The Performance of Youth Identity and the City - James Houston

The Performance of Youth Identity and the City A Study of Belfast’s Divided Communitites

James Houston 1

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A Design Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil Examination in Architecture & Urban Design (2014-2016)

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This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

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With thanks to, Max Sternberg, Ingrid Schroder and all the young people and youth workers that greatly helped me in Belfast.

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Table of Contents

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Introduction

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Part 1: A History of Performance

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Part 2: Territorialised Space

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Part 3: The Riot

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Part 4: Neutral Space

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Conclusion

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Bibliography

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Appendix

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Figure 2: The legacy of the conflict.

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Introduction

In 2014 members of the Divis Hoods Liberation Army (DHLA), a group of young people from the Divis estate in West Belfast, redirected the pursuits of their collective away from territorial contestation and delinquency, towards community improvement. A local youth aptly summarised, “they decided they wanted to make Divis a place to be proud of, now they run youth groups and sporting events” (Catholic male 18, 18/2/16). In the aftermath of a thirty year ethno-national conflict, it is evident that such young people are finding self-certainty between the old Belfast of their predecessors and the future city scape. Unfortunately others are experiencing increasing identity insecurity evidenced by a 73% increase in suicide rates for under 24s since 1998 (NISRA 2016). In the wake of such contrasting outcomes this thesis seeks to explore the prominent components of identity performance for young people within Belfast’s divided communities. It will discuss how the narrative, physical and performative legacies of the conflict, combine with the pressures of global youth culture, to inform their relationship to the spaces and audiences surrounding them. This will seek to inform whether architecture can contribute to the facilitation of a positive youth identity, which celebrates culture whilst enabling exploration, fluidity and individuality.

Judith Butler has argued that gender is an act which has been rehearsed and is performed through repetition by us, the actors (Judith Butler, 1998). Whilst her performance theory is specific to gender, it could be widely applied to all forms of identity, supported by Anthony Giddens who suggests that ‘self-identity is not a pre-existing given, but has to be continuously created and sustained in the reflexive activities of the individual’ (Anthony Giddens, 1984). Accepting that identity is a fluid

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construct that contains any number of learnt and evolving components, it could be said that like theatre, each chosen representation of self is informed by our understanding of the setting and audience within which we find ourselves. Neil Leach comments, ‘Identity is never abstractly narrated, but always contextualised and inscribed around certain objects and places’ (Neil Leach, 2005).

Since the beginning of the peace process in Belfast, the number of interface divisions segregating residential areas based on religion has increased, despite repeated political agendas, genuine or deceptive, that stipulate their removal. This combined with unaltered infrastructure, originally planned to enable isolation, has created fixed zones of substantial socio-economic deprivation, within which archaic ideologies routed in ethno-national contestation are preserved as a means of achieving self-certainty. For young people who are born into this environment, associated pressures to conform are combined with the increasing prominence of global youth culture, made accessible by both the regeneration of the city centre and technological developments. The resulting situation is one of separate often contradictory performances of identity with strict relationships to context.

This thesis will build on scholarly research surrounding youth identity and urban transformation in Belfast, pinpointing the areas that have been overlooked to develop a more current and accurate representation of the situation. Madeleline Leonard’s detailed writing on the youth in Northern Ireland and the formation of self in relation to the other, with regards to spatial mobility has been particularly informative to my work, along with Milena Komarova, Martina McKnight, Lisa Smyth and Brendan Murtagh’s insights into the spatial repercussions of the Troubles, focusing on the regeneration of the city centre as an international forum for shared activity. However, whilst in many cases, spaces are acknowledged with regards to identity performance, either as enabling successful sharing or as hosting significant contestation, very little discourse exists around the effects that the spatial attributes of these locations and their associated audiences have on young people’s behaviour. Fewer still, have investigated the relationship between these spaces and in particular, the connection between the bedroom, the wider home and the street; a fundamental discussion when attempting to explain how a young person views themselves or wants to be perceived. Most significantly, existing research is severely lacking the essential input of the young person’s genuine voice.

Part one of this thesis will trace the origins of the separate religious identities in Belfast, and how through inequality and significant political decisions, these came to represent increasingly oppositional ethno-nationalities, culminating in rigid segregation and the Troubles - a conflict which has been inherited and constantly reinterpreted by the current youth. In the second part, the argument will develop to demonstrate how these reinterpretations relate to areas of varying control within

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territory: the home as the place of most substantial experience and early learning; the bedroom as an intimate space of self-exploration; the street as place of collective celebration, but also significant control; unoccupied space as the location of greatest youth freedom. It will examine how the youth have submitted to or challenged the associated strategies of control. This will follow on to part three which will discuss the practice of rioting as a form of ritualistic behaviour that offers new parameters of purpose for an individual within that instant. Finally, the essay will investigate the impact of neoliberal globalisation on the city centre and whether, as a result, it possesses the potential to provide a platform for young people’s free expression. The large body of primary research cited in this dissertation was collected during a nine month field work period spent mostly in Belfast, with an extended visit to Jerusalem to contextualise my studies. Whilst living in Belfast, four months were spent volunteering in a city centre youth club, which was used by both Catholics and Protestants, but cannot be named for the protection of those who have contributed. Here, I met and worked with groups on an everyday basis collecting research in a qualitative manner, through recorded conversations, observations and analysis. Additionally, I held more structured individual and group consultations, some within the youth club and others in community buildings within religious majority residential areas, where perspectives were plotted by hand onto a large map of the city. This map is attached and can be unfolded from the back page of this document.

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Figure 3: Cupar Street.

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Part 1 A History of Performance

In 1901 Belfast was enjoying an extraordinary expansion. As a world leading centre of linen production and shipbuilding, its population had doubled to 350,000 in only thirty years (Rose, 1955). With the resultant urbanisation, the religious divides of rural Ulster were recast in the city’s working class neighbourhoods as Catholics and Protestants congregated around existing churches and subsequently those of the same sect. The Catholic population which had risen from around 400 in 1784 to almost 60,000, settled mainly in the west of city, within the long standing political demarcation around the Falls ward. With the partition of Ireland in 1921 territorial divisions were strengthened on political grounds, in general Protestants felt British and accepted Northern Ireland and its Unionist government, whereas Catholics felt Irish and refused to accept the new country’s legitimacy, desiring an all-Ireland state (Brendan O’Leary, 2007). The decision was marked by major sectarian conflict along the fault line between the Catholic Falls and Protestant Smithfield ward’s (later Shankill), which both contained 90% religious majorities. With 468 deaths in the two years following partition, ethno-national groups became increasingly insular as ideological conformity grew in the face of adversity. Richard Sennett comments, ‘the simplest way in which a communal identity is formed is when a group is threatened in its very survival […]. While taking collective action to meet this threat, people feel close to one another and search for images that bind them together’ (Richard Sennett, 1977). Crucial to this formation is the process of ‘othering’, whereby members of the in-group, to which one belongs, use stereotypes to discriminate the out-group, to which one doesn’t, to enhance one’s self-image (Henri Tajfel, 1979).

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Figure 4: Shop where Clonard area (Catholic) residents spend most money.

Figure 5: Shop where Shankill area (Protestant) residents spend most money.

Figure 6: Letter to Mr. Cairncross from the Northern Ireland Primeminister.

In Belfast, these stereotypes received greater emphasis as Catholic discrimination under the Unionist Government intensified (Anders Boserup, 1967). With better employment and housing opportunities reserved for Protestants amidst the decline of the city’s industry, visual differentiations strengthened collective consciousness and societal detachment grew. Research carried out by Frederick Boal depicts the resultant ‘activity segregation’ with households often travelling further to use shops and amenities provided by those of their own religion. In the 1960’s Catholics began to gain political voice under Terrence O’Neill, a new more pragmatic Northern Irish Prime minister (David McKittrick, 2002). The subsequent civil rights movement challenged inequality with objectives that liberal Protestants could have supported, however, the majority instead adopted the belief that Catholics should not reap benefits from a country they did not recognise (Interview 1) and responded with counter-demonstrations. Fear of being overrun by the opposing group lead to significant unrest along the interface as described in Ciaran Carson’s childhood recollection, ‘but remember never go by Cupar Street, my father would warn me, for Cupar Street was one of those areas where the Falls and the Shankill joined together as unhappy Siamese twins’ (Ciaran Carson, 2002). Carson’s metaphor exemplifies the notion that while increasingly oppositional, intense ‘othering’ had created a dependency between groups, with each relying on the other for selfjustification. The resultant relationship was one of growing cyclical volatility.

On 13th August 1969 widespread violence broke out across Belfast following an uprising in the Catholic Bogside area of Derry (McKittrick, 2002). Within hours Cupar Street had become the front line of defence as all available IRA members were called on to protect the already burning homes on the edge of the Falls ward (Brian Hanley, 2010). As Protestant and Catholic women and children fled to safety deeper within their communities, Republicans began assembling temporary blockades.

The first physical walls to appear embodied the desperation of the situation: ‘commandeered cars, corrugated iron and whatever else came to hand’ were hastily erected and ignited to prevent Loyalist and Police access (McKittrick, 2002). ‘Although primarily defensive, the barricades were an implicit challenge to the authority of the Stormont Government.’ The Unionist Prime Minister insisted they be removed, when the Catholics failed to comply, their Protestant neighbours retaliated by building their own and within two days there were more than two hundred such obstructions in the area (R. Bennett, 1994). Evidence given at the Scarman Tribunal depicts the scene, ‘barricades, debris, flame and liquid petrol, the crackle of burning buildings and the shattering of glass enveloped the area’ (Scarman Tribunal, 1969). Amidst the chaos and uncertainty, the trepidation of losing one’s home provoked even the most liberal to become involved and ‘with the Police force exhausted and injured’ (McKittrick, 2002) the Prime Minister asked London for troops to restore order.

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For both communities the army’s arrival represented their liberation and provided temporary respite from the violence, however the confusing nature of the situation made diffusional methods ineffective. A junior officer comments, ‘they kept on saying: why have you got your rifles pointed at us and your backs to the Catholics, when they’re the ones who started it? So immediately we came up against the sectarian problem: which way do you face? Who do you defend? Which side do you protect?’ The directional nature of the division was resolved within two months as the first official peace lines were erected, (Sydney Elliott, 1999) General Sir Ian Freeland stated, ‘we will not have a Berlin Wall or anything like that in this city’ (PRONI). With territorial solidification the other were now observed through rolls of barbed wire, supporting the perception of victimisation for both sides.

By the end of 1969, 1500 Catholic and 300 Protestant families had been forced from their homes (PRONI) and with intensifying violence the British Army began adding reinforcements to the peace line along Cupar Street. It now consisted of ‘corrugated iron sheeting supported by scaffolding poles rising ten feet tall’ (Desmond Hamill, 1985). With this development came the removal of a visual connection and the chance for reconciliation through the recognition of similarity, as informed by Sartre, ‘our only genuine sense of community comes when we perceive ourselves along with others forming the object of the gaze of another’ (Jean-Paul Sartre, 1993). Although Sartre’s philosophy does not consider the physically divided nature of community in this case, the importance of the gaze is undoubtable, as in its restriction the discriminatory and often fictitious stereotypes became unchallengeable and the collective identities, increasingly defined by boundless opposition.

Wendy Pullan comments, ‘walls permit the populations behind them to grow horns. They foster a curious disengagement with reality. […] In effect, the conflict becomes a representation of itself, spiralling into unrecognisable and uncontrollable permutations from its one and only side’ (Pullan, 2012). In this sense, the wall is the opposite of a mirror – a black hole into which any number of unsubstantiated assumptions and imaginations can be thrown unchallenged. The state led decision to install these barriers in Belfast holds in my opinion, the greatest responsibility for the longevity of the situation, facilitating the narrative and performative legacies of ‘The Troubles’, while the rest of Northern Ireland have largely moved on. However, it must be noted that given the uncontrollable and immediate nature of the conflict’s outbreak and the uncertainty associated with being a young statelet, the immediate relief provided by rigid physical divisions understandably overshadowed the foresight of long-term damage.

A reaction to the 40% increase in city centre bombings, between 1975 and 1980, the west link dual carriageway which opened in 1981 combined with the final transformation of the Cupar

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Figure 7: The wall construction progression.

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Street interface, a four metre tall concrete and brick wall stretching for 800 metres, to enable the complete containment of the Falls and Shankill wards. With the recent declassification of the 1971 Taylor report, the long debated military influence on this infrastructural development and other city planning cases, (Paul Doherty and Michael A. Poole 1997, Martin Pawley 1998) was confirmed. ‘Prudence would point to the wisdom of some sort of physical cordon sanitaire, […] the effect will be to create a 100m wide cleared belt to the west side of the city centre’ (Taylor, 1971).

Similar examples of politically motivated conflict infrastructures and their ability to destroy spatial continuities and social connections have been apparent in other conflict cities (Hanna Baumann, 2016). In the modern state of Israel, the settlement period of ‘accidental empire’ beginning in 1967 was originally motivated, at least at the de jure political level, not by the residential ambitions of the kibbutzim, but by the military strategism of commander-politicians such as Moshe Dayan (Gorenberg, 2006). As such, planning often represents security and development for Israelis, but isolation for Palestinians with Road 1 allowing access to Jewish settlements while not connecting into Palestinian areas (Conflict in Cities Research group, 2012). For those living in West Belfast, mindless, sporadic violence within this infrastructural enclosure escalated, with groups such as the Shankill butchers selecting catholic victims at random and army operations exhibiting increased brutality during raids, particularly on Catholic homes. In response new creative navigation routes were developed leading to a unique spatial understanding of the city. This knowledge remains prevalent as sustained by the unaltered infrastructure.

In the Yann Demange directed film, 71’, (Yann Demange, 2015) a British soldier separated from his unit is depicted attempting to find his way back to the army barracks from West Belfast. Reminiscent of De Quincey’s urban wanderings and the dérive, he meanders blindly through enigmatic alleyways terrified of the threat that could be waiting around each turn. Representing the situation from the soldier’s perspective, tension builds and drops as the viewer observes the potential dangers posed by the men, women and children he encounters in different parts of the city. Eventually he stumbles on a young protestant boy, who cognisant of the complex network and associated risks leads him to safety in a UDA public house. The public house or community centre in particular became an information point and safe zone as the meeting place for paramilitary organisations that would, ‘gather in the backrooms to discuss plans over a pint,’ subsequently however, it also became a significant target, as represented by its destruction by explosion in the film. Similarly the interface, while offering protection was a location associated with substantial fear, initially with the outbreak of violence and in later years as the area of most risk with two-thirds of all deaths

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Figure 8: Screen shots from 71’.

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within a 500m vicinity (Shirlow and Murtagh, 2006: 73). New methods of navigation and interaction enabled undetected movement, with passageways created between houses on the grid iron streets and the banging of bin lids used to communicate warnings. As such the city took on variant meanings for each group as new ‘networks of habitual lines of movement’ and the perception or memory of attack informed the notion of place. Kevin Lynch comments, environmental image is the ‘product of immediate sensation and the memory of past experiences’ (Kevin Lynch, 1960).

These understandings have remained, with memorials, murals and routine ways of life reminding the youth of their past and informing their current use of the city.

On the 5th May 2016 the first cohort of voters born since the beginning of the peace process, known as the ‘peace babies’ (Jonny Byrne, 2016), voted in the general election. Since 1998 and the official end of the conflict, the number of interfaces and the average socio-economic deprivation in Belfast have increased. Furthermore with substantial Protestant out-migration during the troubles and significant catholic in-migration the demand for social housing is imbalanced, held unresolved by the rigid physical boundaries, Duncan Morrow comments, “there’s a need for housing on the catholic side and deep fear of that on the protestant. You end up with full and resentful Nationalist communities and empty and fearful Protestant communities, neither of those are sustainable” (Duncan Morrow, 6/3/16). For both communities the preservation of territorial residential areas has become crucial to the maintenance of their essentialist collective identities, which increasingly rely on each other for justification, a factor exaggerated by the growing sense that traditional objectives are less relevant. It seems that for many in divided communities the on-going battle has become a dramatized performance, a pursuit turned to for lack of other outlets and one that is imposed on subsequent generations to enhance its perceived validity. Unfortunately however, this has only lead to increased cyclical deprivation through the dissuasion of investment and the miss-direction of attention away from more material issues. Sennett comments, ‘the more people conceive of the political realm as the opportunity for revealing themselves to each other through the sharing of common, collective personality, the more they are diverted from using their fraternity to change social conditions. Maintaining community becomes an end in itself’ (Sennett).

With the physical legacy of the conflict limiting interaction and subsequently contradiction, otherness can easily be manifested in generational terms (De Castro, 2004) through the recounting of myths and stereotypes (Gregory, 1995). One youth worker comments, “the identity of these young ones has been passed down through the family, the parents would say you’re a Protestant and you hate Catholics, its complete discrimination with no option of seeing things from the other side” (Youth

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Figure 9: The legacy of the Conflict.

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worker, 18/02/16). This is enabled through the provision of a readymade set of indicators with which to differentiate themselves from the other (Madeleine Leonard, 2008) culminating physically in the understanding of key cultural symbols, both in the built environment and through dress. This inheritance is essential to reifying the collective identity which relies on the youth who have the ability to control and manipulate the landscape and subsequently reinforce territory (Reid 2004).

A role they are suitable for through the attributes their lifestyles offer, with disposable time, large groups of friends and most importantly, navigation on foot. The process of pedestrian movement and the potential for uninhibited access to the city reinforces or challenges borders that might otherwise be undefined physically. De Certeau comments, ‘the act of walking allows us to subvert strategies of control although we may walk along roads that embody and impose strategies of control and governance, the pattern in which we walk and the poetics of movement contest this space and mark it in a manner that is ephemeral and thus illegible to the strategies that govern us’ (De Certeau, 1984: 93). It is evident that through movement on foot, the youth have developed a detailed and subtle apprehension of the city with relationship to strategies of control, either from the other community, peers, parents, neighbours, paramilitaries, the police or the general public, which could all be described as audience. As knowledgeable agents they negotiate these spaces in ‘ways which sometimes support and sometimes challenge the perspectives and value judgements’ of the significant others (Leonard, 2008) and as such, can choose to reify the collective identity or in some cases contradict it. With new opportunities to interact with the other, particularly for those in their later teenage years who regularly use the city centre, and with the growing influence of global youth culture, increasing numbers of young people are challenging the stagnant and previously unquestioned notions of self, acquired from their families or communities, in search of a more personally determined sense of identity (Larson, 1995). The resulting phenomenon is one of separate, often contrasting identity performances in response to fixed spatial zones with associated audiences and other actors.

Social identity theory, as demonstrated throughout the history of Northern Ireland, proposes that through group identification and the process of othering we can enhance our sense of belonging and boost our self-certainty (Tajfel 1979). In accordance with the unrestricted potential of identity construction we may choose to identify with many groups of varying sizes, compositions and classifications and enact separate elements of our self within their presence. For many young people in Belfast, groups can assimilate behaviourisms in line with conflict identities, based on unrelated commonalities or configured as a combination of the two, with separate affiliations often fixed to

Figure 10: Annotated map of Belfast looking from the West towards the City Centre.

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defined areas of the city with little or no interaction between. One young Protestant comments, “I would go hang out with the skaters down at the City Hall or at the skate park, but they would never come up and hang out with my mates in the community, some of them would be Catholics like” (Group consultation, 2/3/16). For others, the nature of groups with which they identify may actively contradict each other, “my wee brother went to live with my Daddy [in the Short Strand], so he has friends over there and friends over here. Over there he has to be this big protestant hater who’s always going out and rioting and then when he comes back here [The Springfield Road] he’s like just himself, sitting and drinking with the Protestant neighbours” (Group consultation, 2/3/16).

It is evident that within the presence of a wider group, one might enact the performance deemed most appropriate, regardless of how they behave or identify themselves elsewhere. In this sense, the collective functions as both actors and audience, with the script undefined yet understood. The same interviewee comments, “I suppose it’s just who you are surrounded by, it depends what way you act, it’s sort of like adapting to the surroundings, he is a performer like” (Group consultation, 2/3/16). For groups affiliated with the conflict, particularly for young males, this adaption is often rooted in some form of machismo or delinquency, a reflection of the value system established by both the previous generations who defended the street, but also a response to limited power within the wider cities social, economic and political structure.

Identity as an internal conception is expressed outwardly through one’s behaviour and how one presents oneself physically through costume. Lincoln states, ‘style is a component in a cultural map of meaning through which a particular group claim their identity through a set of signs’ (Lincoln, 2001). Through various forms of representation, one conveys the notion of self in a manner that enables affiliation with those they perceive as similar and differentiation from those they perceive as different, a process made possible through the widespread acceptance of stereotypes. These representations are particularly significant in Belfast given the physical homogeneity between groups (Reid 2004). As a result, small distinctions can signify substantial associations, varying between those which are more hereditary such as body language, accent and vocabulary, and those which are flexible such as haircut, clothing and jewellery, distinguishable as what one puts out and what one puts on. With regards to the conflict these can also be categorised based on whether they are overtly antagonistic or simply habitual trends within ones community. For young people who affiliate with a series of groups, the flexible elements of costume can enable the tailoring of ones representation to situation, however with religious stereotypes widely applied and subtly read, it is likely that in many cases these performances might not remain entirely disconnected. Vocabulary

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in particular was mentioned by young people as a way of differentiating ones religion, “Protestants say Wayest Bilfast whereas we say Wayest Belll-faaast’, another commented on the pronunciation of the letter ‘H’, ‘we say Ae-itch, whereas Catholics say Hay-itch” (Group consultation, 2/3/16).

Differentiations that relate to vocabulary, accent and body language are the product of cultural practices such as the influence of the Gaelic language or religious gesturing and are deeply engrained from a young age. As such, they are less representative of a conscious decision to represent oneself in a certain manner, as elucidated by one young Protestant, “I wouldn’t even notice I’m saying it like that you know, it’s just the way I speak” (Group consultation, 2/3/16).

The hair cut is perhaps the least disguisable portrayal of self and therefore depicts a substantial commitment to define ones identity in relation to ethno-nationality, particularly for males. In all interviews ‘blonde highlights’ were specified as a Protestant hairstyle (group consultation 16/2/16, 17/2/16, 2/3/16) and in one case a perm was mentioned, “some people say that I look like a Protestant, I don’t know why”, “It’s that perm”, “haha, yea it’s the perm” (group consultation 16/2/16). For Catholics it was the ‘straight down Catholic flick’, with the process described by one Catholic boy, “every single one had the same haircut, short back and sides with a fringe straight down, you just got a whack of gel in your hand and gelled it straight down, then you spiked it up at the back.” The sense that this particular trend is becoming outdated was also suggested, “if you see someone with a gelled down fringe now you think, aw what are you at mate? Its different styles now, pony tails and all that” (group consultation 16/2/16). It is evident that a greater consciousness of fashion, in line with global youth culture trends, as made accessible by technological developments, might be effecting the legitimacy of hair style association, with one young person commenting, “when people are running about with pony tails you can’t just look at hair and judge their religion” (group consultation 17/2/16). This uncertainty made some stereotypes subject to alternation and disruption, “we (catholic girls) used to wear the big hoopie earrings, but now they do’, ‘although isn’t it silver for Protestants and gold for Catholics?”, “nah there was a big silver phase with Catholics there recently” (group consultation 2/3/16).

For other clothing trends doubt was removed by sports team associations, brand logos or colour schemes. “Do you remember that Red and Blue Adidas tracksuit, you’d see a load of them wearing that’ and ‘the Catholics wouldn’t wear the Reebok stuff or Karimor because of the Union Jack”, “my brother told his wee girl to take off her Jack Wills top, it said fabulously British on it” (group consultation 2/3/16). In these cases, associations were seen as blatant and within certain contexts could be perceived as antagonistic, as demonstrated by one young Protestant, ‘I had a jumper on

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Figure 11: Catholic costume (left) & Protestant costume (right).

Figure 12: Two Catholic girls.

Figure 13: Five Protestant boys.

Figure 14: Two Catholic boys.

Figure 15: Six Protestant boys.

Figure 16: Catholic girls and boys.

Figure 17: Three Protesant boys.

Figure 18: Two Catholic boys.

Figure 19: Six Protestant boys.

Figure 20: Catholic girls in school uniform (green).

Figure 21: Protestant girls and boys in school uniform (navy).

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and like the collar had an English top and like underneath the jumper I had a Rangers top on and somebody seen it and he said aye you’re a fucking hun and he came over and started’ (Leonard, 2008). This is reiterated by a young Catholic who comments, “I saw a guy on the Falls Road [Catholic] the other day wearing a Rangers shirt [Protestant] and everyone was just stopped, watching and pointing” (group consultation 2/3/16). In this respect the fact that the wearer is alone in the heart of a Catholic area makes him less of a threat and instead he is perceived as a spectacle, a reaction emphasised by the uncommon nature of the occurrence, however if he were part of a group, or encountered strong minded members of the community, the result would likely be confrontation.

It is evident that this response is the desired outcome for some young people and that presenting themselves in a manner that could be perceived antagonistically is both a reification of identity, but also a claim or rejection of territory. This is particularly significant within contested or ‘neutral’ spaces which are void of flags, murals or other cultural symbols as a way of claiming temporary ownership, particularly when moving as part of a group. For other young people, adhering to stereotypes is not an act of contestation, but rather, the result of internal trends, however, regardless of motivation, they are likely to be subject to the same perceptions and reactions. Collectively costume represents the potential instability of youth identity, some elements are deeply engrained and are likely to remain so, while others under the influence of universal trends, can be switched around dependent on how one wants to be perceived. These variables when applied to space can have a wide range of results enabling the maintenance of territory or the embodiment of religious neutrality. With pressures to adhere to less flexible fashions such as the hair-cut, these two worlds can collide, leaving the actor exposed and insecure.

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Part 2 Territorialised Space

The home as a structure of spatial, temporal and socio-cultural order enables us to remember, understand and represent our existence in space. In Belfast’s divided communities, this orientation has been strongly influenced by the conflict and residential segregation with physical barriers delineating the edge of one’s perceived world, as one young person comments, “the wall is mental more than physical, whatever’s on the other side, I wouldn’t even know it exists” (group consultation 17/2/16). Informed by this delineation, homes have become spatially orientated towards the centre of their community especially near the interface, “one side of the road is Catholic and the other side is Protestant and there’s a peace wall up the middle, the houses aren’t built facing out onto the road, they have their backs to the road” (Catholic male (18), 18/2/16).

With the outbreak of the Troubles operating on residential streets, the home became the literal symbol of resistance or defeat as territories were concretised. In subsequent years the notion of privacy and security was further compromised as houses became the site of ‘politically motivated intrusion, search, destruction, intimidation, injury and often murder’ (Smyth, 2008). Encompassing these structures, the home is the consolidation of person and place ‘such that the place takes its identity from the dweller and the dweller takes his or her identity from the place’ (Dovey, 1978), a tension emphasised in conflict-based situations where territory is violently contested. As such, the home like costume often depicts exaggerated representation, most notably through the flying of flags, with Catholics flying the Irish tricolour, or the Palestinian flag and Protestants, the Union Jack or Israeli flag. One Catholic youth worker comments, “when it gets tattered my Ma takes it down and buys a new one because it would be affront to the Palestinians to have a scruffy one. She

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Figure 22: The home.

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also takes it down at dawn on Easter morning and puts up the tricolour because that’s what they did during the rising” (Youth Worker, 18/2/16). The expression of identity in this sense appears to be a comment to the collective rather than an internal reflection, as Dovey states, ‘the home may represent a socially desired identity rather than any depth of character’ (Dovey, 1978). Similar to dressing in an explicitly Protestant or Catholic outfit, self-certainty is reinforced through the extent that someone visibly fills the role they believe to hold.

For the youth in Belfast’s divided communities, the notion of control through audience observation is likely to extend to within the house, with the ability to be oneself constrained by power relations and wider expectations from their parents or siblings about the performance of ‘appropriate’ identities’ (Dovey, 1978). As discussed, the home is both a reflection and inspiration of the identity of those who live there, for young people this structure has been built by the lives of their parents and as such the home can offer a predefined construction of who they are. The extent to which this relates to the conflict and the level of enforcement varies greatly on the views of their parents, with some rigidly stipulating assimilation and others discouraging its influence. Many young people suggested that it would not be possible to bring a friend of the other religion into the home, “he’s my best friend, he’s a Protestant and I’m a Catholic, but he can never come up to my house, so we meet in town instead”. In some cases this was due to the perceived reactions of their parents, “my mates Da was in the IRA and he would go mad if he ever brought Protestants round, even though we have lots of prod mates” and in others it related to the observation of those on the street, “I wouldn’t be allowed, in case the neighbours would see”. Similar to the flying of flags, it is clear that often a performance is upheld for the viewing of those on the street, but within completely private space this is more flexible as depicted by one young Catholic, “if my protestant mates come round my ma gets me to bring them in through the back door so the neighbours don’t see” (group consultation 17/2/16). Exemplifying the interesting relationship between public and private space and identity performance, this example portrays the notion of the front of the home as the stage, on which the performance follows a fixed script for the neighbours as audience and the rear as backstage, where the act can be dropped. It is evident that the home for many young people as the representation of their parent’s identity and a space of significant observation and control, can contribute to substantial insecurity.

Drucilla Cornell argues that privacy might be the imaginary domain of personal discovery and selfrealization (Drucilla Cornell, 1995: 33). For many young people, maximum privacy is restrained to their bedroom and as such it is often the space within which they can express themselves most

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Set Props Audience Figure 23: The home as stage.

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All images received from interviewees post interview.

Figure 24: Crucifix (Catholic).

Figure 25: The Virgin Mary (Catholic).

Figure 26: Apostolic Blessing (Catholic).

Figure 27: Jesus (Catholic).

Figure 28: Celtic Football Club banner (Catholic).

Figure 29: Celtic Football Club framed picture (Catholic).

Figure 30: Sash (Protestant).

Figure 31: Ulster Rugby (Protetstant).

freely. One young person comments, “I just go and lock myself in my room and do what I want” while another adds, “the other night our mate took a pill and just went home and played PlayStation in his room by himself, he’s a mad man” (group consultation 17/2/16). In these cases private space is defined, not simply as a binary opposite to public space, but with relation to personal control, control over the way it is decorated, those who are permitted to enter and the activities taking place there. With the effects of globalisation and the rise in consumer culture, this control is increasingly essential in the pursuit of self-certainty, as Lincoln argues, the bedroom offers the potential to at times pause this consumption and cement at least some elements of identity (Sian Lincoln, 2001).

In Belfast divided communities, the need to belong to wider youth culture trends is often coupled with the desire or pressure to adhere to ethno-religious identities. The evolving materiality of the bedroom then allows the organisation and structure of this composition. One young Catholic comments, “some of my mates would have Celtic scarfs up, or as much as having their whole room painted the colours, but then they’d also have band posters and things” (Catholic male (17), Protestant female (18), 15/2/16), this is exemplified in some of the photos submitted to me by young people in Belfast, with one showing a portrait of Jesus attached to a wall pasted in music magazine cut outs. The bedroom in this sense portrays the complex construction of identity, like the relationship of hair cut to dress, one can represent the more dominant aspects of their person through long-term choices such as wall colour and furniture, imagery relating to favourite bands or films are more fluid enabling these elements to evolve quickly. This example also demonstrates the potential stability provided by ethno-religious identification within a world where global youth culture trends are increasingly ephemeral.

The notion of bedroom decoration, however telling of youth identity is still a cultivated image, representing who a young person wants to be. The most honest portrayal of self comes in the bedrooms ability to record the unfiltered traces of everyday life, acting as Lefebvre describes, as the ‘ultimate container of meaning’ (Lefebvre, 1991). These details accumulate when one is simply living and can be altered or hidden with anticipation of an audience. In most interviews, the sharing of a bedroom or the regular intrusion of over curious parents was portrayed as uncommon. As such, inhabitants seemed to maintain ultimate control over who would be permitted entry. With audience a significant influence on the performance of identity, this control is incredibly important, providing a break from the masque of public life. Therefore, the bedroom acts as a rehearsal space, where various aspects of identity can be explored and practiced before their exposure within wider society. In contemporary youth culture this notion has gained increased significance through the

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Figure 32: Jesus framed picture on band poster wall (Catholic).

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All images received from interviewees post interview.

Figure 33: Dr who and Karate (Protestant) Figure 34: Television (Protestant).

Figure 35: Bands on pink wall (Catholic).

Figure 36: Record player (Catholic).

Figure 37: Notice Board (Catholic).

Figure 38: Movie pictures (Catholic) Figure 39: Band Posters (Catholic) Figure 40: Angel Ornament (Catholic) 35

internet and the unbounded accessibility to information. A factor made possible by the development of the communication device which has moved from downstairs to the bedroom as it has become smaller, less professional and more ubiquitous. Lincoln comments, ‘the media and the technologies associated with them have opened up a number of ‘other’ social and cultural worlds and spaces through which a young person may constantly shift in and out of and connect to’ (Lincoln, 2001). In Belfast’s divided communities this development has enabled access to vast influence and in many ways has been extremely beneficial in the exploration of identity, which might otherwise have been restrained to the surrounding community and associated teachings.

If the home is the representation of self, then the street could be described as the connection of the self to the collective. Throughout the troubles, this connection became particularly significant given the interdependence between residents and their neighbours for protection. As an extension of the homes spatial, temporal and socio-cultural structure, life and its relationship to the surrounding environment developed through the constant fear of attack and the need to protect. In some cases this reliance led to spatial transformations as connections were made between houses to allow undetected movement or escape and as such the lines were blurred between home and street, self and collective. With the intensification of violence, increasing numbers were drafted into paramilitary groups which were divided based on district, as a result street protection became increasingly spatially organised, with high ranking officers housed in the centre of streets and the end houses used as watch points (Taxi Driver, 2014). In many cases these structures isolated individual streets or estates from the wider community leading to the establishment of street specific collective identities, based around community centres or public houses. As mentioned by one Catholic resident, “St. James has the Rock and O’Dees, Turf Lodge the Trinity and Divis has Life or McDermott’s, it’s the legacy from the troubles, where you never went outside of your area because you were scared” (group consultation 2/3/16). As discussed the community centre or pub became the location of not only celebrating group cohesion, but an information point and meeting place for paramilitary organisations, which often developed views divergent from those of the wider area and in some cases formed detached groups. In the shadow of the Troubles the legacy of observation, protection and control remains, as observed while carrying out research and by the recurrent protests and riots over parade routes. As such, the performance of identity on the street is often rigidly constrained to behaviour in line with the views of the collective, a factor exemplified by inward facing murals, flags and graffiti, which “are in place to remind residents of what is expected” (Taxi Driver, 2014).

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Set

Props

Audience

Actors

Figure 41: The Street as Stage.

Figure 42: Protestant and Catholic streets seperated by interface.

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For those who do not adhere to these stipulations the street can become a place of incredible vulnerability. One young Protestant comments, “my mate was in a relationship, she’s a Protestant and he’s a Catholic and she ended up having to move out of her area and move into a Catholic area, she had an awful time and it was people from her side terrorising her because she was going with a Catholic” (group consultation 16/2/16). It is interesting in this case, that one finds refuge in the community of the ‘Other’, perhaps this is a Nationalist propaganda statement, emphasising the Protestant’s malevolence through contrasting generosity. Or as some interviewees have suggested, representative of growing extremism within the Loyalist community. Regardless of motive, this situation is a common occurrence, a reflection of the long standing need to purge those who undermine the collective and subsequently threaten its survival. Contrastingly, for those who behave as desired, the street can function as a place of reification and celebration, as shown in the submitted photos. “We used to have street parties all the time, if it was a sunny day all the ma’s would get together and go and buy a load of sweets and drinks”, “someone would always have one of those big boom boxes which they would play music out of” and “because everyone’s Da was a painter and decorator, we’d get all the pasting tables and put them in a big line and have green, white and gold bunting” (Catholic female (17), Catholic male (17), 5/4/16). The strength of the collective in this sense is exemplified by the coming together of the mothers to put on carnivalesque events for their kids, enhanced by the suggestion that all Catholic fathers have the same job. Similar events are recalled by young Protestants, however it is clear that in both cases the affirmation of the collective identity comes through adult intensions. Events of purely young people’s conception are more interesting with regards to genuine youth expression and in many cases more unruly than those organised by their parents, “we’d steal the key off the back of the work van and open up the water gratins so it looked like a big water fountain at the end of the street and everyone would run through it, but everyone’s fucking water would be off, you couldn’t even make a cup of tea.” In most cases, the street is recalled as a place of particular significance from interviewee’s earlier teenage years, when freedom of access to the wider city was more constrained, “there was nothing to do so we just made up stuff, street play, things that you do when you are young, it was really brilliant” (group consultation 2/3/16). This comment is emphasised by Leonard who states, ‘given their exclusion from the labour market and economic dependency on parents whose material resources are scarce, local streets function as the primary site for leisure activities’ (Leonard, 2008). The street as a result gained significant meaning as the structure supporting young people’s everyday lives.

In many of the interviews the street or part of the street is discussed with a sense of ownership

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Figure 43: The Belfast Telegraph fron page 4/5/16 ‘Driven out’.

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All images received from interviewee post interview. Figure 44: Street party in the New Lodge Estate in 1999.

Figure 45: Street party in the New Lodge Estate in 1999.

Figure 46: The Electric Box in the New Lodge Estate.

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even within the wider street collective, portraying the need for young people to define their belonging to smaller groups through spatial demarcations. One Catholic girl comments, “we had this electric box, right outside my aunties house which we used to hang out at, it was our area”.

The electric box as a less common street feature and structure with which to interact is clearly an attractive territory and as such supports a wide range of social activities, “we used to play tip the can, the electric box would always be the safe zone, or just sit around”. Throughout interviews with young Catholics and Protestants, belonging on the street seems to relate to groups and their connection with certain spatial structures, such as “the electric box”, “the steps” or the “the grotto” (group consultation 17/2/16). With all examples emphasising the notion that group identity is given meaning by permanent features in the landscape. As Sennett comments, ‘the concept of belonging as a product of performativity enables us to go beyond the limitations of simple narrative. It privileges the idea not of reading the environment, as though it’s meaning were simply there and waiting to be deciphered, but rather of giving meaning to the environment by collective or individual behaviour’ (Sennett, 1999). For those in divided areas of Belfast, the environment’s meaning has been significantly influenced by the notion of safety, exemplified by the electric boxes proximity to the auntie’s house or by the comment of another young person, “I lived down near the interface, but we would go up to the electric box because it was in the centre of the community” (group consultation 17/2/16). This notion of safety extends to that of protection, particularly for young males and as such groups often define themselves with regards to defending the community, a position that reflects their heritage and traditional value system.

The alleviation of threat in recent years has however undermined the legitimacy of this objective and similar to the wider collective, groups have often reimagined their purpose or created situations with which to justify themselves. The ‘IBA’ an abbreviation of ‘I’d buck anything’, ‘buck’ referring to sexual intercourse, define themselves through voyeurism and operate spatially within the St. James’s estate locality. One young catholic comments, “it sort of started off as a joke, but then caught on”, “they have two hang out places, one would be the nature reserve along the side of the M1 and the other would be at the top of the Donegal Road at a chippy called Aldos” (Catholic female (17), Catholic male (17), 5/4/16). Both locations depict the need for groups to perform, spatially Aldos is beside a cross road with the three lane Falls Road and offers a raised platform with wide steps and a large expanse of footpath on which to stand or sit while “smoking and drinking”.

At the edge of their estate, Aldo’s enables interaction with neighbouring groups and a good vantage point to observe or seek out voyeuristic pursuits (Catholic male (18), 10/02/16). Other groups

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Figure 47: Aldos sketched analysis.

Figure 48: DHLA member ‘tagging’.

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represent more traditional pursuits, such as the “Divis Hoods Liberation Army (DHLA)” who claim to desire the liberation of the Divis flats estate from “British occupation”. With unrealistic ambitions this and many other groups seem to use their heritage as a means to justify themselves among poor educational attainment and a low employment rate. Representative of the traditional notion of territorialisation, group control and subsequently the self-esteem of its members is boosted through ‘tagging’, which is the act of spraying ones initials in public spaces, a process which was coincidentally observed on February 26th, on King Street Mews, between the Divis Flats estate and the city centre, as shown. Interestingly, part of the former DHLA have demonstrated the positive potential of collectivism, with a recent change of purpose. One young Catholic comments, “he was one of the leaders of the DHLA in the past, but he got really into boxing and wanted to change his image, so some of the group started doing things around the community, helping old people and just generally making the place somewhere to be proud of” (Catholic male (18), 11/02/16). It is evident that groups are formed under traditional structures and discourses, using acronyms which refer to territory and collective ideologies, in response to upbringing and environment. However, with the transformation of motive and intent, the sense of collection seems unaltered and the group energy simply finds a new direction and focal point. As such, the name and aims of the group are almost irrelevant, a structure created to provide purpose and meaning, what remains constant is the group itself. As a wider reflection on ‘The Troubles’, community, shared identity and shared space are all things society regards as positive, however in response to political objectives, the collective was directed negatively and these became the characteristics over which the conflict grew. The notion of redirection, exhibits the potential for young people to define themselves by ethno-nationality in a manner that does not rely on contestation and integrates harmoniously with other elements of youth identity performance.

In all interviews, young people’s biggest criticism of their communities was the lack of places to go.

‘We have nowhere to go’, ‘There is nothing to do’. With the generalised perspective of the youth informed by groups such as the ‘IBA’, access to public space is limited, as exemplified by the locking of Falls and Alexandra Park in the evening. Furthermore, with paramilitaries attempting to control young people ‘moving them from one street corner to another despite their protests that they have nowhere else to go’ (Leonard, 2012), the youth often end up occupying secluded, under populated or less controlled spaces. In many interviews waste ground or graveyards are discussed as a popular destination, particularly in the summer months, offering a range of spatial attributes suitable for behaviour that might otherwise not be possible, specifically alcohol and drug consumption. One

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young person comments, “it started off because I wasn’t old enough, but I’m old enough now to go to bars, but I still choose to come here, I grew up here like”, another adds, “they’re all on the sniff, coke and glue” (Youtube video). Spatially these locations offer large expanses of open space with no internal road access and as such enable quick escape in the event of the police arriving, “we would be able to see them coming and could all run off”. Similar to the street, they also offer structures with which to interact and claim ownership over, “there’s a bench down near the underpass that we hang out at, no one really goes down there and if the police came we could jump over the gate” (group consultation 2/3/16). Reminiscent of the wider collectives’ need to territorialise space, groups of young people appear to concretise their identity through claiming these spaces which are less constrained by the power structures they experience in other parts of life. While drinking in Belfast City Cemetery one young person states, “we rule the graveyard” (Youtube video). In the absence of the audiences associated with the home or the street who typically govern conflict legacy factors, clearly young people gain greater freedom over self-expression. However, with other young people as audience, more conventional youth identity factors, such as gender, maturity, social status and sexuality have heightened significance. One catholic girl speaks about her brother, “this other group of friends he knows from school and with them ones he has to get drunk and all, it’s just like he would do anything to fit in, […] oh look at me I’m this big hard man and all” (Catholic female (17), Catholic male (17), 5/4/16). These explorations, while unhealthy, are more normal with regards to self-realisation and as such, spaces that facilitate them are important to youth identity formation, furthermore, as these locations aren’t contested, it is evident that while everyone is of one ethno-nationality, the conflict is less relevant.

Figure 49: Young Protestants drinking in the graveyard.

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Part 3 The Riot

Territory is intrinsically connected to ethno-national identity in Belfast’s divided communities. As both are defined only within the rules of their own construction they rely on regular reaffirmation for continuity. Leach comments, ‘just as communities are imagined communities, so the spaces of communities – the territories that they have claimed as their own – are also imagined’ (Leach). The parade has become one of the main methods, particularly for the Unionist community of reinforcing both territory and identity as Bell adds, ‘sometimes ritualistic repetition, of these normalized codes makes material the belongings they purport to simply describe’ (Viki Bell, 1999: 3). These parades which feature incredibly similar structures for both communities, the banging of drums, playing of flutes, wearing of uniforms and carrying of banners and flags, commemorate significant events and often march undisturbed through areas which are predominantly their own religious majority.

However, issues arise when parades which are commonly seen as actively discriminatory, pass through contested spaces, one young person comments, “see marching, it’s like a pissing contest, it’s like a dog pissing and saying this is my territory and then another dog coming and saying, fuck off its mine.” As such, rioting has become synonymous with these events and the locations they contend, referred to as flashpoints. With the marching season running from May-September, rioting is most common in the summer months and as such, the dominance of ethno-nationalism on identity exhibits substantial seasonal variation. One young Catholic comments, “see when it gets to the summer, the place just feels different” and another, “on every other day of the year they are friends with ones and then on the marching days, they’re at each other’s throats” (group

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consultation 2/3/16).

For the youth, the riot fulfils a range of purposes, most notably, validating the ethno-national collective and the individual’s social role within that, as one youth worker describes, “he lifted one [petrol bomb] and threw it at the police, then turned round and lifted his arms in the air and the whole crowd erupted, […] these are people that don’t have anything, he has ADHD […] and his friends call him dumb, but when he’s doing that he gets this mad rush and has the whole support of everyone and his social standing with his friends goes way up” Youth Worker, 18/2/16). Within a wider society that undervalues and often oppresses young people from divided communities, it is unsurprising that upending the structures of power can appear the only route to respect and selfassurance. Comparing the riot to Bakhtin’s theory of ‘Carnivalesque’ or Lefebvre’s ‘festival or play’, Leonard comments, these concepts refer to the ‘sudden, temporary collective overturning of power which enables creative human action and resistance against systems of power by momentarily disabling them’ (Leonard, 2008). It is clear that the riot enables young people to take momentary control from those who normally restrict them, most significantly the police, however, whilst the notion of the ‘Carnivalesque’ or ‘Play’ suggest an element of spontaneity, uncertainty and liberation, by contrast, most Belfast riots better resemble a scripted and well-rehearsed theatrical performance, in which roles are predetermined and behaviours repeated, again demonstrating the stagnant ideologies that prevent true experimentation with identity.

Fundamental to any theatrical performance is its stage and set and as such, flash points often develop due to spatial conditions, which facilitate rioting. Primarily, it must be possible to interact with the other, a factor commonly feasible where a physical interface ends, breaks, or is low enough to transcend. One Catholic girl comments, “we used to go up the top of the Springhill and jump over the wall into Ballygomartin and start murder, [start fighting]. I’d have been about 12, it was girls and boys” (group consultation, 2/3/16). A Protestant boy adds, “the way it worked in my community was, we would just go out and throw a few stones or bricks over the wall into the Short Strand there and then they’d come out” (group consultation 16/2/16). In both cases it is the spatial understanding of the area, and the ability to predict precisely the results of interaction that enables the riot, which further emphasises the notion of ‘play-acting’, which in its very definition implies a sense of security and stability that undermines the essential purpose of a riot. In other examples, conflict does not require physical provocation arising purely out of boredom or inactivity: “they would come down and hang about around here, because it’s close to a Protestant area over there and just wait for some trouble.” Reminiscent of two armies selecting a battlefield, it is also

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suggested that on occasion young people might pre-arrange a riot time and location, “we had the numbers of some of the Protestant lads and we used to text them to arrange riots up at Maccies field” (group consultation 16/2/16). Often the location chosen to meet, wait, throw stones, or jump over relates not only to the likelihood of encountering the other, but the spatial attributes it can offer. Selected spaces are commonly contained to prevent sprawl and control the movements of the police when they arrive, one youth worker comments, “it cut off four roads and they knew that the police would come up there” Youth Worker, 18/2/16). Similar to the rest of the performance the police have a fixed role with predefined stage directions, both of which they rarely disobey, therefore, contributing further to the cycle of repetition and repression.

Given the riots performative nature, the ability to host an audience is a key factor, as such selected locations often consider the potential for easy spectatorship. Referring to the Clockferne riots a youth worker comments, “everyone was up on the banks around looking down, some wanting to get involved and some just watching” (Youth Worker, 18/2/16) another adds, “many come from well outside the interface areas to spectate. I saw one family in a car, this was at midnight and the car had toddlers in it and it was parked where they could all have a good look” (Chris O’Halloran, 1998). With many young people off on summer holidays and the ability to rapidly mobilise large groups through phone connections or social media, crowds can assemble in a matter of minutes

Figure 50: Setting the Riot scene.

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and play an essential part in the success of the performance, encouraging the rioters to emphasise their roles and helping to validate collective emotion. A local priest comments, “I saw young people last night ringing each other on mobile phones saying come on up, it’s mighty, it’s the place to be.

They were getting very excited. You would think they were at Euro Disney rather than a riot” (Fr Gary Donegan, 2009). With the audience assembled on both sides it appears that the next step is one of setting the scene, “there’s a nurse who works on my ward and […] they stopped her in her car and told her to get out because they were going to burn it” (Local Nurse, 04/02/2016). A common feature on the riot set, the burning of cars appears to create an atmosphere through the senses, which evokes powerful collective memories of the beginning of the Troubles. Whilst the ability to take cars and burn them, often in front of the police, suggests the successful upending of power structures on the one hand, the predictable nature of the act at once familiarises it and devalues the danger on the other. The riots also display power structures within in themselves; often the event is officially started by the youngest members under encouragement from the more experienced, “the older ones tell them to do it, it’s easier to make them do things and because they’ll not get in as much trouble”. This shows the power of peer influence that can force an individual to distort and betray their own identity in favour of the more dominant collective. As such, people are lost in the momentum and emotion of the crowd as the riot grows: “the odd stone would be thrown, then bricks and bottles”. The severity of the behaviour increases and the older primary actors step in, in a manner that resembles the progressing bouts in a boxing tournament, “you’d have walked away from it and let the big ones go on with it, grown men like in their 20’s or 30’s” (group consultation 2/3/16). .The riot reaches its intended climax with the arrival of the police, “more people would join and the adults and all would be out watching until the police arrive then everyone would be against the police” (group consultation 2/3/16). In their famous armoured land rovers with full beam stage lights and riot gear costumes, the police enter the scene at the centre of the action and form a barrier between groups as expected. Reminiscent of the first days of the Troubles they push the sides apart under a constant barrage of assault, “they had these milk trays with petrol bombs and in front of that all the police with their riot shields” (Youth Worker, 18/2/16). A common feature in severe cases is the use of water cannons or rubber bullets which often signifies the final act, leaving wet or bruised legged martyrs boasting of their heroism. One Protestant boy comments, “the first night the Police arrived around ten o’clock with water cannons and started firing rubber bullets and that shut it down” (group consultation 16/2/16), as described, this part of the recital normally

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Set

Props

Audience

Actors 49

Figure 51: The Riot Performance.

acts to disperse the more liberal members of the audience and without observers the performance becomes purposeless. As such, it is clear that the police often serve an intended purpose, bringing a series of well understood props with which to interact. Through shouting and signalling, exposing private parts, throwing objects, jumping in front of the water canon or climbing on top of the land rovers, the performance becomes a competition as to who can most blatantly undermine the structures of power that the police represent, resembling an animalistic challenge for head of the pack. The event normally ends with several arrests, minor injuries and the wide spread perception of self-assurance within the collective. As Buckley comments, ‘only seldom is there a serious attempt by the rioters to win a battle or to defeat an enemy. Rarely is territory gained or authority defeated. Instead through dramatic means, the riot makes a statement about the identities of the participants’ (Anthony D. Buckley, 1995: 153). The predictable nature of the procedure raises the query as to whether the outcome would be the same if any of the elements were changed, particularly the role of the police who regularly facilitate and emphasise the intended machismo.

Figure 52: Stage direction.

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While riot participation is clearly a reaction to the power structures under which young people are confined, paradoxically participation is often the product of pressures imposed by other members of the community. One youth worker comments, “a lot of the young people that come in here now have criminal records, do you remember the time with the flag protests? Well a lot of them were forced to get out on the Street, the paramilitaries told them to get out there and riot” (Youth Workers 10/02/16). A young Protestant adds, “I was at one and I remember seeing a UVF guy that I know and he had a wheelie bin load of bricks and he brought it down to the young ones and was like there you go” (group consultation 16/2/16). In some cases participation is enforced through threats, “the UVF commander would have been sitting at home watching the coverage on his flat screen and calling the young guys in the community saying, why aren’t you out there? Some of these young guys would owe them money for drugs and things so they’d say, you owe us one” (Youth Worker, 18/2/16). Since 1998 many of the self-professed protectors of the community have exploited the disorderly nature of their neighbourhoods through various form of crime. The riot can therefore be a useful tool if a distraction or retaliation against the police is desired, with this example typifying the notion that collective behaviour is directed. A youth worker comments, “they were doing police investigations into old UDA, UVF guys and they turned up at houses to do raids and found loads of drugs so then were doing all these guys for the drugs so they really wanted to get back at the police” (Youth Worker, 18/2/16). The riot’s appeal to divisive notions of ethno-national identity is evidently subject to the control and objectives of established paramilitary groups into which young people are co-opted. This level of jurisdiction is exemplified further by the challenge or contestation of riots started outside of their remit, “they’d be bringing them into the youth club saying what are you doing?” (Youth Worker, 18/2/16). It is clear that the riot as a concentrated example of the wider collective is increasingly void of genuine purpose and meaning, while actors may believe they are enacting an impassioned contest of collective reification, their actions instead often resemble that of a puppet show. It is interesting to consider that this notion may have been true throughout ‘The Troubles’ and that those who claim to represent the people have always been intent on using them as a controllable mechanism to achieve personal gain. While this may be true, the impressive collective power of people is still demonstrated throughout, which if positively redirected and removed from the control of those who wish to use it, could greatly impact the city.

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Figure 51: ‘The Troubles’, a directed conflict.

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Part 4 Neutral Space

Since the beginning of the peace process Belfast’s city centre has undergone a substantial transformation, with neo-liberal globalisation rebranding it a commercial tourist destination. While this has attracted substantial investment, regeneration strategies have received significant criticism for failing ‘to address underlying divisions’ (Conflict in Cities paper 6, 2012). Through the filter of a branded localism, the city centre has been ‘quarterized’ to create connected, while often unauthentic zones of easily navigated space (Philip Boland, 2007). Within each, iconic physical projects have been favoured, with the Titanic visitors centre and Mac art gallery emphasising the official aura of their immediate environment and consuming a significant portion of the public purse. These strategies have largely avoided the surrounding divided neighbourhoods and created what Murtagh has termed ‘a twin speed city’, in which the city centre and the area to the south are becoming increasingly economically isolated from the North, East and West, a factor emphasised by the cities infrastructural layout (Murtagh, 8/3/16). One young person comments, “they can’t build, there’s no money to build anything, because they spent about 5 million on that ball” (group consultation 17/2/16). The ball known in West Belfast as “the balls of the falls” is a piece of public art on the edge of the Falls district and emphasises the notion that regeneration has focussed on creating an image of a peaceful successful society, rather than actually addressing increasing socio-economic deprivation. While development represents growing disconnection from the surrounding divided communities, it has also generated a range of spaces which evidentially support ‘the expression of teen rather than ethnic identities’ (Milena Komarova, 2012). These spaces are successfully shared

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Figure 54: The Ring of Steel.

Figure 55: Donegall Place today.

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for a variety of reasons and as such have varying repercussions, three examples of which will now be discussed: the shopping centre and the neutrality of consumption, the City Hall as the expression of ethno-national rejection and the youth club as the space of controlled self-exploration.

Global trends made increasingly accessible by societies internet and media reliance, coupled with the transformation of the high street and the continued development of shopping centres, has introduced a platform for neutrality through consumption that is particularly significant in Belfast.

Global chains offer the opportunity to purchase an off the shelf identity, defining clothing, musical and film preferences, hobbies, home ware and electrical products, with the shopping experience designed in a manner that emphasises exclusivity, establishing perceived similarities between consumers. Indeed many other successful retailers, restaurants and coffee houses depict a similar strategy emphasising the notion that what we consume represents who we are. Within this context othering is focussed on those not partaking and as such religious differences are diminished, as Martina McKnight and Lisa Smyth comment, ‘encounters with non-familiar others in the City Centre context are both minimal and refracted through commercial norms which allow ethno nationality to be treated as insignificant while at the same time drawing on other social divisions and identities as primary marketing strategies’ (Martina McKnight & Lisa Smyth, 2010). The positive influence of this is clearly apparent in other divided cities, as a Greek Cypriot from Nicosia comments, “Turkish Cypriots come to Debenhams and Starbucks on Ledra Street because they aren’t allowed chains in the North, there’s a McDonalds too, as a result many shops on that street have tri-lingual signposting and employee Turkish Cypriots” (Greek Cypriot, 24/05/16). ‘Similarly Palestinians come to the Manilla shopping mall for global brands’ and signage in English (CinC Briefing Paper 4, 2012).

In Belfast both Catholics and Protestants have an equal need to shop and as such the shopping centre represents a space where ethno-national differences are overlooked.

On the western edge of Belfast city centre the convergence of territory and neutrality is distinctly defined by the meeting of chain stores and smaller independents. Castle Street, which connects the Falls road to Royal Avenue, hosts Innisfree Newsagents advertising Anderstown and the Irish News, two traditionally nationalist papers and the Hercules bar with a sign above the door reading ‘failte’, meaning welcome in the Irish Gaelic language. On its Eastern edge lies Primark, the global retail giant which supplies budget clothing to the masses. A similar situation is observed on the North West side of the city, where North Street connects the Shankill Road to the city centre, here twilight zone amusements, tattoo central and the bargain store meet café Nero. Between Castle Street and North Street lies Castle Court shopping centre, a concentrated example of the

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effects of global consumption on ethno-national identification. With one entrance on the south side near the start of the Falls road and one on the North near the start of the Shankill, religion is clearly denoted based on one’s direction of access, as one young Catholic comments, “it would all be Catholics at that entrance, sure they have the Falls taxi rank right outside” (Catholic male (18) 10/02/16). However, once inside ethno-national identity becomes undefined, or if delineated by dress, overlooked, “it doesn’t matter who you are, everyone goes to Castle Court.” The shopping centre in this sense resembles what Sennett calls ‘Civility’ facilitated by the wearing of ‘social masks’ which protect people from each other and yet allow them to enjoy each other’s company (Sennett, 1977:264). The food court on the first floor is of particular significance, providing a large communal seating area, surrounded by numerous global food chains in a manner resembling stage and set.

Here, the well understood customs of ordering, collecting and eating provide the framework for a performance abstracted from ethno-nationality and one which exhibits commonality through shared preferences.

It is certain that globalisation plays a primary role in the notion that Belfast city centre can be successfully shared. However as a wider reflection of western society’s preference for the familiar, it is sad that neutrality also represents the diminishing opportunity for the unique. Both Castle Street and North Street depict the growing challenge for independent businesses in competition

Figure 56: Castle Street analysis.

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Catholic

Protestant

Protestant

Catholic Figure 57: Castle Court analysis.

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with global chains, hosting numerous boarded up shop fronts, a factor greatly amplified by limited footfall through territorial association. With changing attitudes towards consumption, the previously dependable customer base is in constant decline as increasing numbers choose big brands or online shopping. The result is one of increasing homogeneity, as Sennett comments, ‘the essential emphasis of modern life is obscured behind an elaborate and spectacular array of commodities and our immersion in this world of rampant consumerism leaves us disconnected from the history and community that might give our lives meaning’ (Sennett, 1977). This notion exemplifies the fundamental flaw in utilising globalised consumerism for reconciliation and reflects a wider global issue. In its encouragement, we risk not only normalising cultural identities, but eradicating them all together. Furthermore, civility within the shopping centre has little lasting effect once the social masks are removed and one is back in territorialised or contested space, clearly a context for more meaningful and honest interaction is required.

The City Hall as the recognised centre of Belfast, long represented the Unionist Hegemony of the city’s past. However on 3rd December 2012, Belfast city council voted to limit the flying of the Union Jack over the front pediment to 18 days a year, in line with British Government guidelines on Government buildings (BBC News, 28/11/14). The decision, which was viewed by many Unionists as part of a wider cultural war against Britishness in Northern Ireland, lead to significant unrest.

‘The fleg protests’ as they became known raged throughout 2013, with many young Protestants willingly and unwillingly involved, as aforementioned. With minor protest still persisting three years on in the form of weekly demonstrations, the apparent attitude among many young people is one of disinterest. “it’s only a bit of fucking material” (Protestant girl) “why would you really care, it’s a flag, it’s not what you’re thinking about when you’re in the city centre, looking for flags” (Catholic boy) (group consultation 2/3/16). The City Hall is instead known by many as representative of the wider needs and opinions of society, a factor emphasised through the recent installation of coloured lighting. One young catholic comments, “the City Hall is lit up different colours for different things, gay pride, suicide awareness, red on Sunday for valentine’s day, if there’s a specific day they light it up for that, its class.” It has also long been the home to smaller identity groups, such as “the skaters, goths and millys” (group consultation 2/3/16) who occupy the public benches along the North Side performing an overt rejection of ethno-national constraints. A catholic girl describes:

Girl: I would have been a city haller Author: How did it come about that you became a city haller?

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Girl: I don’t know we just used to meet up on Saturdays Author: Was it specific groups of people that met up?

Girl: Like millys, I was always a milly.

Author: What’s a milly?

Girl: A milly, like a big chav.

Author: Did the goths and millys hang out together there?

Girl: Well yea my friends were goths. Not necessarily everyone there would have been like a goth or skater though.

Author: How come you as a milly became friends with goths?

Girl: Cos I had friends from West Belfast who weren’t allowed to the new lodge and I wasn’t allowed up to Moy Yard so we met in town.

Author: do you think people that were goths were more comfortable at the City Hall than they would have been in their community?

Girl: Yes, yes.

(Group consultation 2/3/16). The notion of solidifying ones identity through the association with a physical piece of the landscape, like the electric box or graveyard, is clearly represented by ones identification as a city haller. The City Hall as a stage supports several fixed performances, each existing in their own right, with delineated areas and defined contrasting costumes, yet interacting over the shared occupation of the wider space. It is interesting to observe how each performance exists to reify ones position within the group, both to other members, but also very much to the rest of the city, with benches along the front boundary a particularly relevant piece of set on which the rest of the performance relies. On several occasions the stage entrance and positioning of a group of actors is observed, two or three will arrive and claim an empty bench by sitting on its back with their feet on the seat, this appears to be a territorial claim to the object, informing others not to sit there, but also a direct reflection of the wider city haller performance which has become intrinsically connected to the areas spatial characteristics. The performance does not often start with one person, rather a group is required in order to enhance self-assurance. Once the formation

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Figure 58: Skaters outside The City Hall.

Figure 59: City Hall analysis.

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is established on the bench, more actors arrive and a circle around the bench begins to form, it is suggested by one young city haller that this is not often prearranged, but grows organically, “I’d go down there at the weekend and any day I’m off, there’d always be people I know, it’s the same at the skatepark” (group consultation 2/3/16).

For many, the City Hall offers an escape from the confines of their community enabling greater freedom of self-expression, as described by one young catholic, “in different places you can reinvent yourself, at the City Hall I was like a different person” (Catholic female (21), 9/3/16). As a result, the City Hall performance has become increasingly exhibitionist, an active and overt rejection of other identity restrictions, with the rest of the city as audience. However, similar to within the divided communities, well understood and unchanging territories and the notion of constant observation seems to have fixed these performances largely to those discussed. Clearly in situations of selfuncertainty this can be a useful structure, however in the long term, perhaps spaces with greater privacy where the notion of self can be explored in a less bounded manner are more productive.

The youth club within which a large portion of this research was conducted represents an example of this. Situated on the western edge of the city centre in close proximity to the Falls, Shankill and Sandy Row, it is attended by a wide range of young people from varying religious, ethnic, national, social, racial and economic backgrounds. Specialising in the arts and training for work, it offers the opportunity to act, dance, play music, create art, learn technical skills, or undertake free courses to improve the potential of future employment. One young catholic who is now working at the youth club comments, “I joined about 7 years ago, see then, I wouldn’t even have been able to look at you, let alone hold a conversation” (Catholic male (18) 10/02/16), this example is similarly repeated by many others, “I never left my bedroom and would have been looking at the floor” (Protestant male (19) 04/03/16). Clearly the youth club significantly helps develop self-confidence, a factor which appears to grow from acquiring new interests and talents and the nature of participation in staged theatrical performances. Perhaps through becoming a neutral actor and adopting a new role one perceives with greater clarity the constructed and unbounded nature of their own performance.

Spatially the youth club has a large atrium reception with glass front alongside a main road, here young people gather every afternoon and evening often hours before the class they are to due attend begins, “I come in when I get out of school and just hang around” (Catholic female (17), 5/4/16). It is clear that many feel a sense of ownership over this space, yet with a constant rotation between classes it does not become territorialised by any one group. Indeed, it is this structure of class membership that perhaps makes the youth club so effective, young people pick

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Figure 60: Bank Square Event - advertising on Royal Avenue.

Figure 61: Bank Square Event - acoustic performers.

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Figure 62: Bank Square Event - band playing in the rain.

Figure 63: Bank Square Event - passer by drawing a horse.

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courses based on their interests, current or potential and are free to join or try out as many as they like. As such, groups form over common interests which with time develop as talents and skills, while collectively everyone remains connected through youth club membership. Perhaps the most significant advantage of this is that beneath new commonalities, especially those rooted in creativity, difference and in particular religion is not avoided but rather celebrated. Furthermore, for some young people this process has led to employment, as one Catholic girl comments, “I started going to the youth club when I was 10 and really loved it, so decided to train to be a youth leader and now I run a youth club in North Belfast” (group consultation 2/3/16). Interests, talents and occupation can make up a large and valuable part of identity, offering the potential to explore and develop oneself in a structured yet unique manner, a factor particularly relevant in Belfast given the high unemployment rate. The youth club offers a clear and visible connection between these elements in a manner often more effective than within school. “I wasn’t doing well in school, I really hated it, my mum heard about this place and got me to come and I started the techie school, now I am working as a lighting designer at the Waterfront [theatre]” (Protestant male (19) 04/03/16). These new attitudes and abilities are especially significant when projected back into one’s community and the wider City. A showcase event I organised in Belfast invited young artists from within the youth club and wider city to perform or attend and take over Bank Square public space for the day. With eight musical acts across numerous genres, a range of artists and many audience members of varying backgrounds and ages, the event accomplished its goal of depicting the depth of youth talent to the wider public, as portrayed by one Elderly Lady, “isn’t it great to see young people out on the street being creative and having fun” (Elderly Lady, 2/4/16). Furthermore, the freedom of self-expression exhibited within the youth club had significant influence on passersby who stopped to dance, sing or draw chalk sketches on the ground. It was evident that through the outlet of art the public could come together in a manner that acknowledged difference with appreciation and respect. Mouffe comments, ‘as part of its task of dealing with difference, the public sphere should be linked to the construction of some kind of collective identity of citizenship.

E.g. to the political interdependence between different collective identities’ (Mouffe, 1996). While many might discount art as a structure for the formation of a collective identity of citizenship, it is evident that the freedom and desire to create, as typified by the riot performance, has the ability to give meaning to identity. As exemplified by the transformation of the DHLA, the collective power of people exists, all that is required, is the opportunity to redirect.

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Conclusion

This thesis set out to explore the prominent components of identity performance for young people within Belfast’s divided communities. Considering to what extent the narrative, physical and performative legacies of the conflict combine with the pressures of global youth culture to inform their relationship to the spaces and audiences surrounding them. In an attempt to understand whether architecture can contribute to the facilitation of a positive youth identity, which celebrates culture whilst enabling exploration, fluidity and individuality.

As a result of stagnant physical and mental structures, performances of identity for many young people from Belfast’s divided communities are increasingly fixed to defined spatial localities and their associated audiences. Since the beginning of the peace process, physical divisions in the environment have increased in number despite repeated political agendas that stipulate their deconstruction.

Furthermore, no attempts have been made to rethink military planned infrastructure that intended to isolate communities and as such spatial mobility is significantly limited. These factors combined with substantial city centre regeneration have created a situation of disconnection and perceived abandonment, as those within key growth sectors flourish, while others are subject to diminishing opportunities, isolated within areas of growing socio-economic deprivation. It is not surprising, that many have clung to ethno-national contestation as a means of self-expression. As enacted through performances such as the parade and the riot, territorial contestations, including flags, murals and painted kerbstones and stereotypes relating to appearance and dress. Fundamental to the preservation of this and subsequently the valuation of self, is its inheritance by the youth. As a

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result, youth identity has become synonymous with varying strategies of control, imposed within specified spatial zones by associated inhabitants.

It is evident that in the pre and early teen period, young people adopt ethno-national ideologies without question, however through adolescence the desire for individual expression, combined with accessibility to global youth culture, can introduce contention. As such, many young people develop an identity that lies between the values under which they have been brought up, and contradictory influences to which they are later exposed. For some, a grounded balance within this composition can be found, as demonstrated by the DHLA redirection, or the bedroom wall which depicted Jesus on a back drop of music magazine clippings. However for others, the contrasting behaviours expected by parents, neighbours, paramilitaries or friends, can introduce instability, as demonstrated by the Catholic girl referring to her brother who in some situations expresses hatred for Protestants and in others, socialises with them. While some overcome this through separate performances of identity, to the extent of wearing different costumes, others find their sense of self less flexible and therefore conflicted. These notions are emphasised in the summer months when ethno-national differences rise to prominence and the riot performance takes place. As explained by many young people, in this period behaviours of reconciliation exhibited throughout the rest of the year are undone, or temporarily suspended as many allow archaic ideologies to reclaim prominence.

While these performances find their justification in the preservation of ethno-nationality, it is clear that for many young people participation represents a more general need of expression and one that is otherwise unfulfilled as a result of social and economic restrictions. Through this predefined and understood performance, young people are offered the opportunity to upend the structures of power which symbolically confine them, and gain prominence within a value system with few other indicators. There are signs that the city centre offers an alternative route to fulfilling this need, both as a place of unrestricted expression, but also one where value within more conventional structures can be attained. Through occupying these spaces abstracted from divided communities, young people are afforded the opportunity for self-expression and interaction that might otherwise be restricted and subsequently the development of a more balanced and grounded identity. In doing so they can better negotiate the range of pressures by which they are influenced.

The city centre exhibits a range of spaces within which varying extents or interpretations of this can be achieved. Despite significant criticism of neo-liberal globalisation for rebranding the city as a tourist destination and exaggerating economic divisions, shopping centres with universal chain

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stores and other quality facilities clearly provide spaces within which religious identities are less relevant and commonality can be enjoyed. This has been assisted by the development of the internet and subsequent accessibility to the media and global youth culture. As such, young people are free to observe, explore and discuss a wide range of influences removed from their direct environment.

There are signs, however, that the dominant impression of these trends might be over-shadowing unique and valuable aspects of identity and that the temporal nature of fashions, as opposed to the stability offered by culture, heritage and tradition may actually contribute to anxieties relating to the certainty of self. Furthermore, the sanitized nature of consumerist facilities offering instant ‘civility’ queries whether meaningful transformation can occur. The City Hall similarly demonstrates a space where alternative identities can be explored, however the performance here appears to be less about self-discovery and more about the overt and public rejection of other constraints through the adoption of a distinct and predefined role. While this is evidently a valuable support for some, leading on to a more balanced self-defined notion of self, it is likely that for others the complete rejection of the structure offered by culture and the notion of immediate transformation may lead to greater issues. The youth club as a sanctuary for positive self-discovery is the most successful model of those investigated and typifies how with sufficient means and support young people can effectively redirect energies into sustainable, long term pursuits in a manner that both compliments ethno-nationality and enables its preservation in a less contested manner. The specific youth club investigated is particularly effective as it is not within a predefined territory and so offers unbiased access to both Catholics and Protestants. It is well designed with a large public atrium open to the street and with increasingly private spaces leading off which young people can temporarily claim ownership over. Finally, with facilities supporting a range of art and employment related endeavours, it is themed to offer a basic structure to the activities taking place.

Drawing on the spatial attributes discussed above, future proposals for youth space in Belfast should seek to influence the positive development of character in which predefined constructs of identity are questioned. Architecturally these must consider several key characteristics. Firstly, the relationship between ‘back-stage’ and ‘front-stage’ as demonstrated in the opposition between the bedroom, within which identity could be rehearsed, and the City Hall as the pre-eminent public stage in Belfast. All examples within this range are important, and equally so the associated audiences, as such, careful consideration must be given to how spaces are arranged to allow both exposure and refuge. Secondly, designers must acknowledge that identity is inscribed around props as disparate as the City Hall benches, Waste Ground and the electric box. These objects must enable temporary

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territorialisation, as an anchor for the wide range of performances through which new collectives are formed. These structures should suggest activity as a starting point and gradually transform through interaction, encouraging continued change. Finally, conscious of the cultivated neutrality of the shopping centre and the mass influence of global youth culture, there is a latent potential for longstanding cultural practices and identities to be not only preserved, but celebrated, it is the architects job to help facilitate their positive expression.

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Figure 64: The collective celebration of culture.

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Figure 5: Grocery shop chosen by Protestants, Boal. F. 1982.

Figure 6: Public Records HA/32/3/2; 3 PRONI Figure 12: http://www.artilleryyouthcentre.org/ Figure 8: Demange, Yann. 2014. 71’. Film 4.

Figure 13: http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport1/hi/football/your_game/8199363.stm Figure 14: http://www.artilleryyouthcentre.org/ Figure 15: http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport1/hi/football/your_game/8199363.stm Figure 16: http://www.artilleryyouthcentre.org/ Figure 17: http://www.belfastlive.co.uk/sport/football/football-news/northern-ireland-v-hungarymichael-10003192 Figure 18: http://www.artilleryyouthcentre.org/.

Figure 19: http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport1/hi/football/your_game/8199363.stm Figure 20: http://www.artilleryyouthcentre.org/ Figure 21: www.methody.org Figure 49: www.youtube.com/watch?v=mrhzsHiJGHE. Figure 50: faithworld/tag/northern-ireland.

Figure 54: news/uk-northern-ireland-28994692.

Figure 55: www.flickr.com/photos/80824546@N00/7366770936

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Appendix

Excerpts from group consultation Catholic and Protestants, 7 males and 12 females (16-24) & 2 youth workers – Community centre. 16/02/16 15.30 Girl: Take a pill and do a 50 mile run, very few takes e’s they’re all on the sniff, coke and glue.

Author: What do you get out of sniffing glue?

Boy: You don’t remember anything, your first sniff will be your last. It’s rotten.

Author: Would the police come and move them on?

Boy: They lock the gates, they locked them the other day, but you can climb over.

Author: and if they build something in there?

Boy: They can’t build, there’s no money to build anything. They spent about a million on that there ball.

Boy: I work for an organisation that goes round doors asking for money all round Belfast so I’m in different areas all the time. You go into some areas where it’s really bad like with flags and stuff and you feel kind of intimidated Author: and it’s the flags mostly or would it be the murals too?

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Boy: The flags, the murals aren’t so bad, everywhere has murals, over in the Ardoyne the kerbs and lampposts are painted red, white and blue.

Girl: If green white and gold flags go up in our area the council takes them down.

Author: Are you annoyed that they are taken down?

Girl: No it’s only a bit of fucking material, see that there union flag that was on the City Hall, I couldn’t give a fuck that it was there to be honest, I bet the majority of people didn’t even realise it was there until it was taken off.

Author: Do you think if all the flags were taken down it would be good?

Boy: Why would you really care, it’s a flag, it’s not what you’re thinking about when you’re in the city centre, looking for flags Boy: The City Hall is lit up different colours for different things, gay pride, suicide awareness, red on Sunday for Valentine’s Day, if there’s a specific day they light it up for that day, its class.

Author: Is there ever a time when the city centre doesn’t feel neutral like the 12th or St. Patricks day?

Boy: You’re not allowed the tri colour when it’s St. Patrick’s Day, but they are allowed the union jack on the 12th see I don’t think that’s right.

Girl: Whenever there’s a protest you’re told to avoid it.

Girl: It’s just intimidating sometimes when there’s marches, I was in the library and there was marching outside and I didn’t want to go out.

Girl: At the top of Twydell there’s a permanent camp which is just pathetic for its like 10 million or whatever to police it, that could be used so much better, so it’s just pathetic.

Girl: Around upper class areas people just don’t have any of that there, its more like lower class areas, upper class people have better things to do with their time, like work and all.

Girl: We were doing a mural thing with people from both sides of the community and we were in the Shankill and a wee guy, he must have only been 5 or 6 and he turned to my mates and says, ‘where are you from’ and she says, ‘over in the falls’, he says, ‘what are you doing in our area, get out’, I was like ‘omg someone so young knowing whose from where.’

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Boy: We were on cross community go karting one time and they attached us about Bobby Sands and we said we don’t care.

Author: the people that are more hard core do you think they go into the city centre and forget about whos who?

Girl: They’re probably looking to see whose prod and whose catholic, looking to see whose eyes are closer together.

Girl: Looking to see whose hair is gelled down.

Author: what do you mean?

Girl: That the catholic flick, the straight down Catholic flick.

Boy: Every single one had the same hair cut short back and sides with a fringe straight down, you just got a whack of gel in your hand and gelled it straight down, then you spiked it up at the back.

Boy: Some people say that I look like a protestant, I don’t know why.

Boy: It’s that perm.

Girl: Haha, yea it’s the perm.

Girl: Blond tints are protestant.

Girl: and aich and haich.

Girl: I’m the only catholic in my work Boy: ‘Aye you look like one’ Girl: One day the bands were walking past and the whole shop were outside and I was the only one inside, I went out for a nosy in the end, I wasn’t gonna stand on my own, I’d have just let on I was one of them, but they were like slagging me, ‘aw you’re not used to this and all’.

Boy: See in boxing you respect each other for what you’s are doing.

Boy: Everyone supports Carl Frampton, it’s the same with Conor McGregor, like I adore the guy, he’s an absolute hero.

Boy: Bobby Sands used to play on a football team with Protestants and that was during the troubles.

Girl: They take about taking it down, I don’t think it’ll ever come down, I don’t think it would make

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a difference if it were there or no.

Boy: See no matter what, see the wall, it’s been there that long that you know mentally that it’s there, if that wall was taken it down it would still be there mentally.

Author: if the wall came down would you be more inclined to go over into the other side.

Boy: You would know the walls there. It’s always going to be there.

Boy: Going in to town I usually just dander down and dander up.

Boy: Coming back from school on the bus the Protestants would be waiting at the top of the road to throw bricks.

Girl: Protestants don’t get buses.

Boy: No we get taxis everywhere.

Boy: You’s get aeroplanes.

Girl: There’s different black taxis for Protestants and Catholics you have to walk round the side of City Hall to get a black taxi home.

Boy: You know the way we get out of the taxi and rap the window and pay through the window, they pay through the back window before they get out.

Boy: There was a case during the troubles where an American tourist got a taxi and he rapped the window in a catholic area so they thought he was a protestant and they killed him.

Author: would you ever go to leisure centres in other communities?

Boy: Ye if it was better, like protestants come over to the falls road leisure centre to play football.

Theres a gym on the Boucher road that’s open 24 hours. Football teams come and train.

Boy: They’ve already made steps in it cos they’ve made a see through gate in it and you can see through it and its just people living their lives, going in and out of their houses like.

Girl: It’s all the biggest pile of shite if you ask me.

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