to farming, a tradition embedded in the development of the site. There was a system of rotation (tornapeon) between families to help each other with increased workload in their greenhouses (Veiga, 2014). Indeed, this culture is still alive, but the frequency of tornapeon is much lower.8 This was a measure to ensure that a family would be able to cope with the work and still have a profitable “piece of land”. Their ingenuity, hard work and collaboration were the stepping stones to form the cooperatives and create a blooming agricultural sector (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011).

It naturally follows that the wealthier the area became, the more people searched for better occupation opportunities (AznarSánchez, 2011; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; Potot, 2009; Geiger, 2008; Calavita, 2005). Farmers’ children emigrated around Spain in search of a brighter future, as being a farmer was considered an inferior profession (Calavita, 2005). The 8. Following conversations with people on site during research period in February 2016

32

Figure 9: Scenes from the racist tensions of 2000. Source: BBC, 2000

shift in locals’ profession was compensated by migrant workers who arrived in the area, mainly from Morocco and Northern Africa (Aznar-Sanchez, Belmonte-Urena and Tapia-Leon, 2014). Immigrant workers, both legal and illegal, provided a seasonal workforce that was rotated between the greenhouses during high-peak seasons; the way of this culture was paved by the tornapeon system of familylabour circulation. This flexible and cheap workforce was crucial to the sector to maintain its profitability, since labour accounts for 40% of production costs (Valera Martinez et al., 2016; Aznar-Sanchez, Belmonte-Urena and Tapia-Leon, 2014).

In Almeria, seasonal labour can be categorised in three regimes (Constance, 2014). The first regime began in 1980 when an increasing number of local people searched for better jobs and simultaneously immigrant workers started arriving on site. The workers replaced “family� work and were rotated among farmers to save on expenses. The time spent with one farmer was limited to an average of two weeks (Veiga, 2014). Although the collective contribution of this highly flexible workforce was recognised as extremely important, the individual and their work was considered insecure and contingent (Constance, 2014). This was the case until 1986, when the second regime began. European agrarian subsidies were used in an attempt to control the high number of irregular migrants who arrived. Nevertheless, it only succeeded in turning a blind eye to irregular migration which consequently increased. At the same time, the working and living conditions of the workers were poor. The majority of the workers were Moroccans and they started organising themselves for labour rights; some settled in towns, leaving the agricultural sector and opening up their own businesses (Veiga, 2014; Potot, 2009; Calavita, 2005).

33

In 2000, however, the “tomato war” was sparked between Spanish and Moroccan farmers (Veiga, 2014; Potot, 2009). It consisted of a series of violent acts by Spanish farmers in ports, targeting Moroccan produce. The combination of these acts with a Moroccan killing two neighbours and a Moroccan killing a young woman were enough to trigger racist and violent riots in 2000 in El Ejido, the main town of the Poniente (Veiga, 2014; Potot, 2009; Calavita, 2005; BBC, 2000) (Figure 9). Locals chased and injured “Moors” and workers of other ethnicities; they burnt their houses and shops, which has resulted in permanent racist tension within the city9. The attacks of 2000 “rendered them economically and symbolically irrelevant” (Veiga, 2014). Only a proportion of Moroccans dared to protest against their unfair treatment, and demanded basic human rights to include treatment as human beings and walking in public spaces without being arrested. Some others included housing provision and social care access (Potot, 2009). The strikes were not supported by all immigrants. After they were dissolved, the Coordinated Organisations of Agriculturists and Animal Graziers refused to hire Moroccans, who were being replaced by Ecuadorians and Eastern Europeans (Veiga, 2014; Pumares and Jolivet, 2014; Potot, 2009).

The same year marked a new immigration Law (4/2000) planning to reduce the number of undocumented immigrants with the first bilateral agreements (ibid).

The year 2000 marked the third regime (Constance, 2014). The

9. Conversations I had with locals during fieldwork in El Ejido, suggested that foreigners, mainly Moroccans, were uncontrolled in the city with cases of violence and harassment towards the locals. Many locals felt unsafe during that time, therefore, the murder of the young woman incited outrage.

34

replacement of Moroccans with Eastern Europeans revealed flaws in the integration of foreign workers in Spanish society. Moroccans, for example, usually came across as people who create conflict and more distant. This affected their relationship with employers and locals more generally, and they were consigned to inferior positions in agriculture with little opportunities of promotion (Veiga, 2014; Pumares and Jolivet, 2014). On the other hand, Romanians were considered more collaborative and able to settle down easier, and therefore they gained better jobs (ibid). In the meantime, formal bilateral origin contracts and agreements were signed between Spain and 25 countries from 2001, in line with law 04/2000 (Lindner and Kathman, 2014). These agreements were contracts signed with workers in their countries of origin to work in Spain.

Circular migration agreements were 9-month long contracts (one season) and included subsidies for the employers to visit the origin country to attend a selection process (Lindner and Kathman, 2014; Barnes and Cherino, 2011). The contract also included a return ticket for the worker, although they had to cover the work permit fee themselves. The employer had to provide accommodation and transportation on site. The former usually resulted in lower-standards of accommodation. The contracts gradually changed to provide more flexibility, for instance one worker could be rotated in more than one farm; however, the major issue was that the worker had to return to their country of origin after the end of their contract, restricting their mobility in terms of sector and region (Lindner and Kathman, 2014).

Eligibility for a resident permit could only be achieved if a worker had completed five consecutive years’ worth of contracts (Barnes and Cherino, 2011). Another method of controlling and providing seasonal labour was the introduction of mobility partnerships that were formed through the European Union and were coordinated by NGOs such as the International Organisation for Migration (IOM)

35

(Lindner and Kathman, 2014; European Comission, 2007).

These programmes might sound ideal for controlling the flow of migration and promoting legal routes; but despite this, they ultimately undermine a worker’s freedom and they lack transparency (SOC-SAT, 2016; Barnes and Cherino, 2011). They were designed to benefit the country rather than the worker by creating a new legal category of “seasonal worker” that restricts their overall movement and capacity as an individual (Lindner and Kathman, 2014; Barnes and Cherino, 2011). Furthermore, the financial crisis the country is still suffering has severely reduced the number of participants in the programmes, from 183,000 in 2007 to less than 20,000 in 2009 in the whole country (Barnes and Cherino, 2011); and yet, the need for workers has remained unchanged. Currently, the working conditions vary and are at the hands of the employer. Some enterprises, for example, employ with contracts, such as origin contracts or normal contracts.

There are also workers who labour without contracts and they have unfair salaries or have to hide their papers in order to be hired as illegal and therefore underpaid workers.10 An unknown percentage live in unsanitary and inhumane conditions (Indi, 2016) of sprawling “chabolas” - shelters made of plastic sheets and palettes. Others have claimed empty “cortijos”11 which they share in groups (Figure 10). Their illegality and informal way of living makes it difficult to pin down the real scale of the problem (ibid). The choice to rent in the city is sometimes constrained by economic and social status (ibid).

10. Interviews with migrants in February 2016.

11. Agricultural sheds that were previously used by greenhouse owners as residence or auxiliary buildings, next to their greenhouses, and now are abandoned.

36 It is not possible to blame all of the growers within the system for this poor management, since many have been treating their employees fairly (Rincon, 2016; SOC-SAT, 2016) by contracting fairly, and by trying to make the job more attractive and secure and by providing specialization (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011). Furthermore, the high cost of input resources for production and the pressure that retail chains apply to the growers reduced their overall profit margin (Valera Martinez et al., 2016) which was passed on to the workers’ wages (Aznar-Sanchez, Belmonte-Urena and TapiaLeon, 2014). Although the Spanish Government has active bills to curtail illegal migration12 by prosecuting whoever encourages it, and thorough integration policies (Arango, 2013), the law enforcement is lacking. This is largely due to poor management of the overwhelming number of immigrants in the area, underfunded organisations and lack of additional staff where necessary; a direct consequence of the financial crisis (Indi, 2016; Barnes and Cherino, 2011).

These examples serve to point out a mentality that is intimately linked to fresh daily produce. A large number of migrants in the area have been providing a readily available seasonal labour pool - whether legal or illegal - since the 1980s. The working conditions are challenging (Calavita, 2005). Work is needed every day of the week, eight hours per day (Barnes and Cherino, 2011). The temperature and humidity levels inside the greenhouse are high (Callejon-Ferre et al., 2011; Molina-Aiz et al., 2009; Lawrence, 2011). Research carried on site showed that both the type of greenhouse and the crop cultivated directly affected the ergonomic-psychosocial conditions of the workers (Callejon-Ferre et al., 2011; Montoya-García, Callejón-Ferre, Pérez-Alonso and SánchezHermosilla, 2013). They are cast out of the community that contributed in creating the “miracle of Almeria” (Christ, 2013; Giagnocavo, 2012; Aznar-Sánchez, 2011) and “imagined as superfluous, abundant and as individuals or even groups replaceable thus irrelevant” (Gertel and Sippel, 2014, p.250). They shouldn’t be simply viewed as “victims”, nor as pawns. They are stakeholders that are equally important in the success story of Almeria; they are skilled, motivated and have an identity, and they should be recognised in this way. Their poor treatment illustrates the vicious cycle of the economic system under which the current food system operates. One could argue that the “mar de plástico”, as Almeria is commonly referred as (sea of plastic), has been both a desert oasis and a micro-cosmos of the global environmental and social consequences of current food production practices that have permanently scarred the area. Undoubtedly, this micro-cosmos has to adapt in the future in order to increase its lifespan and resiliency to imminent environmental and social changes.

12. Immigration Act, Approved in 26th June 2009

37

Chabola

Illegal sheds built by migrants using scrap materials

Chabola

The interior of a cortijo.The migrants were evicted by the owner.

Illegaly built sheds

Chabola

The same cortijo as above. The owner demolished parts of it to force the people out.

Figure 10: Chabolas, cortijos and illegal settlements found in the area. This is a sample. Source: Author

38

4

Towards Change

Chapter 1 reviewed the particulars of the industrialised food system and concluded that intensive agriculture is necessary in order to cover the needs of the increasingly urban populations. However, current practices must change to maintain productivity and preserve resources. Chapters 2 and 3 reviewed the Almeriense intensive agricultural model and its environmental and social impacts. These problems are widely accepted in the community of farmers, scientists, business men, workers and all other professionals and stakeholders involved in the existence of the model13, who in turn realise the need for change (Valera Martinez et al., 2016; Buendia, 2016; Juan Carlos, 2016; Galera, 2016; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and PérezMesa, 2011). This change, however, must have an aim beyond the framework of “neoliberal opportunities” (Christ, 2013). This change must integrate all people involved as fundamental for its existence, respect and enhance the ecosystem that helped the “mar de plastico” thrive, account for the true production costs and enhance its resiliency. The way humans use the incredible power holding in our hands in transforming the world will fundamentally define our species (Harvey, 2000).

Harvey points out the importance of the figure of the architect and his capability of shaping spaces, preserving memories and collectivities and working with utopian ideas; the will to create (Harvey, 2000, p.204). In the case of Almeria, such visions are essential, with a crucial inter-disciplined input. As Harvey (2000, p.200) posited, “what kind of evolution do we, as savvy architects, imagine and plan?”. The next chapters will discuss spatial and landscape transformation possibilities that respond to the aforementioned desirable change 13. Conversations with representatives from each, in February and March 2016.

39

for the Almeriense agriculture. In its core, this research aims firstly to enhance the relationship between the land and the greenhouses as well as the relationship between man and nature. It is absolutely fundamental in the first instance to incorporate natural cycles in the sector, wherever possible. Second, to integrate immigrant workers on site as individuals and break the notion of a collective, highly flexible and available labour pool.

Prior to spatial analysis of the Poniente, it is worth clarifying an essential factor for the successful implementation of any intervention, which is economic stability and support by the state.

The “state” here is the European Union, which is also the major market of the produce (Valera Martinez et al., 2016). Agriculture in Almeria is factory-like production; therefore, the produce is not directed to solely cover human needs but to satisfy market needs (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011). Currently, the agro-sector is competing with increasingly open markets and with countries operating under different regulations, cheaper labour and political agendas (HortiDaily, 2016; Giagnocavo, 2012). The EU embargo on Russia, for example, reduced exports of Almeriense tomato products to that country (HortiDaily, 2016). At the same time, Europe favoured Turkish imports after an agreement to deal with the refugees on the border. Combined with an increase in Moroccan imports, and the fact that Spanish tomatoes have to undergo stricter controls imposed by the EU, prices were driven down and Spanish tomatoes were not absorbed by the Single Market. In turn, this created a loss for the Almeriense farmers who had to abandon that particular produce. This is a simple example of such an incident, and not the only one the past year, to illustrate how volatile the market is. Additionally, the powerful position retailers hold puts farmers in vulnerable positions (Valera Martinez et al., 2016; Stuart, 2009).

Such competition does not allow the sector to prioritise labour and environmental sustainable practices, nor does it support the farmers (Giagnocavo, 2012). Consequently, the EU Single Market needs to safeguard Almeria’s produce destined for human consumption and its farmers’ rights to account for production costs, including labour and natural resources. Understandably, that’s not a simple task, and has consequently not been extensively discussed in this thesis; rather, it should be the topic of further study given more time. The main concern, however, is to recognise the dangers entangled in human actions, and that if nobody is willing to pay then probably every effort is doomed to fail (Harvey, 2000; Scott, 1998).

40

Spain

Mediterranean Sea

El Ejido

Las Norias La Mojonera

San Agustin Almerimar

Figure 11:Map showing cities surrounded by the mar de plรกstico. Source: Author

Mediterranean Sea

41

5

Rethinking the Agro-Sector

5.1 Spatial Development: R-Urbanism The greenhouses of Almeria are an extensive factory dedicated to producing high quality fruits and vegetables (Aznar-Sanchez, Belmonte-Urena and Tapia-Leon, 2014). Despite its predominantly rural identity, the built environment additionally features some urban characteristics that make this form of agriculture a more complex issue to address spatially in terms of planning (Altes and van Rij, 2013). Greenhouses being considered temporary structures enables their existence on non-developable or agriculturally reserved land (Contador Martin, 2013); however, they create a built environment which impacts the landscape more rigorously than open agriculture (Altes and van Rij, 2013). This blurring of two identities provides an interesting perspective from which to understand the site and means of a spatial intervention.

Seen from above, the Poniente (Municipality of El Ejido) consists of many towns located against the vast, white, reflective landscape, such as El Ejido, Roquetas del Mar, La Mojonera, and Las Norias (Figure 11). Although these towns were once dispersed settlements, agriculture, and later tourism, contributed in their rapid sprawl and increased conflict between urban and rural territories (Entrena, 2005; Entrena Durån, 2006). The growth of the greenhouse sector, the auxiliary businesses’ requirement for labour, the need for every inch of the land to be fiscally exploited and easy access to the automobile, resulted in farmers living further away from their land. Most farmers could afford better living conditions in the developed urban environments that were previously underdeveloped settlements. In the 1960s, when the National Institute of Colonisation (INC from the Spanish) distributed land to peasant families (Aznar-Sanchez,

42

Belmonte-Urena and Tapia-Leon, 2014; OECD, 2009), each family received a plot of three hectares. Farmers were in close proximity to their land which could be used for agriculture and cattle and on-site accommodation (cortijos). As technology developed and greenhouse cultivation became more sophisticated, greenhouse units reduced to two hectares, with a house within a 2.5km radius (Veiga, 2014).

Today, the average size is approximately one and a half hectares (Valera Martinez et al., 2016; Aznar-Sanchez, Belmonte-Urena and Tapia-Leon, 2014; Aznar-Sánchez, 2011). This level of land distribution allowed for a more equitable distribution of wealth. In addition, there was an incremental division of land from the state to the family, subsequently from one family member to another and the consolidation of unit sizes ensured profitability and ease of maintenance by one family within one plot. Indeed, the size, configuration and organisation of the site were determined based on the culture of family farming.

The fast growth and configuration of the site occurred mainly in the 1970s and 1980s in the absence of an ordered and structured territorial planning organization (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011). During that period, the farmers were more concerned with increasing productivity and the interior of the greenhouses, forgetting the symbiotic relationship between the crops and their surroundings. This short-sighted behaviour, in combination with the lack of state-led intervention and regulation to plan the rural territory, led to the aforementioned negative externalities (Ferraro, 2000). The uncontrolled expansion of greenhouses has stopped in the area of Campo de Dalias (Municipality of El Ejido) since it has almost reached maximum land capacity, with growth limited to 1% per year (Galera, 2016). The issue of land is currently addressed by reusing older and abandoned greenhouses (Valera Martinez et al.,

43

2016).

As Scott (1998, p.2) pointed out “agriculture is a radical reorganisation and simplification of flora to suit man’s goals” and it runs the risk of replicating the failures of planned cities’ (Scott, 1998). Campo de Dalias is essentially a city of greenhouses that exerts spatial pressure on its surroundings and consumes resources.

It has large infrastructural systems to support its processes and a variety of businesses with diverse activities and services that respond to the leading economic sector - agriculture. The greenhouses with their auxiliary buildings and cortijos can be considered the city blocks and the circulation spaces as the streets. This form of abstraction allows for further analysis for approaching the site’s transformation.

As a design exercise, a comparison was made between the site and famous cities, in terms of shape and scale, as shown in Figure 12 and Figure 13 respectively. The size of a greenhouse as a block can be easily compared to a city block in New York or Paris. More specifically, the size is closer to that of a New York City block, but in the latter’s case, the block consists of different buildings whereas in the case of El Ejido, the “block” is a greenhouse, a covered garden.

In this context, how do we envisage the life of a farmer and a worker?

How does human nature overlap with nature? Aznar-Sanchez et al. (2014) highlighted the resiliency of the Almeriense model, the local knowledge and know-how that characterises the farmers. This resiliency manifests itself in terms of adaptation to market needs but also the wide network of information distribution as an outcome of the cooperative growth. As Regmi (2014) asserted, “agricultural research can no longer be viewed in isolation but needs to be viewed through a lens that looks at the various dimensions of resilience, including local, economic and social dynamics, human and environmental

44

Figure 12: Comparison of grids. Source: Author

45

46

The Greenhouses

250 m 1 : 8467

Barcelona

11°14'30"

11°14'45"

11°15'

11°15'15"

11°15'30"

Residenza di Michelangelo

Basilica di Santa Trinita

La Menagere

11°16'15"

11°16'30"

11°16'45"

11°17'

11°17'15"

Chiesa dei Sette Santi Fondatori

Casa famiglia Santa Lucia

Oratorio di San Pierino Chiesa di Santa Maria degli Angiolini

Arno

Fiaschetteria Il Latini

Convento di San Marco

Mangiafuoco Trattoria Mario Kebab Cappelle Medicee

Ciro & sons Trattoria La Madia

Banki RamenNewroz Osteria dell'Olio al Trebbio La Spada

250 m

Basilica di San Marco

Ristorante Greco Dioniso

Piero

Basilica Santa Maria Novella

Tirabaralla

Ognissanti

43°46'15"

Cestello

The Holy Trinity Church

Residenza la Rondini

Il giardino di Barbano

Chiesa di San Giuliano (Firenze) Trattoria Enzo e

McDonald's

43°46'30"

Chiesa di 1 San : 9 124 Frediano in

Chiesa di San 11°16' Francesco

11°15'45"

Chiesa di Sant'Agata

San Giuseppino Chiesa di Nostra Signora del Sacro Cuore

Sushi Mania 43°46'45"

Chiesa di San Jacopo di Ripoli

Chiesa di Santa Lucia sul Prato Ì Vinaino

Trattoria i'grullo Chiesa di San Michele Visdomini Chiesa di Santa Maria in Chiesa di Campo Santa

Margherita Chiesaindi Santa Maria Dante B&B Il Bargello de' Ricci Orsanmichele

Bronze Horse Oratorio di San Firenze

Santa Maria Maddalena dei

Sacro Cuore

Trattoria AccadiPazzi Oratorio di San Tommaso d'Aquino

Mastrociliegia

Oratorio della Compagnia di Santi Crispino San Michele e Crespiniano della Pace

Pane Olio e Pizza

da Que' Ganzi

a Casa Mia

Chiesa del Santissimo Sacramento e del Preziosissimo Sangue

Nostra Signora degli Angeli

San Michele in San Salvi

© OpenStreetMap contributors. Tiles: CC-BY-SA 2.0 Map data © OpenStreetMap contributors

Chiesa della Sacra Famiglia

43°46'

Bologna Figure 13: Comparison of scale with other cities. The shape, scale and block size of Almeria is closer to thatat of New York City. Source: Author

47

250 m 1 : 8 467

New York City

Paris

To rre nte

: 8 467

A po

sa

250 m

44°29'45"

44°29'30"

250 m

Map da 44°29'15"

Florence

48

health, and the general connectivity of communities – rural, urban and global”. Just like a city, the area needs constant fine-tuning and adjustments to function efficiently and resolve obsolescence (Scott, 1998). Spatial tuning is essential to improve the working experience of these people and to preserve the natural environment. The primary change which is required is the economic ability to pay decent wages and provide humane living and working conditions.

The Recognised Seasonal Employer Scheme (RSE) of New Zealand is a good precedent to initiate some simple yet fundamental social and spatial changes, as reviewed by Lewis (2014). The RSE was launched in 2007 to respond to low-wage, reliable and productive labour needs for the horticultural and viticultural sectors (Lewis, 2014; McKenzie and Gibson, 2010). It was a temporary employment programme which imported seasonal labour from Pacific regions that were targeted according to development aspirations. It was inspired by the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program Scheme and it inspired an Australian analogue. The government behind its compilation had strong “after-neoliberal” policy commitments (quote used in Lewis, 2014) and it involved various bodies relevant to the process, such as union leaders, governmental bodies, and regional government officials. These actors formed a new group to materialise a labour strategy that responded to, and was supported by, the industry. Several other actors and frameworks were established that negotiated between the participatory governments.

The scheme is “highly creative and tightly regulated” (Lewis, 2014, p.240) and the World Bank considered it as a remarkable model for mobilising labour pools to where they are needed without affecting the borders of each country (McKenzie and Gibson, 2010).

The scheme monitors both employers and workers, and both sides

49

undergo relevant preparation. The workers are prepared to adapt to the working conditions, have medical examinations and are selected by appropriate teams based within the sending country. Accordingly, the employers must comply with the “good employer standards” and fulfil all their obligations to labour law, including working hours and pay rate. They are also responsible to provide “pastoral care” such as good standard accommodation, and access to banking, healthcare, recreation and religious activities. There is a large infrastructure related to the scheme to safeguard the rights and responsibilities of all sides, from the sending government to the employers and workers.

This model has been vastly successful, despite issues surrounding employer exploitation, racism and inappropriate worker behaviour still remaining to some extent. The well thought out framework and collaboration between the participatory actors have been extremely beneficial both socially and economically. This is evident within the rising productivity of workers and the duty of employers to provide “culturally appropriate environments as well as material well-being” (Lewis, 2014, p.243) for their workers.

The latter is the primary reason for this case study exploration. In the Spanish context, schemes related to temporary migration were unsuccessful, as highlighted in Chapter 3, because they were never properly managed or monitored which led to continued exploitation of seasonal labour (SOC-SAT, 2016; Indi, 2016). In addition, spatial provisions were never addressed or considered within the programmes. Nevertheless, the framework for implementing a similarly successful scheme akin to the RSE already exists in the current bilateral agreements for origin contracts and circular migration. This model requires more commitment and transparency alongside greater collaboration between the actors involved, to avoid subsequently short-sighted agreements. This is a challenge

50

Figure 14: (Top) Panoramic view of the landscape from the road. Source: Author Figure 15: (Bottom) Inside a greenhouse. Source: Author

with economic and social implications, yet the potential outcomes are much more desirable. There can be increased worker productivity, for example, or reduced numbers of illegal immigrants who currently use dangerous methods to enter the country or become an economic burden when they are idle.

51

5.2 The Street In terms of spatial configuration, attention is drawn to the immediate needs of the everyday, which starts with the street. Jacobs (1962) characterised streets and public spaces as the city’s most vital organs which are fundamental components of urbanism (Kostof, 1991). In Campo de Dalias, streets are either circulation spaces or residual spaces and are neglected in both cases. This renders the site unsuitable for any form of social interaction or safe places to relax, converse or smoke - all essential parts of the rhythm of a working day in Almeria. A good way to understand the level of negligence is to view the site from different perspectives.14 The panoramic view of the landscape, in spite of its unnatural appearance, also intrigues; a shimmering view of massive volumes of reflective white plastic arranged in a grid blanketing the terrain (Figure 14). On entering one of the greenhouses, a paradise unfolds with dozens of plants arranged in rows that in to a certain extent appear natural despite their carefully engineered formation through the farmer’s care and diligence (Figure 15). Walking in the surroundings, however, the image is of emptiness and neglect, of an unsafe and unwelcoming environment to be (Figure 16). Yet this is what workers and farmers face on a daily basis, exacerbating already tough working conditions.

It is simple changes that revitalise spaces and attract people to use and enjoy them; a different ground pattern, the safety of the edge, how the greenhouse meets the road, the pleasurable details, and the everyday exchange of words, stories or transactions happens in streets. Hall (2015) explored how the linear spaces of the greenhouses are activated and transformed by migrant communities in their everyday transactions, through loose infrastructure of 14. Impressions based on author’s experience during fieldwork period in the area in May 2015 and February-March 2016.

52

activities in the urban vortex. She further investigated how these shared spaces offer opportunities of belonging and intersection of various communities (ibid). There are plenty of examples of small interventions to activate the street and numerous works of literature stating its significance (see (Hall, 2015; TED, 2014; Scott, 1998; Jacobs, 1962).“Domesticity�, for instance, a project in Abrantes, Portugal, used old furniture to invite people to use the street (Lynch, 2015). People could freely re-arrange the chairs and tables to suit them which resulted in greater interaction within the street, much like their living room (Lynch, 2015; Marshall, 2015). In a similar manner, Assemble’s triangular chairs invited passersby to assemble their shared spaces depending on their needs, as an invitation for play and function (Archilovers, 2016; Assemble, n.d.).

These examples are not intended as an argument for the constitution of public space, or what it is not, or the significance of any particular model over another; rather, this section seeks to highlight the importance of the street as a usufruct space, which everyone can enjoy and which nature can take over where possible (Scott, 1998).

As a space that holds both organisational and social values, a street also needs to accommodate all the relevant services - circulation, water piping, loading and unloading bays, and waste management.

The adaptation of the streets to encompass all these features needs to be addressed at a regional scale (the entirety of Campo de Dalias) since services and circulation affect the whole area, as in a city. The design approach should allow for flexibility of this system at a local scale (a specific area of greenhouses), just like a neighbourhood, to take into account different street widths. This is when the architect intervenes to combine the mundane (services) with the joyful (spaces for people) and the necessary (nature) (Harvey, 2000).

53

Figure 16: Collection of photos of circulation spaces and their state. Source: Author

54

Dittrichia Viscosa

Genista Umbellata

Lavandula Latifolia

Lycium Intricatum

Macrochloa Tenacissima

Olea Europaea var.

Sylvestris

Phlomis Purpurea

Pistacia Lentiscus

Quercus Coccifera

Retama Sphaerocarpa

Rosmarinus Officinalis

Thymus Vulgaris

Viburnum Tinus

Anthyllis Cytisoides

Asparagus Albus

Bupleurum Fruticosum

Crithmum Maritimum

Dorycnium Pentaphyllum

Ephedra Fragilis

Ononis Natrix

Phyllyrea Angustifolia

Thymus Hyemalis

Vitex agnus-castus

Whitania frutescens

Maytenus Senegalesis

Myrtus Communis

Rhamnus Lyciodes

Atriplex Halimus

Periploca Angustifolia

Ricinus Communis

Figure 17: Collection of 30 native species of vegetation for the ecosystem enhancement project. Derived from: RodrĂ­guez, E.,

et al, 2014; RodrĂ­guez, E., et al, 2012

55

5.3 Ecosystem and Negative Externalities In regards to the “necessary”, which is nature, recent discussions have revealed a prerequisite for biodiversity enhancement since the rapid growth of the greenhouse covered area has left very little native vegetation (Rodríguez et al., 2012; Mota et al., 1996).

Consequently, the vulnerability of the crops has increased, especially following the introduction of biological farming or Integrated Pest Management (IPM) techniques in 2005 (Valera Martinez et al., 2016; Rodríguez et al., 2014, 2012). IPM is the growth of a healthy crop by means of natural pest control mechanisms (use of natural enemies of predators) and the minimum use of pesticides to reduce potential environmental and human health risks (FAO, 2016b).

The environmental degradation, especially prevalent in the 1970s and 1980s, caused by uncontrolled expansion and faulty practices (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011), has eliminated any natural protection for the crops. The lack of vegetation zones has promoted the transmission of viruses from one greenhouse to the next (Rodríguez et al., 2014, 2012). In addition, this has further visually impacted the area and how external or even internal actors appreciate the Almeria model (ibid).

A cross-disciplinary team consisting of members from various organisations, including the Experimental Station of Cajamar, the University of Almeria and the Department of Environmental Affairs of Andalusia, investigated the potential of native-species plantations between greenhouses to eliminate risks of virus transmittance between greenhouses and to provide a home for beneficial insects (Rodríguez et al., 2014; Macfadyen and Muller, 2013; Bianchi, Schellhorn and Cunningham, 2013; Rodríguez et al., 2012). The study was tested on a 800m2 plot and included 30 species of native vegetation (Rodríguez et al., 2012) (Figure 17 and 18). The driving principle is to plant these species between greenhouses according

56

Figure 18: Ecosystem enhancement test area. This is a small sample. Source: Author

to the natural “enemies” they attract and the type of crop the surrounding greenhouses produce (Gonzalez, 2016). Plants need to be planted in an arrangement which resembles, their natural planting pattern as closely as possible for this to be successful (Rodríguez et al., 2014); however, despite these efforts this would still be a manmade landscape merely attempting to replicate nature (Scott, 1998).

The agenda of the above project was primarily economic and therefore it is essential for the growers to protect their crops from external threats. The benefits of implementing the project in the near future lay within a larger spectrum. Their proposal has the potential to alter the area’s appearance and revitalise the landscape. It creates a synergy between the internal and external environments of greenhouses and it strengthens the overall ecosystem performance.

This initiative is ingenious and has resulted in a regulation which states that it is now mandatory for all farmers to take care of their greenhouse perimeters (Galera, 2016). Through this, another layer of thought about the street is added; however, it is crucial to address the long-term consequences of a second man-made intervention of such scale within the same area and to identify its role as more than a “nature reserve” (Benton et al., 2011). Additionally, it should not be limited to the direct potential benefits to the crops but also to a wider ecosystem. Consequently, this particular project should be a holistic process as part of the adaptations to the street following the same principles of regional and local scales. Even if production happens inside the greenhouse, the ecology of the crops is landscapedependent. Ecosystem services should therefore be an attribute of both the field and the wider landscape (ibid). As such, ecosystem services should consider all contexts.

57

The idea for more diverse plantations should not be limited to the buffer zones between greenhouses, but should extend to residual spaces, empty plots or connect to nearby natural parks. They should also penetrate the interior of the greenhouse insofar as this does not interfere with the crops. The plants inside the greenhouse vary substantially to those outside, due to the different climatic conditions (Gonzalez, 2016) This proposed implementation strategy requires an alternative pilot project, which despite being unsuitable for all greenhouses due to different crops, growing techniques or target markets, can act as a prototype. Examples of the symbiosis of different plants in the same greenhouse are present in the area. A greenhouse of organic agriculture, for example, is a scenic patchwork of diverse planting that works symbiotically with the main crop (Rincon, 2016). The same principle is adopted for external areas.

Netting (1993) defined intensive agriculture as the control of the growth cycle, which may or may not be highly technological, yet depends on the farmer’s ingenuity, diligence and their knowledge of the local environment. These methods are not new and have survived because farmers in all continents learnt to adapt to local environments. Practices used in the greenhouses of Almeria can be found in examples of domestic farming in Koyfar, Nigeria, such as nutrient control and soil manipulation (ibid). The aforementioned project must be further explored to its maximum potential to achieve a balance between the growing systems and nature, to integrate one within the other. In this way, the value of land beside its fiscal capacity should not be reduced to aesthetic or sentimental values (Scott, 1998).

58

Figure 19: The Street reimagined. Design exploration on the possibilities of the street as a space for people and nature.

59

6

Redesigning the Agro-Sector

6.1 Masterplanning “To keep every cog and wheel is the first precaution of intelligent tinkering”

(Leopold, 1953, p.190)

Agro-food systems, such as the one in Almeria, are complex systems (Swagemakers, Jongerden and Wiskerke, 2014; Caiazza and Volpe, 2012) and fit within a larger food system which “is a highly consolidated, well-established and virtually autonomous network” (Steel, 2009, p.290; Murcott, Belasco and Jackson, 2013). To use theoretical frameworks from outside agro-food is challenging and sometimes architecturally inadequate to affect social or spatial changes (Swagemakers, Jongerden and Wiskerke, 2014). The ability of the agro-food systems to evolve, driven by market shares (Caiazza and Volpe, 2012), should provide the foundations for multi-level and gradual changes that do not disrupt their function. In contrast, those changes enhance the overall performance and respond to the market.

The previous chapter explored the street as a multilayered accommodator of activities, of services and of nature. The latter also responds to the needs of the growers by way of protecting their crops from external threats. The challenge is how these two principles are carefully and considerately overlapped - through planning and spatially - in the form of a masterplan, even if its future impact on the area might be highly speculative. As Steel (2009, p.318) advocated, “Until we actually try something we can never know for sure how successful will be, and even then we might have to wait years before we find out”. The Almeria model is a counterpoint to the rest of the European rural models which emphasise multi-functionality and farm diversification (Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa,

60 2011; Renting et al., 2008). Instead, the Almeria economic miracle (Mota et al., 1996) has enabled diversification with agriculture at its core. Moments of diversification are visible, such as agro-tourism (Clisol, 2016), yet they are still limited; falling into the trap of converting the current model into a more diversified one should also be avoided.

Providing Green Infrastructure for the Autonomous Region of Valencia in Spain is a precedent of how various actors and public participation come together to make the region more efficient and assure highquality environments to live and work (Muñoz-Criado and Domenech, 2014). The Region of Valencia suffered the consequences of poor economic and spatial planning practices, following an uncontrolled land-grab for housing development which was halted by the end of the housing bubble15 in 2006 (Muñoz-Criado and Domenech, 2014).

The planning systems in Spain are established by the Autonomous Regions, granted by the Spanish Constitution (MLIT, 2014).

Municipal plans are also guided and approved by the Autonomous Regions even if the municipalities are those who implement them.

The Autonomous Regions can hence influence development in the municipalities. Unfortunately, the lack of coordination in scale and processes resulted in minimal public participation.

It took six years for the planning system to be reformed and for the legal framework for effective collaboration between the regional government and municipalities to be achieved. The new system conjoined environmental analysis and landscape planning with urban and municipal planning (Muñoz-Criado and Domenech, 2014). Using participatory methods, the public, governmental agencies and relevant organisations helped shape the future vision of sustainability. This contributed in the conclusion of the criteria for sustainable development according to European guidelines, which is a model for the municipalities to aim towards. This resulted in the region’s Strategic Plan for 2030 and the Green Infrastructure Plan. A legal framework and planning process methodology were also established, under which all public administrations operated making the Strategic Plan and Green Infrastructure Plan the basis of all planning activities. Overall, the two plans incorporated principles of land use, environmental and cultural protection and public participation, with Green Infrastructure acting as the unifying link at all scales. The planning reform created a common agenda for all, within a spirit of collaboration. It was widely accepted and subsequently reduced time to implement projects. The methodology focuses on the territory rather than municipalities, and therefore allows for a more holistic approach to landscape preservation and 15. The construction industry was blooming with uncontrolled housing expansion.

61 urban planning, at all scales.

The strategies involved created Metropolitan Green Infrastructure that connected major landscapes and promoted ecological corridors.

This also reconsidered the urban-rural relationship at regional and municipal level, the integration of new urban infrastructure and growth in the landscape, cultural and visual protection of landscape features, and new agricultural policies (Muñoz-Criado, 2009). In particular, the focus was drawn upon the Huerta of the metropolitan area of Valencia, which is an irrigated agricultural land (ibid).

It connects with three other major landscapes which the Green Infrastructure Plan targeted for protection and integration into a wider ecological and functional network. The Huerta, similar to the agricultural land in Campo de Dalias, surrounds the city of Valencia and other towns. It is significant as a cultural and agricultural landscape threatened by urban growth.

This case-study is relevant for two reasons. First, it shows that is it possible to have complete reforms of planning which achieve a more holistic and regional approach in the Spanish context by involving all relevant and interested stakeholders and spark collaborations.

Political conflict or regional policy that does not suit some municipalities is a usual phenomenon in Spain; for example, there is minor political conflict between the local and regional government due to different “colours”. The local government is conservative (People’s Party, PP) and the regional government (Autonomous Region of Andalusia) is socialist (PSOE). This makes it difficult for some projects to be coordinated. Another reason for the seeming lack of coordination between the two is the unique intensive agriculture model of Almeria, resulting in legislation that cannot be applied in the area because it compromises its efficiency (Galera, 2016). Second, it showcases the possibility of Green Infrastructure as a unifying link and the importance of addressing it as such at all scales - regional, municipal, local. In the context of the Almeriense model, the same approach can be used to implement the ecosystem enhancement project, and provide diverse and much needed infrastructure to support the sector and manage its future development.

Another approach to masterplanning is “Scott’s Rule of Thumb for Planning” in his book “Seeing like a state”(Scott, 1998). It offers some features that can be taken forward, adapted further expanded when a framework is established, which are less subject to disaster.

The first rule is the “accommodation to the unforeseen”, meaning in agricultural terms preparing the land with the ability to grow more than one crop. Almeria is a model of monocultures (Osentowski, 2015) even if greenhouses have two or three growing seasons of different crops (Valera Martinez et al, 2016). This is inherently linked

62

Figure 20: Geddes’ diagrams contrasting the European approach to planning to his “diagnostic survey and conservative surgery”. Source: Geddes and Tyrwhitt, 1947

to the aforementioned strategy to enhance the ecosystem inside and outside the greenhouses. Planning for the future and not just for the immediate protection of the current crops will increase the resiliency and adaptation of the Almeria model. It also nourishes the land and reduces the production’s dependence on energy-intensive methods (Osentowski, 2015). Organic agriculture currently represents 10% of the greenhouse area and it is expected to rise (Lavozdealmeria, 2016; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011). If this trend continues, there is ground for substantial and deep reforms of the ecosystem to successfully and gradually accommodate this shift.

The second rule is that of “reversibility”(Scott, 1998). Almeria is a fully functioning system that works well hierarchically and financially; disrupting this system would have a wider effect on the current European or even global food chain. This is a familiar concept

63 for Almeria - in 2011, Germany accused them of spreading e-coli through their cucumbers (BBC, 2011; News and Almeria, 2015). As a result tonnes of vegetables had to be destroyed and sales almost dropped to zero as the area’s reputation was harmed (ibid). It took time to regain the market’s trust. Being able to easily adjust or undo interventions is essential in case they unintentionally cause more harm than good. A principle worth following is Leopold’s (1953, p.190) law of intelligent “tinkering” which requires to keep all the parts of a system, especially useful in the case of ecosystems or complex systems in general (Benson, 2012). As soon as the tinkering has proved successful, the unused parts become obsolete.

The rule of reversibility goes hand in hand with the third rule of “small steps” (Scott, 1998). It allows mistakes or unsuccessful interventions to be revisited, and the ability to test the ground before setting something in stone. In the instance of ecosystem enhancement, the ongoing research was tested on various smaller surfaces. It should be implemented in parcels rather than a one-off intervention to ensure its long-term impact. Additionally, the street will be adapted in the same way; small interventions that can easily be retracted, gradual change of patterns and addition of services. Scott (1998, p.345) used J.B.S. Haldane’s metaphor about small changes: “you can drop a mouse down a thousand-yard mineshaft; and on arriving at the bottom, it gets a slight shock and walks away. A rat is killed, a man broken, a horse splashes”. Small changes are decentralisation principles that fit perfectly within the existing model. Technologies, knowledge, norms and even capital were gradually tested and dispersed before being widely spread in the area.

It is at this stage that the fourth rule would be enacted, to “plan on human inventiveness”. The changes on site would be derived from a top-down perspective, either the architect, the planner, the regional or municipal government; yet, the people involved and affected, from the policy makers to the farmers and workers, have and will continue to have the expertise to improve upon the design. An example from the 1960s is the case where a farmer simply protected his crops from strong winds by enclosing them with plastic sheets, resulting in the first greenhouse (Valera Martinez et al, 2016). That moment encompasses the above points, as a moment of human inventiveness which initiated a small and reversible design change to accommodate the unforeseen.

The last theoretical framework, in addition to those adapted from Scott, for applying a masterplan is that of Patrick Geddes’ Conservative Surgery (Geddes and Tyrwhitt, 1947) and regional planning approach. Geddes believed that the landscape was an organism holding the key to human inhabitation (Steel, 2009). He

64

believed that the less-considered parts of a city should be harmonised with nature and “make the field gain on the street” (Geddes and Tyrwhitt, 1947; Steel, 2009). Despite Geddes’ perhaps Utopian views (Steel, 2008), his methods conceal a pragmatism and understanding of how cities work, before trying to alter them. He advocated against destroying buildings and replacing them with other buildings, and also against the application of European Planning tools in cities that did not belong in the sphere of the European culture, such as cities in India. Instead, he used the “diagnostic survey” which was a time-consuming and detailed piece of work describing how a city or a system grew (Welter and Whyte, 2003; Geddes and Tyrwhitt, 1947).

The survey was then exhibited to the local people to activate and encourage them to take development into their own hands, to make them less dependent on municipalities or governments (Geddes and Tyrwhitt, 1947). Hence it created a level of collaboration and cooperation to reconstruct and promote well-being (ibid).

Following the diagnostic survey, Geddes would apply “conservative surgery” (Geddes and Tyrwhitt, 1947; Welter and Whyte, 2003). This was a technique that worked at a specific area with the potential to be applied at a larger scale. He would remove selected buildings that were unsanitary or dilapidated, widen streets instead of opening new and unnecessary ones, and create pockets of “public space” filled with nature and fresh air. These decisions were based on the diagnostic survey and how people used existing spaces (Figure 20) (ibid). The work was conducted outside by surveying every block and detail of the site, how it worked and how it was experienced. His objective was to provide the right place for people to flourish (ibid).

The above theoretical frameworks provide guidelines for approaching a proposed masterplan of Almeria. To fundamentally alter the

65

Figure 21: Initial design exploration on reactivating the circulation spaces, as a street. Space pockets and programmes.

66

Figure 22: Typical section through greenhouses and circulation space, with proposed activities.

67

68

experience and performance of its agro-sector requires thorough understanding of every-day rhythm, how people experience the site and how the ecosystems are manifested, from inside the greenhouse to the surrounding and regional landscape. It is a time-consuming process and should carefully consider and involve all stakeholders, similar to the process of Green Infrastructure for the region of Valencia.

The reconfiguration should draw inspiration from both Scott’s planning guidelines and Geddes’ diagnostic survey and conservative surgery. The street becomes a multilayered space (Figure 19) where these principles come together, from the ecosystem enhancement to resting places for the workers (Figure 21 and 22).

Masterplanning ultimately prepares the ground for future programmes and spaces to be inserted in the area. These programmes could support the every-day life of those who live within the density of the greenhouses. Referring to the RSE scheme, pastoral care for the workers can emerge as an additional level of the immediate spatial arrangement. Access to decent accommodation, to services, to health care and entertainment are essential for the life of a human being - temporary and permanent structures of gathering, banking, laundry, eating and acquiring food, decent transport networks or infrastructure to support safe movement on a bike. New, emerging activities and auxiliary services would also support the agrobusiness further, with diverse infrastructure responding to current environmental agendas such as decentralised waste management.

69

6.2 From Framework to Implementation The aforementioned guidelines and approaches to planning provide a framework that can fundamentally change the performance and experience of the area in different scales, from day-to-day activities to the long-term establishment of a more efficient intensive system for food production. Their implementation is highly dependent on both top-down and bottom-up techniques. Top-down techniques are vital for drafting and formalising policies, and to assure and oversee their execution. To draft the policies, there is a need to engage all the affected stakeholders, such as industry experts from economists to biologists, and growers, the industry’s business men, the employees, and the general public. The implementation of policies is not directly affected by all actors at all stages, but the final outcome of growth and shift of the model towards a leading one are determined by all.

Harvey (2000, p.211) stated that “the transformation or “production” of nature through collaborative efforts […] generates rapidly evolving environments (both social and physical) within which different forms of competitive, adaptive or collaborative behaviour can arise”; therefore, the result would be a new masterplan that takes into consideration and is shaped by all stakeholders.

Sennett (1977, p.283) referring to population increase, used the metaphor of crystals reorganising themselves when a similar substance is added to the mix. In this particular case, the substance that makes up the Almeriense model is not solely population increase, but natural resources, human labour and market demands.

The collaboration required for this proposed model plays to Almeria’s advantage, since its entire growth was dependent on the collective efforts of the farmers. The family farmers went from peasants to entrepreneurs in just 50 years (Giagnocavo, 2012) because they organised themselves in the spirit of cooperation as a mean of adaptive competition (Harvey, 2000). The example of the bottom-up

70

sustainable growth of the site provides the basis for a new form of “cooperatives” for incorporating the needs of both farmers and workers within the urban and plastic fabric. This requires building upon and connecting the existing infrastructure of the cooperative system.

Growers, for instance, must see the long-term benefits of protecting the environments in which they work - the greenhouse and beyond.

Adapting to future environmental challenges and safeguarding the continuation of their farms can have further economic advantages.

One such advantage is marketing the products as a production of a desirable agricultural model, which increases their credentials and trust in the market. Robert Owen, a Welsh Craftsman, managed to convert a disobedient and unwilling workforce into an efficient and willing one by providing decent hours of work and rewarding their efforts and performance by providing better housing, schooling auxiliary businesses (Steel, 2009); this incentivised system can be appropriate for Almeria. Providing for their workers increases their productivity (Lewis, 2014); integrating the workers as individuals, training them and helping them fulfil their personal goals fosters appreciation and forms a community of equality and participation.

Organisations that are working on protecting workers’ rights need to engage in this conversation, instead of working in parallel to agriculture-related development. The workers are a fundamental aspect of the success of the Almeria “miracle”. There are a few organisations that work with migrant communities independent of status. Almeria Acoge and Fundacion Cepaim are two such organisations which are publicly funded and have various projects in the Province of Almeria (Acoge, 2016; Fundacion Cepaim, 2016).

Almeria Acoge in El Ejido provides the structure for Spaniards and foreigners to look for a job through workshops and personal consultation (Almeria Acoge, 2016). Cepaim in San Isidro offers

71

temporary accommodation to illegal immigrants who have just arrived in the area. They assist them with paper acquisition, provide Spanish language classes and additionally washing and bathing facilities to all migrants who do not have access to them on a day to day basis (Indi, 2016). These organisations are doing everything possible based on their resources on understanding the needs and problems of immigrants, both illegal and legal. These people have invaluable experience on the ground and have formed personal relationships with locally-based migrant communities. Their fundamental issue is the lack of funding and resources for their particular projects which limits their impact and control over the site. They are nevertheless capable of communicating the problems directly to the affected body by actively participating in how the Almeriense model performs, rather than indirectly through the governmental route.16 Direct communication can be assured with new policies working at a regional or provincial level rather than national level.

Furthermore, organisations such as the Experimental Station of Cajamar (Estaciรณn Experimental Fundaciรณn Cajamar) and the University of Almeria must continue their work testing and developing new technologies and discuss the potential immediate changes in growing practices. Researchers are faced with the challenge of shaping agriculture to deal with growing urbanisation, to develop input-efficient solutions and simultaneously protect natural resources, human and ecosystem health (Benton et al., 2011).

There is, more importantly, the need for the government of the Autonomous Region of Andalusia and the provincial and municipal 16. This is currently the way things work. Despite the hard work of staff, the process of tackling the problems is slow since it has to follow

72 Gobierno De España Junta de Andalucía Ayuntamiento de El Ejido Financial services

Fundación Cajamar Estación Experimental

University of Almeria

Public administrations

Enterprise associations Enterprise associations

Transport Machinery

Waste treatment

Cartons and packaging

Plastics

Advanced services

Agrochemicals

Construction

Biological production

Recycling

Crop substratum Environmental control

Agriculture

Product handling and trading

Greenhouses Seedbeds Waterling fertilisation Seeds Agronomic consultants

family units (individual farmers) (=1.5 Ha)

cooperatives

partnerships (=5Ha of greenhouses)

alhondigas (auction)

larger corporations (>5Ha of greenhouses)

=1m tonnes vegetal waste

=0.3m tonnes fruit waste

composting

ma

Figure 23: The Co-operative system and therelationship between stakeholders. Adaptation from Giagnocavo, 2012

arkets

73

governments of Almeria to adapt their policies to respond to the particularities of greenhouse production. It is not sufficient to simply address the objectives of the Rural Development Programme for the region (European Commission, 2015a), which might not be applicable to the Almeriense model; for instance, the promotion of diversification is reducing the importance of agriculture (AznarSánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011).

Preserving equipment Further services

Implementing policy change and the emergence of a new framework and objectives is a rigorous and time consuming process. It also necessitates a collaborative approach which allows the establishment of long term strategic alliances between the growers, workers, enterprises, regional and local governments, organisations and all other actors. The reform of the site should nurture the principles upon which it was founded: small-scale, family-style cooperativism, to contribute to the needs of a larger system.

The future of the Almeriense model lies upon the employment of Harvey’s “repertoire” (2000, p.209): competition and the struggle of existence; adapting and diversifying our environments socially, economically and politically; collaboration and cooperation through social organisation; environmental transformation which is ready to deal with the unintended consequences of a humanised nature; spatial orderings and production of spaces for people and species;

74

Conclusion and temporal orderings.

The food system is complex from farm to table, and incredibly fragile.

The intensiveness and resiliency of this system is questioned and challenged, requiring rigorous reforms of current practices. Growing urbanisation and the depletion of natural resources reflect this need for reform. This is evident in Almeria’s agro-system which is only a small fraction of the larger network, but equally complex in itself.

The “sea of plastic” is an industrialised manufactured landscape for mass production of fruit and vegetables to feed Europe. It is a hugely competitive model, yet confined by environmental conditions, natural resources and labour costs (Gertel and Sippel, 2014).

The finite resources available stress the performance of the site.

Restructuring to avoid collapse becomes the founding concept to accommodate drastic but gradual change to merge the plastic fabric of the site with the surroundings it heavily depends on. This relates to both the local ecosystem and its people, whether they are farmers, workers or entrepreneurs. The argument presented in this thesis sought to study the potential of modifying the agro-system of Almeria into a resilient model that successfully integrates natural resources and human labour.

The RSE case study proved that is possible to mobilise a temporal workforce to cover low-paid and demanding agricultural work and provide spatial comfort and access to vital services. It also emphasises the mutual benefits of agreements that respect the rights of both sides, such as employer’s pastoral care resulting in more productive workers. The foundations for implementing similar schemes exist in Spain from previous bilateral agreements and circular migration contracts; however, a higher level of overseeing, tight regulation and transparency is required for both sides. There is

75

fertile ground for further research into this specific topic which might offer valuable insights on how to deal with immigration at a larger scale.

Further research is also essential to study the effects of the market and the role of the Single Market on safeguarding the operation of agricultural sites in Almeria and the rest of Europe. Ensuring competition, yet simultaneously providing for no food waste as part of the process, will incentivise growers to adopt more virtuous practices. The economics of scale do not promote sustainable food production practices; once the true cost of production is counted, “it is cheaper to raise a zucchini in your garden than on your megafarm” (Netting, 1993, p.323).

The proposed “ecosystem enhancement project” of the Experimental Station reflects a momentum towards change, and this should have aims beyond the protection of crops. It should aim for a longterm stabilisation of the landscape and for its preparation to adapt to unintended consequences. The street becomes an important component for achieving this aim. It helps blur the shift from the ecosystem inside the greenhouse to the rest of the regional ecosystem. The street is a multilayered element that has levels of flexibility and can provide the base for design experimentation; yet, it should also accommodate the mundane and the every-day rhythm of its local people.

The aforementioned theoretical frameworks - from Valencia’s planning reform to accommodate landscape needs to “Scott’s rules of thumb” and Geddes’ conservative surgery - provide ample tools to start adapting the site spatially. Valencia’s planning reform emphasises the need for collaboration and landscape preservation

76

as a key part of a region’s growth. Scott’s planning guidelines point towards the need for small changes first, which would be subsequently tested and aim towards adaptability such that they can be reversed if proved incorrect. Geddes’ diagnostic survey argues that before one makes changes, even by using the conservative surgery, it is crucial to understand how the site or system operates inch by inch.

The implementation of a new masterplan that addresses the needs of the site at all scales could potentially provide spaces of integrity and spaces of integration, to enhance human experience and well-being.

It would simultaneously protect and enhance the environment and safeguard it in the long-term. The intention is not to create a utopian model of agriculture; utopias are ultimately destined to fail because they try to recreate a new world instead of working with the existing one (Steel, 2009; Harvey, 2000). This could, however, provide the necessary stepping stone for a fairer society and a more ethical production of our food. The proposed framework is not a conclusive proposition; rather, it addresses some possibilities and recognises that further design exploration is required.

“El Milagro de Almeria” (Wolosin, 2008) thrived overnight because of bottom-up collaborations between the farmers who had been exploited as cheap labour by the government. This is the importance of the co-operatives - they involve finding common points of interest and bringing the different sides together. No policy change or design implementation would be possible without the collaboration of all the affected actors. Successfully drawing on the existing relationships between the stakeholders and engaging with additional ones, instead of addressing them separately, will determine the route of development which Almeria will take.

It has been argued that the true cost of our food is hidden in

77

“chabolas” and “cortijos”, over-exploited aquifers and wasted organic resources. This thesis has revealed, however, that there is also diligence, commitment and knowledge, and a strong sense of community that has learnt to adapt in order to survive (GaldeanoGómez, Aznar-Sánchez and Pérez-Mesa, 2012; Aznar-Sánchez, Galdeano-Gómez and Pérez-Mesa, 2011; Harvey, 2000). Industrial agricultural spaces should be more than spaces of production dedicated to absorbing resources, either organic or human labour.

They should accommodate nature and human nature, allow the two to merge and repel each other where necessary. This could contribute to a more resilient agro-system. Planning for a future in which the world can feed themselves without harming the planet (Steel, 2009) should remain the priority of the coming decades (FAO Agriculture, 2011; Global Agriculture towards 2050, 2009).

78

References Acoge, 2016. Welcome to Almería Acoge. [online] Available at: <http://www.almeriaacoge.org/> [Accessed 10 Apr. 2016].

Almeria Acoge, 2016. Personal interview with Almeria Acoge: Consultation of locals and immigrants on job opportunities. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Altes, W.K.K. and van Rij, E., 2013. Planning the horticultural sector: Managing greenhouse sprawl in the Netherlands. Land Use Policy, 31, pp.486–497.

Amanda Burden: How public spaces make cities work. 2014. TED Available at: <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j7fRIGphgtk> [Accessed 21 May 2016].

Anderson, C., Brushett, L., Gray, T. and Renting, H., 2014. Working Together to Build Cooperative Food Systems. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, pp.3–9.

Anon 2009. Global Agriculture towards 2050. How to feed the world 2050 High Level Expert Forum. Rome: FAO. Arango, J., 2013. Exceptional in Europe? Spain’s Experience with Immigration and Integration. Translantic Council on Migration. [online] Migration Policy Institute. Available at: <http://www. migrationpolicy.org/research/exceptional-europe-spains-experience-immigration-and-integration> [Accessed 10 Mar. 2015].

Archilovers, 2016. Triangle chairs, London, 2013 - Assemble. [online] Archilovers. Available at: <http://www.archilovers.com/ projects/87089/triangle-chairs.html> [Accessed 21 May 2016].

Assemble, n.d. Triangle Chairs. ASSEMBLE. Available at: <http:// assemblestudio.co.uk/?page_id=386> [Accessed 21 May 2016].

79 Aznar-Sánchez, J.A., 2011. Territory, Cluster and Competitiveness of the Intensive Horticulture in Almería (Spain). The Open Geography Journal, 4, pp.103–114.

Aznar-Sanchez, J.A., Belmonte-Urena, L.J. and Tapia-Leon, J.J., 2014. The industrial agriculture: A model for modernization from Almeria? In: Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge, pp.112–120.

Aznar-Sánchez, J.A., Galdeano-Gómez, E. and Pérez-Mesa, J.C., 2011. Intensive horticulture in Almería (Spain): A counterpoint to current European rural policy strategies. Journal of agrarian change, 11(2), pp.241–261.

Barnes, I. and Cherino, C., 2011. The Role of Circular Migration and Mobility Partnerships-integrating legal migration opportunities into the Union’s external policies. University of Lincoln, p.8.

BBC, 2000. Spain struggles with race riots. BBC. [online] 8 Feb. Available at: <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/635092.stm> [Accessed 3 Apr. 2015].

BBC, 2011. In pictures: Europe’s produce pulped. BBC. [online] 3 Jun. Available at: <http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-13639785> [Accessed 1 Apr. 2015].

Becerra, A.T. and Bravo, X.L., 2010. La agricultura intensiva del poniente almeriense. Diagnóstico e instrumentos de gestión ambiental. M+ A. Revista Electrónica de Medioambiente, (8), pp.18–40.

Benson, M.H., 2012. Intelligent Tinkering: the Endangered Species Act and Resilience. Ecology and Society, [online] 17(4). Available at: <http://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol17/iss4/art28/> [Accessed 24 May 2016].

Benton, T.G., Dougill, A.J., Fraser, E. and Howlett, D.J.B., 2011.

How to use the global land bank to both produce food and conserve nature: examining extensive vs intensive agriculture. World Agriculture, 2, pp.14–21.

Bianchi, F.J.J.A., Schellhorn, N.A. and Cunningham, S.A., 2013.

Habitat functionality for the ecosystem service of pest control: reproduction and feeding sites of pests and natural enemies. Agricultural and Forest Entomology, 15(1), pp.12–23.

Buendia, L., 2016. Personal interview with Lola Buendia, Experimental Station of Cajamar Foundation: General Information.

[Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Caiazza, R. and Volpe, T., 2012. The global agro-food system from past to future. China-USA Business Review, [online] 11(7). Avail-

80 able at: <http://search.proquest.com/openview/1639a9dfc0b29b5a5d3f24fc2dcf4629/1?pq-origsite=gscholar> [Accessed 23 May 2016].

Cajamar, 2013. Análisis de la campaña hortofrutícola de Almería: Campaña 2012-2013. Informes i Monografies. Almeria, Spain: Cajamar Caja Rural, p.67.

Calavita, K., 2005. Immigrants at the margins: law, race, and exclusion in Southern Europe. Cambridge studies in law and society. New York, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,.

Callejon-Ferre, A.J., Manzano-Agugliaro, F., Diaz-Perez, M. and Carreno-Sanchez, J., 2011. Improving the climate safety of workers in Almería-type greenhouses in Spain by predicting the periods when they are most likely to suffer thermal stress. Applied Ergonomics, 42(2), pp.391–396.

Campbell, H., 2012. Let us eat cake? Historically reframing the problem of world hunger and its purported solutions. In: Food systems failure: the global food crisis and the future of agriculture.

London: Earthscan, pp.30–45.

Christ, M.C., 2013. This Garden of the Sun: A Report on Almería’s Miracle Economy. ‘Scapegoat: Architecture Landscape Political Economy’ by Scapegoat Says, (5), pp.364–371.

Clisol, 2016. Clisol Agro, la tienda de Hortalizas frescas de Almería y el lugar donde realizar las mejores visitas guiadas a invernaderos. [online] Clisol Agro. Available at: <http://www.clisol. com/> [Accessed 24 May 2016].

Constance, D.H., 2014. Commentary: from fresh produce to poultry - shifting labour regimes in the global agri-food system. In: Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge, pp.158–164.

Contador Martin, L.J., 2013. Almería: Finchas Información-Diagnóstico: Suelo No Urbanizable. Memoria Informativa. Andalucia, Spain: Servicio de Planificación Subregional del Litoral.

Downward, S.R. and Taylor, R., 2007. An assessment of Spain’s Programa AGUA and its implications for sustainable water management in the province of Almería, southeast Spain. Journal of Environmental Management, 82(2), pp.277–289.

Entrena, F., 2005. Urban Spread Effects and Rural Change in City HinterlandsÑ The Case of Two Andalusian Cities. In: The City’s Hinterland: Dynamism and Divergence in Europe’s Peri-Urban Territories (Perspectives on Rural Policy and Planning), 1st ed.

New York, USA: Ashgate, pp.95–118.

81 Entrena Durán, F., 2006. Spain - Regulation with financial shortfalls. In: Europe’s city-regions competitiveness: growth regulation and peri-urban land management, European perspectives on rural development. Assen: Van Gorcum, pp.129–152.

European Comission, 2007. European Commission - PRESS RELEASES - Press release - Circular migration and mobility partnerships between the European Union and third countries. [online] European Commission Press Release Database. Available at: <http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-07-197_en.htm> [Accessed 13 May 2016].

European Commission, 2015a. Factsheet on 2014-2020 Rural Development Programme for the Region of Andalusia. [online] Available at: <http://ec.europa.eu/agriculture/rural-development-2014-2020/country-files/es/factsheet-andalucia_en.pdf> [Accessed 11 Apr. 2016].

European Commission, 2015b. Trade Analysis. Agriculture and Rural Development.

FAO, 2016. FAO’s role in Urban Agriculture. [online] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Available at: <http:// www.fao.org/urban-agriculture/en/> [Accessed 12 May 2016].

FAO, 2016a. Key facts on food loss and waste you should know! [online] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.

Available at: <http://www.fao.org/save-food/resources/keyfindings/en/> [Accessed 12 May 2016].

FAO, 2016b. Plant Production and Protection Division: Integrated Pest Management. [online] Available at: <http://www.fao.org/ agriculture/crops/thematic-sitemap/theme/pests/ipm/en/> [Accessed 26 May 2016].

FAO Agriculture ed., 2011. The state of the world’s land and water resources for food and agriculture: managing systems at risk. 1st ed ed. Milton Park, Abingdon ; New York, NY: Earthscan.

FAOSTATS, 2014. Trade. [online] Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations. Available at: <http://faostat.fao.org/ desktopdefault.aspx?pageid=342> [Accessed 30 Jan. 2015].

Ferraro, F.J., 2000. El Sistema Productivo Almeriense y los Condicionamientos Hidrológicos. Madrid, Spain: Civitas.

Fischer, A., 2009. Tomato Int. [Photos] AlexFischer.com. Available at: <http://www.alexfischerpictures.com/almeria.html#> [Accessed 25 Feb. 2015].

Fuentes, A., 2011. Policies Towards a Sustainable Use of Water in Spain. [OECD Economics Department Working Papers] Paris:

82 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Available at: <http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/content/workingpaper/5kgj3l0ggczt-en> [Accessed 25 Mar. 2015].

Fundacion Cepaim, 2016. Áreas de Actuación | Fundación Cepaim | Convivencia y Cohesión Social. [online] Available at: <http://cepaim.org/que-hacemos-convivencia-social/> [Accessed 10 Apr. 2016].

Galdeano-Gómez, E., Aznar-Sánchez, J.A. and Pérez-Mesa, J.C., 2011. The Complexity of Theories on Rural Development in Europe: An Analysis of the Paradigmatic Case of Almería (South-east Spain). Sociologia Ruralis, 51(1), pp.54–78.

Galdeano-Gómez, E., Aznar-Sánchez, J.A. and Pérez-Mesa, J.C., 2012. Sustainability dimensions of agricultural development in Almería (Spain): The experience of 50 years. [online] Available at: <http://www.econstor.eu/handle/10419/120533> [Accessed 25 May 2016].

Galera, M., 2016. Personal interview with Manuel Galera, Director of Agriculture at the Municipality of El Ejido: The Farmscaping project and the future of the greenhouses. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Geddes, P. and Tyrwhitt, J., 1947. Patrick Geddes in India. London: L. Humphries,.

Geiger, M., 2008. Exclusion and Inclusion of Moroccan Migrants: Empirical Evidences from Almeria, Spain. In: Migration, Mobility and Human Rights at the Eastern Border of the European Union-Space of Freedom and Security. [online] Universitatii de Vest, pp.218–238. Available at: <https://books.google.co.uk/ books?id=PUSNgn68zlgC&pg=PA218&lpg=PA218&dq=exclusion+and+inclusion+of+moroccan+immigrants+empirical+evidences+from+almeria&source=bl&ots=GlGplgKF5f&sig=5lexcCVxZes7M3_P0tsRR29qnIs&hl=en&sa=X&ei=kT4PVZ_2CcPpaISDgcAC&ved=0CCYQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=exclusion%20 and%20inclusion%20of%20moroccan%20immigrants%20empirical%20evidences%20from%20almeria&f=false>.

Gertel, J. and Sippel, S.R., 2014. Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge.

Giagnocavo, C., 2012. The Almeria Agricultural Cooperative Model: creating successful economic and social communities. [online] The role of cooperatives in poverty eradication. New York: United Nations, Divisionfor Social Policy and Development, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, p.21. Available at: <http://social. un.org/coopsyear/documents/AlmeriaPaperGiagnocavo.pdf> [Accessed 31 Mar. 2015].

83 Gonzalez, M., 2016. Personal interview with Monica Gonzalez, Experimental Station of Cajamar Foundation: The Farmscaping project. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

GOV.UK, 2015a. Import and export plants and fresh produce Detailed guidance - GOV.UK. [online] Available at: <https://www. gov.uk/import-and-export-plants-and-fresh-produce> [Accessed 30 Mar. 2015].

GOV.UK, 2015b. Importing and exporting food - GOV.UK. [online] Available at: <https://www.gov.uk/food-safety-as-a-food-distributor> [Accessed 29 Mar. 2015].

GOV.UK, 2015c. Trading in the EU - Detailed guidance - GOV.UK. [online] Available at: <https://www.gov.uk/trading-in-the-eu> [Accessed 29 Mar. 2015].

Gustavsson, J. and FAO, 2011. Global food losses and food waste: extent, causes and prevention : study conducted for the International Congress ‘Save Food!’ at Interpack 2011 Düsseldorf, Germany. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.

Hall, S.M., 2015. Migrant urbanisms: ordinary cities and everyday resistance. Sociology. [online] Available at: <http://eprints.lse. ac.uk/61891/> [Accessed 15 Jan. 2016].

Hansen, H.O., 1959-, 2013. Food economics: industry and markets. Routledge textbooks in environmental and agricultural economics ; 6. London ;New York: Routledge,.

Harvey, D., 1935-, 2000. Spaces of hope. California studies in critical human geography ; Berkeley: University of California Press,.

HortiDaily, 2016. Spain: Almeria loses 3,000 hectares of tomato to low prices. [online] HortiDaily. Available at: <http://www.hortidaily.com/article/25203/Spain-Almeria-loses-3,000-hectares-oftomato-to-low-prices> [Accessed 15 May 2016].

Indi, 2016. Personal interview with Fundacion Cepaim: general information on operations and future challenges. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Jacobs, J., 1962. The Death and life of great American cities.

London: Jonathan Cape,.

Juan Carlos, 2016. Personal interview with Juan Carlos, Experimental Station of Cajamar Foundation: The future of composting in Almeria. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Kostof, S., 1991. The City shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. London: Thames and Hudson.

84 Kozai, T., 1943- editor, Niu, G., editor and Takagaki, M., editor, n.d. Plant factory: an indoor vertical farming system for efficient quality food production.

La Sexta, 2013. Equipo de investigación fecha de caducidad Vìdeo Dailymotion. [online] Dailymotion. Available at: <http:// www.dailymotion.com/video/x17vqtz_equipo-de-investigacion-fecha-de-caducidad_shortfilms> [Accessed 13 May 2016].

Lavozdealmeria, 2016. Spain: Organic greenhouse acreage in Almeria exceeds 1,000 hectares. [online] HortiDaily. Available at: <http://www.hortidaily.com/article/26184/Spain-Organic-greenhouse-acreage-in-Almeria-exceeds-1,000-hectares> [Accessed 15 May 2016].

Lawrence, F., 2011. Spain’s salad growers are modern-day slaves, say charities. [online] the Guardian. Available at: <http:// www.theguardian.com/business/2011/feb/07/spain-salad-growers-slaves-charities> [Accessed 1 Feb. 2015].

Leopold, A., 1953. Round River; from the journals of Aldo Leopold. New York,: Oxford University Press,.

Lewis, N., 2014. Comparative Perspective: Insights from New Zealand’s recognised seasonal employer scheme. In: Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge, pp.239–245.

Lindner, K. and Kathman, T., 2014. Mobility Partnerships and Circular Migration: Managing seasonal migration to Spain. In: Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge, pp.121–129.

Lovett, G., 2016. Is urban farming only for rich hipsters? [online] the Guardian. Available at: <http://www.theguardian.com/ sustainable-business/2016/feb/15/urban-farming-rich-hipsters-food-affordability-inequality> [Accessed 12 May 2016].

Lynch, P., 2015. At 180 Creative Camp, ‘Domesticity’ Brings Living Space Out Into the Public. [online] ArchDaily. Available at: <http://www.archdaily.com/777563/at-180-creative-camp-domesticity-brings-living-space-out-into-the-public> [Accessed 21 May 2016].

Macfadyen, S. and Muller, W., 2013. Edges in Agricultural Landscapes: Species Interactions and Movement of Natural Enemies.

PLOS ONE, 8(3), p.e59659.

Marsden, T., 2013. Contemporary food systems: Managing the capitalist conundrum of food security and sustainability. In: The handbook of food research.

85 Marsh, G.P. (George P., 1801-1882., 1864. Man and nature, or, Physical geography as modified by human action. London: S. Low and Marston,.

Marshall, A., 2015. Why Artists Set Up Outdoor Living Rooms on Portuguese Streets. [online] CityLab. Available at: <http://www. citylab.com/design/2015/12/putting-the-living-room-on-thestreet/418773/> [Accessed 21 May 2016].

McKenzie, D.J. and Gibson, J., 2010. The development impact of a best practice seasonal worker policy. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper Series, Vol. [online] Available at: <http:// papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1718246> [Accessed 26 May 2016].

MLIT, 2014. An Overview of Spatial Policy in Spain. [online] An Overview of Spatial Policy in Asian and European Countries. Available at: <http://www.mlit.go.jp/kokudokeikaku/international/ spw/general/spain/index_e.html> [Accessed 23 May 2016].

Molina-Aiz, F.D., Valera, D.L. and Álvarez, A.J., 2004. Measurement and simulation of climate inside Almerı́a-type greenhouses using computational fluid dynamics. Agricultural and Forest Meteorology, 125(1–2), pp.33–51.

Molina-Aiz, F.D., Valera, D.L., Peña, A.A., Gil, J.A. and López, A., 2009. A study of natural ventilation in an Almería-type greenhouse with insect screens by means of tri-sonic anemometry.

Biosystems Engineering, 104(2), pp.224–242.

Montoya-García, M.E., Callejón-Ferre, A.J., Pérez-Alonso, J. and Sánchez-Hermosilla, J., 2013. Assessment of psychosocial risks faced by workers in Almería-type greenhouses, using the Mini Psychosocial Factor method. Applied Ergonomics, 44(2), pp.303–311.

Mota, J.F., Peñas, J., Castro, H., Cabello, J. and Guirado, J.S., 1996. Agricultural development vs biodiversity conservation: the Mediterranean semiarid vegetation in El Ejido (Almería, southeastern Spain). Biodiversity & Conservation, 5(12), pp.1597– 1617.

Munoz, M.J.B., Lopez, C.M., Velasquez, E., Ripoll, S. and MacMillan, T., 2010. WP3: Water Scarcity and its Virtual Export from Spain to the UK. Co-operative Research on Environmental Problems in Europe (CREPE). [online] Fundacion Nueva Cultura del Agua, Univ. Pablo de Olavide and Les Levidow Open University.

Available at: <http://crepeweb.net/?page_id=430> [Accessed 25 Mar. 2015].

Muñoz-Criado, A., 2009. The Protection Plan for the Valencian Huerta. Metropolitan Landscapes: Ecology and Sustainability. .

86 Muñoz-Criado, A. and Domenech, V., 2014. Green Infrastructure: Planning at multiple levels of scale: Experiences from the Autonomous Region of Valencia, Spain. In: Scale Sensitive Governance of the Environment, 1st ed. John Wiley and Sons, Ltd, pp.283–301.

Murcott, A., Belasco, W. and Jackson, P., 2013. The Handbook of Food Research. A&C Black.

Netting, R.M. (Robert M., 1934-, 1993. Smallholders, householders: farm families and the ecology of intensive, sustainable agriculture. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,.

News, S.R.B. and Almeria, 2015. Spanish farmers blame Germany for crisis. [online] BBC News. Available at: <http://www.bbc. co.uk/news/13637197> [Accessed 6 Apr. 2015].

OECD, 2009. OECD Rural Policy Reviews: Spain 2009. OECD Publishing.

Osentowski, J., 2015. The Forest Garden Greenhouse: How to Design and Manage an Indoor Permaculture Oasis. Chelsea Green Publishing.

Perez, J., 2016. Personal interview with Juanba Perez, Manager of small scale compost: General Information. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Potot, S., 2009. Strategies of Visibility and Invisibility: Rumanians and Moroccans in El Ejido, Spain. In: Struggles for home: violence, hope and the movement of people, Dislocations ; New York ;Oxford: Berghahn Books, pp.109–128.

Pumares, P. and Jolivet, D., 2014. ‘Origin Matters’: Workig conditionsof Moroccans and Romanians in the greenhouses of Almeria. In: Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge, pp.130–140.

Regmi, A., 2014. The push-pull effects of urbanization on agriculture. [online] CGIAR. Available at: <http://www.cgiar.org/consortium-news/the-push-pull-effects-of-urbanization-on-agriculture/> [Accessed 12 May 2016].

Renting, H., Oostindie, H., Laurent, C., Brunori, G., Barjolle, D., Jervell, A.M., Granberg, L. and Heinonen, M., 2008. Multifunctionality of agricultural activities, changing rural identities and new institutional arrangements. International Journal of Agricultural Resources, Governance and Ecology, 7(4/5), p.361.

Rincon, J., 2016. Personal interview with Jesus Rincon: Owner of Organic Agriculture Greenhouse. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

87 Rodríguez, E., van der Blom, J., González, M., Sánchez, E., Janssen, D., Ruiz, L. and Elorrieta, M.-A., 2014. Plant viruses and native vegetation in Mediterranean greenhouse areas. Scientia Horticulturae, 165, pp.171–174.

Rodríguez, E., Schwarzer, V., van der Blom, J., Cabello, T. and González, M., 2012. The selection of native insectary plants for landscaping in greenhouse areas of SE Spain. Landscape management for Functional Biodiversity, 75, pp.73–76.

Royte, E., 2015. Urban farming is booming, but what does it really yield? Ensia. Available at: <http://ensia.com/features/urban-agriculture-is-booming-but-what-does-it-really-yield/> [Accessed 12 May 2016].

Satterthwaite, D., McGranahan, G. and Tacoli, C., 2010. Urbanization and its implications for food and farming. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences, 365(1554), pp.2809–2820.

Scholliers, P. and Van Den Eeckhout, P., 2013. Feeding growing cities in the 19th and 20th centuries: problems, innovations and reputations. In: The Handbook of Food Research. [online] London: Bloomsbury, pp.69–81. Available at: <http://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/the-handbook-of-food-research-9781847889164/> [Accessed 27 Dec. 2014].

Scott, J.C., 1998. Seeing like a state: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed. The Yale ISPS series. New Haven ;London: Yale University Press,.

Segrè, A., Falasconi, L., Politano, A. and Vittuari, M., 2014. Background paper on the economics of food loss and waste (unedited working paper). Rome: FAO. Sennett, R., 1943-, 1977. The fall of public man. A borzoi book.

New York: Knopf,.

SOC-SAT, 2016. Personal interview with Representative of SOCSAT in Almeria. [Dictaphone] Feb. Available at: <upon request>.

Steel, C., 2009. Hungry city: how food shapes our lives. London: Vintage,.

Stuart, T., 2009. Waste: uncovering the global food scandal. London: Penguin Books,.

Swagemakers, P., Jongerden, J. and Wiskerke, J.S.C., 2014. Urban green infrastructures in Europe: new architectural orientations for finding a way out of the dead-end road of industrialized modernity. Spanish Journal of Rural Development, pp.1–6.

Tornaghi, C., 2014. Critical geography of urban agriculture. Prog-

88 ress in Human Geography, p.309132513512542.

Tremlett, G., 2015. Spainâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s greenhouse effect: the shimmering sea of polythene consuming the land. [online] the Guardian.

Available at: <http://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/ sep/21/spain.gilestremlett> [Accessed 1 Apr. 2015].

United Nations Environment Programme, 2016. Atlas of our changing environment: Almeria, Spain. [online] United Nations Environment Programme. Available at: <http://na.unep.net/atlas/webatlas.php?id=172> [Accessed 26 Apr. 2016].

UNPD, 2009. Urban and Rural Areas 2009. [online] United Nations Population Division | Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Available at: <http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/ population/publications/urbanization/urban-rural.shtml> [Accessed 13 May 2016].

Valera Martinez, D.L., Belmonte Urena, L.J., Molina-Aiz, F.D. and Martinez, A.L., 2016. Greenhouse Agriculture in Almeria: A comprehensive techno-economic analysis. Serie Economia. Almeria, Spain: Cajamar: Caja Rural, p.408.

Veiga, U.M., 2014. The Political Economy of El Ejido: Genealogy of the 2000 conflict. In: Seasonal Workers in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh. Routledge.

Viljoen, A., Bohn, K. and Howe, J., 2005. Continuous productive urban landscapes: designing urban agriculture for sustainable cities. Oxford: Architectural Press,.

Welter, V.M. and Whyte, I.B., 2003. Biopolis: Patrick Geddes and the City of Life. MIT Press.

Wolosin, R.T., 2008. El Milagro De Almeria, Espana: A Political Ecology of Landscape Change and Greenhouse Agriculture. [online] The University of Montana. Available at: <http://scholarworks.umt.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1385&context=etd> [Accessed 1 Feb. 2015].

WTO, 2015. UNDERSTANDING THE WTO: BASICS The GATT years: from Havana to Marrakesh. [online] World Trade Organisation (WTO). Available at: <http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/ whatis_e/tif_e/fact4_e.htm> [Accessed 2 Jan. 2014].

Covers: Kaushik, n.d. The Greenhouses of Almeria | Amusing Planet.

Available at: <http://www.amusingplanet.com/2013/08/thegreenhouses-of-almeria.html> [Accessed 13 Apr. 2015].

Lang, B., 2015. Aerial Views. [online] Photography Bernhard Lang. Available at: <http://www.bernhardlang.de/Website/AV_ Plastico_002.html> [Accessed 20 Feb. 2015].

89

Appendix Interviews were conducted and recorded with the following people: Lola Buendía Guerrero Environment and Sustainability, Fundación Cajamar Mónica González Fernández Biologist, Fundación Cajamar Juan Carlos Communications and Compost, Fundación Cajamar Manuel Gómez Galera Director of Agriculture, Municipality of El Ejido Jesús Rincon Ecological Agriculture Jesús Barranco Alhondiga La Union Juanba Escobar Pérez Environmental Engineer, Compost Plant Manager Eva Rosa Moreno Fundación Cepaim San Isidro-Níjar Lizzie Wynn MSc Sustainable Development Workers at Camp 1